The trades education pipeline in Canada:

a critical review of the retention and completion literature on apprenticeship

Deanna Rexe

Simon Fraser University

May 18, 2012

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Introduction

Attention to apprenticeship by policymakers is increasing, as labour market

demands and skills shortages in key occupations present challenges to economic

development. Apprenticeship is called upon to help address skill shortages likely to occur

as the baby-boom population retires from the labour force (Empey, 2010; Gunderson,

2009.) Policy experimentation has occurred in most provinces, with adaptations of the

apprenticeship management system, format of technical training, regulation of trades

occupations, new occupations, and introduction of youth apprenticeship initiatives and

programming to encourage non-traditional participants (CAF, 2004; CLC, 2002; Sharpe

& Gibson, 2005; Taylor & Watt-Malcolm, 2007; Watt-Malcolm & Barabasch, 2010).

These changes have been fostered by increased decentralization and devolution of

apprenticeship away from federal and provincial governments to industry organizations

(Haddow & Sharpe, 1997; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005; Schuetz, 2003), and have received

mixed reviews; programming of transitions from school to work are increasingly seen as

contested arenas of education (Filliettaz, 2010).

Gunderson (2009) reports that there are approximately 150 apprentice trades in

Canada, most being in manufacturing and construction. Overall, approximately 2% of the

Canadian labour force between age 15-40 are registered in an apprenticeship program.

The median age of first starting an apprenticeship program is 27, with only 4.4% under

20; over half of all apprentices had more than three jobs before registering for their

apprenticeship. Apprenticeships in Canada are male dominated, with 9.3% female

apprentices in 2002. The female proportion is increasing, up from 4.3% in 1991,

however women are concentrated in the lower-wage food and service trades such as

hairdressing and cooking (Sharpe & Gibson, 2005). Meredith (2011) notes that

perceptions of crisis in Canadian apprenticeship are fed by a variety of indicators

including the persistent underrepresentation of women, visible minorities,

aboriginal people, and its lack of appeal to academically capable youth.

Apprenticeship is often overlooked in conceptual and empirical studies of

postsecondary participation and retention; in contrast to the significant evaluation

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literature in education, there is a dearth of rigorous evaluation studies of apprenticeships

(Gunderson, 2009). Harris and Simons (2005) argue that retention is an important

component that is often paid too little attention and is therefore “under-conceptualised

and under-researched” (p.352). Reasons for “non-completion” of apprenticeship are not

well understood, creating limited basis for policy advice to governments, institutions,

practitioners, or advise to individuals (Empey, 2010). This gap in our knowledge is

particularly striking given the traditional role apprenticeship serves in workforce

development in Canadian society and in Canadian post-secondary education; in terms of

participation, apprenticeship accounts for about 13% of post-secondary enrolment

(Sharpe & Gibson, 2005). Further, equity considerations are important as apprenticeship

provides an important potential venue in creating access to high wage occupations and

social mobility for non-traditional students.

Purpose and approach

(The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which the literature provides

or informs the development of conceptual models of persistence and completion in

apprenticeship, identifies potential factors affecting successful equity participation, and

provides recommendations on opportunities for further development of theory and

practice. This paper undertakes a critical review, examining the extant Canadian

scholarly and practice literature, as well as the international literature, with the intention

of answering the following questions: What are the theoretical or conceptual frameworks

and research methods in the area? What factors are found to matter to retention in

apprenticeship? How are issues of equity in apprenticeship addressed in the current

literature?

Is apprentice retention and attrition an issue?

In a comprehensive review of the literature, Gunderson (2009) identities the key

policy questions in apprenticeship: the negative image of many apprenticeships; low

enrolment rates; low completion rates and long times-to-completion; concerns over gaps

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in the harmonization of standards across jurisdictions and its impact on restricting

mobility; lack of integration with the education system; difficulties for women in many of

the apprenticeship trades; difficulties in determining who should pay; and rigidities in the

system (p.4.). Sweet (2003) reports that “among the more salient criticisms leveled at the

apprenticeship system in Canada are the relatively high attrition rates and the very few

women who register as apprentices” (p. 260).

Despite a large increase in Canadian apprenticeship registrations over the past few

decades, the proportion of registered apprentices completing their programs has actually

fallen (Laporte & Mueller, 2010). While registrations in apprenticeship increased 52%

from 2000 to 2005, completions increased just 15% (Menard, Menezes, Chan & Walker,

2008). Sharpe & Gibson (2005) showed that completion rates do not seem to closely

follow the level of registrations; total registrations nearly doubled between 1977 and

2002, while completion rates have remained relatively flat.

Many studies have found completion rates in the Canadian apprenticeship system

to be alarmingly low. Sharpe (2003) reports that in 1999, overall completion rate in

Canada was 9.8%, which varies greatly across provinces and by trade. Completion rates

can vary considerably; apprentice completion rates are at their highest in mechanical and

industrial trades (between 50 and 60% for the most successful occupations) and lowest in

construction (less than 25% for many occupations) (Statistics Canada, 2010). Sharpe

(2003) also reported a significant increase in discontinuations, and an increase in length

of time to completion. Dostie (2010) and Prasil (2005) each found that about half of

apprentices completed the trade they first registered in, and almost half dropped out.

