CRISIS, ADJUSTMENT AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN ZAMBIA THE CASE OF PROFESSIONALS

By :ROYSON MUKWENA

1. Summary The article examines the changing livelihood strategies of professionals in Zambia in the light of the current economic crisis. The article focuses on four professional groups: academics, civil servants, lawyers and medical doctors. It looks at the formation of these four groups, the way the relations between them have changed overtime particularly with recession and restructuring, and the way each group is linked to the state system. The article also looks at whether the professional character of these groups has changed, whether there is a fusion of boundaries between them in terms of their livelihood activities, and the extent to which each category or strata of a category can be said to be part of a technocracy that is emerging in Zambia. The negative effects, on the country, of the professional’ coping strategies are also analysed. The article concludes by contending that there is need for countries that there is need for countries that embrace structural adjustment programmes to bear in mind the negative effects, on the country, of some of the coping strategies among various groups that result from the economic crisis and structural adjustment.

2. Introduction The period 1972-74 coincides with the era marking the genesis of economic recession in Zambia. In 1975 copper prices dropped from 93.23 cents per pound during the previous year (1974) to 56.10 cents. This drop reduced export earnings by more than 40%. The slump in copper prices was preceded by rising oil prices experienced in the early 1970s. These two events were to throw the Zambian economy into an unfavourable state. It should however be noted that the causes of the crisis are complex and the weight of each contributing factor open to considerable delate. Because of the deteriorating export prices and the rising import prices, the terms of trade deteriorated, just as balance of trade and balance of payments were thrown into an unfavourable state. Although the World Bank was consulted to rehabilitate the mining industry and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was called in to help resolve the balance of payments problems, structural adjustments were deemed necessary for long term economic survival. The then ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP) government implemented an IMF Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) between 1983 and 1987. In 1987 the then President Kaunda severed Zambia's four year old relationship with the IMF. SAP was discontinued. Kaunda blamed the IMF and SAP for the country's economic ills. When he abandoned SAP Kaunda had this to say: "after four years of these experimental programmes, per capita income has fallen from equivalent of US $680 in 1981 to less than US $200 in 1987. We have observed with growing alarm, a situation where escalating unemployment is becoming a permanent feature in our economy. Galloping inflation has set in which has pushed the prices of basic essential commodities beyond the reach of our people..."1 Following Kaunda and UNIP's defeat in the October 1991 multiparty elections, immediately after forming government in November 1991, the new MMD government re-established links with IMF and began pursuing an IMF structural adjustment programme. Structural adjustments have been couched within a policy framework among whose aims are budget balancing, resource mobilisation and efficient resource allocation. Reduction of public sector expenditure, subsidy removal, raising of interest rates and foreign exchange rate liberalisation have been effected in a bid to realize these objectives. In Zambia, the objectives set out have, in some cases, even led to the expansion of the same economic ills they were supposed to eliminate. One of the most serious impacts of the policy incentives have been high inflation and the erosion of the buying power of social groups, requiring the groups to adjust. Even the professionals have been affected. To escape the current prevailing unfavourable economic situation, a substantial number of professionals have left the country for neighbouring and other countries in the sub-region such as Botswana, Swaziland, Lesotho, South Africa and overseas countries such as the USA and UK in search of greener pastures. For those professionals such as some academics and medical doctors that have remained in the country, the general belt-tightening, has required them to adjust their life styles and also to devise

coping-up measures. It is this adjustment of life styles and devising of coping-up measures which this paper is concerned with. The paper examines the changing livelihood strategies of professionals in Zambia in the light of the current economic crisis. The paper focuses on four professional groups: academics, civil servants, lawyers and medical doctors. It looks at the formation of these four groups, the way relations between them have changed over time particularly with recession and restructuring, and the way each group is linked to the state system. The paper also looks at whether the professional character of these groups has changed, whether there is a fusion of boundaries between them in terms of their livelihood activities, and the extent to which each category or strata of a category can be said to be part of a technocracy that is emerging in Zambia. 3. Definitions Professionalism is characterised by several features. Professionals belong to an occupational group such as medicine, law, engineering, teaching, etc., which have a special body of knowledge that allows them to perceive things and understand problems of others better. Professionals go through a high level and advanced intensive training which provides them with a wide array of knowledge and skills enabling them to provide specific services. The knowledge they have is obtained from specialized schools. The second feature of professional work is that it is organized to provide specific services. Miller claims that this feature separates professional work from, let us say, factory work which is devoted to manufacturing goods.2 Professionalism centres on services. Furthermore, professionals have their competence, norms and ethics which are certified and enforced by their occupational group. Thus, professionals exist under a system of rules, regulations and ethics. These regulations together with their claim to specialized knowledge are responsible for the public's recognition and acceptance of professionals. Many professionals are associated with autonomy in the execution of their work. Professionals are to be distinguished from para-professionals. According to Osei-Hwedie, Mwansa and Mufune this is necessary because of people clamouring for prestige, high income and autonomy which comes with professional status.3 Para-professionals may be defined as those persons who engage in the provision of services in a field in which they do not have advanced training and knowledge. They are a diverse group of workers who perform several functions under a broad range of titles.4 They carry out the bulk of frontline activities. Through experience, they can even perform "relatively sophisticated procedures that are hard to distinguish from the work normally done by highly trained professionals."5 4. The Dynamics of the Zambian Economy and the Changing Character of

Professionals In the first years of independence, Zambia experienced buoyant economic growth. This was mainly due to two factors: Zambia inherited health foreign exchange reserves and at the time copper prices were high. This enabled the government to expand organisations and services that required employment of highly skilled professionals. For instance, the University of Zambia (UNZA), University Teaching Hospital (UTH), National Council for Scientific Research (NCSR), etc., were set up during this period. The turning point in Zambia's economy came

