Coningham et al. - Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script

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Passage to India? Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script

R.A.E. Coningham, F.R. Allchin, C.M. Batt and D. Lucy

Cambridge Archaeological Journal / Volume 6 / Issue 01 / April 1996, pp 73 - 97DOI: 10.1017/S0959774300001608, Published online: 22 December 2008

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0959774300001608

How to cite this article:R.A.E. Coningham, F.R. Allchin, C.M. Batt and D. Lucy (1996). Passage to India? Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script. Cambridge ArchaeologicalJournal, 6, pp 73-97 doi:10.1017/S0959774300001608

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Cambridge Archaeological Journal 6:1 (1996), pp. 73-97

Passage to India? Anuradhapura and the Early Use of theBrahmi Script

R.A.E. Coningham, RR. Allchin, CM. Batt & D. Lucy

The island of Sri Lanka, situated off the tip of southern India, is often perceived as therecipient of material culture diffused from more northerly regions. Tliis article counters thismodel by suggesting that Sri Lanka may have played a pivotal role in the development ofBrahmi, South Asia's earliest readable script. Sherds inscribed with this script, recentlyfound at Anuradhapura, with dates of the beginning of the fourth century BC, nowrepresent its earliest dated examples anywhere in the subcontinent. By analyzing thesherds' archaeological and scriptural context it presents a tentative mechanism for Brahmi'sdevelopment and spread through South Asia and concludes by discussing the dynamicrelationships between scripts, langtiage, material culture and ethnic division within Sri Lanka.

Brahmi, the ancestor of most of South Asia's mod-ern vernacular scripts, holds the position of beingthat region's earliest known script because genera-tions of scholars have failed to produce an accept-able decipherment for the earlier Indus or Harappanscript (Parpola 1995). Ever since Brahmi was firstread in the 1830s by James Prinsep, various theorieshave been advanced to explain its development andspread. These have varied between attempts to dem-onstrate an indigenous development, for examplethe suggested continuity with the Indus script(Cunningham 1877; Lai 1960), to those arguing thatBrahmi was derived from a mixture of other scripts,Aramaic, Kharosthi and Greek letters (Halevy 1885).One of the most strongly supported theories wasthat advanced by Buhler in 1896, later reiterated byWinternitz and others (Buhler 1896; Winternitz 1927;Diringer 1948; Dani 1963). They argued that the scripthad been originally derived from a Semitic script buthad been adapted to suit South Asian languages.They hypothesized that this development had oc-curred c. 800 BC in the north and west of the subcon-tinent and had thereafter spread southwards until itreached Sri Lanka in the middle of the third centuryBC. Recent Sri Lankan-British excavations at the Cita-del of Anuradhapura have produced fresh evidence

concerning the origins of the use of the script Theyallow us to begin reassessing the development andspread of the script in South Asia (Fig. 1).

The authors must make it clear that it is not theaim of the present article to discuss in any detail thenow considerable literature dealing with the originof the Brahmi script, nor the different views whichhave been put forward on that topic. Nor do theypropose to discuss such interesting questions aswhether Brahmi may have been adapted fromKharosthi, or vice versa. It is, furthermore, not theirintention in this article to make detailed or system-atic comparisons of the very small number of earlydated inscriptions available at Anuradhapura or else-where in South Asia. These topics deserve more de-tailed study and lengthier treatment than the presentcontext affords, and must await another occasion.We feel, however, that we are justified in restrictingourselves to drawing attention to the fact that recentexcavations at Anuradhapura have produced anumber of Brahmi inscriptions from well-stratifiedcontexts in a structural sequence which itself is datedby a large number of radiocarbon samples. We shallalso touch upon some of the implications of thesefinds for archaeological interpretation, and cannotbut remark on the apparent support which they

73

R.A.E. Coningham et al

Figure 1. Plan of Antiradhapura shoiving the location of excavation trenches.

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Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script

offer to the theory of a mercantile involvement in therise of the Brahmi script, or at least in its introduc-tion into Sri Lanka.

