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This is a peer-reviewed, post-print (final draft post-refereeing) version of the following published document, The final publication is available at Springer via https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-016-9285-0 and is licensed under All Rights Reserved license:
Phillips, Amber ORCID: 0000-0003-3227-7672 (2017) Corrado Alvaro and the Calabrian mafia: a critical case study of the use of literary and journalistic texts in research on Italian organized crime. Trends in Organized Crime, 20 (1-2). pp. 179-195. doi:10.1007/s12117-016-9285-0
Official URL: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-016-9285-0DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-016-9285-0EPrint URI: http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/id/eprint/6016
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1
CorradoAlvaroandtheCalabrianMafia:acriticalcasestudyoftheuseof
literaryandjournalistictextsinresearchonItalianorganizedcrime
Abstract
TheCalabrianmafia,or’Ndrangheta,isahugelypowerfulinternationalcrime
syndicate,withoriginsthatcanbetracedbacktothelatenineteenthcentury.By
fartheleaststudiedofItaly’s‘bigthree’mafias,socio-historicalresearchonthe
earlierstageoftheorganisation’shistoryhastendedtomakeextensiveuseof
literaryandjournalistictextsassourcematerial(seeArlacchi(1983),Ciconte
(1992),Paoli(2003)).Thispaperwillpresentacautionaryexampleofthe
importanceofinterrogatingliteraryandjournalisticrepresentationsofItalian
organizedcrimesensitivelyandwithincontext,takinganarticlewrittenby
celebratedCalabrianwriterCorradoAlvaroasacasestudy.Itarguesthat
academicperceptionsoftheearly’Ndranghetaare,throughtheirrelianceon
culturalproducts,impactedbythenarrativescontainedwithinsuchtexts;a
phenomenonwhichmeritsfurtherinvestigation.Further,drawingoncultural
memorystudies,itarguesthat,whiletheaccuracyoftherepresentationsofthe
’Ndranghetacontainedwithinthesetextsmaybecalledintoquestion,theydo,
throughtheirabilitytobothreflectandshapepublicopinion,haveavaluable
contributiontomaketoourunderstandingofperceptionsofCalabrianorganized
crimeinitsnativeregion.
Introduction
Despitebeingrecognizedasoneoftheworld’smostpowerfulcriminal
organizations(Europol2013),withoriginsthatcanbetracedbacktothelate
nineteenthcentury,theCalabrianmafia,or’Ndrangheta,hasonlyinthelastfew
decadesbeguntodrawsubstantialattentionfromthescholarlycommunity.
Muchliketheremote,economicallydepressedItalianregionthatproducedit,
thismafiahasbeenignoredbygovernmentandmediaalikeformuchofits
history,withthebulkofattentionbeingdevotedinsteadtoitsSiciliancousin,
2
CosaNostra.1Ofcourse,the’Ndranghetadidnotemergefullyformedinthe
1880s,anditisgenerallyagreeduponbyscholarsthataroundthemid-twentieth
centurytheorganisationbegantoundergoakindoftransformation,aggressively
expandingitsareasofactivityandtakingruthlessadvantageofopportunities
offeredbyItaly’seconomicmiracle(Ciconte1992,298).Sinceitremainedunder-
noticedandunder-researchedfordecadesevenafterthisboominactivity,itis
perhapsunsurprisingthatresearchontheearlierphaseofitshistoryhassofar
beenrelativelyscarce;Calabria’sremotenessandmarginality,anexceptionally
highilliteracyrate,andtheinherentlysecretivenatureoftheorganizationitself
allposeuniquechallengestotheresearcherhuntingformaterial.
Perhapspartlyforthisreason,historicalandsociologicalresearchonthe
pre-1950s’Ndranghetahastendedtomakeuseofanunusualcombinationof
sources.Literaryandjournalistictexts,includingnewspaperarticles,novels,and
shortstories,arefrequentlyinterspersedwiththemoretraditionalmainstaysof
thesocialhistorian(i.e.courtandpolicearchives).Unfortunately,however–
withthenotableexceptionofrecentworkbyJohnDickie(2012;2013)andFabio
Truzzolillo(2013)–theseliteraryandjournalistictextsareveryoftencitedwith
littletonoacknowledgmentoftheirprovenanceorgenre,norofthepresence(or
potentialimpact)ofanauthorialvoiceoragenda.2AsShawhasnoted,although
historianshave,sinceHaydenWhite,increasinglyrecognised‘thecentralityof
theroleoftheauthorinimposinga,sometimesartificial,narrativeonreallife
events’–somethingwhich,asLupo(1993,31)observes,mustalsobeappliedto
judicialdocumentsinthefieldofmafiastudies–attentionshouldbe‘extendedto
theroleoftheliteraryauthorintheirshapingofhistoricalfiction’,3particularly
given‘theauthorityoftheliteraryforminthere-writingofhistory’(Shaw2012,
146;7).Whilethelinkbetweenhistoricalfictionandjournalistictextsmay
appearobscureatthisstage,aswillbecomeclear,inthecaseofrepresentations
ofthe’Ndrangheta’spast,theliteraryformisbothprevalentandinfluential,and
therearenumeroussignificantparallelstobedrawn.
1Athoroughexaminationofthehistoriographyofthe’NdranghetaisprovidedbyTruzzolillo,2011.2See,forexample,Arlacchi(1983,2010),Ciconte(1992),andPaoli(2003).3ShawisparaphrasingtheworkofLindaHutcheonhere.
3
Recentstudiesofmediarepresentationsoforganisedcrime(DiRonco
andLavorgna2016)haverightlystressedthesignificanceoftheimpactofthe
perceptionsandnarrativestheypresentonbothpolicy-makersandthepublic,
andalsonotedthatthesenarratives‘maynotfullycorrespond’with‘current
academicviewsonOrganisedCrime’(Ibid.,2).However,theabilityofmedia
representations(andotherculturalrepresentationsofthephenomenon,
includingliterature)tointeractwith,andtoinfluence,academicperceptionsof
OC,remainsunder-explored,particularlywithregardtohistory.Drawingon
culturalmemorystudies,thispaperwillassertthatliteraryandjournalistic
representationsoftheearly’NdranghetaactaswhatWelzer(2010,287)refers
toasa‘structuringmatrixfortheprocessingofinformation’,formingpartofa
complexnetworkofrepresentations,whicharecapableofinfluencingone
another.Academicperceptionsofthe’Ndrangheta’shistoryare,throughtheir
relianceonculturalproductsincludingliteratureandjournalism,necessarily
impactedbythenarrativescontainedwithinsuchrepresentations,andthis
phenomenonmeritsfurtherinvestigation.
ThispaperwillfurtherarguethatItalianjournalisticrepresentationsof
organisedcrimeneedtobetreatedparticularlycarefully,assuchtextsare
subjecttoanumberofculture-specificconventionswhichmustaffectour
interpretationoftheircontent:inthiscase,theirportrayalofthecharacteristic
natureoftheearly’Ndrangheta.IwillarguethatthefeaturesofcertainItalian
journalistictextsmeanthattheyshouldbeconsideredas‘semi-literary’,andas
such,mustbecontextualisedbyanunderstandingnotjustoftheindividual
writer’sliteraryoutput,butalsoofthesignificanceofliteratureasaconveyor
andinfluencerofculturalattitudes.Neumann(2010)hashighlightedthehuge
significanceofliteratureasacarrierandinfluencerofwidespreadcultural
attitudestopastevents,whileErll(2010,389)pointstothepoweroffictional
mediato‘generateandmouldimagesofthepastwhichwillberetainedbywhole
generations.’AfurtherconsiderationliesinthespecificityoftheItalian
journalistictradition,describedbyMurialdias‘ajournalismimbuedwithgreat
literarytraditionsandstrongpoliticalpassions’asopposedtotheAnglo-Saxon
4
predilectionfor‘factualjournalism’(Murialdi1998,13).4Thisfactorisworth
pointingouteventhoughthemajorityofhistoriansandsociologistscitedareof
Italianorigin,andarethuslikelytobeimplicitlyawareofit.