around 1975. After 1975, copper prices plummeted, import substitution manufacturing declined, national debt increased, domestic income dropped, and the real value of exports fell. All this led to deterioration and institutional decay. The character of the Zambian professionals have been tied to these ups and downs of the economy. Shortly after independence, even people with lower levels of education could get into jobs with professional status. With the expansion of training facilities and the contracting employment opportunities, the demand for credentials was inflated. In the process, for one to get into a job with professional status they needed much more education. Thus, whereas one could be a professional with nine years of school around 1964, one needed about twelve years of school in the early 1970s to attain the same position. The similar was the case with administrative and managerial jobs. In the 1980s and 1990s, the demand for credentials became even higher and therefore professionalism was being defined in a much more strict sense. Noticeably, professionals are becoming younger as these are the people more exposed to educational facilities. Further, these professionals are increasingly from middle class backgrounds. Professionals in Zambia still enjoy a profile and status. 5. The Development and Status of Academics Zambia's first university, the University of Zambia (UNZA) was opened in 1966. Up to 1987, UNZA was the only university in the country. The country got its second university in 1987 when UNZA's Ndola Campus was transformed into a university called the Copperbelt University (CBU). There is very little to say about the CBU because it is a small university and still in its infancy. Thus, in this paper we will only focus on academics at UNZA. The development of an indigenous stock of academics has progressed well, with most academic establishments at UNZA being manned by Zambians. There are also expatriate staff who come in on contract and technical aid. UNZA's Staff Development Programme has been key to the development of an indigenous stock of academics. Every year UNZA picks the best graduating students and at times invites former graduates to join its staff development programmes. Most of these Staff Development Fellows are sent overseas to pursue masters and later doctorate programmes. A few Staff Development Fellows pursue local masters programmes in situations where these can be done locally. There is also a small number of Zambian academics that did not go through the Staff Development programme. These usually join the university from the public and private sectors. The role of academics cannot be over emphasized. Not only are they charged with the responsibilities of directly nurturing of other professionals but they also provide consultancy services to society. They also engage in diverse socio-economic research in issues affecting society. In Zambia, however, the research and consultancy capacity of the universities is underdeveloped. Basically, the reason for this is lack of money, equipment and other supportive services as opposed to lack of skilled personnel. The staffing of the academic establishment at UNZA was very good in the initial stage of UNZA's development. However, the staffing situation at the moment is very bad, not because of inadequate academically suitable personnel , but because of the overall socio-economic

conditions of the country. The bad performance of the economy characterized by high inflation and unattractive conditions of service has led to high turnover. The exodus of academic staff from the University of Zambia, for instance, has occurred on a grand scale. Between 1975 and 1992, UNZA lost 222 Zambian lecturers...65% had doctorates.6 Most schools/departments operate at less than 50% of their academic capacity. The exceptions are the Schools of Education and Veterinary Medicine. The Departments of Mechanical Engineering, Technical Development Advisory Unit (TDAU), Economics, Anatomy, Geography, Social Development Studies and Library Studies are hardest hit with only about 33% of their academic posts filled. As at 1993, there was only one sociologist in the School of Humanities and Social Sciences. Academics have not been a social force in the country. In the first place, academics in the country number not more than 500. This figure includes expatriates, visiting academics and those on aid. With such low numbers, it is difficult for academics to act as an effective pressure group. They can only be incorporated into the policy making machinery and political system as individuals. Indeed, a number of academics have in the past been appointed to the cabinet and other senior positions in the public service. Such appointments are earned through a number of ways. Some academics get these appointments after distinguishing themselves as academics or as a result of their contributions in public debates. Others get their appointments through lobbying or political connections to some political power blocks. It has also been difficult for academics to organize themselves into a pressure group because up to 1990 the political atmosphere could not allow for the formation of say a union to take care of the affairs of academic staff. Due to the foregoing, up to 1991, there was only the University of Zambia Allied Workers Union representing the interests of non professional workers. The academic and senior administrative and professional staff of UNZA could only belong to an association called University of Zambia Senior Staff Association (UNZASSA) whose major function has been the running of a canteen and bar for its members. Individual lecturers can also belong to professional associations within and outside the university. Although these associations can comment on public policy matters within their competence, they are basically concerned with professional matters. So, the government is at liberty to listen to them or not. Certain prominent or vocal members of some active associations such as the Economics Association of Zambia (EAZ) have in the past been silenced by offering them high ranking public positions. Following Zambia's return to a multi-party system of government, the political atmosphere became conducive for UNZA lecturers and researchers to be able to form a union in March 1993 called the University of Zambia Lecturers and Researchers's Union (UNZALARU). Because they have not been organised as a cohesive group, academics have not taken political positions on any issues as a group but as individuals. Following Zambia's return to a multi-party system of government, academics joined different political parties on an individual basis; some of them occupy senior positions in their political parties. 6. The Development And Status Of Civil Service Professionals Bureaucrats are career officials who carry out day to day business of government. The term bureaucrat in this paper is used synonymously with civil servant. Bureaucrats are basically implementers of government policy and programmes. They get their jobs on the basis of

competitive examinations or qualifications. Mills contends that bureaucrats suffer from lack of income and prestige in comparison to the business executive.7 They are given a lower position on the social stratification system with correspondingly less power and prestige. This is because officials are one step removed from income generating sources within the capitalist system. Thus, they are dependent on secondary sources of income in form of contributions or dues. Bureaucrats may have power in their own organisations but they are in a subservient position to an external power group. They are also under pressure from demands of the environment. This paper focuses on civil service professionals whom we will take to be those with at least a university degree or comparable professional qualification such as the Chartered Institute of Secretaries and Administrators (CISA). The development of civil service professionals, just as the development of other graduates has progressed well. The high level civil servants in Zambia have evolved from an expatriate dominated to an indigenous filled one. Thus, it is mainly a product of post independent Zambia. The colonial government had no interest in training Africans to man top positions in the civil service. Also, the colonial policy could not allow Africans to advance to senior positions in the civil service, even when they were qualified; this only changed in 1955. Though Africans had been employed by the administration since the imposition of European control in the early 1890s, they remained confined to junior positions until August 1955, when all service posts were opened to suitably qualified inhabitants of Northern Rhodesia.8 Following this reform in the colonial civil service, eight Africans gained appointment to the new intermediate posts.9 The first African attained a 'European' post in 1958; there were nine blacks in the European service by 1960.10 While the first eight reaching the intermediate grade in 1955 were all university graduates, only four of fifty holding intermediate posts in 1960 had degrees.11 These graduates were trained outside the federation of Nyasaland and Rhodesia. As has already been mentioned there was no university in Zambia prior to 1966, and the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, located in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, did not cater for African educational needs.12 The relatively highly educated group of Africans admitted to the intermediate grade in 1955 was subsequently depleted as the nationalist movement gathered momentum. Peter Matoka, Elijah Mudenda, John Mwanakatwe and Arthur Wina - Zambia's pioneer African civil servants with university education - became members of the UNIP government at independence, and were to have significant public careers thereafter.13 There were thus very few graduates in the Zambian civil service at independence. With the opening of the University of Zambia in 1966, the number of graduates joining the civil service thereafter steadily increased. This increase was later hampered by the proliferation of parastatal companies which offered better conditions of service than the civil service. A number of graduates opted to join the parastatal sector or resigned from the civil service to join the same. 7. The Development And Status Of Lawyers And Medical Doctors There is a big stock of lawyers who have been produced in Zambia. The development of the legal profession is basically a post-independence phenomena and is closely tied to the opening of the University of Zambia in 1966, which has produced a large number of lawyers. At independence,