Similar numbers are also reported by Desjardins and Paquin (2010), and Morissette

(2008).

Conceptual frameworks for understanding apprenticeship retention

Scholars and practitioners have attended to the problem of retention and

completion in post-secondary education, given educational concerns and as a result of

increased pressures on post-secondary education systems. The mass expansion of higher

education has magnified the issue of student retention and persistence because funding

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the public post-secondary system is expensive; retention is often considered to be an

important aspect of system efficiency and accountability.

The terms “attrition” and “dropout” can be described as a student leaving an

educational program prior to completing their studies (Bean, 1980). “Retention” and

“persistence” while describing complementary meanings differ in terms of perspective;

retention refers to the holding power of the program or institution; persistence

emphasizes the behaviour of the learners (Clark, 1960). Retention typically focuses on

passing from one phase to another, as in semester-to-semester or year-to-year, while

persistence considers the student's ability to achieve their end goal, usually a credential.

Pascarella and Terenzini (1991, 2005) use the phrase "educational attainment" to capture

the variability of students' goals and the disconnection between retention and persistence.

In the education literature, major theories of post-secondary student retention or

persistence emphasize different aspects of the student-organization relationship; the more

involvement of students in the college, the higher likelihood of student retention (Astin,

1985); organizational attributes affect student satisfaction and persistence (Bean, 1980,

1982); adult students are affected by context more than academic issues (Bean and

Metzner, 1985); and finally, academic and social integration with a college improve

retention (Tinto, 1975, 1993).

The dominant models for studying student retention typically are grounded in

student-institution connections, either academic and social integration (Tinto, 1975,

1993) or student involvement (Astin, 1985). These theoretical perspectives were

developed primarily based on full-time, traditional-aged, residential students in four-year

American colleges. The focus for researchers has tended toward empirical examination

and theorizing of that traditional four-year university experience.

More recently, attention has turned to examination of non-traditional university

student retention as well as community college student experience, most predominantly

integrating these populations and their characteristics into existing conceptual models.

This is important as community college students are not impacted by the social

environment to the same extent or in the same ways as 4-year students (Bean & Metzner,

1985). Empirical tests of these models have not yielded strong support for their

application to American community colleges (Bailey & Alfonso, 2005) and research

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regarding the particular characteristics of community colleges and their students are still

neglected. Townsend, Donaldson and Wilson (2004) found that only 8 percent of 2,321

articles examining retention and persistence even mentioned community colleges.

Given that these models may not accurately consider the issues, experiences, or

behaviours of most community college students (Crisp & Mina, 2012), it is difficult to

generalize the definitions and measures developed for universities to community colleges

(Ashar & Skenes, 1993; Braxton, Sullivan, & Johnson, 1997). Wild and Ebbers (2002)

argue that although community college and university students have some commonalties,

their goals often differ, particularly as they relate to workplace skill development, a factor

important to understanding trades and vocational education in particular.

It has been suggested that focusing on a single measure of success, such as

retention, is problematic for community college students as these students can have a

diversity of goals, and models based on university conventions may not be suitable

(Bailey et al, 2005; Bragg, 2001; Wild & Ebbers, 2002). Crisp & Mina (2012) cite the

“lack of methodologically sound research being conducted at community colleges may

also be an important issue affecting retention” (p. 160). Other researchers elaborate on

reasons for this research gap: lack of resources in institutions, and a focus on practice-

based rather than peer-reviewed research (Bailey et al, 2004; Bailey & Alfonso, 2005) as

well as lack of data (Goldrick-Rab, 2010). Wild and Ebbers (2002) and Bailey and

Alfonso (2005) note this lack of research and theory building in community college

student retention.

Attempts to integrate vocational education and training (VET) and apprenticeship

specifically into these models particular have been limited. There is little conceptual

work that links the literature on post-secondary retention of community college students

with apprenticeship. Retention in apprenticeship is made additionally complex to

investigate, given its unique intersection between the labour market, employer

sponsorship, and institution-based training; that apprentices are working for employers

for the majority of their learning has implications when considering retention (Harris &

Simons, 2005). In thinking about the question of retention, Harris and Simons (2005)

consider ‘completion’ to be

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a process that is the collective responsibility of all key stakeholders within the vocational education and training system. In many respects, retention is one of the products to derive from a quality training system where an appropriate and realistic balance is achieved between the learning needs and aspirations of apprentices and the needs and expectations of employers and industry (p.363).

Further to the factors presented in the labour market and workplace component of

apprenticeship, the unique campus conditions, culture, curriculum, instructional staffing,

scheduling, and work load demands of the on-campus technical training of in

apprenticeship provide additional challenges to traditional frameworks of student

retention. One effort to address this gap is Harris and Simons (2005), who propose a

conceptual model of retention in apprenticeship that identifies aspects influencing

retention in apprenticeships and traineeships. This exploratory research is informed by

interviews of apprenticeship and traineeship participants in Australia; some of the factors

and relationships within this model could be tested empirically, given sufficient data.

Themes in the literature

(In the absence of specific conceptual frameworks for understanding issues in

apprenticeship, scholars and practitioner-researchers have drawn upon a number of

traditions and literatures to explore issues and patterns.