Thecasestudytakenforthisarticlepresentsacautionaryexampleofthe
importanceofinterrogatingliteraryandjournalisticrepresentationsofthe
’Ndranghetasensitively,andwithintheirculturalandhistoricalcontext.While
thereiscertainlynoshortageofCalabrianwriterswhoseworkmightbe
analysedtothisend,5IhaveselectedCorradoAlvaro(1895-1956),duetohis
uniquepositionamongCalabrianwritersintheItalianculturalimaginary.
ArguablyCalabria’smostcelebratedliteraryexport,Alvaroisalsobecomingan
increasinglyfrequentpresenceindiscoursesurroundingtheanti-’Ndrangheta
movement,quotedbybloggers,campaigners,andeveninrapsongs,aswellas
appearinginanumberofbooksonthemafia.Themostfamousquotation
attributedtotheauthorhasaparticularresonancefortheanti-mafiamovement:
‘thedeepestdespairthatcantakeholdofasocietyisthefearthatlivinghonestly
isfutile’(Alvaro1959,8).6However,thisquotationisinitselfastrongindicator
ofAlvaro’ssuitabilityasanexemplarofthemisappropriationofcultural
products:theauthor’soriginalwordshavebeensubjectedtoakindofChinese-
whisperseffect,frequentlymisquoted,andretrospectivelyimbuedwithananti-
mafiasentimentwhichisnotpresentintheoriginalcontext(anisolatedthought
inadiaryentryfrom1948).7
ThecentralcasestudyofmyarticleisapiecewrittenbyAlvaroin1955
fortheItaliannationalnewspaperCorrieredellaSera.Thispiecehasbeen
referencedextensivelyby’Ndranghetascholarsoverthelastfewdecadesasan
4“ungiornalismofattuale”and“ungiornalismocherisentedigranditradizioniletterarieedifortipassionipolitiche”(Murialdi1998,13).Alltranslations,unlessotherwisestated,aremyown.5ThenovelsofCalabrianwritersSaverioStrati,LucaAsprea,andSaverioMontaltohaveallfeaturedextensivelyinhistoricalandsociologicalresearchontheearly’Ndrangheta.MycurrentPhDthesisfocusesinpartontheinterpretationofthesetextsbyvariousdifferentactors.6“Ladisperazionepiùgravechepossaimpadronirsid'unasocietàèildubbiochevivererettamentesiainutile.”(Alvaro1959,8).ThisquotationfeaturesonthetitlepagesofGratteriandNicaso(2010,1),andDickie(2013,v);andismisquotedbydiGirolamo(2012,209).Italsofeaturesonthehigh-profilesiteWikimafia.ithttp://www.wikimafia.it/la-ndrangheta-in-ottima-salute/andGustavoGesualdo’s‘CittadinoAntimafia’,http://www.ilcittadinox.com/blog/cittadini-antimafia.html,aswellasintherapvideoDallemieparti,LoopLoona,November2014.7N.B.Withregardtothemisquotingoftheauthor’soriginalwords,theword‘rettamente’hasbeenchangedto‘onestamente’inanumberofcases.
5
authoritative,first-handdescriptionoftheorganization,andasasourceitis
frequentlycitedalongsidepolicerecordsandcourtdocumentation,asifto
indicatethatitscontentshouldbeinterpretedaccordingtothesamecriteria
(See:Ciconte1992,42,57,72,214and221;GratteriandNicaso2010,22,27;
GratteriandNicaso2012,70;Paoli2003,183).Whileitiscertainlynotmy
intentiontosuggestthattherepresentationofItalianorganisedcrimeincourt
documentationshouldeverbeconsideredtobefreeofsubjectivebias(seeLupo
1993,31)thereisnoquestionthatthefunction,purpose,andaudienceofsuch
documentsaresubstantiallydifferenttothoseofjournalisticandliterarytexts,
andthatwheretheyarequotedalongsideoneanotherwithoutdistinction,the
latterriskbeinginterpretedasimpersonalrelayersofhistorical‘fact’.Few
scholarswhociteAlvaro’sarticleconsiderthepresenceofasubjectivenarrative
voicewithinthetext,northepotentialforanauthorialagenda–indeed,asthe
contemporaryusesoftheauthor’swordsindicate,heisrarely,ifever,assumed
tobeanythingotherthanentirelycriticalofthemafia.Additionally,littlerigour
isgenerallyappliedtoestablishingthegenreof‘Lafibbia’,particularlythe
literarynatureofthetext,norofthepotentialofthistoimpactuponour
understandingofthecontent.Thecrucialelementsofmemoryandnostalgiaare
alsoignored,thoughthetextisrichwiththeauthor’spersonalrecollectionsand,
asBirgitNeumann(2010,33)hasobserved,‘therenderingofmemories
potentiallytellsusmoreabouttherememberer’spresent,hisorherdesireor
denial,thanaboutactualpastevents.’
Inthispaper,IofferareadingofAlvaro’sarticlewhichchallengesthe
prevailingcontemporaryperceptionoftheauthor’sattitudetothe’Ndrangheta,
insistingthatthegenreandcontextofliterary-journalisticsourcesare
fundamentaltoourinterpretationoftheircontent.Informedbyanumberof
otherworksbyAlvaro,Iarguethatthetextshouldnotbeciteduncriticallyasa
sourceofsocio-historicaldataonthe’Ndrangheta,andthat,infact,onecanraise
substantialquestionsregardingtheaccuracyofthepictureitpaintsofthe
organisation;aportraitwhichisdistortedbysentimentandnostalgia,andwhich
constructsanidealisedvisionofa‘traditionalmafia’graduallysupplantedbya
morenefariousmodernincarnationfollowingtheSecondWorldWar.
6
Itshouldbenotedthatthisseparationbetweenatraditionalanda
modern’Ndranghetacomplementstheviewoftheorganisation’sdevelopment
putforwardbythesociologistPinoArlacchiintheearly1980s(Arlacchi1983),
whichitselfdrawssubstantiallyonviewsoftheSicilianmafiaprevalentinthe
1970s(Hess1973,andBlok1974).Arlacchiidentifiedtwoseparateincarnations
ofthe’Ndranghetaphenomenon;an‘entrepreneurialmafia’,whichemergedin
thepost-warboomyears,and,beforeit,a‘traditionalmafia’,whichessentially
representedasetofvaluesandbehaviourstypicaltothesocio-economic
conditionsofcertainareasoftheregion.AccordingtoArlacchi,the’Ndrangheta
wasnot,andisnot,astructured,formalcriminalorganization,andpriortothe
mid-twentiethcentury,itwasapurelysocio-culturalphenomenon.This
hypothesishasbeenconvincinglyoverturnedinrecentyears,particularlyinlight
ofLupo’sworkontheSicilianmafia(1992)andresearchbyDickie(2012)and
Truzzolillo(2013),whichhasuncoveredsignificantevidenceofcontinuityinthe
organisation’shierarchyandstructurefromthelatenineteenthcenturytothe
presentday.