just like in other professions, Zambia had very few indigenous lawyers. These were mostly trained overseas, notably in the U.K. Lawyers like other professionals also offer a vital service to the public. Not only are they supposed to safeguard people's rights, but they are also expected to enlighten the citizenry about their rights. There is available in Zambia at the moment a large number of lawyers, though information regarding the distribution of these among various employers is difficult to come by. Whereas the number of lawyers produced and working for the civil service is at a fairly high level, the number of medical doctors churned out of the local university (UNZA) and overseas universities and availing their services in public hospitals is at a very low level. Compared to the other professionals, there was a very negligible number of indigenous medical doctors at independence, all of whom were trained abroad. Due to the longer period (seven years) it takes to train a doctor, it was only in 1973 that the local university (UNZA) started producing medical doctors. In 1978, Zambia had about 629 doctors, with 541 in urban areas and 88 in rural areas.14 These figures included expatriate doctors and those on aid. A large stock of indigenous doctors is UNZA trained. The role of a medical doctor in any society is just as it is clear. Medical doctors are needed to ensure an efficient health delivery system. The patient-doctor ratio is sometimes used as an indicator of the level of development of medical services in a country though this may be misleading in cases where a lot of doctors are confined to certain parts of a country. Some areas in Zambia such as the copperbelt are relatively well stocked with medical doctors, basically because of the mine run hospitals which offer good conditions of service. The situation in most rural areas is simply chaotic with many areas operating without medical doctors. Even the University Teaching Hospital (UTH) has not been spared of the pathetic supply of medical doctors. In 1986, for instance, out of an establishment of "250 doctors, there were only 110 doctors available. And of these 110, only 76 were fully qualified with the rest still doing their internship".15 Medical doctors and lawyers, like other professionals have not been a social force in the Zambian society. Medical doctors and lawyers in Zambia belong to professional associations - ie., the Medical Association of Zambia (MAZ) and the Law Association of Zambia (LAZ). These associations have been concerned with professional matters. Of the two groups of professionals, it is lawyers who have taken a keen interest in the political affairs of the country. Probably due to the nature of their profession, medical doctors have generally not taken an active role in the political affairs of their country relative to the other professional groups. Thus, a very insignificant number of medical doctors have in the past been co-opted into the political leadership of the country. Until the advent of the multi-party system of government in 1990, when LAZ became active in civic education and championing human rights, lawyers basically participated in the political affairs of their country as individuals and not as a group. During the one-party era, a number of lawyers found themselves in the mainstream of Zambian politics. For those lawyers who chose to

oppose the one party regime from outside, they were subjected to harassment by the state. Medical doctors and lawyers in Zambia have enjoyed a high social status in society. Although the production of professionals in Zambia has been satisfactory, the retention of these professionals, especially in the civil service, has met with formidable obstacles. A number of pull and push factors account for the fluctuations in the number of people employed in the various sectors of the economy. Going by current trends, the exodus of academics from universities, medical doctors from public hospitals, and civil servants from the civil service to other sectors of employment both within and outside national boundaries is likely to continue. It is not just the monetary gains that matter but the working environment counts too. In the Zambian case, the civil service, universities and public hospitals on the whole lack attractive working environments. 8. The Impact Of The Economic Crisis And Adjustment On Academics To escape the current prevailing unfavourable economic situation, a number of UNZA academics have left the university for better paying local as well as international jobs. As already pointed out, an appreciably good number of academics have migrated to other countries in the sub-region, especially Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland and South Africa. The situation is so desperate that for example, in 1992 the Department of Political and Administrative Studies, had only six lecturers out of an establishment of fifteen. Only a skeleton staff remains to man university programmes. The teaching load has become very straining on the few lecturers left. In some cases, a lecturer takes 250 students instead of the average 80 students.16 Due to the ever deteriorating staffing situation at the university, a good number of courses in most departments have been suspended or cancelled altogether. For example, in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies, vital courses such as Public Finance, Public Enterprise Management, Personnel Management and International Politics could not be offered during the 1991/92 academic year. Furthermore, as a result of the economic crisis, "potential generators of original thought have become renowned managers of routine administration in the public and private sectors".17 Due to the prevailing unfavourable economic situation, those UNZA lecturers that have remained do not attend to their teaching duties as well as they are expected, because they have to engage in other activities in order to supplement their incomes. The worsening economic situation in the country has led to sharp reductions in the real value of lecturers' salaries, the phasing or curtailing of a number of fringe benefits with the exception of subsidized university accommodation. The economic crisis and structural adjustment have had negative impacts on the academics in that for example, the cost of books and journals, among other items, have become too high for both the individual lecturer and the institution to afford. The same is the case with transport, chemicals, computers, overhead projectors and other equipment and materials required in a university. These have become unaffordable making the work of the lecturer even more difficult. Due to the economic crisis prevailing in the country, UNZA has suffered from serious problems of under funding over the years.

