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China Security Vol 3 No 2 Spring 20076

ragedy of Necessity?

Coal is a dilemma or Chinas energy security. On the one hand, coal will

be irreplaceable as the primary orm o energy driving Chinas economicjuggernaut or the oreseeable uture.1 Despite major growth in the oil industryater the discovery o the Daqing oileld in 199, coal has never accountedor less than 70 percent o Chinas energy resource supply over the past 0years. Since 000, coal consumption has increased at an astonishing rate omore than 10 percent annually. It is unlikely that Chinas coal utilizationwill drop below 0 percent o Chinas energy mix beore 00. Furthermore,with limited petroleum resources, Chinas energy planners have relied heavilyon domestically abundant coal to uel modernization ambitions. Even ater

decades o intensive development, alternative energy sources (mainly hydroelectricity) have never constituted even close to 10 percent o Chinas primaryenergy demand.

On the other hand, coal is also ueling a saety (and environmental) crisisin China. Extracting coal rom the earth has never been a sae activity, butChinas numerous, tragic mining accidents make or a particularly stainedhistory o coal mining. A methane gas explosion in 19 killed 1,9 minersat the Benxihu mine in Liaoning province; 68 miners died rom the 1960

Coal Mining Safety: Chinas

Achilles HeelTu Jianjun*

Tu JianJun is a Vancouver-based energy consultant, and a research associateof the Canadian Industrial Energy End-use Data and Analysis Centre.

China Security, Vol 3 No 2 pp. 36 - 532007 World Security Institute


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China Security Vol 3 No 2 Spring 2007 7

explosion at the Laobaidong mine in Shanxi province; and in 00, at theSunjiawan mine in Liaoning province, 1 more perished. Te list goes on.Ocial statistics put the number o coal miners killed by mining accidents

since 199 at more than 0,000. Unocial numbers are sure to be higher.

More importantly, however, is whether the danger o working in Chinascoal mines has improved over the years. According to an independentassessment in 006, Chinas annual coal mine atalities during the early 190s,1980s and 1990s were estimated to be approximately 70,000, 0,000 and10,000 deaths respectively. At ace value, this would indicate an improvingatality rate, however these gures obscure the act that it began rom a verylow point in saety. Secondly, despite a reduction o atality rates rom .

deaths per million metric tons (Mmt) o coal in 199 to .0 in 006, ocialannual atality statistics continue to range rom ,76 to 6,99 deaths per yearover the past decade. In other words, Chinas coal mines remain highly riskyworking environments.

Moreover, Chinas mining accident rates sharply contrast with those oother countries around the world industrialized and developing nationsalike where mining risks have dropped dramatically. For instance, in the

Coal Production in China, 190-00**

Coal Mining Safety: Chinas Achilles Heel


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United States, the atality rate per Mmt o coal was a mere .0 in 006. EvenIndia, a sizable developing country with a notorious coal mining saety recordo its own, was able to reduce its rate to just percent o Chinas in 006. 6

Viewed against the context o the global death rates rom mining accidents,Chinas mining accidents and deaths remain high. In act, China still cur-rently accounts or approximately 80 percent o the total deaths in coal mineaccidents worldwide.7

Given Chinas reliance on coal andthe continually growing economy, thesealarming statistics do not bode well or the uture o coal mining saety inChina. Exploring the unique complexities o Chinas coal mining industryreveals its intractable eatures as well as plausible measures to ameliorate its

worst impact. Te issue o saety in Chinese coal mines reects other socio-economic ills in Chinese society and thereore, a solution must go beyondmerely stricter regulations. It will require a undamentally dierent way ocoal mining in China as well as an improvement in the status o those whowork in the mines.

Te Stagnant Flow of Information

Despite the bleak picture painted by the statistics above, the reality may beeven worse. A chronic lack o accurate inormation, at many levels, combined

with poor statistical measures probably underestimates the severity o coalmining saety challenges in China. Independent experts state that Chinasactual death tolls are much higher than reported.8 Te discrepancy betweenreported coal mine deaths and true atality levels is due in part to the govern-ment practice o concealing inormation about major accidents, a problemthat was particularly acute during the rst three decades ater 199 (oundingo the Peoples Republic o China [PRC]). For instance, the Chinese govern-ment classied the deadly coal mine methane explosion at Laobaidong minein Shanxi province in 1960, which killed 68 miners, as a state secret. It

suppressed the event or more than three decades until it was nally revealedin 199.9