However,themyththattheearly’Ndranghetawasessentiallyaloose
bandofindividualdelinquentsratherthanahierarchicalcriminalorganization,
isapersistentone,andhasasignificanceandimpactwhichgoesfarfurtherthan
theacademicsphere.Itbothreflectsandcontributestothehistorictendencyof
theItaliangovernmentandmediatoprofoundlyunderestimatetheextentof
organisedcriminalityinCalabria–atendencywhichhasallowedittothrive
(Dickie2013).Throughcarefulanalysisoftherepresentationofthe
’Ndrangheta’spastinAlvaro’sarticle,wecangainsignificantinsightintothe
factorsthathavecontributedtothistendency,andraiseinterestingquestions
regardingperceptionsoftheorganisationinitsnativeregion(drawingparallels
withthephenomenonofSicilianismoinSicily).8Keytothisistheunderstanding
that‘mediaproductsdonotjustdeliverversionsofthepast;theyalsodetermine
theperceptionofthepresent’(Welzer2010,287).
8SicilianismoreferstoaculturalphenomenondefinedbyFarrell(1995,32)asa‘complexofprejudicesandattitudes’manifestedas‘ahystericalrejectionofallcriticismsofSicily,whetherwellfoundedandhowevermotivated,aslèse-majesté’.Withregardtothemafia,thisinvolveseitherdenyingitsexistenceoutright,orinterpretinganti-mafiameasuresasanattackontheregion.
7
IntroducingCorradoAlvaro
ItisnecessarytobeginbyaddressingexactlywhyCorradoAlvaroandhis
writingshouldbeofsuchinteresttoresearchersoftheearly’Ndrangheta.Alvaro
wasbornin1895inthevillageofSanLuca,afactwhichstraightawaysignalsa
strongpotentialconnectionwithCalabrianorganizedcrime.Thenameofthis
tinymountainvillagehasbeensynonymouswiththe’Ndranghetafromthelate
nineteenthcenturyrightuptothepresentday–theDuisburgmassacrein
Germanyin2007wastheculminationofabloodfeudthatbeganinSanLuca
(Badolati2014,15).JustasimportantashisbirthplaceisAlvaro’srarityasa
nativeCalabrianwriterwhorosetogaincelebratedstatusatanationallevelin
Italy.AlthoughhespentmostofhiscareerlivingawayfromCalabria,Alvaro
consistentlyreferredbacktoitinhisfictionandinhisjournalism,depicting
scenesoftraditionalCalabrianpeasantcultureandfrequentlycallingtheItalian
statetoaccountforitsneglectoftheregion.Dickie(2013,83)hasreferredto
himas‘theunofficialspokesmanforthevoicelesspoorofhishomeregion’,and
whileitisimportantnottooverstatehiscontemporaryfameorinfluence,Alvaro
doesstandoutasrarevoiceofinformedauthorityonCalabrianorganizedcrime
atacrucialtimeinitshistory,makinghimanattractivepotentialsourcefor
scholars.
Thearticlewhichformsthecasestudyforthispaperwaspublishedon17
September1955,ayearwhichmightbedescribedasthewatershedmomentfor
nationalpublicawarenessofCalabrianorganizedcrime.9Thelaunchofthe
MarzanoOperation,thefirstmajornationalpolicecrackdownonorganized
crimeinCalabria,provokedanunprecedentedclamourofpressinterestinthe
region,muchofwhichwascharacterisedbyitsuseofwell-establishednegative
stereotypesoftheSouthaslawless,savage,andbackward.10Alvaro’spiece
9Foranin-depthanalysisofthesignificanceof1955,seeDickie2013,67-91,andCiconte1992,244-294.BothhistoriansidentifyitasthefirstyearinwhichCalabrianorganizedcrimewasmeaningfullyacknowledgedanddiscussedonanationalscale.10TheresponseofthenationalpresstotheMarzanoOperationisoutlinedbyCiconte(1992,287-288).FormoreonthetraditionofnegativestereotypingoftheSouthintheItalianpress,seeDickie,1992;Gribaudi,1996;Moe,2002.
8
appearedinItaliannationalnewspaperCorrieredellaSeraattheheightofthis
mediastorm.Crucially,thetextwaspublishedonthepaper’sterzapagina(page
three),aspacewhichincontemporaryItalianpublishingtraditionwasreserved
foreliteculturalpersonalities,literature(includingraccontiorshortstories),
opinion,andtravelwriting(Ceccuti1978,177).Thelocationofthepiece,andthe
highprofileofitsauthor,wouldimmediatelyindicatealiteraryqualitytothetext
tothecontemporaryreader;asignificantcontextualconsiderationwhichis
unacknowledgedbythevastmajorityofthosewhociteitinahistoricalor
sociologicalcapacity.
Itstitleis‘Lafibbia’(literallytranslatedas‘thebuckle’),whichistaken
fromalistofseveraldifferentnamesfortheCalabrianmafiaintheopening
sentence,alongside‘ndranghita’and‘OnorataSocietà’[honouredsociety].Inthe
text,Alvaropaintsapictureofamafiawhichhasemergedasaresultofthe
failureoftheItalianstatetoimposeanykindoforderorjustice,andwhichis
deeplyconnectedtothesocio-economicsituationoftheregion.Thepersonal
memoriesandexperiencesoftheauthorareakeyelementofthetext,including
detailssuchasthetypicalbehavioursandprioritiesofmafiaaffiliatesandtheir
particulartasteinclothes.ThereisalsoanemphasisontheideathatlaFibbiaor
themafiaformsanacceptedpartofeverydaylifeinAlvaro’sregion,whichthe
authorillustratesinthefirstparagraphwithaparticularlystrikingrecollection;
arrivinghomeforthe(school?)holidaysoneday,hismotherinformshimthat
hisfatherisupstairswith‘thepeoplefromtheassociation’–whichshethen
clarifiestotheconfusedAlvaroas‘thedelinquentassociation’(i.e.themafia).11
Alvaroisneithersurprisednorfrightenedbythis.Hehasknownofthe
’Ndrangheta,heclaims,‘daquandoebbil’etàdellaragione’–sincehewasold
enoughtounderstand.
Despitethelongstandingfamiliaritywiththe’Ndranghetawhichthe
authordeclaresinthearticle,however,fewofthehistorianswhoreference‘La
fibbia’acknowledgeacuriousfact:thereseemstobeconsiderablevariationin
scholarlyopinionastowhetherornotAlvaromentionedtheCalabrianmafiaat
allinanyofhisworkpriortothepublicationofthisarticlein1955.Some,
includingPasquinoCrupi(1992)andAntonioNicaso(2007)suggestthat‘La11“quellidell’associazione”;“l’associazioneadelinquere”(Alvaro,1955a).
9
fibbia’representsAlvaro’ssoleacknowledgmentoftheexistenceofthe
’Ndranghetainhisentireforty-yearwritingcareer.Giventheauthor’s
commitmenttoportrayingthepovertyandhardshipssufferedbytheinhabitants
ofhisnativeregion,itisreasonableheretodrawcomparisonswiththeSicilian
context,andconcludethatAlvarowasguiltyofwhatLeonardoSciasciasawasa
kindofliteraryomertàamongSicilianrealistwriters;thatis,afailuretoconfront
theexistenceofthemafia(Farrell1995,14).12Beforepursuingthislineof
argument,however,itisvitaltopointoutthatthepremiseitrestsonis
contested;thesociologistLetiziaPaoli(2003,17)statesthatAlvaromentioned
the’Ndranghetain‘severalshortstories’.Thisveryfundamentaldisagreement
onsuchanapparentlybasicpointshouldstraightawayraisesomeimportant
questionsfortheresearcher,anditisclearthatthetwopositionscannotbothbe
accurate.Asitturnsout,however,neitherisstrictlycorrect.