In the international literature, there is a focus on frameworks considering the

nature of workplace learning; a work environment in which employees feel they are

learning and growing is a key component of employee retention (Smith, Oczkowski &

Selby-Smith, 2008). Situating vocational learning as a social as well as a cognitive

process, and using ethnographic methods, Filliettaz (2010) focused on knowledge

transmission and transformation, and notions of transition and identity construction of

apprentices. This study and others (Fuller & Unwin, 2003; Sligo, Tilley & Murray, 2011;

Smith, Henry & Munro, 2002) draw upon Lave and Wenger’ s (1991) concept of

legitimate peripheral participation from cognitive anthropology, which situates learning

as a type of social practice, in which meaning is created through co-participation between

master and apprentice. Similarly, these and others use theory from Billett (1993, 1993b,

2001), who suggests that situated learning in the workplace is a function of participation

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in tasks with support and guidance from more skilled workers, and proposes that there are

three types of knowledge – procedural, propositional, and dispositional. The retention of

apprentices is dependent on both apprentice and mentor engaging in a discourse of

mutual understanding and co-participatory work practices.

Others focus on decision-making conceptual frameworks. Expectancy theory

(Vroom, 1964) explains the process individuals use to make calculated decisions on

various behavioral alternatives and is a theory of the process of motivation; it has been

used to undertake a comparative analysis of the work motivation and job satisfaction of

apprentices (McDermott, 2011). Career development literature provides some theoretical

perspectives for decision-making, however as Ericksen and Schulltheiss (2009) note,

there are few empirical studies of women and trades, and “early research with blue-collar

female workers lacked a firm theoretical base” (p. 84).

Other work in apprenticeship emerges from explorations of school to work

transitions. Canadian changes to policy and practice have included efforts to improve the

image, skills levels, and interests in trades certifications by focusing on secondary

students (CAF, 2004); one priority component of this pipeline are efforts to improve

knowledge of apprenticeship as a career option (CAF, 2004; Lehmann, 2000; Sharpe &

Gibson, 2005) and promomting dual enrolment for secondary school students (Brigham

& Taylor, 2006; Watt-Malcolm, 2011). The school-to-work framework has been

examined in international contexts by Masdonati (2010) in Swiss apprenticeships, Ertl &

Hayward (2010) in the UK, and Heckhausen (2002) in Germany, among others; A recent

comprehensive review of the literature indicates the level of international research

interest (Versnel et al, 2011).

Gunderson (2009) observes that apprenticeship training can be important in

facilitating the transition from school-to-work and in bridging the gap between school

and work, an important issue for policymakers given that these transitions are “especially

important since initial negative experiences in the labour market can foster a situation of

state-dependence” (p.4.). The school to work transition literature utilizes both economic

and sociological theory; Lehmann (2007) observes that the theoretical literature on

school-work transitions tends to follow two general themes: a human capital or rational

choice approach, both of which assume a relationship between education, cost-benefit

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calculations, and labour market outcomes; or a social-structural approach, which often

over-emphasizes the capacity of social and institutional structures to reinforce inequality

(p. 6).

In Canada, work has been undertaken in alternation education, or models of

education and training that alternate between in-class and work site experiences (Schutze,

2003), a particular form of school to work transition programming. However the most

predominant empirical approaches in the Canadian literature are grounded in economics.

Examples of this work include using analyses such as labour supply (Sharpe, 2003),

duration model/competing risks analysis (Dostie, 2010), comparisons of earnings in

Canada (Gunderson & Krashinsky, 2011; Sweet & Lin, 2000), employment outcomes

(Stoll & Baignee, 1997), estimating the economic returns to individual apprentices

(Boothby & Drewes, 2004; Boothby & Rowe, 2002; Ferrer & Riddell, 2002;) and their

employers (CAF, 2006).

In terms of understanding equity participation, there are descriptions of the

vocational workforce and registration in apprenticeship (Hulme, 2006; Skof, 1994;

Sweet, 2003;) and gendered experiences (Ericksen & Schultheiss, 2009; Fuller, Beck and

Unwin, 2005; Miller, 2005; Swan, 2005), as well as descriptions of a negative or hostile

work environment for equity group members (Berik & Bilginsoy, 2000; CAF, 2004;

Eisenberg, 1998; Hulme, 2006; Snell & Hart, 2008; Stoll & Baignee, 1997, Sweet &

Gallagher, 1997; Worthen & Haynes, 2003). Drawing from sociology, Sweet (2003)

examines these issues from a structure-agency and decision making perspective including

the complex social contexts for occupational choices of women and apprenticeship.

Factors found in the literature

Many factors believed to influence retention and completion in apprenticeship

have been identified in the literature, however much of impact of the complex

combinations of factors is unknown, or contested (Filliettaz, 2010). Most of the factors

identified to date fall into three main categories: labour-market and employment-related

factors, training-related factors, and personal factors. This section summarizes these

factors.

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Labour market and employment-related factors

It is widely observed that the apprenticeship training system is sensitive to

fluctuations in the economy (Gunderson, 2009). Stewart (2009) notes that the majority of

publications included in that literature review emphasized apprenticeship’s vulnerability

to variations in the business cycle and fluctuations in the economy. Statistics Canada

(2011) found some evidence of this phenomenon, in the decreases in the number of new

apprentices taken on by employers during economic slowdown and an increase in the

number of completers in economic uncertainty. Skof (2006) observed that the economic

downturn of the early 1990s caused a serious decline in the number of yearly

apprenticeship registrations. In instances of economic stagnation or recession, employers

are simply unable to take on additional workers, including apprentices. Moreover, the

fear of future economic instability may prevent employers from engaging in

apprenticeship education. Even if the economy is currently enjoying a period of growth,

future downturns will make it difficult for employers to provide appropriate support and

work-hours for their apprentices. As such, they may decline to take on apprentices at all

(CAF, 2004).

