4
rule-f& play, It would place the supreme pow-& i6 ‘: the hands of the -people’s elected representatives on all l-5’: questions of public policy, and hence represents the clos- ..I est approach yet made. o a tr uly demo cratic solut ion of ., the most pressing problem_before the nation. It falls short of being a completely de mocra tic solution only in its mathematics. Ernst defends them only on grounds of rate@ ‘Hc belie ves that an amendmint embodying , ;,: than would appeal to the American public’s sense of ;.&&* ~&‘&~&‘:qq&& “7.-~,: ih9t:ktPere‘;ki$ %:$$&.+g gL& g&& ‘&&&$ power. They believe the majority should r& g&g &.“fhe breas& of &&..wb fear’ to give the basic eiement of democracv~jorlty if the majority rules as they--and they include d conservatives, plutocrats and intelligent&G They do not want the majority left free to dings-Mc Cormack military-d&&& n bill if ,or to decree, that all professing Corn: he guillotined; ,and quite plainiy they fear unchained, would ’ do just that sort and trust the masses-l& with lim ese limitations differ only in dcgrsc from ed the Founding Pathem. approach thus far m ade to a trul y demo- is a proposal $aat Morris Ernst put for- f Mr. Hague’s meetings. The prin- eaker‘ at the gathering at which John Lewis and Norris also spoke, Ernst prefaced his proposal :.a;b&lliant autopsy of the Cons titution ,and the Su- in the course of which he demonstrated f nearly all proposals save his own. He James Madison and John Marshall for his n. He recalled that Marshall, dickering to from impeachmen& suggested that Congress pe force to any law held unconstitutional by the ‘Court by reenacting it. He ,recalled, too, that in the Constitutional Conyntion of 1787 had th&t Con gress be given power to repass a bill vote over, a judicial veto. -Ernst combined ions into a proposal that Congress be override a Supreme .Court decision on &or&y by repassing the measureby a twothirds the further privilege, if the President then me&hue, of pass ing it over his veto by a g&., ” __ Is., . / gv.” . . -_ 3:. -t - fair play and not be as confusing as others proposed. For his own part, he is quick to confess, he would gladly .’ -c tpit the “two-thirds” and “three-fourths” and take his chance on. the electorate’s knowing what to do with :-TX the power bequeathed it by the Declaration of Inde- -- pendence and -burgled fr om it by the Constitution. ,. Ernst m ade two other suggestions which need circula- .: i tion; for they were- aimed at dramatizing the issue and’ . thus helpi ng the fight. along. One was that the mem bers .Ci of the Supreme Court be summoned, not merely invited, to appear before the Senate and House Judiciary Coti ; m&e s and submit to public cross-examination when :y i hearings are held on any of the proposed amend ments or -. ‘. ‘; other remed ial measures . He bulwa rked that sugge stion -1 i by point ing out that mem bers of the court have made such appearances n the past and, inthe past, have not .i; hesitated’ to take an active .part in the legislative process’ -:-” as obbyist+ His other suggestion was that the impend- . ’ ; ing Supreme Court test of the Wagner Labor Relations :j,; Act be dramatized by having John L. Lewis in &e flesh T 1 inject himself. into the proceedings and join persnnally ’ :, : h-the pleadings with a layman’s statement of the issue. :(’ ,j ‘, . . . n* 7 * Nom-theyreally-start& out to.&ke in -m :. on. December ?OY On the previous Tuesday a union corn:: n$t& h;;;l ‘sub@+l demands ‘and asked f& -a reply by the following Monday. The m,anagement’s answer was to load the ,di;s on the *-car. Aithough strik$:,m ‘:-;.‘, -‘.,- > ,’

December 30, 1936

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rule-f& play, It would place the supreme pow-& i6

the hands of the -people’s elected representatives on all

questions of public policy, and hence represents the clos-

est approach yet made. o a truly democratic solution of

the most pressing problem_before the nation. It falls

short of being a completely democratic solution only in

its mathematics. Ernst defends them only on grounds of

rate@ ‘Hc believes that an amendmint embodying

than would appeal to the American public’s sense of

;.&&*

~&‘&~&‘:qq&&

“7.-~,:

ih9t:ktPere‘;ki$ %:$$&.+g

gL&g&&

‘&&&$

power. They believe the majority should r&

g&g &.“fhe breas& of &&..wb

fear’ to give the basic eiement of democracv~jorlty

if the majority rules as they--and they include

d conservatives, plutocrats and intelligent&G

They do not want the majority left free to

dings-McCormack military-d&&&n bill if

,or to decree, that all professing Corn:

he guillotined; ,and quite plainiy they fear

unchained, would ’ do just that sort

and trust the masses-l& with lim

ese limitations differ only in dcgrsc from

ed the Founding Pathem.

approach thus far made to a truly demo-

is a proposal $aat Morris Ernst put for-

f Mr. Hague’s meetings. The prin-

eaker‘ at the gathering at which John Lewis and

Norris also spoke, Ernst prefaced his proposal

:.a;b&lliant autopsy of the Constitution ,and the Su-

in the course of which he demonstrated

f nearly all proposals save his own. He

James Madison and John Marshall for his

n. He recalled that Marshall, dickering to

from impeachmen& suggested that Congress

pe force to any law held unconstitutional by the

‘Court by reenacting it. He ,recalled, too, that

in the Constitutional Conyntion of 1787 had

th&t Congress be given power to repass a bill

vote

over, a judicial veto. -Ernst combined

ions

into a proposal that Congress be

override a Supreme .Court decision on

&or&y by repassing the measure by a twothirds

the further privilege, if the President then

me&hue, of passing it over his veto by a

g&.,” __

Is., .