As already pointed out in this paper, due to the prevailing economic crisis, academics have migrated in large numbers to other countries to take up better paying teaching and other jobs. Another large number has left UNZA for better paying local jobs in the private and parastatal sectors. Some UNZA academics have successfully lobbied for better rewarding top government posts, notably that of Permanent Secretary. For example, since coming into power, the ruling Movement for Multi-party Democracy government has appointed several permanent secretaries from among UNZA lecturers. Most of the academics who were appointed to the position of Permanent Secretary belong to the group of academics that actively participated in the formulation of the MMD constitution, manifesto, policies and campaigned for the MMD during the run up to the multi-party elections. Other lecturers belonging to this group successfully lobbied for positions of chairmen or directors on some boards of parastatals and quasi governmental institutions. Some academics have taken up politics as a career. Politics in Zambia is a better rewarding career than teaching at a university - at least in financial and material terms. The lecturers who have remained in the university have not behaved any different from other social groups in the Zambian society in terms of the multiple strategies they have turned to in order to defend their livelihood. Some academics have become petty traders, contractors, farmers, poultry operators, pirate taxi operators, private tutors, and so on. Some of these income supplementing activities such as petty trading have contributed to the lowering of the professional standing of the academic in the Zambian society. A good number of academics have employed survival strategies which in many respects are similar to those employed by the ordinary Zambian worker, for example petty trading. Just like other social groups in Zambia, pooling of resources with friends and neighbours in order to cope up with the prevailing unfavourable economic situation has become an important community related survival strategy among academics. Some academics pool resources with friends and neighbours in a variety of ways. For example, some academics pool resources with friends to buy relish in bulk, which turns out to be far cheaper than buying the same individually. Finally, another important category of survival strategies is what we have termed in this paper as work related survival strategies. Academics have generally taken advantage of a number of opportunities at work in order to supplement their salaries. A significant number of academics at the two universities have taken advantage of opportunities at work such as consultancy, research, seminars, workshops, private tuition, and so on, to supplement their salaries. It should be pointed out here that, some of the work related income supplementing activities are undertaken at the expense of the institutions. For example, when engaging in consultancy and research as a work related survival strategy, some lecturers are known to use institutional facilities such as typewriters, duplicating machines, photocopiers and computers without paying anything to the institution for use of such facilities. Other lecturers are also known to use time that was meant for their teaching to attend to their private consultancy and research activities at the expense of their students. Other income supplementing activities such as petty trading also at times interfere with the teaching responsibilities of the academics. The university as an institution finds itself usually not capable of disciplining the lecturers who pursue income supplementing activities at the expense of university functions and goals because at times the people (eg. Heads of Departments) who are supposed to supervise subordinates and enforce discipline may

themselves be involved in the same income supplementing activities, making them less enthusiastic in enforcing discipline. Due to the economic crisis, some of the academics in privileged positions such as some Heads of Departments have at times disregarded professional considerations in their exploitation of certain work related survival opportunities such as seminars, workshops, conferences, research and consultancy. Some Heads of Departments at UNZA are known to nominate themselves to attend seminars and conferences abroad, even when such seminars and conferences are not exactly in the area of their specialisation and there are other colleagues who are well qualified and experienced in those areas. The over-riding consideration is usually how much money they will make from attending such conferences and seminars and not whether they are more suitable than others to attend the same. Some academics who are well connected to donor agencies and international organisations have in some cases formed networks and hijacked a number of lucrative projects even those in which they are not well qualified and experienced to undertake, usually leaving out of such projects other academics who may be well qualified and experienced to undertake the same. Thus, due to the economic crisis, professionalism is in some cases being compromised in the university. It should also be pointed out that, as the economic crisis deepened, university lecturers in the 1990s began to resort to strike actions in order to press for improvements to their conditions of service. In 1990 and 1991, UNZA lecturers even without a trade union resorted to strike actions to press for some improvements to their conditions of service. These strike actions were pursued under a loose organisation called the Caucus for UNZA Lecturers and Researchers. When the political atmosphere improved as a result of the country's return to a multi-party system of government in 1990, UNZA academics in 1993 were able to transform the Caucus into a union called UNZA Lecturers and Researchers's Union (UNZALARU). During a period of one year (March 1993 to April 1994) UNZALARU went on three strikes to press for improvements to the poor conditions of service. In May 1999 UNZA lecturers and researchers went on a two week strike over the issue of poor conditions of service.18 Strike action by Zambian academics over conditions of service is a phenomena of the 1990s and has made academics look no different from the other unionised Zambian workers who in the past have frequently employed strike action to press for better conditions of service.

It should be pointed out here that, whereas some academics have relatively done well in terms of income supplementation, others have not done well. It is however very difficult to categorize the differentiations that are emerging among academics as a result of the economic crisis and the resultant coping strategies. The foregoing is due to the fact that the coping strategies are so varied and a number of academics employ more than one strategy. Thus, a lecturer may be active and doing well in research, consultancy, farming and trading as coping strategies at the same time, making it difficult to for example, generalize the differentiations in terms of type of coping up strategy. It is also difficult to generalize the differentiations in terms of say seniority in regards success in work related coping strategies. For example, whereas it is true that senior academics are more likely than junior academics to have better access to lucrative donor funded research projects and outside travel for conferences, there are also some junior academics who have done well in this regard. Needless to mention the fact that some senior academics have not done any better than some junior academics in accessing donor funded research projects and outside travel for conferences. 9. The Impact Of The Economic Crisis And Adjustment Policies On Civil

Service Professionals In the face of the economic crisis, bureaucrats (civil servants) have been observed to take leave so as to 'hustle work' including racketeering and semi-legal businesses and other unconventional work.. As the economic situation worsens, cases of corruption are seemingly increasing among bureaucrats including those that are professionals. There have been a number of corruption cases among bureaucrats documented in commissions of enquiry.19 Thus, bureaucrats have used their offices to acquire property and/or supplement their living styles. Thus, as a coping mechanism, public office has increasingly been turned into private business. This has happened as bureaucrats have used their offices to access state resources and services; appropriate funds, and have generally turned their offices into business (eg. use of public vehicles to run personal business ventures and selling of licences). As a result of the economic crisis, some civil servants have resigned from the civil service to take up better paying jobs within the country, notably in the parastatal and private sectors. A few civil servants have managed to get local jobs in some international organisations and others have migrated to other countries in search of greener pastures. It should however be pointed out here that civil servants have not migrated to foreign countries at the scale academics have because they are not as marketable as academics on the international job market. Like their colleagues in other professions, civil service professionals who have remained in the employment of the civil service have evolved ways of surviving the current economic crisis. Like other social groups, civil service professionals have employed a variety of survival strategies to cushion themselves from the current harsh economic situation. The strategies employed by civil service professionals are similar to those employed by academics and other social groups. Some of the strategies such as petty trading, walking to and