A lack of stable employment is an important factor influencing individual

retention as apprentices suffer from insufficient on-the-job training (CAF, 2004; O’Hara

& Evers, 1996; Prism, 2000; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005; Sharpe et. al., 2008). Stoll and

Baignee (1997), for example, found that 41% of male non-completers indicated that a

lack of work was their main reason for not completing their apprenticeship. The Canadian

National Apprenticeship Survey (NAS) in 2007 found that the top two reasons for

apprentice non-completion were insufficient work or income, and an offer of a better job

and similarly the British Columbia Labour Market Information (BCLMI) Committee

Apprenticeship Completion Project (2007) found that lacking required hours or

appropriate training sponsor was one of the top reasons for discontinuance. Stable

employment has been found to positively increase completion (Sharpe & Gibson, 2005).

Low wages is also seen to be a main factor in attrition (Bittman, 2007; Grey et al.,1999);

Gunderson (2009) reported that reluctance on the part of individuals to complete the

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program if their wages as a journeypersons upon completion are set “too high” so that

they may not be hired, or if they are set “to low” so the skill premium is insufficient to

offset the cost of completing.

The nature of the employer may impact apprenticeship completion. In Canada,

Dostie (2010) found that working in bigger firms increases the probability of completion

and decreases the probability of discontinuation; however, the impact is no longer

statistically significant for those working in very large employers, with more than 500

employees. Further, having multiple employers is found to have the unambiguous impact

of increasing the probability of extending the length of apprenticeship (Dostie, 2010), a

similar finding to Mangan and Trendle (2008).

Economic region is shown to have an effect, however the current research in

Canada exists only at the provincial level. Dostie (2010) found that apprentices in central

Canada or in BC are both more likely to complete and drop out than other parts of

Canada. Further, apprenticeship completion appears to vary according to individual

trades. Skof (2011) found differences across the four largest major trade groups in

patterns of discontinuation and completion. Dostie (2010) found that most trades

compared to construction have higher completion probabilities and lower probabilities of

dropping out; controlling for all other factors, building and construction are less likely to

complete.

Workplace or employer-specific factors or work place conditions contributing to

apprentice attrition were cited by a small number of respondents in the Canadian National

Apprenticeship Survey (2007), although there are difficulties with the survey that might

lead to under-reporting. This may be relevant to our understanding of the effect of

workplace climate on equity groups. Other research conducted in Australia investigating

the reasons for apprenticeship non-completion suggest that ‘job-related’ issues are among

the primary determinants. For example, being treated as cheap labour, the level of

pressure, and the prevalence of bullying, were cited by participants as driving factors

behind non-completion (Cully & Curtain, 2001). Similarly, Snell & Hart (2008)

identified an ‘unpleasant working environment’, including unsafe working conditions, as

the single most common reason for individuals withdrawing from their apprenticeship.

The authors also note that ‘problems with the workplace’ was the main source of

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dissatisfaction not only among non-completers but also among those who continued with

their training. A study that looked at non-completion in Scotland (Gallacher, 2004) found

that a non-supportive workplace was associated with non-completion; non-supportive is

defined as an environment in which employers did not give support, encouragement, and

time. European research found that apprentices interrupted their apprenticeship due to

poor working conditions, low support by trainers, and workplace relations as the main

causes for dropout; half of the apprentices reported conflict with colleagues or

supervisors, and complained about insufficient training opportunities in the workplace

(Lamamra & Masdonati, 2009). These results are consistent with Australian research

(Grey et al, 1999; Ray et al, 2000; Callan, 2000; Snell & Hart, 2008).

Supervision and mentorship are important factors. Although training is an

essential part of apprenticeship, a lack of supervisory or employer commitment is not

uncommon (Snell & Hart, 2008). In a study conducted in Britain, it was found that 17 per

cent of noncompleters reported having received no training, apart from ordinary work

supervision (Ryan, 2001). Even where training is provided, if apprentices perceive it as

low quality, this can result in attrition. Harris and Simons (2005) identified various

aspects of the quality of training which are associated with non-completion: lack of

relevance to the workplace, failure to offer something new to the apprentice, and lack of

qualified trainers both in relation to subject knowledge and capacity to train. Grey et al.

(1999) reported that insufficient training was cited by 45% of non-completers as being

one of the top three important factors in their decision to leave (the other two being low

wages (cited by 53%) and not getting on with their employer (cited by 44%). Specific

mentorship and role modeling has been reported as key by many (Fuller & Unwin, 1998,

2003; Green, 1998; Hafhoff & Kane, 1997; Keep, 2005; McIntosh, 2005; and Ryan,

1998, 2000).