Although the discrepancy between reported coal mine deaths and true atal-ity levels has been narrowed down in recent years, it has not been eliminated,mainly due to a lack o transparency. Tis is evidenced by the act that inde-pendent reports continue to be signicantly dierent rom ocial gures.10Unocial data provided by a senior work-saety bureaucrat suggests that asmany as 0,000 miners actually die each year. Tat count does not include the

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The issue of safety

in Chinese coal

mines reects other

socioeconomic ills.

tens o thousands more miners who die o lung afictions and other mining-related diseases every year.11

A urther obstacle to accurate inormation comes rom the mine operatorsand owners, who routinely alsiy death counts in order to avoid mine closuresor nes. While Beijing imposes increasingly stringent regulations to counterthe widespread corruption in recent years, colliery owners oten in collusionwith local ocials withhold atality gures in mining accidents. For instance,when 81 miners died in Nandang County on July 17, 001, local ocialsquickly teamed up with the coal mine owner to cover-up the accident.1 Aterthe catastrophe was disclosed, it was revealedthat the head o Nandang County had received

.1 million RMB ($1,000 USD) in bribesduring the prior two years.

Even the media, which is ocially taskedwith disseminating inormation to the public,does not always unction the way it is supposedto. Since the inception o the PRC, media inChina has long been regarded as the propaganda machine o the state and rul-ing party.1 Unsurprisingly, the reporting o major catastrophes was controlledby the government.1 However, journalists and reporters have become more

critical, particularly regarding coal mines, but the ocus remains on rescue op-erations and seldom provides in-depth coverage o collusion between ocialsand colliery owners. Tere is even less ollow-up on the impact on victimsamilies.1 In May 00, a legislative bill intended to hinder media exposureo such accidents was initiated at the Standing Committee o the NationalPeoples Congress. I passed, any reporting on a major emergency eventwithout permission could incur a ne between 0,000 and 100,000 RMB($6,00 and $1,800 USD).16 o make matters worse, even the media itselis not immune rom the widespread corruption in the coal-mining industry.Some journalists have ound the extortion o private mine owners a lucrativebusiness.17 Tere is still a long road ahead beore the Chinese media can ulllits role as an independent watchdog or coal mine accidents.

Coal Mining with Chinese Characteristics

Regardless o how much coal mining statistics are underreported or misre-ported, there is no denying the extreme dangers associated with coal mining inChina. Such risks are not new to the industry, but there is a need to understand



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why these conditions persist today in China when there are tenable solutionsthat many other countries have pursued successully.

Importantly, China remains highly reliant on underground operations as theprimary method o coal extraction. In most countries, this orm o mining hasincreasingly given way to surace mining, due to the great advantage the latterhas in terms o productivity and saety. Te mechanization o undergroundmining has increased productivity rom less than one ton per man-shit in1900 to six tons per work hour today, however, surace mines can easily have aproductivity o three to our times that amount.18 As a result, the share o coalderived rom surace mines in the United States has increased steadily rom percent in 199 to 67 percent in 00.19 By contrast, China is the only coal

superpower with a minority share o its mining in the orm o surace mines(approximately 10 percent).0 Its productivity reects this as well. In 00,China mined 00 tons o coal per employee per year compared with 1,000tons per employee in Australia.1

One reason or why China relies heavily on underground mining is be-cause Chinas reserves o the lower quality sub-bituminous coal and lignite(more likely to be located in shallow coal seams), remain low. Moreover, asburning lower-quality coal actually requires more advanced technology and

Number vs. Fatality Rate o VE Mines, 1980-00

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investment, higher quality coals (bituminous and anthracite) continue to bethe industry preerences. Te private sector in China is resistant to the capital-intensive surace mines, leaving 9 percent o Chinese coal mines to keep theirunderground operations.

Te dierent mining techniques have had a dramatic impact on mine saetyas well. Slope ailure, the principle hazard o surace mines, is much easierto control than underground mining dangers, which include gas explosions,ooding and roo collapse. In addition, due to the low productivity o Chinascoal industry, about million workers are necessary or Chinas coal-miningindustry to meet the growing demand or the resource. Te high numbero workers oten leads to crowded underground mines and explains why ac-

cidents in China oten have very high atality rates.Te dominance o township and village enterprise (VE) collieries has

also inuenced the nature o Chinas coal mining industry. VE coal minesbegan orming in large numbers with the opening o the economy in 1979.Prior to that time, state coal mines accountedor an overwhelming share o national output.However, a rapid rise in demand or coaldramatically raised their numbers (peaking at100,000 in 1991) and by 199, their market

share had reached 6 percent. Te large amounto VE mines soon led to problems o regula-tion, tax evasion, environmental degradationand mounting mining accidents. Despite a decade-long eort by the centralgovernment to close them down, thousands continue to operate.