ThetwostoriesofferedasexamplesbyPaoli(2003,256)inher
bibliographyactuallycontainnoreferencetothe’Ndrangheta,noranything
resemblingacriminalorganisation–andindeed,theirdatesofpublication(1929
and1930)wouldmakethemsubjecttothebanimposedbythefascist
governmentinthelate1920swhichforbadeanymentionofthemafiainprint
(Crupi,1992,64).CrupievenusestheverysamestoriescitedbyPaolias
examplestosupporthisexplanationforAlvaro’sfailuretoacknowledgethe
’Ndranghetainanyofhisworkpriorto‘Lafibbia’.ForCrupi,thesestoriesare
symptomaticofAlvaro’stendencytoidealiseandromanticizeCalabrianpeasant
culture.Alvaro’sfailuretodepictthemafiais,Crupisays,connectedtothe
author’sinabilitytodistinguishbetweenthevaluesofthemafia,andthevalues
ofCalabriantraditionalsociety;hecannotcriticiseonewithoutcriticisingthe
other(Ibid.,p.70).ThecomparisonwiththeSiciliancontextthusseemsasound
one,particularlyinlightofoneofthemotivesFarrell(1995)suggestsforthe
reticenceoftheSicilianrealiststoaddressthemafiaintheirwork;aformof
Sicilianismo,whichrejectedanyrepresentationofthemafiaasadangerous
criminalphenomenon,inordertostaveoffprejudicedattacksontheregion.This
ismanifestedsignificantlyintheworkofnineteenthcenturyfolkloristGiuseppe12InSciascia’sview,influentialSicilianliteraryfiguressuchasGiovanniVergaandLuigiCapuanahad,despitetheirrealistprinciples,‘collaboratedinaconspiracyofsilencewhichworkedtotheadvantageofthemafia’(Farrell1995,14).
10
Pitrè,who‘sawtheessenceofmafiaconductasagrand,RobinHoodresistance
tobullyingandoppression’(Farrell1995,18),situatingitaspartofthe
traditionalcultureoftheregion.
Crupi’stheoryisaninterestingone,particularlyinlightofthefactthata
numberofscholarshaveidentifiedtheappropriationoftraditionalcultureasa
tactichistoricallyemployedbythe’Ndranghetatobuildconsensusinthe
communitiesinwhichitoperates(Ciconte,1992,77-78;Paoli,2003,183-186).
However,thepremisewhichitrestsonisunsound:the’Ndranghetaisnot
entirelyabsentfromAlvaro’sworkpriorto‘Lafibbia’.Itistrue,asfarasmy
researchhasfound,thatAlvaromakesnoreferencetothe’Ndranghetainany
workpublishedpriorto1955.Itdoes,however,appearinanumberofother
articlespublishedbytheauthorin1955,andinatleastoneshortstoryfromthe
sameyear,asDickie(2013,490)haspointedout,andasCrupieventuallybriefly
acknowledges(2013).13Aswillbecomeclear,despitetheinaccuracyofhisinitial
observation,Crupi’sideascanstillbeappliedsuccessfullytotheanalysisof
Alvaro’sotherrepresentationsofthe’Ndrangheta.ByanalysingAlvaro’s
depictionoforganisedcrimeinasampleofthesetexts,weareabletogaina
widerunderstandingofthecontextinwhich‘Lafibbia’waswritten,openingthe
waytoaninterpretationwhichchallengesthewidely-heldassumptionthatthe
authorwasentirelyhostiletothe’Ndrangheta.
Agoodstartingpointforestablishingcontextistheshortstory,‘Angelino’,
since,aswillbeexplained,itcontainsmanythemesprevalentinAlvaro’s
previousliteraryportrayalsofCalabriaanditsinhabitants.Publishedaspartofa
collectionin1955,andsetjustaftertheSecondWorldWar,thenarrative
describesthetitlecharacter’sreturnfromtheUnitedStatestohisnativevillage.
Uponhisreturn,wordspreadsinthevillagethatAngelinowasdeportedasa
criminal,whichleadstotheyoungmanbeinginvitedtojointhe‘onoratasocietà’
[honouredsociety],acommonalternativetermforthe’Ndrangheta:
13Inthislater,revisededition,Crupibrieflyacknowledgestheexistenceoftheshortstory‘Angelino’,butsincethevolumeismoreofananthologythanananalyticalwork,thereislittlespaceforhimtoamendhisoriginalanalysis,andnoadditionalthoughtsareofferedontheabsenceofthe’NdranghetafromAlvaro’sworkpriorto1955.
11
Angelino’sdeedcausedhimtobeinvitedtojointheHonouredSociety,otherwise
knownasthedelinquentassociation,whichexiststoavengeyoungwomenwho
havebeenwronged,andtheftswhichhavebeencommittedunjustly(sothey
say),andanykindofbullyingbythepowerful.14
Theinclusionof‘sotheysay’withinthisquotationisworthnoting,implyingasit
doesalevelofdistancebetweenthenarratorandthebeliefsthatheisrelaying.
Thenarrator,whointroduceshimselfasAngelino’scousin,ishimselfanativeof
thesamevillage,butexplainsthathenowlivessomedistanceaway,perhaps
reflectingAlvaro’sowngeographicaldistancefromhishomeland.Thereisthusa
tensionbetweenthenarrator’snativefamiliaritywiththeculturehedescribes,
andhiscurrentgeographical(andcultural?)detachmentfromit.AsIwill
indicate,however,wherethehonouredsocietyisconcerned,thevoidinattitudes
impliedbythisinitial‘sotheysay’istoagreatextentclosedbythenarrator’s
descriptionsofboththeassociationitselfandtheculturalcontextinwhichit
operates.
Angelino’sinvitationispromptedbythecrimehecommittedinAmerica:
attemptingtoblowuphisfather’shouse,withhisfatherandtheoldman’snew
loverinsideit.However,the’Ndranghetainthisstoryisnobandofmurderous,
hard-heartedcriminals.Instead,Alvarodepictsanassociationthatis
fundamentallytiedtothevaluesandcustomsofCalabrianpeasantsociety,witha
particularlystrongemphasisontheimportanceofreligionandfamily.The
affinitybetweenthehonouredsocietyandthecommunityisdemonstratedmost
clearlybythefactthatAngelino’scrimenotonlywinshimtheadmirationofthe
mafia,butalsothatofthewomenofthevillage,whoseehisattempttomurder
hisfatherasanactindefenceofhisdeadmother’shonourandmemory.The
statusthatthedeedconfersuponhimevengrantsAngelinothehonourof
accompanyingthelocalbishoponhispastoralvisits,andthenarratorpointsout
thatthehonouredsocietyisreligious.
14“UnatalecapacitàhaprocuratoadAngelinol’offertadiaffiliarsiall’OnorataSocietà,altrimentidettal’associazioneadelinquere,cheècostituitaalloscopodiriparareitortifattialleragazzeeifurtisubitiingiustamente(cosidicono),eognisortadiprepotenzedapartedichièpotente”(Alvaro1955b,487).