Workplace culture may have an effect. A CAF report (2011) suggests that the

wide gap in age can create tensions and alienate apprentices; older journeypersons may

adopt supervisory styles that fail to motivate youth. Further, apprentices may feel

reluctant to take on journeyperson responsibilities or fear that they will lose jobs while at

technical training. In Australia, Cully & Curtain (2001), Grey et al. (1999) and Ray et al.

(2000) found, however "that it is aspects of the employment relationship, such as

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dissatisfaction with the workplace and 'the boss' rather than the training relationship,

which have the greatest impact on completion (ANTA 2002, cited by Snell & Hart,

2008). In Cully & Curtain's study (2001) a major contributing factor, close to 50%, for

leaving apprenticeship was being "treated as cheap labour". A Swiss study revealed the

“multiple and contradictory expectations set towards apprentices, in a context where they

are often considered more as workers than legitimate learners” (Filliettaz, 2010, p.151).

Apprentices value training and mentorship. The CAF report on apprentice

recruitment and retention (2011) cited survey results of Canadian apprentices, who were

asked to identify the top three most important features in an employer’s apprenticeship

program. The top characteristics were: journeyperson who has the willingness to teach

me (69 per cent), provides opportunities for potential career advancement (55 per cent), a

positive work environment (50 per cent), and offers a wide variety of work experiences

(43 per cent). Apprentices were also asked, other than offering competitive wages and

consistent work, what would encourage them to stay with an employer. They identified

the following: a positive work environment (42 per cent), quality training from

journeypersons (41 per cent), wide variety of work experiences (36 per cent), all of the

factors (33 per cent), and seeing a career path in the company (32 per cent).

Training-related factors

Apprenticeship delivery models have undergone experimentation and change in a

number of jurisdictions, given pressures for increased efficiency and productivity from

employers and governments. Employer concerns regarding apprentice release time for

classroom training have been reported as a factor in apprenticeship completion (CAF,

2004; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005; Stewart, 2009), including the disincentive for employers

for block release of apprentices. Given experimentations with alternative delivery

models, some limited research has been undertaken to determine if these differences have

an effect on completion. Coe (2011) found that contrary to some survey material he had

seen, block release technical training programs were associated with higher completion

rates than other forms of training delivery. Ménard et al (2008) and Dostie (2010) also

found a negative impact if the technical training is taken through day-released or self-

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paced models compared to block release, contrary to expectation. The British Columbia

Labour Market Information (BCLMI) Committee Apprenticeship Completion Project

(2007) found that reasons for non-completion were similar to the National

Apprenticeship Survey in 2007; however barriers to attending schooling (waitlists,

location, program, etc.) was one of the most frequent reasons at 8%, and difficulty

passing exam (final, Red Seal, Inter-provincial) was 4%.

There is some research on the effect of other aspects of the apprenticeship system

design. In Australia, Stromback and Mahendran (2010) found that apprentices working

under a group trainer have a distinctly lower probability of completing compared to those

doing an apprenticeship with a private or government employer. Mandatory certification

may have a positive influence on completion; Coe (2011) found a 10% higher completion

rate with mandatory certification apprenticeships, a finding shared by Canadian

stakeholders reporting in the NAF (2011) report. There is some suggestion that length of

apprenticeship does not matter; Coe (2011) notes that longer-term apprenticeships do not

have lower completion rates than shorter-term programs. In their longitudinal study of

apprentices 10 years later, Desjardins and Paquin (2010) found that there was little

difference in whether the program was two, three or four years long in terms of

percentages of those completing.

Finally, a lack of coordination of different functions within the apprenticeship

system has been reported as an issue by Canadian stakeholders (CAF, 2011). Issues

raised include financial impacts related to the technical training periods (e.g. delays in EI

benefits, tuition fees costs of tools, or books), perceived lack of follow up or guidance by

apprenticeship authorities, to understand the steps required to progress through the

apprenticeship system, inability to schedule technical training, and insufficient

journeypersons available to effectively fill the mentor role and to assist apprentices

with the workplace training portion of the program. Research from elsewhere suggests

that appropriate systems for the initial assessment of would-be apprentices (Hughes &

Monteiro, 2005) and close monitoring of apprentice progression (Maynard & Smith,

2004) are important factors.

Personal factors

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While different research efforts do suggest that various personal factors can be

found playing a role in attrition or completion, on the whole these personal factors have

not been found to be amongst the most significant.

Demographic figures in Canada are available through academic researchers as

well as through the National Apprenticeship Survey or Statistics Canada’s Registered

Apprenticeship Information System (RAIS). Nationally in Canada, the median age of all

those entering apprenticeship during the years 1994-2010 fluctuated between 25 and 31,

however overall the trend is upward. In 1994, only 10% were under 20 years of age

(Desjardins & Paquin, 2010); by 2009, only 4.4% of apprentices were under 20, and the

median age was 27 (Gunderson, 2009). There is some evidence that age plays a factor in

success and discontinuation. The National Apprenticeship Survey found that

discontinuers were more likely to be in the youngest age group: more than twice as many

discontinuers as completers (18% versus 7%) were under the age of 25 and these tended

to leave their programs early, and have a lower completion rate than any group from 25-

44 years of age. This was also found to be the case in Australia; Stromback and

Mahendran (2010) found that starting an apprenticeship below Grade 12 completion

increases the likelihood of non-completion and Snell & Hart (2008) found that those

under 25 or had left school before they completed grade 12 were less likely to complete

an apprenticeship. The CAF report (2011) argues that younger generations are more

likely to explore and reject job/career opportunities; moving onto other possibilities is

much more natural for this age group and is not perceived negatively. Further, entering

apprentices may have very limited experience working in the trades and may discover

that it does not suit them or they may be unprepared to deal with the technical training.