from work, doing away with lunch at work are exactly the same measures that some ordinary civil service workers have adopted in the face of the economic crisis. These similarities in response to the economic crises have blurred the distinctions between some professionals and ordinary workers in the civil service. During the 1960s and 1970s, it was easier for a civil servant to obtain a car loan and indeed other loans, but now such conditions of service have become theoretical, and as a result, some civil service professionals who cannot afford public transport have resorted to walking to and from work just like some of their more disadvantaged juniors. This has reduced the social status of the professional civil servant within the civil service, and indeed the Zambian society at large. Some civil service professionals, like some members of the other social groups have also employed several community related survival strategies in order to cushion themselves and their families from the harsh economic situation. Just like some academics and some other members of the other social groups, these community related survival strategies involve for instance, teaming up with friends or neighbours to buy items such as relish in bulk (which turns out to be cheaper than buying in small quantities individually). Again, like other social groups, civil service professionals have also taken advantage of a number of opportunities at the work place to supplement their incomes. These work related opportunities include consultancy, seminars, workshops, private tuition, fuel money when on official tours, imprest and other official allowances such as lunch allowance. Due to the worsening economic situation, the competition for nominations to participate in some local and international seminars, workshops and conferences has intensified among civil service professionals. The foregoing has led to situations where nomination to attend a conference more often depends on who gets the information first and how well connected one is to the nominating authority. Thus, for example, those in positions of authority have at times thrown professionalism to the winds and nominated themselves to attend seminars and conferences of which they have no clue or very little understanding of the subjects to be discussed, leaving behind colleagues who may be experts in those subjects. In such situations, consideration for attending a seminar or conference is based on how much money one is going to make and not whether the subject to be discussed at the conference is within one's area of specialisation. Some of the survival strategies we have discussed in this section have had negative impacts on the efficiency and effectiveness of the civil service. For example, petty trading at times is done during office hours and in some cases the offices themselves have been turned into market places where civil servants conduct their petty trading. At times, some officers who travel on official duties have inflated their claims for travel and other related allowances in league with their superiors, costing the government a lot of money. It has become difficult in the Zambian civil service to discipline civil servants who engage in unconventional means of supplementing their salaries because at times the supervisors themselves are engaged in similar unconventional means of income supplementation. Due to the impact of the economic crisis and the resultant coping strategies, differentiations are emerging among the various categories of civil service professionals. While some professionals have benefited a lot from the coping strategies, others have not done well. For example, in

departments such as the Planning Division in the Ministry of Agriculture, where there are a lot of opportunities for going to seminars and conferences, the professionals in such departments have benefited a lot financially and materially from such opportunities compared to fellow professionals who are in departments where such opportunities are few. It is however very difficult to make clear cut generalizations on the differentiations that are emerging among civil service professionals because of the varied and multiple nature of the coping strategies. For example, some of the civil servants who travel a lot to seminars and conferences have successfully combined such income supplementation with other activities such as petty trading and some farming. 10. The Effects Of The Economic Crisis And Structural Adjustment On Lawyers Lawyers also have evolved ways of surviving the economic crisis. Going into practice is not easy at all because of lack of demand and its associated competition from other practitioners. To survive as a sole lawyer, one needs an office establishment, basic equipment like a telephone as well as adequate secretarial services. Rent is high, especially in Lusaka; telephone bills have to be settled and wages paid. All these are expenses reflected in the fees charged. Hence fees charged are so high that the average potential client is scared away, leaving less business for the lawyer in practice. To get round this problem, a lot of lawyers combine employment with private practice. For those not in regular employment, socio-economic pressures lead to violation of ethics and norms. Many are forced to become brokers or middlemen between clients and other well to do lawyers. They more or less operate as businessmen as opposed to lawyers per se. Thus, like is the case with other professional groups, professionalism has also been compromised by some lawyers in response to the economic crisis. Compared to academics and civil servants, very few lawyers seem to be involved in survival strategies such as petty trading. There are some possible explanations for the seemingly low numbers of lawyers involved in activities such as petty trading. In the first place, one here must note that, compared to medical doctors serving in government run hospitals, academics and civil service professionals, lawyers (especially those in the private and parastatal sectors) seem to be relatively better remunerated. Like is the case with the other professional groups, pooling of resources with neighbours and friends in order to survive the harsh economic situation has also become an important strategy among lawyers. Like other professionals, some lawyers have also taken advantage of a number of work related activities and opportunities to survive the harsh economic situation. For example, some lawyers employed by government have taken advantage of the same opportunities that the other professional groups have taken. These work related opportunities include seminars, workshops and part-time teaching at some colleges. As a result of the economic crisis and resultant coping strategies, differentiations are beginning to emerge between those lawyers that are relatively doing well financially and materially and those that are not. Although generally, those in the private and parastatal sectors are relatively better off than their counterparts who are employed in the public service, it is very difficult to categorize

the differentiations that are emerging among lawyers as a result of the economic crisis and resultant coping strategies. This is due to a number of reasons. In the first place, the coping strategies are varied and a number of lawyers employ several strategies successfully at the same time, making generalizations in terms of type of strategy difficult. For example, some lawyers have for instance combined private practice or public service employment with some business venture and part-time teaching. Secondly, even among a strata of lawyers regarded to be doing relatively better, there are some that have not done well in the face of the economic crisis. For example among lawyers in the private sector, some have not done well. Likewise, some lawyers in the public service have done relatively well in the face of the economic crisis compared to some lawyers in the private sectors. It all depends on the opportunities at one's disposal and how s/he utilizes them. 11. The Effects Of The Economic Crisis And Structural Adjustment On Medical