12
JustasinmanyofAlvaro’sotherstoriesfeaturingCalabrianpeasant
protagonists,crimeispresentedin‘Angelino’asanentirelyjustifiableresponse
totheinjusticesperpetratedbystateauthority,whichhasfosteredthe
developmentofadistinctmoralcode.Indeed,ashedescribesembracing
Angelinouponhisreturnhome,thenarratorexplicitlystatesthat‘wherewe’re
from,someoneisn’tacriminaljustbecausethelawsaystheyare.Themoralityof
poorvillageshasnothingtodowiththemoralitywhichexistsonthebasisof
everythingbeingfair’.15Alvarointroducesthestorybypragmaticallyexplaining
thatfortheyoungmaleinhabitantsofthisvillage,stealingisasensiblefinancial
choicegiventhelackofotheroptions,butemphasizesthatthisdoesnotequate
toalackofscruples:themenmaysteallivestockfromneighbouringvillages,but
donotstooptopickpocketingorburglary.Thiscomfortablecoexistenceofcrime
withinanacceptedmoralcodeismirroredwithinthemafia,asevidencedbythe
criteriaforselectingthecapooftheorganisation.Inthestory,thehonoured
societyisunabletofindacandidatewiththenecessaryqualificationstofillthe
role(measured,reportedly,bythenumberofcriminalconvictionsoneholds).
Despitehissubstantialcriminalrecord,however,theincumbentboss,Macrino,is
alsopresentedasanembodimentofwholesome,traditionalvalues;heisafamily
manwhowantstoretiresothathecanspendmoretimewithhischildren.
Theantagonisticforceinthestoryisnot,asonewouldexpect,the
honouredsociety,butthemorallycorrosiveinfluenceofmodernconsumer
capitalism.Angelinohimselfembodiesthistoanextent;thenarratorinformsus
thatAngelino‘hadpickeduptheAmericanobsessionwithbusiness,andwas
dedicatedtopursuingit.’16Thisleadshimtosetupasomewhatunsavoury
enterprise;shippinginsingleforeignwomenunabletofindahusbandathome,
andofferingthemaswives-cum-work-permitsforyoungmalevillagersinsearch
ofatickettoprosperityabroad.Thehonouredsocietythusseemsalignedwitha
civilizationandawayoflifewhichareunderthreat,withAngelinoperhaps
representinganew,moreambitiousbreedofcriminal.
15“danoiuncriminalenonètalesoltantoperchéleleggilodefiniscono,lamoraledeipaesipoverinonhanientedavedereconquantoèuniversalmenteaccettatocolpresuppostochetuttosiagiusto.”(Alvaro1955b,486).16“avevaacquistatoinAmericailcultodegliaffarieaquestisivolevadedicare.”(Alvaro1955b,488).
13
Though‘Angelino’isuniqueamongAlvaro’sfictioninitsexplicit
referencetothehonouredsociety,initscriticalportrayalofstateauthority,its
idealisationofpeasantculture,anditsrationalisationofcrime,itisverymuch
typicaloftheauthor’sdepictionsofCalabriaelsewhereinhisfiction,including
thenovelconsideredtobehismasterpiece,GenteinAspromonte(1930).While
Alvaro’scommitmenttoforegroundingtheharshconditionsanddesperate
povertyinhisrepresentationsoftheregionensuresthatheisacknowledgedasa
realist,theserepresentationsarealsoconsideredtobecharacterizedbytheir
sentimentalityandatendencytowardtheromantic(DeBella1973,31-2;
Piromalli1977,206-8).ThisextendsinparticulartoAlvaro’sdepictionof
Calabria’sdistinctvaluesandtraditions-identifiedbyCrupi(1992,69-70)as
‘thecultofthefamily,honour,blood,pride,totaldisregardfor[state]authority,
personalvengeanceasanalternativetoaloftyidealofjusticewhichhasbeen
foundwanting’.17Thejustificationand,toanextent,glorificationofcrime,are
partoftheauthor’sinsistenceontheuniquenessofthevaluesandworldviewof
theregion,whichheviewsasattributabletocenturiesofsubjugation.
Publishedaspartofacollectionofshortstories,thegenreof‘Angelino’is
easytopindownasliteraryfiction,andithasnottomyknowledgebeencitedin
anysociologicalorhistoricalworksonthe’Ndrangheta;18thoughitisimportant
tonotethatthishasbynomeanspreventedtheextensiveandundiscriminating
inclusionoffictioninhistoricalandsociologicalresearchonthe’Ndrangheta
(see,inparticular,Arlacchi’streatmentofnovelsbyLucaAspreaandSaverio
Montalto(Arlacchi,2010)).Thebriefinterrogationofthetextofferedabove
does,however,providevaluablecontextwithwhichtointerpretAlvaro’s
treatmentoforganisedcrimeinhisjournalisticwriting.AsIhaveindicated,and
willdemonstratebelow,theseparationbetweenfictionandjournalisticwriting
isbynomeansclearordistinctinAlvaro’scase,andanunderstandingofhis
literaryportrayalsofcrimeandCalabrianpeasantcultureisofsubstantial
relevancetoourinterpretationof‘Lafibbia’.
Tohighlightthepotentialambiguityofthelinebetweenfactandfictionin
Alvaro’sjournalisticwriting,Iwillnowbrieflyexamineanarticleofhis17“ilcultodellafamiglia,l’onore,ilsangue,lafierezza,ladisistimatotaledeipoteri,lavendettaprivatadeitorticomeequivalentediunaltoidealedigiustiziadeluso”(Crupi1992,69-70).18WiththeexceptionofDickie(2013,490)whoacknowledgesitinafootnote.
14
publishedseveralmonthsbefore‘Lafibbia’,whichalsomentionsthehonoured
society.Entitled‘Ibriganti’[thebandits],thetextappearedinCorrieredellaSera
inMay1955,anddescribesatriptoCalabriaundertakenbythenarratoranda
foreignfemalecompanion.Interestingly,althoughthenarratorishimself
Calabrianandreferstohisownrecollectionsoftheorganizationlaterinthetext,
the‘onoratasocietà’isinitiallyintroducedandexplainedtothepairthrough
theirlocalguide,Romeo;mirroringthedistancebetweenthenarratorandthe
honouredsocietyin‘Angelino’.WhenRomeodescribestheessentialfunctionof
theorganisation,hesuggeststhatitsroleisto‘putthingsintheirrightful
place’,19stressingthatitseesnodistinctionbetweenthepowerfulandthelowly
initspursuitofjustice.Heusestheexampleof‘forcingaseducertomarrythe
girlhewouldhaveabandoned’,20thusestablishingalinkbetweenthehonoured
societyandtheenforcementoftraditionalvalues.Justasin‘Angelino’,thetext
indicatestheexistenceofadistinctlyCalabrianmoralcode,whichhasevolvedin
theabsenceofthestate;Romeoappearstohavegreaterfaithinthemafia’s
abilitytometeoutjusticethanhedoesinthatoftheofficialauthorities,and
whentheorganisationwrongshiminerror(burningdowntenofhisolivetrees)
hecalmlyrecountsthatthemistakewashonourably(andgenerously)rectified.
ThroughRomeo,thetextalsooffersabenign,idealizedvisionofthe
’Ndrangheta’spast.Helamentsthatattributessuchasbraveryanddaring,which
wereonceprizedbythemafia,havesincetheSecondWorldWargivenwaytoa
newsetofprioritiesbasedonwealthandacquisition:‘Money’,hesays,‘has
takenprecedenceovercourageandboldness.Positionsofpower[withinthe
honouredsociety]havebeentakenoverbypeoplelookingaftertheirmoney,
whichleadstocorruption…thecorruptionofthemodernworld,wheremoney
getsyoueverywhere’.21Thehonouredsocietyisthusagainalignedwiththe
preservationoftreasuredtraditionalvalues,whiletheantagonistsofthepiece
areconsumercapitalismandthedistantauthorityofthestate.