Youth struggle with career decision-making across many occupational areas.

Being female appears to have a positive influence on completion, even in the

context of lower participation rates. The National Apprenticeship Survey (2007) and Coe

(2011) both suggest that women apprentices have more success reaching completion

regardless of their smaller numbers in apprenticeship overall. The profiles of apprentices

showed a much higher completion rate for women when compared with their male

counterparts (Coe, 2011; Ménard, et al., 2008).

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In terms of other equity considerations based on known demographic

characteristics, Dostie’s (2010) empirical results are mostly consistent with those

published elsewhere (Laporte & Mueller, 2010, and in the United States, Berik, Bilginsoy

& Williams, 2011); having a disability has a statistically significant decrease on the

probability of completion. Immigrant and aboriginal apprentices are also less likely to

complete their apprenticeship. Having young children, under the age of 18, also decreases

both the probability of completion and discontinuation. The sole positive impact found in

that study on probabilities of completion comes from marital status; married apprentices

are 9% more likely to complete. The CAF report (2011) found that very few

discontinuers stopped their apprenticeship as a result of family issues, harassment or

conflict at work, although this does conflict with previous research and under closer

examination, it may be found that equity groups may have different results.

The National Apprenticeship Survey (2007) undertook comparisons between

groups of apprentices based on demographic information. Men and women discontinuers,

for example, were different in a number of respects; about 13% of women but only 2% of

men cited family and personal reasons for discontinuing their programs. Approximately

6% of women discontinued their studies because of harassment or discrimination,

disputes or conflicts at work compared with only 2% of men. A higher proportion of men

than women (16% versus 10%) discontinued because there was insufficient work or

income. Men were twice as likely as women to have received a better job offer (10%

versus 5%). Aboriginal apprentices and all of the other apprentices were compared,

revealing some differences. Nearly 20% of Aboriginal apprentices, compared to 16% of

others, said that they discontinued their program because of insufficient work or income,

and family and personal issues were also more predominant among Aboriginal

apprentices (7% versus 3%). When compared to others, landed immigrants were

somewhat less likely than other discontinuers to cite not enough work or income (12%

versus 16%), to have received a better job offer (8% versus 10%), or to have disliked the

work or working conditions (5% versus 8%).

On the whole, the evidence seems to overwhelmingly suggest that prior education

positively affects completion rates in apprenticeship. Canadian empirical research by

Dostie (2010) shows a pretty strong positive relationship between education and the

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probability of completion. He estimated that apprentices with more education pre-

apprenticeship are much more likely to complete; an individual who has completed high

school is 44% more likely to complete than an individual whose higher education level is

less than high school. International research confirms higher prior levels of schooling are

associated with higher probability of completing the apprenticeship requirements (Bessey

& Backes-Gellner , 2007, 2008). In their study of factors leading to apprenticeship

completion in Australia, Stromback and Mahendran (2010) found that the largest, most

clear-cut effect was having completed a pre-apprenticeship program. Focusing on

academic preparedness in particular, Stewart (2009) found that many studies suggest that

a significant proportion of apprentices lack important literacy, numeracy, and workplace

skills, and therefore are ill-prepared for entry into employment (CAF, 2004; Lehmann,

2005; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005). These may be barriers to gaining or keeping employment

as well as completing technical training aspects of the apprenticeship. The CAF report

(2011) suggests aversion to exams or exam-anxiety either during technical training or

during the Certificate of Qualification exam may lead some people not to complete,

however it must be noted that there is little research to investigate this idea. The CAF

report argues that older apprentices may have been away from a school environment for a

long time and may be fearful that their classroom skills are inadequate, with weaknesses

in math, literacy or other basic skills. It is suggested that some apprentices may be unsure

about where to go for help or do not want to admit they have weaknesses in these areas.

Another factor approached in a number of ways is that of ability, a factor that may

be very important but has tended to be difficult to incorporate into empirical analyses.

Often ability, or other forms of personal agency or human capital, is represented in

analysis by the highest education level completed before undertaking the apprenticeship.

Dostie (2010) attempts to determine the effect of ability using GPA, which does seem to

be linked to apprenticeship completion, but the magnitudes of impact are relatively small

compared to level of previous education.

Several Canadian provinces developed high school apprenticeship programs

beginning in the 1990s to address skills shortages and to facilitate transitions from school

to work; programs in Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario allow secondary students to

undertake apprenticeship training through dual enrolment (Schuetze, 2003; Stromback &

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Mahendran, 2010). Canadian studies are scarce, and are not encouraging; the largest

empirical effort, Dostie (2010), found that participating in a youth apprenticeship

program did not have an appreciative positive effect on apprenticeship completion. In his

discussion, he notes his surprise, given that youth programs ought to serve an important

function of providing knowledge and support to individuals for informed decisions about

apprenticeship before leaving high school. One case study in Ontario found that twenty-

five percent of students trying to enter full apprenticeship from their secondary school

apprenticeship program in Ontario failed to achieve adequate mathematics and other

academics levels; this is attributed to the problematic division within high school

curriculum whereby technical courses tend to be seen as primarily “hands on” and for

low achieving students while academic courses are seen as primarily “conceptual” and

for more academically-able students (Taylor & Watt-Malcolm, 2007). International

research on youth apprenticeship programming provides similar results. An extensive

review of the history, development, and implementation of career, tech prep and youth

apprenticeships program in the United States concluded that deficiencies in academic

skills indicate “little chance for widespread adoption” (Lewis, 2008). This may be partly

a result of youth apprenticeship programs being targeted to at-risk students, who have a

greater risk of incompletion in the first place.