Traditional explanations of the development andspread of the Brahmi script

In 1896 Johann Georg Buhler published IndischePalaeographie, a work discussing the origin and de-velopment of the Brahmi script (Buhler 1896). It wastranslated into English and re-published seven yearslater as Indian Palaeography (Buhler 1904). Althoughalmost one hundred years have passed since theirfirst publication, Buhler's theories for the history ofthe Brahmi script have remained largely unchal-lenged. The earliest accepted examples of this scriptare still the pillar and rock inscriptions of theMauryan emperor, Asoka, dating to the middle ofthe third century BC (Ailchin & Norman 1985) (Fig.2). His empire appears to have stretched from Af-ghanistan in the west to Bangladesh in the east andthe Penner river in the south (Thapar 1961). Fromthe capital, Patalipurra, situated on the Ganges, Asokaruled over a huge pluralistic society, reflected by thepresence of imperial edicts in Greek, Aramaic andKharosthi scripts in the northwestern region and inBrahmi script elsewhere. A number of scholars havealso argued that as Brahmi was fully developed atthe time of its appearance, it must have been in usefor several centuries prior to Asoka although therewas no evidence of such a stage (Buhler 1904, 7;Winternitz 1927, 31; Dani 1963, 31). Owing to a simi-larity between a number of Brahmi letters and ear-lier Semitic ones, he advanced the theory that theformer could be derived from the latter (Buhler 1904,15). Furthermore, Buhler held that this developmenthad occurred c. 800 BC as an aid for sea-faring Indianmerchants and moreover that it had taken place inthe west and northwest of the subcontinent:

it is a priori probable that the Vanias [merchants]were the first to adopt the Semitic alphabet; forthey, of course, came most into contact with for-eigners, and they must have felt most strongly thewant of some means for recording their businesstransactions. (Buhler 1904,17)

Diringer, who made a major contribution to the dis-cussion of the origin of the Brahmi script, comes to adifferent, yet remarkably similar, conclusion:

All historical and cultural evidence is best co-ordinated by the theory which considers the earlyAramaic alphabet to be the prototype of the Brahmiscript. The acknowledged resemblance of theBrahmi signs to the Phoenician letters also applies

Bala Hisar/Shaikhan Dheri

Peshawar

• • Palaliputra

N

5.10 km

Figure 2. Map showing the location of Asokan inscrip-tions (marked by dots) and sites mentioned in the text(marked by squares).

to the early Aramaic letters, whilst in my opinionthere can be no doubt that of all the Semites, theAramaean traders were the first to come in directcommunication with the Indo-Aryan merchants.(Diringer 1968, 261-2)

The origin of certain Brahmi letters from one ofthe branches of the Semitic scripts is still acceptedand indeed appears to be more strongly supported(Dani 1963, 26; Diringer 1948, 336). However, it isalso clear that the script was fundamentally changedwhen it underwent adaptation to South Asian lan-guages. We find no difficulty in accepting Dani'sconclusion that the Brahmi script in its mature formwas the contribution of the Indian grammarians (Dani1963, 25). Letters had their directions changed and,perhaps most fundamental of all, the script was writ-ten left to right not right to left as with the Semiticscripts (Dani 1963, 28-30). There is a great contrastbetween the adaptation of a Semitic script, be it Ara-maic, Phoenician or even southern Semitic, to createKharosthi, resulting in the more or less completeretention of the underlying concept of the original,and the situation of Brahmi. In the latter a number ofSemitic letters appear to have been borrowed, butthe resulting script, Brahmi, from the outset presents

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R.A.E. Coningham et al.

a markedly different concept which has remained asa salient feature of all its later derivatives. VonHinuber (1990) has recently produced a thought-provoking discussion of the relations of Kharosthiand Brahmi, and concludes that the invention ofBrahmi took its Semitic elements from the alreadyadapted Kharosthi, perhaps not earlier than the timeof Asoka. This persuasive argument is challenging,but as we remarked above it digresses from ourpresent purpose. We can only reiterate our view thatthese matters must remain speculative until concreteevidence can be obtained in the form of actual, objec-tively dated, inscriptions.

It has been widely assumed that a written scriptreached the south, and Sri Lanka in particular, noearlier than the middle of the third century BC(Diringer 1948, 388). It is also widely accepted thatthis development occurred through norm Indian orrattier Mauryan influence. Evidence for this influ-ence comes in two forms: firstly, the Sri Lankan Palichronicle, the Mahavamsa [Great Chronicle] and sec-ondly, from one of the rock edicts of Asoka. TheMahavamsa records the early political and religioushistory of Sri Lanka from its initial colonization onthe day of the Buddha's mahaparanirvana [Great Pass-ing Away] until the fourth century AD. Although itwas probably compiled no earlier than the fifth cen-tury AD, it is thought to have been based on a seriesof earlier sources and, as such, represents a strongand reliable historical tradition (Bechert 1978). Itrecords that during the Third Buddhist Council, held