19“metterealloropostolecose”(Alvaro,1955c).20“costringereunseduttoreasposarelaragazzaabbandonata.”(Alvaro,1955c).21“Ildenaroebbelaprevalenzasulcoraggioelatemerarietà.Ipostidicomandofuronoassuntidagentechedovevadifendereilsuodenaro;chepoiricorseallacorruzione[…]lacorruzionedelmondomodernoincuituttosiottienecoldenaro.”(Alvaro,1955c).
15
AlongsideRomeo’sopinions,thetextalsofeaturesabriefglimpseintothe
narrator’spersonalmemoriesofthehonouredsociety.Asthenarratorandhis
companionencounterthelocalcapoinacafé,theman’sbehaviourand
mannerismsstrikethenarratorasfamiliar,andherecallsthelanguidmanner
and‘touchofdecadence’22whichindicateanindividual’spowerandcriminality.
Heremembersthephysicalappearanceofmembersofthe‘lowerranks’,
describingthecolourfulhandkerchiefstheyworeknottedaroundtheirnecks,
andalsotheswaggeringgaitofthe‘higherranks’.23Itisnotable,however,that
thenarrator’srecollectionsandobservationsareofferedwithoutanymoral
judgment,andnoneofthehonouredsociety’sactivities(asidefromtherighting
ofwrongs)areacknowledgedinanydetail.Asthearticledrawstoaclose,
Romeorelaysthefactthatthenewcapoisaself-appointed,wealthyman,with
thereaderthuscompelledtofeelsympatheticnostalgiaforadisappearing
traditionalinstitution.
Basedonitscontent,althoughitiscitedfarlessfrequentlythan‘Lafibbia’,
itwouldappearreasonableforthehistorianorsociologisttoconsider‘Ibriganti’
anequallyrelevant,accuratesourceofdataontheearly’Ndrangheta:thetwo
textsare,afterall,strikinglysimilarinmanyrespects,publishedonthesame
pageofthesamenewspaper,onlyfourmonthsapart.However,whenitcomesto
assessingpreciselywhatkindofdocument‘Ibriganti’is,therearesome
complications.Anumberofcrucialcontextualconsiderationsraisesignificant
questionsregardingthegenre(thatis,theextenttowhichthetextisfictional)
andcontentofthetext,whichmustbefactoredintoanyinterpretationofits
representationofthe’Ndrangheta.Giventhesimilarityofthedocuments,these
complicationshavesignificantimplicationsforourunderstandingof‘Lafibbia’.
Firstofall,itisnotatallcleartothecontemporaryreaderwhether‘I
briganti’isastraightforwardaccountofanactualencounter-withAlvaro
himselfasthenarrator-orastylisedpiece,subjecttoadegreeofartisticlicence,
asCiconteacknowledgesinhissinglereferencetothearticle(Ciconte1992,
22“unchedidecadente”(Alvaro,1955a).23“[i]piùbassi”and“glialtigradi”(Alvaro,1955a).
16
240).24AnawarenessoftheconventionsofItaliannewspapersisofcrucial
importanceinthisregard.Justasinthecaseof‘Lafibbia’,thephysicallocationof
thetextinthenewspaper(thethirdpage)istelling;immediatelyindicatingthat
itmaybeaworkofliteratureratherthanjournalism.Basedonitsnarrativestyle
andtheambiguityofthenarrator,itisreasonabletoassumethatthetextis
actuallyaraccontoortale,whichwerearelativelyfrequentfixtureonItalian
terzapagineatthetimeofpublication(Ceccuti1978,235).Theextenttowhich
thefirst-personobservationsandrecollectionscontainedwithinthetextare
thoseoftheauthor,orthoseofaninventedpersona,isthusopentoquestion,
andtheinclusionofaforeignfemalecompanionevokesearliernineteenth
centurypicturesqueliteraryrepresentationsofSicily,particularlytheworkof
GiovanniVerga(seeMoe,2002).
Asecondkeyconsiderationrelatestothecontentofthetext,which
appearstocombinefactualandfictionalelements.AsDickie(2013,490)notes,‘I
briganti’featuresadescriptionofthemafia’sdifficultyelectinga‘capodella
provincia’[regionalboss]in1948,whichmirrorsaverysimilareventinthe
story‘Angelino’.Furthermore,Alvaro’sposthumouslypublisheddiariesinclude
anumberofbriefentriesfrom1952and1953innoteform,whichappearto
containtheseedsformanyoftheideasandeventsdescribedin‘Angelino,‘I
briganti’,and‘Lafibbia’,butwithonlyvagueindicationsastothesourcesofthe
information.One,from1953,includesreferencestotheshiftinthe
organisation’sprioritiesawayfromitstraditionalvaluesandtowardsprofit,a
descriptionoftheclothingpreferredbyaffiliates,andthespecificrevelationthat
followingthefailuretoelectacapoin1948,theorganisationwassplitintothree
distinctzones(Alvaro1959,126).25Withintheentry,Alvaromentions
‘childhoodmemories’,butalsomakesreferencetoaconversationwithan
unknownindividual,whoclearlyformsthebasisforRomeo–amanwhoregards
themembersofthehonouredsocietyasagentsofsocialjustice,havingbeen
handsomelyrepaidwhenhistenolivetreeswereburnedbymistake.
24WhileCiconteconcedesthatAlvaro’sinterlocutormayormaynotbebasedonarealfigure,thisdoesnotdetractfromhiswillingnesstoquotethecharacter,nortoelaborateuponthevalidityofthepointitismaking.25N.B.Thelatterpointissupportedbyjudicialevidencefromthesameperiod.SeeCiconte1992,5-215;Dickie2013,165-196.
17
Thenoteformatofthisdiaryentry,whichischaracterisedbytheabsence
offullyformedsentencesandparagraphs,hindersinterpretation,andthelackof
contextprovidedbytheauthorisfrustrating.Itseemsclear,however,fromthis
evidencethatthearticle‘Ibriganti’isastyliseddevelopmentofastorytoldto
Alvarobyanunnamedsourceseveralyearspreviously.Furthermore,giventhat
variousdifferentcomponentsofthestory‘Angelino’arespreadacrossanumber
ofdifferententriesinthediary,itisnottoogreatastretchtoinferthatthe
authordevelopedideasforshortstoriesinmuchthesamemannerashedidfor
hisjournalisticarticles.Crucially,however,withtheexceptionofDickie(2013),
noneofthescholarscitingeither‘Ibriganti’or‘Lafibbia’acknowledgethe
existenceofthisdiarymaterial,despiteitsclearimplicationsforourreadingand
understandingofthearticles.Nor,furthermore,doanymakereferencetothe
Italianpublishingcontextortheconventionsoftheterzapagina;norAlvaro’s
well-documentedtendencytoromanticiseinhisliteraryrepresentationsof
Calabriaelsewhere.