Doctors Medical doctors have used some of the mechanisms used by their law colleagues to survive the economic crisis. For example, private practice as a crisis evasion measure is also used by some doctors employed in public hospitals. There are only a few doctors in public hospitals, with the majority preferring the mine run hospitals and private practice. However, settling into private practice is not easy. The same problems experienced by lawyers are also faced by doctors. Their plight is even worse when one considers that doctors must acquire medicines and medical implements to stock a private surgery. To get round these obstacles, some doctors prefer engaging in private practice as a part-time undertaking. As the Times of Zambia observed in 1986, "at a time when medical care is crippled by shortage of drugs and doctors, it is sadly disheartening that some doctors at the UTH in Lusaka are fully engaged in private practice while still holding jobs".20 Because of the inability to stock their surgeries with the necessary medical supplies, some doctors in private practice usually refer their clients to public hospitals, with prescriptions. And in extreme cases, some patients who after having paid fees at surgeries are "wheeled into a government operating theatre, where the part-time private practitioner attends to cases such as abortions. And of course they do it free of charge".21 Thus, some doctors are surviving by privatizing public medical facilities. Hence, even in the cases of doctors, socio-economic pressures lead to violation of ethics and norms. A former Minister of State for Health once took a tour of private surgeries and was amazed to find stocks of expired drugs, poor maintenance of records, illegal practice and "even found receptionists squatting in nurses uniforms".22 In its extended comment, the same Times of Zambia article continued: "it is little wonder that the late Mozambican President Samora Machel banned private medical practice shortly after the national liberation. Doctors saw gold on the bodies of sick people".23 Thus, even solo doctors are forced to become businessmen as opposed to doctors per se. The use of hospital facilities by part-time practitioners even once led to a strike by nurses at the University Teaching Hospital. One nurse commented: "...since the doctors have been handsomely paid by patients attending their private surgeries, they should be able to do the job themselves. I am not going to take any patient to the

cubicles".24 The economic crisis has thus led to some doctors compromising professionalism in their efforts to survive the harsh economic situation. It is at times difficult for some senior doctors in supervisory positions to discipline medical doctors who privatize public medical facilities because the supervisors themselves may be involved in the same malpractices, putting themselves in weak positions to enforce discipline. Similarly, the cases where part-time private doctors refer their clients to public hospitals with prescriptions may lead to situations where issuing instructions to subordinate staff such as nurses becomes difficult as was the case with the nurse who commented that she was not going to take any patients to the cubicles, instead doctors should do that themselves since they had already been handsomely paid by the same patients at their private surgeries.25 Thus, malpractices by some doctors in the face of the economic crisis have led to institutional decay in some public hospitals such as the University Teaching Hospital. As a result of the above cited malpractices, among other factors, the hospital as an institution is rendered impotent when it comes to supervising and enforcing discipline among its employees. The training of medical doctors is a long term undertaking and in the interim some other measures have been used to alleviate the shortages of doctors. These measures include the recruitment of foreign doctors from countries such as Poland, Egypt and Cuba.26 These recruitment exercises have been done at great expense to the nation. The situation as at now is grave. As we have already highlighted elsewhere in this paper, despite having produced a good number of medical doctors, most have left the government run hospitals for greener pastures locally and abroad, especially to other southern African countries. For those that remain working under unfavourable conditions, crisis evasion measures such as part-time private practice have become entrenched thereby negatively affecting the services provided. Some medical doctors, like other professional groups, have taken advantage of survival strategies such as petty trading. But, like lawyers, it seems only a small number of medical doctors engage in survival strategies such as petty trading. The only possible explanation we can offer for the seemingly small number of medical doctors involved in survival strategies such as petty trading is that generally, compared to academics and civil servants, most of the doctors who are in the private sector and those employed in the mine run hospitals and parastatal clinics are relatively better off financially. Looking at the lawyers and now medical doctors, the picture that seems to be emerging is that professionals tend to resort to petty trading only when the situation is desperate. Otherwise most of the professionals would ideally confine themselves to work related survival strategies. Pooling of resources with neighbours and friends in order to survive the harsh economic situation has also grown in importance among medical doctors. Like other social groups, medical doctors who are in full-time employment have taken advantage of work related opportunities to survive the economic crisis. The work related survival strategies that medical doctors have employed have included seminars, workshops and private tuition. The various ways medical doctors have responded to the economic crisis over the time have

played a major role in the differentiations that are emerging among medical doctors. Whereas, like the other professional groups, some doctors have prospered under the current economic crisis, others have not done well. Again, it is not easy to make clear cut generalizations of the categories of the differentiations due to the varied and multiple nature of the coping strategies. Some of the doctors who have done well have for example, combined private practice with donor funded consultancies and some other non-medical business ventures. We will however attempt to make some loose generalizations of the categories of the differentiations that are emerging. Generally, the medical doctors that have done well financially and materially under the current economic crisis are those with established private practices, senior medical academics and practitioners with easy access to donor funded consultancy projects. There is also another category that has done well from their involvement in non medical business ventures , for example farming. Another category of medical doctors that has not been hard hit by the current economic crisis are those employed in the mine run hospitals and parastatal clinics. This group of medical doctors is by far better remunerated compared to those employed in government run hospitals. Generally, the junior doctors employed in government hospitals have been the hardest hit by the current economic crisis relative to the other categories of doctors. The foregoing, among other reasons, probably explains why it is only junior doctors who usually go on strike to press for improvements to conditions of service for medical doctors. In September 1994, disgruntled junior doctors at the country's largest hospital, the University Teaching Hospital (UTH) staged a sit-in to press for increased salaries. In all, eighty junior doctors at the UTH staged a sit-in on 22 September, 1994 , leaving only fewer than twelve senior doctors to man the UTH which attends to thousands of patients a day.27 12. Relations And Fusion Of Boundaries Between The Professional Groups Due to the economic crisis and structural adjustment, it is becoming difficult to distinguish between certain strata of academics, civil servants, lawyers and medical doctors because of the convergence of their coping strategies. As we have already pointed out in this paper, some members of the four professional groups that we have focussed on use the same or similar coping up strategies.

