Book Reviews 403

In contrast to staple goods and utilitarian craft products,Bruce Owen (ch. 11) reports on metal and shell artifacts, twocategories of wealth goods that were not available or pro-duced locally by the Xauxa. Although some metal objectsserved a utilitarian purpose, most of the metal and shell arti-facts encountered by UMARP excavations served as individ-ual status markers. These were tightly controlled by pre-InkaXauxa elites, and their (re)distribution was co-opted by theInka. Production and distribution of tin bronze increaseddramatically under the Inka, who controlled local access totin and appear to have managed production themselves. Asthe state came to control wealth goods, their distributionundercut local status distinctions.

The topical chapters discuss research design and data in-terpretation by utilizing several different lines of archae-ological evidence. The results of the individual papers aresynthesized in the final three chapters. In a look at the im-perial transformation of exchange systems, Timothy Earle(ch. 12) defines three different interaction spheres—local,regional, and long distance—and looks at how theychanged with Inka subjugation of the Xauxa. Local ex-change spheres show considerable continuity but were af-fected by settlement shifts and imperial mobilization andredistribution of resources. Long-distance exchanges ofwealth and status items were dominated by the empire,which apparently did not offer Xauxa elites to take advan-tage of the Pax Incaica for extending their personal or com-munity networks. By controlling access to nonlocal goods,the Inka maintained vertical exchange relationships withlocals and could manipulate preexisting status distinctions.Following Earle's summary, Hastorf (ch. 13) summarizes thepre-Inka Xauxa data, and D'Altroy (ch. 14) recapitulates theInka period political economy. These three chapters inte-grate all lines of archaeological evidence to describe con-cisely the most important changes over time.

This volume makes valuable theoretical and methodo-logical contributions to anthropological archaeology ingeneral, and specifically to a better comprehension of howpower was constructed and wielded locally prior to and dur-ing Inka domination. Like the UMARP research itself, thisvolume was carefully organized to provide a comprehensiveintroduction to the archaeology of the Xauxa. The introduc-tory chapters situate the Xauxa in relation to the archae-ological fieldwork, candidly explaining how interpretivecategories were constructed, as well as some of the limita-tions of the fieldwork itself. The data-based papers demon-strate how anthropological archaeologists develop inde-pendent lines of evidence and apply their data to theory-based hypotheses. Finally, the synthetic chapters summa-rize all available evidence to describe the effects of Inka im-perialism on the different levels of Xauxa society.

The chapters in this volume should interest not only An-deanists, but all archaeologists and anthropologists whostudy groups living within imperial systems.

Creating Sustainable Community Programs: Examplesof Collaborative Public Administration. Mark R. Daniels,ed. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001. 320 pp.

S U S A N S Q U I R E STactics L.L.C.

I had mixed reactions to this book, which 1 do not thinkwould be generally useful to anthropologists. However, forthe "right" anthropologist involved in community pro-grams, it might provide valuable insights about workingwith public administrators, particularly those in sustainablecommunity programs.

If you are considering reading this book to broaden yourknowledge concerning the use of anthropological perspec-tives, theory, and methods in community-based sustain-ability programs, this book is not for you. Mark Daniels, apublic administrator, has assembled this set of papers forpublic administrators, urban planners, political scientists,and economists working in sustainable community pro-grams. Although he expresses hope that the book will be ofinterest to sociologists, the 24 papers in this volume aredominated by political scientists and their perspective.

Public administrators, like Daniels, have begun to recog-nize the value of "grass roots" involvement in sustainablecommunity programs. Daniels points out that traditionaltop down administration on behalf of local communitieshas seen neither sustained effort nor positive results. Yetthere have been successes. Daniels believes that the successof sustainable programs can be attributed to the "collabora-tion" of public administrators with local communities todevise and implement sustainable "systems" that work. Cre-ating Sustainable Community Programs: Examples of Collabora-tive Public Administration is a positive first effort to expandpublic administrators' growing awareness of these successesby documenting and organizing a number of collaborativecase examples primarily from the United States. By publish-ing this volume, Daniels wants to "build upon the existingknowledge of sustainable community systems . . . present-ing on-going, working sustainable programs in place incommunities across the country" (p. 3). However, the pa-pers in this volume underscore the fact that this is a new di-rection for many of the contributors.

If you are interested in learning how public administratorsbuild and sustain collaborations with local communities,again, this book will disappoint. They are not explicit aboutthe meaning of collaboration or why exactly local involve-ment helps with the sustainability of community programs.I found the discussions of public administrator-communitycollaboration thin and the case studies superficial. Thechapter by Feisal Uzair Khan and Jennifer E. Tessendorf on"The Ada Khan Rural Support Program and the Orangi PilotProject: The Demand Side in Development" is a notable ex-ception.