Te problem with most VE mines is their unwillingness (or lack o capital)to invest in proper saety mechanisms. Coupled with poor regulation enorce-ment, VEs have created a coal mining industry that constantly operates at a

capacity ar beyond its sae threshold. In 00, 19 o the 7 coal producingprovinces/regions in China supplied coal at 10 percent over capacity whilesome o them were working at more than 0 percent over capacity.6 Evenstate mines could not observe the saety regulations. Moreover, the mispercep-tion o a long-term coal surplus in late 1990s convinced Beijing to competeaggressively with other major coal exporting countries in the internationalmarket. As a result, Chinas coal exports grew rom 17 Mmt in 1990 to 9Mmt in 00.7 Tis not only aggravated the supply and demand balance, butpushed coal output beyond the capacity o Chinas mines, increasing worker

The extreme dangers

associated with coal

extraction persist in

China.



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atigue, saety violations and equipment ailures that have increasingly becomea catalyst or deadly accidents. Although VEs currently produce about one-third o the national coal output, they account or 70 percent o the industrys

atalities.8

Chinas highly undesirable coal mining conditions have also made it nearlyimpossible or the coal mining industry to attract and retain qualied employ-ees. With the hardships that come with the job and constant negative media

exposure, many engineers and technicians in theindustry have extremely low morale. Tis creates awidespread brain drain that results in a shortage oexpertise required to raise mine saety standards. o

compensate, in as early as 196, state coal mines inChina began short-term contracting with peasantsto ll the void o workers or these unwanted jobsby permanent sta.9 Since then, migrant peasants

have gradually become the back bone o the industry. According to an ocialsurvey, even Chinas large state-owned mines have to rely on peasant workersto ll 80 percent o their underground mining positions.0 Tis phenomenonhas signicant consequences or this coal mining working class.

Voice of the PowerlessTe majority o peasants laboring in the coal mines come rom poverty-

stricken rural regions with large numbers o desperate job seekers. Many coalmining companies take advantage o this vulnerability and push peasantworkers to ll the most dangerous underground mining positions withoutadequate training or equipment. Insucient saety measures coupled withwork atigue rom long shits increasingly explains many coal mine accidentsin China.1

It is not surprising then that compensation in the coal mining industry is

the second lowest o 9 industries in China. In 000, the annual average in-come or employees was 1,000 RMB ($1,00 USD) and 7,00 RMB ($9USD) in key and local state mines respectively. Te annual pay in VE minesis signicantly lower. In some collieries in northwest China, miners wereallegedly paid only 1,00 RMB ($1 USD) per year in 00 (compared tothe salary o experienced coal miners in the United States who can make morethan $100,000 USD per year).

Te coal mining industry in China places little value on the lie o a miner

The coal mining

industry places little

value on the life of aminer.

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an unortunate reality with direct consequences or the saety record o manycoal mines. Prior to 00, compensation or the death o a miner ranged rom10,000 to 0,000 RMB ($1,00 - $6,00 USD). Tis low price tag on human

lie makes it much easier or coal mine owners to settle privately with theamilies o victims in exchange or their silence. Such behavior also reducesthe incentive or colliers to improve saety practices and equipment and hasalso led to an underreporting o deaths in the coal mines.

In 00, the Shanxi provincial government took the signicant step oincreasing the amount o compensation to 00,000 RMB ($,000 USD) percoal mine atality to redress this problem.6 An upsurge o positive reaction tothe Shanxi governments action rom the media soon led to an initiative or

other major coal-producing provinces to ollow suit.7

In act, even this higherlevel o compensation remains only a small percentage o the industrys grossannual prots, which are at least 0 million RMB ($6. million USD) perMmt o coal produced. Given that the 00 atality rate in China was .7miners per Mmt o coal, the penalty imposed by the new regulation repre-sented only 1 percent o the gross prots collected by mine owners. While thebenets o raising the compensation or miner atalities seems positive on thesurace, it has the eect o a divide and control strategy; that is, individualamilies are bought o and silenced, reducing the impetus or group dissat-

isaction and social mobilization. Te Shanxi provincial government quicklyrealized the new regulation was insucient. Rather than increase the level ocompensation to amilies, ocials imposed an additional ne o one millionRMB ($18,000 USD) per coal mine atality, payable to the local governmentitsel.8 Tis had the unintended consequence o not only turning coal mineaccidents into a lucrative source o revenue or the authorities who collectedthe nes, but also increased the incentive or mine owners to buy the silenceo victims amilies.