Evenregularnewspaperreports,ostensiblyconcernedwithreportingthe
factsofanevent,shouldbeapproachedwithcautionbyhistoriansand
sociologists.Evenifnoexplicitopiniononeventsisofferedbytheauthor,
reportsaresubjecttoarangeofpolitical,socialandculturalbiases,whichare
manifestedbyprocessesincludingtheforegroundingofcertainfeaturesofa
storyattheexpenseofothers,andtheuseoflanguage,amongothers(see
CapecchiandLivolsi1971).Astheanalysisabovehasindicated,however,‘I
briganti’and‘Lafibbia’areexamplesofadistincttypeofnewspapertext,witha
clearanddistinctnarrativevoiceandamuchgreaterpotentialforauthorial
agenda,aswellasamarkedtendencytocombinetheauthor’sownexperiences
withborrowedones,andeven,potentially,elementsoffiction.Further
investigationisrequiredintothediversityofItaliannewspapertextsassources,
andthedifferingwaysinwhichtheyareinterpretedbycontemporaryaudiences
andhistorians,particularlyinthecontextoforganisedcrime.Fornow,itmust
sufficetopointoutthattheterm‘newspaperarticle’insocio-historicalresearch
onthemafiaappearstoencompassarangeofdifferinggenres,andthatthis
genreambiguity,anditsimpact,aretoorarelyacknowledgedbyresearchers.
Thisincludes‘Lafibbia’,whichiscitedsimplyasan‘article’(ifitsgenreis
18
acknowledgedatall)bythemajorityofthescholarstowhomIhavereferred
(includingCiconte1992,GratteriandNicaso2010,GratteriandNicaso2012),
butidentifiedbyCrupi(1992,69)asa‘racconto-saggio’(literallytranslatedas
‘story-essay’),whichintroducesmuchgreaterroomforartisticlicenseonthe
partoftheauthor.
Reinterpreting‘Lafibbia’
Itisclear,basedonthefactorsoutlinedabove,thatthetendencyofhistorians
andsociologiststotacitlyassumetheportrayalofthe’Ndranghetawithin‘la
Fibbia’tobeastraightforwardreflectionofhistoricalfactisflawed,and
potentiallymisleading.However,theaimofthispaperisnottodiscountthe
valueofthistext,andotherslikeit,associo-historicalsources.Instead,I
advocateare-interpretationoftherepresentationofthe’Ndranghetawithin
thesetexts,which,ratherthanacceptingtheportrayalatfacevalue,analysesthe
specificvisionofthemafiawhichtheyoffer,andconsidersitsrelationshipwith
previousandsubsequentrepresentations.Theymightbeinterpretedaswhat
Neumann(2010,334)hasreferredtoas‘fictionsofmemory’;contributingtothe
‘negotiationofculturalmemory’byofferingan‘imaginative(re)constructionof
thepastinresponsetocurrentneeds.’
Basedontheanalysisabove,itispossibletotracerecurringthemesin
Alvaro’streatmentoforganisedcrime;particularlyhisdepictionofthediffering
meaningsofjustice,andhisnostalgiafortraditionalpeasantcultureinhishome
region,whichleadhimtopaintthe’Ndranghetainasympatheticlight–an
observationwhichisnotableforitsabsenceintheworkofthevastmajorityof
scholarswhocitethearticle,andrunscountertothemodernperceptionofthe
authorasentirelycriticalofthemafia.In‘Lafibbia’,itisnotablethatAlvaro
holdsbackfromcriticisingthe’Ndranghetainanyexplicitterms.Criticisminthe
textisreservedalmostentirelyforthestate,andtheexistenceofthe
’Ndranghetaisthustacitlyjustified,mirroringtheapproachtocrimewehave
seenelsewhereinAlvaro’swork.Inthearticle,hemakestheentirelyvalid
argumentthatthe’Ndranghetaisaresultofdecadesofnegligencebythe
authorities,andthatthishascreatedconditionswhichhaveallowedpositionsof
responsibilitytobeassumedbythoseabletowinthemthroughviolenceand
19
intimidation:‘Whenasocietyoffersfew,orno,opportunitiesforupward
mobility,inspiringfearinothersbecomesameansofachievingstatus’(Alvaro,
1955a).26
However,theviolenceperpetratedbythe’Ndranghetareceiveslittle
acknowledgmentbeyondthisinAlvaro’stext,andalthoughtheauthorrecallshis
ownfathersufferingablowtotheheadfromoneoftheaffiliatesononeoccasion
whilewalkinghomeatnight,theincidentisdescribedinoddlydetachedterms,
removedofanyfearormenace.Indeed,theauthordisplaysamarkedreticence
toidentifymafiosiasviolentkillers,withindividual,humanvictims.In‘Lafibbia’,
Alvaroconsistentlyplaysdownthethreatposedbythe’Ndrangheta,positioning
itasanacceptedpartofsocietywhichrepresentsnodangertothemajorityof
people:speakingofthemafiosi,Alvarostatesthat‘nobodyinthevillage
consideredthempeopletoavoid’(Alvaro,1955a).27Theauthorseems
determinedtonormaliseandneutralisetheirmenace,andevenindicatesthat
theviolencewhichdoesoccuriscircumscribedwithintheorganisationitself,
statingthat‘theykilledoneanotherforbreachesofomertà,butthatwastheir
businessalone’.28Indoingso,however,Alvaroexposesacontradictionwhich
reflectsthedarkerrealityheappearsunwillingtoconfront.Ifviolenceand
intimidationreallywereconfinedtothemafiaitself,thenwhowerethepeople
thatthemafiosiwereintimidating–byAlvaro’sownadmission-asameansto
achievingstatus?Thesimplefactisthatinnocentpeoplewerefrequently
murdered,brutalised,andextortedbytheorganisationduringthisearlierperiod
ofitshistory,asasubstantialweightofevidenceunambiguouslyproves(see
Ciconte,1992;Dickie,2013).
Alvarodoesattempttodealwiththiscontradictiontoadegreebyonce
againshiftingthefocusofhiscriticism,withtheimplicationthatthemafiawhich
isactiveinCalabriain1955representsadistorted,modernincarnationofa
traditionalphenomenonwithaquiteseparateethos.Whilethedistinction
betweenanoldandanewmafiaislesspronouncedthanin‘Ibriganti’or
‘Angelino’,bothofwhichidentifythemodernpreoccupationwithaccumulating
26“Quandounasocietàdàpocheoccasionidimutarestato,onessuna,farpauraèunmezzoperaffiorare.”(Alvaro,1955a).27“Nessunoinpaeseliconsideravagentedaevitare”(Alvaro,1955a).28“Siassassinavanotraloroperglistrappiall’omertà,ederanoaffariloro”(Alvaro,1955a).
20
wealthasacorruptinginfluenceonanorganisationwhichtraditionallyupheld
thevaluesofpeasantsociety,tracesofthisdivisionarevisiblein‘Lafibbia’.For
example,thearticlestatesthatonlyinrecentyearshastheorganisation
concerneditselfwithinfiltratingpoliticalandeconomicinterests.ForCrupi
(1992,65),‘Lafibbia’thusrepresentsAlvaro’slamentofthetransformationof
thebenign‘Fibbia’ofoldintoanew,malignant‘mafia’withanalteredsetof
priorities.29Contextualisedwith‘Ibriganti’and‘Angelino’,itseemsreasonableto
concludethatAlvarowaskeentoemphasisethistransformation,ormore
precisely,degenerationoftheorganisation,particularlyinlightofhisrepeated
insistenceinhisdiariesthatAmericanfilmsandconsumeristcultureare
responsibleforthedevelopmentofthe‘gangster’mentality(Alvaro1959171;
208).