The difficulty in distinguishing between these professional groups is made even more difficult by the fact that in the face of the current economic crisis, some of these professionals are increasingly undertaking assignments outside their sectors or organisations. For example, it is now common to find civil service professionals, lawyers and other professionals from the private and parastatal sectors teaching on a part-time basis at the University of Zambia due to the shortage of full-time academic staff. Some medical doctors at the UTH find themselves working on a part-time basis in some clinics run by parastatal companies. UNZA lecturers are also increasingly undertaking consultancy assignments in the civil service, private and parastatal sectors. As already mentioned in this paper, some lecturers are also serving on parastatal boards. The willingness by these professionals to undertake extra assignments and responsibilities outside their sectors or organisations is largely driven by the desire to supplement their incomes. Thus, due mainly to the economic crisis and the need to supplement incomes, some members of different professional groups find themselves working together. For example, professionals from the civil service, private and parastatal sectors teaching together with academics at the university; academics as consultants working together with say professionals in the civil service, private and

parastatal sectors; and UTH full-time doctors working together with UNZA School of Medicine lecturers in private surgeries. 13. Relations Between The State And Professionals Academics Academics at UNZA have in the past confronted the state to press for better conditions of service as groups. Before the formation of the University of Zambia Lecturers and Researchers' Union (UNZALARU), academics confronted the government under the auspices of a very loose organisation called the Caucus for UNZA Lecturers and Researchers. At UNZA. After a long battle between the academics on one hand and the government and UNZA council and management on the other hand over conditions of service, the MMD government through the UNZA council and management finally broke the organised struggle of the academics through dismissals of union members in April 1994 (which were later reversed). This action weakened the academics's union. Note should be taken here that the organised reaction of academics to the economic crisis has been restricted to fighting for better conditions of service and not against structural adjustment policies themselves. Although individual lecturers have at times spoken either for or against structural adjustment, academics as a group have not done so. This is not surprising because, academics in Zambia have not been a social force. Their numbers are too low and for a long time they have lacked an effective organisational framework within which to question government policies. Some of those that have been active in public debates on television, radio or at some conferences have found themselves being co-opted into the political system through job offers. Others have been offered part-time positions on some parastatal boards and commissions of enquiry. This way, the government has in some cases managed to silence some dissenting voices. As already pointed out in this paper, academics as individuals belong to various professional associations within and outside the university. Almost all the campus based or dominated associations concern themselves with matters to do with their various disciplines such as historical, geographical or library matters. There are however some associations which are active in political and economic affairs of the nation and draw a good number of active members from the University of Zambia. One here can give examples of the Economics Association of Zambia (EAZ) and the Zambia Research Foundation (ZRF) which helped formulate most of the economic policies of the ruling MMD government. When MMD formed government after the October 1991 elections, some of the members of the ZRF (both UNZA and non-UNZA) who were not appointed to public offices became very vocal in their criticism of the way the government was implementing its policies. It is interesting to note that after some of these critics were given government positions, they immediately stopped criticising the way those policies were being implemented. Similarly, during the one party era, the then ruling UNIP government did co-opt into the political system active UNZA based members of the EAZ by offering them top government posts or positions on some economic advisory committees.

Civil Servants During the one party era (1973-1990) civil servants enjoyed greater influence in policy making. This did not however mean that civil servants were free to criticize party (UNIP) and government policies in public forums. Civil servants as has always been the case are bound by strict regulations called government general orders, which among other things, forbid civil servants from publicly opposing government policies. Even for top civil servants, they can only address the press or engage in public debates for example on television after clearance from cabinet office or other relevant authorities. Further, during such debates, civil servants are expected to defend government policies, failure to which they risk being disciplined. The foregoing is the case even now under a multi-party democratic system. Although civil servants have enjoyed greater influence in policy making, they have not related to the state as a cohesive group. This is due to the fact that they lack an organisational framework within which the foregoing would be possible. Civil service professionals at the moment can only belong to the Civil Servants's Union of Zambia (CSUZ) whose role is to look after the interests of its members. Besides, in terms of numbers, professionals in the civil service are by far outnumbered by the non professional workers and as a result have been marginalised in the union; and the leadership of the CSUZ is dominated by non professional civil servants. They have thus not been able to exert much influence within their union. Further, due to the regulations (general orders) under which civil servants operate, it is not possible for civil service professionals to relate to the state as an organised group. Civil servants generally accept the fact that their futures can best be served by tacit identification with the government of the day. Identification with the government of the day has become crucial in view of the current economic crisis which has led to a pruning exercise in the civil service in order to reduce the civil service, in line with structural adjustment. Civil servants are now even more careful not to make themselves easy targets for pruning. Just like has been the case with other professional groups, the state when necessary has coopted some civil servants into the political leadership. Lawyers and Medical Doctors During the one party era, lawyers as a group were not a social force in Zambian society. Their grouping (LAZ) during this era restricted itself to professional matters. However, as individuals, lawyers have generally taken an active part in the political affairs of the country. A number of lawyers have in the past been coopted into the political leadership of the country. The Law Association of Zambia (LAZ) only became active in championing human rights and taking a leading role in civic education when Zambia reverted to multi-partyism in 1990. This has on a number of occasions brought LAZ into conflict with some national politicians on issues such as the human rights of suspected criminals. In terms of contribution to the formulation of various legislation in the country, LAZ does at times make proposals as an organisation. But again, it is up to government to decide whether or not to adopt such proposals. Like other professional public workers, lawyers who work in

government do have some influence in regards formulation of certain legislation. Compared to the other professional groups we have focussed on in this paper, medical doctors have generally not taken a keen interest in the political affairs of their country. As already indicated, this is probably due to the fact that their work less exposes them to the political affairs of the country. However, some medical doctors have been very active in medical related public discussions in newspapers and on radio and television. Compared to the other professional groups, very few medical doctors have been appointed to political and other high ranking public offices. Like the other civil service professionals, the medical specialists at the Ministry of Health headquarters play an important and influential role in the formulation of health policies. 14. Professionals And The Formation Of A Diffuse Technocracy Zambia's technocracy can be classified as diffuse. It is a product of both the economic boom period and the economic crisis and restructuring era. Recruitment to this technocracy is largely informal and through contacts with politicians, top bureaucrats, ethnic pressure groups and visibility in some professional associations and public debates. The Zambian technocracy is drawn from varied professions. It comprises of academics, civil servants, medical doctors, lawyers, educationist, engineers, agriculturalists, etc. Thus, the professional groups that we are focussing on in this paper are all represented in the Zambian technocracy. As already pointed out, Zambia was at independence faced with demands in the political as well as socio-economic spheres. Further, the economy the Zambian government inherited was in quite a buoyant state. But, among other problems, one of the major problems confronting the new Zambia government was the acute shortage of skilled manpower. Thus, vast sums of money were injected into an ambitious educational expansion programme. This programme formed the basis for the emergence of indigenous professionals in the country. Together with professionals trained abroad, these locally trained professionals have provided a pool of skilled manpower from which the government has been recruiting its technocrats. By independence, the political leadership had already realised that it needed to have professionals among its midst in order to help with policy making and implementation. Hence the recruitment of professionals into the political leadership and to top public offices. These technocrats have been recruited from the ranks of academics, civil servants, engineers, lawyers, medical doctors, and so on. During the period prior to the economic crisis, technocrats were drawn from a stable educated elite that did not need to engage in multiple coping strategies. With the economic crisis, this educated elite has become unstable and is increasingly scrambling to leave the university and civil service for better paying political and public offices. While some professionals have been appointed to policy making and implementation positions without lobbying, others had to lobby to secure their positions. It should also be pointed out that the economic crisis and structural adjustment have led to an influx of foreign experts into the country to either advise the government or oversee the implementation of structural adjustment programmes. Some of the foreign experts have been brought in by the donor agencies that are undertaking several programmes and projects in the country. But, to secure legitimacy and credibility for IMF, World Bank and donor programmes