Under these conditions, the plight o mine workers in China seems bleak.Tey are the most vulnerable group in society and lack the means to advocateor sae work conditions, income levels, adequate training, or other job-re-lated issues.9 Unionizing and public expression o discontent is met by ercerepression by mine operators, local governments or both.0 As a result, thereis a grave imbalance in the power between those who own or operate Chinascoal mines and those who work in them. Tereore, it is the responsibility othe government to enact undamental reorm o the coal mining industry toredress these contradictions.



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Failure to Reform

Many government attempts to bring Chinas vast and atomized coal in-dustry to heel have proved unsuccessul. Indeed, it may be an impossible taskas the countrys demand or coal grows ever higher along with the industryspower and vested interests.

Most important among the measures to reign in the power o the coalindustrys leaders has been to eliminate the endemic corruption throughoutthe industry. As Beijing becomes less and less tolerant with coal mining relatedcorruption, provincial governments are taking more action. A notable exampleo this occurred in 006 when seven director-level ocials at various coal minesaety administrations in Shanxi, Chinas largest coal producing province, were

prosecuted or coal mine-related corruption.1 However, there remains manyplaces in China where the mountains are high, and the emperor is ar away.Tat is, Chinas historic and chronic diculty o compelling local ocials toobey central policies remains as real as ever. Even capital punishment is otenan insucient deterrent to greedy ocials as the gains at stake are huge. OnAug. 6, 00, Beijing launched a drive to cleanse the coal mining industry oshareholding by ocials (widespread amongst VEs), requiring all governmentemployees and heads o state enterprises to withdraw their personal invest-ment in collieries. However, the new anticorruption campaign immediately

bogged down at the local level, when ocials in some coal-producing regionsreused to withdraw their investment and some even threatened (privately) toresign; others simply transerred their shares to relatives and riends.

Te sharp contrast between Beijings increasingly stringent punitive mea-sures and the rampant corruption at local levels suggests that the perceivedprobability o being caught in a coal mining corruption related accident isstill too low. Given the degree o collusion between local ocials and collieryowners, bringing corruption to light is particularly challenging and would

necessitate that the central government use its own State Administration orWorker Saety (SAWS) to directly investigate deadly coal mine accidents. Teheavy work load or SAWS ocials, however, inevitably limits their ability tooperate at strategic and managerial levels.

Establishing a stable regulatory ramework or saety standard setting andenorcement is also imperative, though the government has yet to be com-pletely successul in this endeavor. From the inception o the PRC, coal minesaety regulations have been subject to turbulent government restructuring,

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leaving it largely ineective. A pre-1999 saety inspection system or coalmining was awed due to a lack o proper national integration, partial cover-age (only state mines) and a lack o independence rom the coal production

administration it was designed to oversee. Te State Council xed some othese deciencies with the creation o two agencies, the State Administrationo Coal Mine Saety (SACMS) in 1999 and SAWS in 001. However, theconstant ux o bureaucratic reorganization continued to impair their inspec-tion work. An acute shortage o inspectors has also let the agencies ineective.Te number o coal mine inspectors in China is wholly inadequate or the taskthought the government is expanding the inspection orce. Furthermore, themajority o inspectors are employees o state mines, creating a clear conict o

interest.

Beyond administrative limitations, however, an over-simplication o theproblem solving associated with the coal mining industry has led to counter-productive government responses. SAWS has recently banned all greeneldcoal mines with capacity o less than 00,000 tons per annum (or the 11thFive Year Plan, 2006-2010), and a plan to shut down all small collieries withannual output less than 0,000 tons by the end o 007.6 However, not allsmall coal mines are operating dangerously. Closing coal mines solely based oncapacity unairly shuts down those small coal mines that strive to meet saety

requirements. It is important or the government to maintain a healthy pres-ence o licensed small VE mines to induce competition in the coal miningindustry and attract long-term investment rom the private sector.