Initially I was disappointed in this book. However, themore I thought about what the book had to offer, the more Irealized that it did contain important information. As with

404 American Anthropologist • Vol. 105, No. 2 • June 2003

any professional discipline, public administrators share abelief system about their work that includes both explicitknowledge and implicit values. Public administrators, likeother disciples of their disciplines, are introduced to theirprofessional "culture" at university and then deepen and re-inforce those understandings during the course of practice,Daniels and the other contributors to this book are no ex-ception. They provide insights into the "world view" of thepublic administrator: how they organized their thinkingabout sustainability, the way they approach the problems ofsustainable communities, and how they determine success.If you are interested in how public administrators are deal-ing with issues of sustainability or want to learn where po-tential opportunities exist for anthropologists and other so-cial scientists to play a role in sustainable communityprograms, this book offers hidden value.

For example, Daniels tells us that books on sustainablecommunity programs can be divided into three spheres:commerce and economics, community planning and de-sign, and ecology and population studies. This providesclues for understanding how public administrators view di-visions of labor and areas of specialization. Anthropologistsseeking employment, or finding themselves on a team inthe area of sustainable community programs, can use thisunderstanding to identify special skills of a public adminis-trator or navigate the work place organization.

In another example, a significant number of the contribu-tors to this book paid special attention to indicators of success.Although I believe that Daniels and the other contributorsin this book are challenging some of the understandingsabout how administrators interact with local communities,they take for granted other aspects of their work, such as theplace and use of success indicators. Jason Venetoulis's,"Working Toward Sustainability. Successful Community-based Efforts," and Michelle Wyman Pawar's and ShermanWyman's, "Environmental Management Information Sys-tems an Sustainable Communities," actually supply lists ofsuch success indicators. The indicators listed are primarilyoutcome measures external to any particular community.My guess is that these indicators are considered valuable be-cause public administrators believe they are reliable, objec-tive criteria for measuring and comparing success. Althoughsome anthropologists might critique these indicators as cul-turally biased or without regard for the local communitywith whom the public administrators are "collaborating," Ido not think that these indicators should be dismissed. Pub-lic administrators, government officials, and funding agen-cies, among others, want to be able to evaluate how well aparticular program or service is doing. Indicators of successhave value as performance measures. On the other hand,such indicators should not be accepted unilaterally. Thereare at least two opportunities that I can identify for anthro-pologists to help with the development of success indica-tors. Anthropologists are well suited to help clarify and de-fine appropriate success indicators, particularly thosevalued by the local communities. They can also work withpublic administrators to identify and reduce cultural bias.

Finally, I want to highlight the reliance on models pre-sented in this book. Numerous models are illustrated in thiscollection of papers: economic models, models or appropri-ate technologies, and so on. These models are, under-standably, derived from economics, political science, andpopulation studies. Daniels and the other contributors tothis book are looking to advance the success of sustainablecommunity programs by adding to the understanding ofhow such successes can be created. Models provide thestructure to guide collaboration between public administra-tors and local communities to successful sustainable pro-grams. Anthropologists have a wealth of knowledge fromtheory and practice that can add to this discussion. UsingDaniels edited book, Creating Sustainable Community Pro-grams; Examples of Collaborative Public Administration, mayprovide anthropologists with an orientation to the work ofpublic administrators, the challenges they face, and thestrategies they use to achieve success.

Calling the Station Home: Place and Identity in NewZealand's High Country. Michele D. Dominy. Lanham,MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001. 299 pp.

D A V I D S . T R I G G E RUniversity of Western Australia

This is an important and courageous book that deserves awide readership. Michele Dominy presents us with an eth-nographically rich account of a community whose mem-bers are not usually "natives of choice" in anthropology.This is a nuanced study, conducted over a period of 15 years,of white farmers in the high altitude landscape of New Zea-land.

The work comprehensively traces the ways local identityis constructed by reference to land and place. The analyticunit, and the location of much fieldwork, is the station orrun, and Dominy's fieldwork concentrated on 15 properties.The study deals in an engaging fashion with how familieswho have operated sheep stations over several generationstransmit both their properties and their culture to theirprogeny. The material on the role of place naming and theorganization of meaningful spaces across both domesticand work environments is highly original.

Two features of the book are of particular importance.One is Dominy's confident use of a broad anthropologicalliterature about non-Western cultures in approaching thetask of understanding white farmers. Thus, like an Ama-zonian tribe, for New Zealand farmers, kinship and land aremutually implicated; and like the North American NativeApache, their talk about and naming of the landscape re-flects the sort of people they imagine themselves to be, Astudy of Australian Aboriginal connections with land is saidto provide a useful theoretical vocabulary for understandingthe presumed converse context of white pastoral farmers de-scended from 19th-century Anglo-Celtic settlers.