Trades exploratory programs are another innovation adopted in Canada developed

to address equity considerations, skills shortages, and to facilitate career decision-making

with populations such as women, who historically lacked sufficient exposure to make

informed decisions to enter trades occupations. There have been many initiatives in

which the supportive and exploratory elements of the programs were shown to be

effective, providing supportive hands-on technical training with personal and professional

development and career decision-making. These programs have been promoted and

endorsed in many reports, provincially and nationally and shown to be of value (Boyce,

2011; Ericksen & Schultheiss, 2009; Youhn, 2003). This is seen to be a particularly

important strategy to diversify entrants into apprenticeship, as well as to address

improved career decision-making given the increasing lack of technical literacy in young

people. Most recently, exploratory programs are encouraged in a report from the

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Canadian Apprenticeship Forum (2011), which recommended ensuring access to

exploratory career programs for these compelling reasons:

…these programs can give candidates some exposure to the structure and requirements of the workplace prior to starting their first job. Candidates need to know what the work conditions will be like on-the-job so they can be prepared. For example, the work may be outside or, at the beginning, may involve some repetitive tasks. A better understanding of the requirements and the nature of the work upfront can avoid entrants being misinformed and leaving the program because it was not what they expected. This preparation is especially important given that fewer individuals are exposed to the trades at home and at school. It can be beneficial to have employers involved in these programs so the candidates produced will meet their needs and the employers will want to hire them.

A factor commonly identified by practitioners and discussed by researchers is the

identified need for information advice and guidance to potential apprentices, such as

information about the demands of the apprenticeship before enrolment, and clearly

signaling progression routes to the apprentice (Hughes & Monteiro, 2005). Although it

should be cautioned that better information may not in and of itself be a major factor;

higher levels of prior education or experience are potentially creating conditions for

better decision-making behaviour (Bessey & Backes-Gellner, 2007). Further, impacts of

marketing efforts have not been found to be large; advertising, media campaigns, print

and on-line information, and job postings were not strong factors, reported by only 4% to

5% of each group in the BC overview of the National Apprenticeship Survey (Ménard,

Chan, & Walker, 2008). Most apprentices appear to make their career decisions primarily

through advice or inspiration from family members, friends, employers or co-workers in

the trade.

Support networks make a difference to retention and completion in

apprenticeship, and these support networks can emerge from various sources. In Canada,

Dostie (2010) found that having parents or relatives in the same trade seem to increase

the probability of being retained or completing apprenticeship. In other research,

participants were more likely to succeed in those programs that actively encouraged the

development of supportive workplace networks (Harris & Simons, 2005). A

comprehensive British study (Hogarth et al, 2009) found that employers and training

providers that provide both ‘pastoral’ (meaning guidance, social, and counseling support)

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and academic support are more likely to achieve higher completion rates. The authors

note that, for example, some people struggle to make the transition between school and

work; where this is closely managed by employers and training providers through the

provision of appropriate supports, the greater the likelihood that the young person will

complete.

Unions are also a important potential source of network support, however there

are conflicting data on the relationship between union membership and apprenticeship

completion. Dostie (2010) in Canada found no impact of membership in a union on the

probability of completion of apprenticeship but a large positive impact (almost +30%) on

the probability of discontinuance. This result is opposite to the one obtained by Bilginsoy

(2003) in the US, which Dostie suggests could indicate that, in Canada at least, unions act

as barriers to entry to certain specific trades. In other research Bilginsoy (2007)

emphasized the role of union involvement in diminishing the probability of dropping out,

and found that construction union training had a favourable impact on both women’s

entry into and completion of apprenticeship as indicated by previous research. In that

research, it was found that apprentices registered in union-contractor programs are almost

three times more likely to complete than those in unilateral contractor programs which

are, symmetrically, more likely to cancel (Berik & Bilginsoy, 2006).

Conclusions and implications

There are remaining questions about apprenticeship requiring further empirical

research. Canadian research of the VET or apprenticeship system is hindered by a

number of factors, including availability of data, including gaps in general descriptive

statistics on the apprenticeship pipeline. Sharpe and Gibson (2005) note that the lack of

data prevents a discussion of the integration of first nations, visible minorities and

disabled workers into the apprenticeship system. In term of factors influencing

apprenticeship retention, Gunderson (2009) identifies a significant gap in understanding

possible causal determinants, particularly analysis that estimates the impact of each factor

while controlling for the effect of other determinants, as well as examining question of

determinants of time-to-completion (such as the effects of various design features of the

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apprenticeship system). To this end, I offer a few observations and recommendations for

future work.