Closing mines without careul consideration has other negative conse-quences. Following the 00 Daxing mine accident that killed 1 minersin Guangdong, the local government temporarily shut down all collierieswithin the mines geographic vicinity.7 Putting underground mines out ocommission in this way, however, oten leads to an accumulation o methane,increasing the chances o explosion once they are put back to operation. 8Moreover, earing negative impact on the perormance review o provincialcadres, the Guangdong government eventually closed all collieries across theprovince permanently. Tis decision deeply impacted the interests o all stake-holders in Guangdongs coal mining industry, especially the colliery ownersand thousands o migrant peasant workers.

Perhaps more destructive than a miscalculated government strategy isthe ailure o government regulations to be implemented in practice. Ater



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decade-long eorts by the central government to close many small and VEcollieries, thousands still continued to operate in China. Persistent govern-ment pressures have lowered the reported number o these mines, however,

illegal mining operations have become rampant across the country.9 InJanuary 006, SAWS reported that they had shut down 10,669 illegal coalmines.0 Given the magnitude o illegal operations, the number o unlicensedmines let unscathed is certainly signicant though largely unknown and thusbeyond the purview o regulatory oversight.

o make matters worse, the lack o investment in saety measures has be-come a chronic issue or Chinas coal mining industry. According to SAWS, key state mines alone had under-invested 16. billion RMB ($.1 billion

USD) on saety projects and equipment in 00.1

Even more problematic,about one-third o all coal produced in China or 00 came rom collierieslacking measures to ensure sae operations. Despite the central governmentsrepeated pledges to solve the issue, saety measures or Chinas coal mineswere still under-invested by at least 68.9 billion RMB ($8.8 billion USD) in006.

A ailure to suciently und other aspects o the coal mining industry alsocontributes to unsae mining conditions. While state coal mines acceleratemechanizing operations under the 11th FYP, VE mines continue to rely on

traditional underground mining techniques with low productivity and unsaeconditions. In addition, a dearth o investment in the development o suracemining perpetuates the shortcomings o low productivity, over-crowded con-ditions, and the major saety risks associated with underground operations.

A Way Out?

Te policy endeavors by Beijing reveal its rm commitment to improvecoal mine saety, reduce the atality rates o coal mining accidents, and endthe collusion between VE mines and government ocials. However, un-

less the government undertakes more aggressive, eective and comprehensivemeasures, the contradictions and challenges inherent in Chinas complex coalmining industry will continue to haunt China or years to come.

Fundamentally, solving the coal industrys problems will require appropriatestatistical measures and accurate inormation. o this end, the use o intensity-based measures standards or saety improvement must be adjusted to includequantity-based saety targets. Te ormer, while important, is merely a measure

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o atalities relative to coal production and thus an abstract statistic. A reductionin this rate may be oset by higher absolute numbers as a result o increasedproduction levels. Tus, with a rising demand or coal, China could experience

the paradoxical situation o lowering its intensity-based atality rates whileincreasing actual deaths a situation that could have signicant social, economicand political impact. By using quantity-based standards, on the other hand,the industry is orced to reduce absolute numbers o coal mining injuries anddeaths. Tis also places greater emphasis on the individuals and their tragedyand loss resulting rom coal mining accidents. Chinas high atality rate leavesplenty o room or saety improvements. Aggressive quantity-based targetsare achievable i supplemented with eective enorcement. For example, the

Shanxi province recently put limits on the number o miners allowed to workunderground, based on the design capacities o each colliery. Such initiativescan be executed at the local level, but should be encouraged by the centralgovernment and disseminated to other coal producing regions.

Gathering and publicizing accurate inormation is also basic to any solutionor coal mining saety. Rather than restricting the media, as the governmenthas been inclined to do in recent years, more reedom and exibility should beallowed or in-depth media coverage not only on collusion between ocialsand colliery owners, but also on the impact on

individual victims and their amilies. Moreover,the government needs to acknowledge the cru-cial role that non governmental organizations(NGOs) have played or similar problems inmany other countries.6 Te scope o Chinascoal mining saety issue is probably too vastor the government to tackle alone. NGOscan ll in an important gap at the local levelwhere specic knowledge o the stakeholders

and their interests is crucial. However, given the current political context inChina, such measures may not be achievable in the near uture.

In addition, the government must ocus on adequate mine capacity inorder to meet both the national coal demand as well as ensure sae work-ing conditions. For this to happen, investment in mining technology, saetyequipment and adequate enorcement o saety measures are all imperative.Sucient unding to ensure appropriate saety measures or Chinese coal en-

The question that

remains is how to

balance the powers

and interests of the

state versus society.