Inallthetextsanalysedabove,Alvaroexhibitsacleartendencyto
minimiseanyimplicationoftheharmdonebythehonouredsociety,andinstead
constructthemythofanassociationwhichupholdstraditionalCalabrianvalues,
fromthefamily-man-cum-multipleconvictmafiabossin‘Angelino’,tothe
defendersoffemalevirtuedescribedbyRomeoin‘Ibriganti’.Alvaro’shonoured
society,andwithitallthevaluesandtraditionswhichheholdssodear,hasbeen
transformedintoa‘mafia’viathecatalystsofprofit,progress,andapower
vacuumcreatedbythestate.Incondemningthe’Ndranghetain‘Lafibbia’,Alvaro
condemnsonlythisnewmanifestationoftheorganisation,andreservesthebulk
ofhiscriticismforthestatewhichhasallowedittoproliferateandinfiltrateinto
positionsofauthority.Meanwhile,heconstructsamythofanoldhonoured
societywhichavoidsconfrontingtheviolentrealityoftheorganisation’spast,in
anextensionoftheromanticisedportraitsofcrimewhichwehaveobserved
elsewhereinhiswriting.30
Conclusions
29ItisimportanttoacknowledgethatthisdistinctionbetweenthetwonamesisCrupi’s,notAlvaro’s.Aswehaveseen,theauthorusesavarietyofnameswithreferencetothe’Ndrangheta,placingtheterms‘fibbia’and‘mafia’sidebysideasequivalents.30Lupo(1993,23)referstothismythologisedconstructionofthepastasastrategyadoptedbytheSicilianmafia,whichhesayshashistoricallyappropriatedculturalcodesandexpressedanideology‘tocreateconsensusontheoutsideandcompactnessontheinside’[“creareconsensoall’esternoecompattezzaall’interno”].
21
In‘Lafibbia’,‘Angelino’,and‘Ibriganti’,Alvaroclearlyimpliesthatthemafia
whichisactiveinCalabriain1955representsthebeginningsofacorrupted,
modernincarnationofanhonouredsocietywhichonceenjoyedtheconsensusof
theCalabrianpeople,embodyingtheirvaluesandtraditions.Whilethereare
obviouselementsoftruthinhisidentificationofthesocio-economicdriversfor
mafiarecruitmentandproliferation,andthechangeswhichwerebeginningin
themiddleofthetwentiethcentury,inhisportrayalsoftheearly’Ndrangheta,
Alvaroconstructsamythwhichglossesovertheviolentreality.Theauthor’s
doggedrefusaltoacknowledgetheinherentviolenceoftheearly’Ndrangheta
andhisfirmpositioningofblamewiththeItalianstatecanbelocatedwithina
widertrendofdefensivenessinCalabrianregionaljournalisminthe1950s,in
responsetothenegativepressstereotypingproducedbytheMarzanoOperation
(Ciconte1992,287-288)-aphenomenonwhichitselfdeservesfurther
investigation.Thereisaninsistenceonthespecificity,and,toanextent,the
superiority31oftheCalabriancontextinAlvaro’swritingwhichrecalls
Sicilianismo,andmoreresearchisrequiredintowhatwemighttermthis
‘calabresismo’,anditsimpactonpublicandofficialresponsestotheorganisation.
Bypresentingabenignconstructionofthe’Ndrangheta’spastinhis1955
writingsontheorganisation,AlvarocreatesanexampleofNeumann’s‘fictionsof
memory’;disseminatinganidealisedconstructionofthepastinresponsetothe
stimulusofperceivedattacksonhishomeregioninthenationalpress.
Further,throughhistextualrepresentationsoftheorganisation,Alvaro
activelycontributestosubsequentrepresentationsandperceptionsofCalabrian
organisedcrime,asNeumann(2010,341)explains:‘Becauseliteratureis
interwovenwithothersystemsofmemoryculture,itnotonlydrawsonpre-
existingdiscoursesystemsbutisalsoinapositiontoproductivelyinfluence31N.B.Dickie(2013,83)positsthatAlvaro’sacknowledgmentofthe’Ndranghetain1955constitutedarecoveryofmemory,inlightofanarticlepublishedbytheauthorin1949whichdeclaredCalabriatobefreeof‘criminalsocietiesinimitationofthemafia’(translationbyDickie,Ibid.).Myowninterpretationofthis1949articleisthatitrepresentsAlvaro’sconsistentbeliefintheuniqueness(andsuperiority)oftheCalabrianhonouredsociety,whichheidentifiesasfirmlydistinctfromtheSicilianmafia.ThisinterpretationissupportedbyanaccountofameetingwithAlvarowrittenbytheauthorSaverioStrati,inwhichAlvaroisreportedtohavehighlightedthenobilityandchivalryoftheCalabrianmafiaattheexpensiveofitsSiciliancousin(Strati,1978,107-108).Alvaro’scommentsinthisexchangeindicatefirmlythatheviewedtheCalabrianmafiaasanentityofsuperiormoralcharacter,makinghiscommentsin1949amattermoreofasemanticdistinctionbetweentheSicilianmafiaandthe’Ndrangheta,thanadenialoftheexistenceoforganisedcrimeinhisnativeregion.
22
thesesystems.’Thissurelyextendstotheacademicswhocitehiswork,aswellas
totheperceptionsofthepublic,andtotheauthorities.Theenormousimpactof
culturalproducts,particularlyfilms,onperceptionsofItalianorganizedcrimeis
wellacknowledged,particularlywithregardtotheSicilianmafia,butthereisa
greatdealmoretobeexploredwithregardtotheCalabriancontext.
IhopethatAlvarohasprovedaconvincingcasestudyfortheimportanceofa
thoroughandcriticalapproachtoliteraryandjournalisticsources,ifonlyby
indicatinghowfailingtointerrogatethemindetailorwithincontextcan
significantlyimpactourunderstandingoftheirmessage.Thecomplex,
sometimesambiguousnatureofItalianterzapaginajournalistictextsisof
particularconcern,andhasclearimplicationsfortheinterpretationofthese
textsashistoricalandsociologicalsources.Theprimarygoalofthisarticle,
however,isnottounderminetheusefulnessofliteraryorjournalistictexts,nor
tothinkofthempurelyintermsoftheirusefulnessassourcesofsocio-historical
data.Itishopedthatthispaperhasindicatedthatwhileliteraryandtextual
representationsofthe’Ndrangheta’spastcannotandshouldnotbeconsidered
astacitlyhistoricallyaccurate,textslike‘Lafibbia’,whicharecapableofboth
reflectingandatthesametimeshapingpublicopinion,canteachusagreatdeal
aboutperceptionsofCalabrianorganisedcrimewithinitshostcommunities,and
raiseinterestingquestionsrelatedtoidentityandblame.
Theserepresentationsmustbeanalysedintheirownright,inordertogaina
greaterunderstandingofthesocialandculturalfactorswhichmightliebehind
theirspecificportrayaloftheorganisedcrimephenomenon.Themythofthe
’Ndrangheta’sbenevolentpaststillpersistsinsomecornersofCalabria,andhas
historicallybeenusedbytheorganisationtoitsadvantage.Ibelievethatamore
completeintegrationofculturalproductsintoresearchonthe’Ndranghetacan
shedagreatdealoflightonthis,andmanyotherquestionsinthisfield,including
analysesofhowknowledgeofcriminalhistoryisconstructed.
CompliancewithEthicalStandards:Thisstudyisbasedonthedoctoralworkof
theauthor,whichisfundedbytheArtsandHumanitiesResearchCouncil.
23
Ethicalapproval:Thisarticledoesnotcontainanystudieswithhuman
participantsoranimalsperformedbyanyoftheauthors.
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