In order to more successfully inform discussion and understand retention and

success in apprenticeship, researchers need to settle on common definition for

calculations of completion rates. There are inconsistencies and weaknesses in current

approaches. For example, the definition of completion rate used by Statistics Canada is

the ratio of the number of completions of apprenticeship programs to the total

registrations in a year (registrations at the start of a year and new registrations). The

stated advantage of this “mechanical” methodology is that rates can be calculated by

province and by trade for long periods of time, using simple, aggregated administrative

data (Sharpe, 2003). However, this approach is inconsistent with analytic approaches

accepted within educational research, which emphasize cohort analysis, instead of the

rate of “throughput” of the training system; as Sharpe (2003) rightfully observes,

unfortunately, there are few cohort-tracking studies of the Canadian apprenticeship

system (p. 252). This analytic stance emerges from, and reinforces, an economic and

workforce perspective of the apprenticeship system rather than viewing it as an

educational system. The literature in Canada tends to reflect this through use of economic

rather than educational research strategies in policy-analytic studies.

A challenge in turning to the post-secondary literature for guidance on conceptual

as well as analytic guidance is that it has a tendency to define retention according to

models based on tradition four-year degree completion, and therefore is not sensitive to

the different character of apprenticeship. In discussing community colleges, Walleri

(1981) suggests that measurement of success and retention can be meaningful only in

terms of student objectives; this notion is important to consider, given that the goals and

objectives of apprentices are largely unaccounted for in the literature on apprenticeship

completion and given the known high levels of delayed completion, and of real attrition.

Defining those goals is a much greater challenge than simply tracking completion

rates, however it is an important one given existing research points to a “fluid and non-

linear path” through apprenticeship (Empey, 2010); this report suggests that the concept

of “withdrawal” or “non-completion” is not well defined, that experience shows that

former apprentices were inconclusive in their accounts of their career paths, and argued

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that it makes more sense to characterize apprentice experiences as “delays” rather than

departures.

Empey (2010) argues that this reframing of the retention problem is key, as it

emphasizes a vital aspect of analysis: employers. Given all the forces which impact the

labour market conditions of apprentices, such as business cycles and market forces

apprenticeship is a process that often deviates from the plans set out for Red Seal trades. Market forces alter the work experience and training needs so that the apprentice is delayed on the path to obtaining a Red Seal endorsement. These delays may have negative or positive impacts on the career prospects for the apprentices and may help or hinder the workplace experience of employers. In any case, the focus shifts from “non-completion” as a problem to managing technology, cycles and other workplace factors as a part of change in apprenticeship (Empey, 2010, p.5).

Similarly, Gunderson (2009) finds that apprenticeships in Canada tend not to involve

well-defined periods of time and the length of time-to-completion is very long and as a

result the concept of completion tends to be vague. Therefore, there is important work to

be undertaken to develop useful conceptual models and analytical frameworks to account

for the unique and complex paths apprentice experience in the lead to their certification.

78#,9:#;(there is little known about the ways in which individual apprentices

negotiate the various personal, learning, work factors and how those factors interact with

one another. Filliettaz (2010) asserts that it is

not sufficient to identify ‘causes’, ‘reasons’ and ‘factors’ leading to incomplete training pathways. Instead, there is a need for understanding the processes by which these causes and factors are being enacted in practice, how attrition is constructed in action, and how apprentices, trainers and workers are experiencing relational and practical issues when engaging into work. This requires a comprehensive explanation of the complex mechanisms by which apprentices learn through work as well as a better empirical knowledge about the actual conditions they face in the various contexts in which they are trained (p. 144). These particular situated contexts for decision-making (Perna, 2006, 2010) are of

critical importance in understanding individual persistence behaviours, as well as overall

patterns of access and retention within educational systems. Understanding these factors

and their interactions calls for both qualitative and quantitative approaches. It is

important to expand existing qualitative research with apprentices themselves; Gow,

Warren, Anthony & Hinschen (2008) report that there is little research on the processes

( -.(

involved in the apprenticeship system (Smith and Wilson, 2004), the experiences of

apprenticeships from the perspective of apprentices themselves (Vickerstaff, 2003).Good

examples include Masdonati, Lamamra & Jordan (2010), Taylor & Freeman (2011), or

Lehmann (2005). This research could build upon practice literature from stakeholders

(CAF, 2004) and complement the economic analyses identifying demographic factors as

negatively related to completion in apprenticeship (Berik, Bilginsoy & Williams, 2011;

Bessey & Backes-Gellner, 2007; Gallacher, 2004; Laporte & Mueller, 2010; Strombeck

& Mahendren, 2010). These might explore areas such as learning and identity (Filliettaz,

2010), the role of pastoral care and psychological variables in the employer-apprentice

relationship (Smith, Walker, & Kemmis, 2011) or coping style (Renk & Creasey, 2003),

to gain a deeper understanding of the decision-making dynamics involved with

persistence or attrition.

Finally, given that apprenticeship is an active area for policy development and

innovation, there is some urgency to address the remaining questions as to the appropriate

conceptual framework(s) for understanding the trades education pipeline, and the factors

affecting retention and completion for all apprentices and equity groups in particular.

Current government strategies for addressing skills shortages include immigration and

developing new entrants to the workforce, including youth; there is much work to be

done to ensure that these strategies are informed by quality research to support optimal

success for these individuals.

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