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terprises has been chronically neglected. While SAWS needs to continuouslyimprove the enorcement o saety measures, the central government shouldalso provide more nancial assistance to help the coal mining industry meet

saety requirements.

Furthermore, the blanket national movement to close small coal minesbased solely on production capacity must end. Such practice will only drivemany to operate underground and worsen their unsae practices. Small coalmines account or about one-third o national coal output while their min-ing related atalities make up 7 percent o the national total.7 Tus, theyare crucial both in terms o coal supply and coal mining saety. Illegal minesshould be closed, but those working legitimately and struggling to meet bet-

ter saety standards should be nurtured, invested in and regulated airly. Tegovernment should also provide mechanisms or the private sector to legallyenter the coal industry through long-term legal guarantees, ownership rightsand access to government unds.

Finally, the industrys appalling track record on saety cannot be amelioratedwithout greater accountability o an endemically corrupt industry. Beijing hasnever lacked the political willingness to crack down on corruption in the coalindustry. However, past initiatives based on punitive measures alone haveclearly proved unsuccessul. Rather, tackling coal mining-related corruption

needs to be considered as part o an integrated ramework. Tis will necessar-ily entail an independent jury, media and public, particularly at the local level,i powerul government ocials are to be held to account or their actions.

State-Society Shift

Chinas coal mining industry and its saety record also raises deeper is-sues about the nations modern social, economic and political lie. What isthe balance between the countrys needs or rapid economic growth versusthe wellbeing o society? How should the overall progress o the nation be

measured against the rights o the citizens that comprise it? Fundamentally,these are the thorny questions behind the relations between state and societyand the widening gap between the rich and poor that China must address asit moves relentlessly orward.

In traditional Chinese culture, the value o human lie was subsumed underthe greater goals o the state (and emperor). Te ancient chinese philosopherMencius (7 89 BCE) amously said, I love Lie and I love Rightness.But orced to choose between them, I choose Rightness. During the PRCs

early socialist era (199-1979), individualism was deliberately suppressed by

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1 Annual Report o Chinese Coal Industrys Situation Analysis and Investment Forecast, July 006,China Market Research Center. See: http://www.chinammn.com.cn/home/mt/00607110.asp. Yang, W. Lies behind the Most Deadly Coal-mining Accident in the World, Chinese Business

Morning Post, 00. Editorial Board o the China Coal Industry Yearbook (EBCCIY), China Coal Industry Yearbook,various years, Beijing: Coal Industry Press; Jiang, K. Analysis o Saety Situation in China'sCoal-mining Industry, Coal Enterprises Management, No. , 00, p. 7-8. Guo, G., et al. Coal Mine Safety Technology and Management. Beijing: Metallurgical IndustryPress, 006. Data sources include China Coal Industry Yearbook, National Development and ReormCommission and State Administration o Work Saety. State Administration o Work Saety: theOccupational Saety Perormance Improved in Last Year, Xinhua News Agency, Jan. 10, 007.See: http://www.gov.cn/jrzg/007-01/11/content_96.htm.6 Mining Industry Accident, Injuries, Employment, and Production Statistics, Mine Saetyand Healthy Administration (MSHA), U.S. Department o Labor, 007; Te otal Fatalities oCoal Mine Accidents Were 76 in 006, Luan Group, Jan. 17, 007, See:http://www.cnluan.com/Article/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=98; and National Bureau o Statistics (NBS), ChinaStatistical Yearbook, various years, Beijing: China Statistical Press; Editorial Board o ChineseCoal Gazette (EBCCG), Chinese Coal Gazette: the Comprehensive Volume. Beijing: Coal IndustryPress, 1998. Indias coal mine atality count in 00 was deaths. able 1 rends o Fatal andSerious Accidents in Coal Mines in India, India Ministry of Coal, Dec. , 00. See: http://coal.nic.in/point18.html7 Coal Mine Fatalities in China Account or 80 percent o World otal, BBC, Nov. 1, 00.See: http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/simp/hi/newsid_000000/newsid_009000/0090.stm.8 Jianming, He. P.R.C. Being in the Emergemcy, Shidai China Press, 006.9 He, Y. Wen Cangmang Dadi (Report o China's Most Deadly Coal-mining Accident), China