/

gv.” . .

-_

3:. -t -

fair play and not be as confusing as others proposed. For

his own part, he is quick to confess, he would gladly

tpit the “two-thirds” and “three-fourths” and take his

chance on. the electorate’s knowing what to do with

the power bequeathed it by the Declaration of Inde-

pendence and -burgled from it by the Constitution.

Ernst made two other suggestions which need circula-

tion; for they were- aimed at dramatizing the issue and’

thus helping the fight. along. One was that the members

of the Supreme Court be summoned, not merely invited,

to appear before the Senate and House Judiciary Coti

m&es and submit to public cross-examination when

hearings are held on any of the proposed amendments or -.

other remedial measures. He bulwarked that suggestion

-

by pointing out that members of the court have made

such appearances n the past and, inthe past, have not

hesitated’ to take an active .part in the legislative process’

as obbyist+ His other suggestion was that the impend- .

ing Supreme Court test of the Wagner Labor Relations

Act be dramatized by having John L. Lewis in &e flesh

inject himself. into the proceedings and join persnnally

h-the pleadings with a layman’s statement of the issue.

. .

n*

7

Nom-theyreally-start& out to.&ke in -m

on. December ?OYOn the previous Tuesday a union corn::

n$t& h;;;l‘sub@+l demands ‘and asked f& -a reply by

the following Monday. The m,anagement’s answer was

to load the ,di;s on the *-car. Aithough strik$:,m

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Bbdy No. .2 at Flint followed No. I: on~str& and walk?

&r ?*4ias come into efidsknce. It -is

outs, sitdowns, or ‘both followed in Norwood (Ohio); + by a: forme

‘. Anderson (Indiana), J

anesville (Wisconsin), Kansas r$ayor of

on.the main Flint tho

.

‘&e union does.not take time to make any theoretical

to combat the Akronmbber strike

. defense of its right to hold the factories. They say they

1935. “It was going to be a new i

, will not surrender to the corporation the dies and sixty-

Demon. “No more inqorted strik

, day supply, of glass now in Fisher Body No. 1 at Flint,

people doing the job.” But the nucleus of the

; and that they will not march out of the plants so that pie,” he added, was to be four or five hundred

professional strike-breaks and thug guards may walk

mercenaries. To meet the threat of the Flint

in. Homer Martin, president of the union, ,declares - several hundred automobile strikers from

.

I the sitdowners have found-a heavy supply of tear gas and camped in Flint; and hundreds more

+. other equipment of war in the plants. Under the circum-

a strict ,rule that no

has-beenallowed

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awner$p--of Gene& Motors

stock

he no longer news. The&troit Free

imminent return to work of

s.:’ The Cleveland P&X head-

er,’ +ce-president of the union

of Cleveland~ for twenty& years, as an

ator.” On the whole, the fault ‘is not with

ndents on, the scene. There are distinctive

an understanding of the

program, which closes with 2olidarity Forever.”

of these, it is pleasant

P. S. I forgot to mention the American Federation of

Another fine piece of

Labor, an easy thing to do these days. It has no members

Flint Fisher Body No. 1

to speak of in the automobile plants, although John P:

Frey undertook to order his followers back to work. The

,

craft unions have no contracts with General Motors. ThGr

leaders’ telegrams supporting the corporation against the

strikers was a piece of work worthy of a feeble-minded

Judas; The move has turned out to be a boomerang. The

ce and, kitchen committees; runners to the strikers are comforted by the fact that the A. F. of L.

uarters, strike and .executive committees, and

is openly against them and not among their supposed

assemblyevery afternoon at four have placed the

friends, where it would be in a position to attempt a rnoe

f’ the strike in the hands of the rank and fiIe.

damaging betrayal, as in 1934.

^

, r

practically, under conditionsall ,too likely to occur again

and aga.in, resolute and- e@ctive opposition to fascism

means war. Is it any;.wonder -t&t in l&is kind of world

consistency among peace lovers. is not a common virtue?.

Among the .enemies of both war and. fascism.are two

sident Roosevelt, fresh from a considerable

-groups which at first sight seem more .consistent. han the

for international good:will on the Western

rest of us. There are on the one hand those pacifists who

caustic in condemning, the sale of

hold ‘that the great commandment csn, be ‘summed up

of ,war to tie recognized Spanish

in this:

“Thou shalt take no. .p+t in any kind of ,wy”,

,-

who defended that sale were for the

On the other. hand there. are, hoseqivocates of, collechve

itter opponents of the naval race and long

security who proclaim a ;holy. crusade of democratic na-.

the international trade in armaments. This is

tions against f?scist aggressors. Roth groups, are mom

fe of. theinconsistencies~ or seeming incon- +ccessful in pt@@g -theits extppe qpowpt~~ ,t@~ kg

world, wely; if eve5 has thestrug-

supporting their own positions. For neither, ‘group have

so compliceted, or have the lovers. of

we invented an. accurate name. To .&e first I shall. apply

arply divided, They are caught -in the

the word +a&st,” pausing only ,to remind .my readers

orld more keenly. aware than ever be-

that there are pacifists and paci&ts,~T+best pa&&~

al costs af,world war, .yet more inclined

are. not -passivtis, individuals- concerned only. with ‘their

own soul’s salvation or believers, in divine intervention

been &lllnemiy c&p1i&edby

in behalf of the. martyrs of peace.The :~$ists~$n point

iq Italy and .more especially in

out that history furnishes melancholy. jq$ [email protected]

fies bpth militarism and war. It

.a menace to the peace as to the liberty of

may&e:-against b@,3wqd .ftisq aqd

t-s-j%>- km .~q=iT:gPh pyf qq

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