and projects, these foreign experts need to work with local professionals. This has led to the recruitment of some local technocrats by these foreign institutions. Again, this category of technocrats is drawn from among others, the four groups of professionals that we are focussing on in this paper. Compared to the other local technocrats in the country, this category of technocrats is better remunerated. With economic recession and restructuring, the influence of Zambian technocrats in policy making and implementation has been eroded since they have to work within the requirements of the IMF, World Bank and other donor agencies. The power of technocrats in Zambia has also been eroded by the lack of security of tenure of office among public officials due to frequent shuffling and dismissals of top public officials by the President. During the one party era, appointments to almost all top positions in the public service were made by the President. The President could appoint, transfer or dismiss public officials as he pleased. Thus, to maintain one's job, what mattered most was not professional competence but loyalty to the appointing authority. This is still the case even now under a multiparty system of government. Although the number of public officials that the President can directly appoint has been reduced, the President under the country's fragile multiparty democracy can still influence the shuffling and dismissals of most public officials through other appointing authorities such as Ministers and the Secretary to the Cabinet who are answerable to the President. Under this atmosphere of insecurity of tenure of office, technocrats have found themselves being easily drawn into the power struggles, and like the other actors in the political game, look forward to the reshuffles and dismissals and engage in intense lobbying in order to enhance their careers. In all this, in order to progress in one's career or maintain the job, what matters most is not professional competence but loyalty to the appointing authority and how effective one lobbies. Another factor which has undermined the power of technocrats in Zambia is the influence exerted by certain social forces in the policy process. In Zambia, social groups such as the churches and business community exert a lot of influence on certain policy issues. The influence of such groups has at times forced the government to backpedal or fail to take a position on certain policy issues regardless of whatever recommendations technocrats make. For example, on population matters, what appears to be more crucial to the Zambian government are not the views of population experts but those of the church. 15. Conclusion In conclusion, we wish to point out that, whereas coping strategies are good for the professionals in that they help cushion them from the impact of the economic crisis, some of the strategies have negative effects on the official duties of the concerned professionals, and in the final analysis the country suffers. For example, income supplementation activities have a negative effect on the teaching responsibilities of some lecturers in that as the situation stands now, most lecturers who are involved in income supplementation activities devote most of their time and energies to such activities instead of their teaching duties, to the detriment of their students and the country's manpower needs in the final analysis. In the case of medical doctors, as already pointed out, some of them are surviving the economic crisis by privatizing public medical facilities and using expired drugs.28 The foregoing undoubtedly is very harmful to the well-being of the country. In the case of civil servants, developmental activities suffer when they use public offices to

supplement their incomes. Needless to mention the fact that the exodus of professionals from Zambia to other countries have had negative effects on the country's efforts to turn around her ravaged economy in that, the very experts that are supposed to play a key role in turning around the economy have abandoned the country in search of greener pastures due to the harsh economic situation at home. Thus, when donor agencies and countries recommend structural adjustment programmes to recipient countries, they must bear in mind the negative effects of some of the coping strategies among various groups that result from the economic crisis and structural adjustment. Equally, the country that embraces structural adjustment programmes must bear in mind some of these negative effects of coping strategies and must endeavour to devise measures that will cushion-off the various social groups in society from the effects of the harsh economic situation that result from structural adjustment. Otherwise, any gains made from structural adjustment will be wiped away by the negative effects of some of the coping strategies among the social groups.

ENDNOTES

1. Sun (Lusaka), October 10-16 1994, p.9

2. G Miller, It is a Living: Work in Modern Society, New York:St. Martin's Press, 1981.

3. K Osei-Hwedie, L K Mwansa & P Mufune (eds), Youth andCommunity Work Practice, Lusaka: Multimedia, 1990.

4. E A Brawley & R Schindler, 'Professional ParaprofessionalRelationships in Four Countries - A Comparative

Analysis', International Social Work, 32(2), 1989, April.

5. ibid, p.91.

6. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 5 September 1992, p.7.

7. C W Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Harmondsworth:Penguin Books, 1959.

8. D L Dresang & R A Young, 'The Public Service', inAdministration in Zambia, W Tordoff (ed), Manchester,Manchester University Press, 1980, pp.68-103.

9. ibid, p.69.

10. ibid

11. ibid

12. G F Lungu, 'Africanization and the Merit Principle', Journalof Administration Overseas, XIX(2), 1987, April,

pp.88-99

13. D L Dresang & R A Young op cit

14. L K Mwansa, 'Rural-Urban Health Care Service Imbalances inZambia - Forces and Outcomes', Journal of Social

Development in Africa, 4(1), 1989, pp.69-83.

15. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 29 September 1986, p.6.

16. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 6 January 1989, p.1.

17. M E Kashoki, 'Indigenous Scholarship in AfricanUniversities: the Human Factor, in Development in Zambia,B Turok (ed), London, Zed Press, 1979, p.181.

18. The Post, 25 May 1999.

19. M Szeftel, 'Political Graft and the Spoils System inZambia', Review of African Political Economy, 24, 1982,May-August, pp.4-21.K Woldring & C Chibaye, Beyond Political Independence,Berlin: Mouton, 1984.

20. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 29 September 1986, p.6.

21. ibid.

22. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 19 August 1984, p.3.

23. ibid.

24. Zambia Daily Mail, (Lusaka), 1 October 1986, p.1.

25. ibid.

26. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 18 November 1984, p.1.

27. Interpress Third World Agency, September 1994

28. Times of Zambia, (Ndola), 19 August, 1984, p.3.

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