Coal Post, 1998.10 Guo, G., et al.Meikuang Anquan Jishu yu Guanli (Coal Mine Safety Technology and Management),Beijing: Metallurgical Industry Press, 006.11 Elegant, S. Where the Coal is Stained with Blood, Time, 007. See: http://www. time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,19,00.html.1 Te Former Head o Nandang County Was Executed, People's Daily Online, Feb. 0, 00.See: http://www.people.com.cn/GB/shehui/1061/1.html.1 Military Reporter, Fully Grasp the Leadership of Media - Celebrate the 80th Anniversary of theChinese Communist Party. See: http://www.chinamil.com.cn/item/xwycc/00107/txt/7_01.htm.1 Xiang, Zhen. ruth behind " Sixty-one Class Brothers," Shanghai Archives Online. See:

Notes

** Te coal statistics in this gure are the original data published by the National Bureau o

Statistics. Liu Xueyi and Liu Anhua (00) estimated that the unreported national coal production

were , , 60, 17 and 17 million or 1998, 1999, 000, 0001 and 00, respectively.

* Te views expressed herein are authors own and do not necessarily represent the views o anyorganization with which author is aliated.

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http://archives.sh.cn/dabl/lshya/00080017.htm.1 Bloody Coal: An Appraisal o China's Coalmine Saety Management System, China LaborBulletin. See: http://gb.china-labour.org.hk/gate/gb/big.clb.org.hk/s/view/bloody_coal_(nal).pd.16Proposed Restriction on Media Exposure o Emergent Events Would Be a Retrogression,NanfangDaily, June 9, 006. See: http://www.nanangdaily.com.cn/southnews/spqy/00606600.asp.17 Why do Coal Mines in Shanxi Become a Easy arget o Some Reporters including Fake Ones,Sohu Commentary, available at http://star.news.sohu.com/20070124/n247810210.shtml, accessedon Mar. 1, 00718 Smil, V. Energy: a Beginner's Guide, Oxord: Oneworld, 006.19 Mine Saety and Healthy Administration (MSHA), Mining Industry Accident, Injuries,Employment, and Production Statistics, U.S. Department o Labor, 006.0 Smil, V. Energy: a Beginner's Guide, Oxord: Oneworld, 006.1 Around 0,000 people were employed at Australian black coal mines at the end o 00,

see: http://www.australiancoal.com.au/industrystats.htm; Australia's coal output in 00 was98.9 Mt, see: http://www.australiancoal.com.au/production.htm. Elegant, S. Where theCoal is Stained with Blood, ime, 007, available at: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,19,00.html, accessed on Mar. , 007. Zhao, H. and A. Wang. Dangqian Woguo Meikuang Anquan Shigu Yuanyin Qianxi (Analysis ofDriving Forces behind China's Coal Mine Safety Accidents), Coal Economic Research, 00. Elegant, S. Where the Coal is Stained with Blood, ime, 007, available at: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,19,00.html, accessed on March , 007. According to the ownership, Chinese coal mines can be divided into three types: state-ownedkey coal mines, state-owned local coal mines and township and village coal mines. Te averageannual output are 1,00 thousand tons, 10 thousand tons and 18 thousand tons respectively.

Te township and village coal mines also called in the name o small coal mines in China.For additional inormation see: http://www.chinasaety.gov.cn/. Pan, W. China Needs Appropriate Number o Small Coal Mine,China Energy, Issue 8, 00.p.10-17.6 Nie, Y. Is Over Production the Cause or Coal-mining Accidents?Modern Occupational Safety,Issue 8, 00. pp.76-77.7 Te Investigation Report o Production Capacity o State Coal Mines that MeetsSaety Requirements, Research Centre o SAWS. See: http://www.sccri.com/show.aspx?id=&cid=6.8 Statistics come rom State Administration o Work Saety in China, see: http://www.chinasaety.gov.cn/.9

State Economic and rade Commission (SEC),Zhongguo Gongye Wushi Nian (Fifty Years ofChinese Industry: 1949-1999) Beijing: China Economy Press, 000.0 Wang, Q. Te Reasons and Countermeasures regarding echnical Personnel Shortage in Coal-mining Enterprises,Mordern Enterprise Education, Issue 1, 006.1 Fenga, Li. Te Reasons o Mine Accident,Modern Occupational Safety, Issue 1, 00. Purchasing Mansions and Hummers, Shanxi Colliery Owners' Consumption Pattern isCaused by Excessive Prots, People's Daily, Dec. 6, 00. See: http://nance.people.com.cn/GB/107/9718.html. Zhou, X. and H. Wang. Miners - Te Disadvantaged Group during Social ransition Period,Security Today, 00 (), p. 1-.



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Data rom a personal story presented o a man who recently visited his hometown in northwestChina, see: Te Implications o the Income Levels and Welare System o Coal Miners in U.S.or China, Jinshi Forum, Aug.1, 00, see: http://bbs.jxgdw.com/archive/index.php/t-1186.html. Yang, Y. and H. Li, Te Sacred Miners, Northern Economy, Issue , 00. p.1-17.6 Interview with Relatives o Coal Miners Died in Accidents, China Labor Bulletin, November006.7 Ibid.8 One Million RMB per Death Fine Imposed on Shanxi Coal Mines, Compensation or DeadMiner's Family Reaches at Least 00,000 RMB,China Central elevision.See: http://www.cctv.com/news/china/001101/100019.shtml.9 Xinquan, Zhou; Haiyan, Wang. Mine Workers: the Most Vulnerable Group in Chinesesociety, Security Today, Issue , 00.0 How to break the collusion between mine owners and governmental ocials? Xinhua News

Net, See: http://news.xinhuanet.com/orum/006-11/8/content_9997.htm1 7 Directors o Saety Administration on Coal Mine Saety in Shaxi Were Prosecuted WithinOne Year,People's Daily Online, see: http://politics.people.com.cn/GB/16/811.html. Emergent Notice rom State Council: Rectication and Closure o Unsae and Illegal CoalMines,Xinhua News Agency, See: http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/00-08/6/content_06979.htm; and Ocials' Fake Investment Withdrawal rom Coal Mines, Diyi Caijing Ribao(China Business News), See: http://nance.sina.com.cn/g/001019/0060700.shtml. State Economic and rade Commission (SEC),Zhongguo Gongye Wushi Nian (Fifty Years ofChinese Industry: 1949-1999), Beijing: China Economy Press, 000. Wu, Z. Zhongguo Anquan Shengchan Guanli izhi de Lishi Yange (Te Historical Developmento Occupational Saety Management Mechanism in China), Shanghai Occupational Safety, Issue

6, 00. Work Saety Bureau o the SEC, China Work Safety Statistical Yearbook: 1979-1999, Beijing:Minzu Chubanshe (Minorities Press), 000.6 State Administration o Work Saety: Small Coal Mines with Annual Output less than 0,000onnes Need to be Shut Down by the End o Tis Year, People's Daily Online. See:http://nance.people.com.cn/GB/108/99/991/068.html.7 Zhu, G. Guangdong: Terminator of the Coal-mining Industry, Oriental Outlook, 00. See:http://www.chinae.com/news/meitan/0011/00111016.html.8 Ibid.9 China Reported the Closure Progress o Coal Mines, More than 10,000 Illegal Mines Have BeenShut Down, China Central Television, see: http://www.cctv.com/news/china/0060109/1011.

shtml.0 Ibid.1 See website o State Administration o Work Saety: http://www.chinasaety.gov.cn/zhuantipindao/meikuanganquan.htm. 68.9 Billion Is Short Paid or Coal Mine Saety, Safety & Health, Issue , 006. p.. National Development and Reorm Commission (NDRC) and et al. Notice regardingGuidelines on Accelerating Structure Adjustment o Coal-mining Industry to Deal with ExcessiveProduction Capacity.See: http://ww.sepa.gov.cn/eic/69677011968/006069/1919.shtml, accessed on Mar. 6, 007. Weier, Pan. Analysis o Chinese Coal Mines Saety in 00, Review of Economic Research, Issue

Tu Jianjun


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0, 006. Inter-ministry Oce on Coal Mine Methane Accident Prevention, Shanxi Limits Number oCoal Miners Working Underground, Coal Mine Methane Prevention, Issue, 006.See: http://nyj.ndrc.gov.cn/mtwsz/jyxx/t0060808_7910.htm6 Coal Mine Accidents in U.S., NetEase Net. See: http://news.16.com/special/000119/kuangnan06010.html7 National Bureau o Statistics (NBS), Zhongguo Tongji Nianjian (China Statistical Yearbook),Beijing: China Statistical Press, various years.8 Te slogan, , was amous in Chinabeore 1979. According to this slogan, the workers were asked to give up their lives or the greatrevolution. See: http://www.people.com.cn/GB/shizheng//0/0/0010608/878.html.9 Gilboy, G. and E. Heginbotham, "China's Coming ransormation," Foreign Aairs, July/

August 001. pp.6-9.


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