in Pataliputra, the them [Buddhist elder] Moggaliputtadirected that Mahinda, the son of the Emperor Asoka,should be sent to Sri Lanka to convert the king,Devanampiya Tissa, and his people to Buddhism(Mahavamsa XII, 7). This tradition can be substanti-ated by Asoka's thirteenth major rock edict statingthat he had sent envoys carrying Dhamtna [righteouslaw] to the southern lands of the Colas, Pandyas andas far as Tamraparni [Sri Lanka] (Thapar 1961, 256).Furthermore, this appears to correlate with the factthat hitherto the earliest evidence of writing in SriLanka has been the Brahmi inscriptions recordingthe donations of caves to the Sangha [Buddhist or-der] (Fig. 3). Agreement has been shared by archae-ologists as well as by palaeographers and historians:

it is possible to draw an inference that the Brahmiscript of the oldest inscriptions of Ceylon was in-troduced by Buddhist missionaries who came to theIsland in the time of Asoka. (Paranavitana 1970, xxiii).

The next phase at Anuradhapura, although pos-sessing several elements in common with its pred-ecessor, was of Mauryan derivation. During thereign of Asoka ca. 250 BC, Buddhism was intro-duced to Ceylon in association with other attributessuch as the art of writing in Brahmi script.(Deraniyagala 1972, 50)

Recent excavations at the Sri Lankan site ofAnuradhapura, the capital of Devanampiya Tissa,have provided evidence of Brahmi dating to thebeginning of the fourth century BC. The discovery of

Figure 3. Early Brahmiinscription at the monas-tic site of Vessagiriya,Anuradhapura.


this script, the earliest example of its kind in SouthAsia, has enabled a reassessment of the traditionallyaccepted theories and allows us to suggest fresh hy-potheses for its development and spread in SouthAsia.

The new evidence from Anuradhapura: thearchaeological context

The first indications that the above theories mightrequire re-assessment came in 1990 when Dr SiranDeraniyagala, Director-General of the Archaeologi-cal Survey of Sri Lanka, published a paper entitled'Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in SriLanka: 600-500 BC' (Deraniyagala 1990). The con-tents of his paper centred on the find of five sherdsof pottery in 1988 which bore partial inscriptions inBrahmi script. Whilst the discovery of such sherdswas not uncommon at Anuradhapura, the publishedchronometric date of the layer from which the sherdscame, 600-500 BC, was between 250 and 350 yearsearlier than the earliest known evidence for the script(Deraniyagala 1990, 159). As the five sherds camefrom a 10-m-deep test-pit, Anuradhapura Mahapali(AMP), which measured only 3 m by 3 m, the Direc-tor himself suggested that there was a possibilitythat certain of the levels might have been disturbed(Deraniyagala 1990,156).

One may notice that many of the hypothesesconcerning Brahmi in Deraniyagala's 1990 paper werequite prophetic. In 1989 a Sri Lankan-British team,invited by the Director-General of Archaeology andsupported by the Society for South Asian Studies(British Academy), had begun excavating at a local-ity within the ancient city some 300 m to the north-west of AMP with the aim of producing a datedstructural and artefactual sequence from the site.The new trench, Anuradhapura Salgaha Watta 2(ASW2), measured 10 m by 10 m and was designedwith two main objectives in mind (Fig. 4). The firstwas to be large enough to be able to identify struc-tures and the second was to be able to identify possi-ble mixing of deposits as a result of robber pits,wells and other intrusive features. The trench wasopen for three seasons during which it became clearthat both initial aims and objectives had been met,using 1887 contexts to identify 118 stratigraphicphases, 11 structural periods and a sequence of 30structures. As the question of the early presence ofBrahmi script had already been raised by Deraniyagalain 1989, all sherds from excavated contexts wereduly washed and examined at the pottery yard. Thismethodology led to the identification of some 272

marked sherds. Since the sherds were covered inthick clay it was impossible to identify marked sherdsin the trench, and for this reason provenience waslimited to the context in which they were excavated.Whilst this did not present a problem for smallercontexts, we also decided to record from which ofthe four quadrants (NE, SE, SW & NW) of largercontexts sherds had been recovered. It is clear fromFigure 5 that the earliest evidence of Brahmi script atASW2 (in Phase J4) can be dated to the early part ofthe fourth century BC.

As the radiocarbon dating of ASW2 is crucial tothis debate, further discussion is necessary as to thecalibration used and the origin and nature of thesamples measured. A total of 29 radiocarbon deter-minations were available from 18 of the structuralphases excavated at ASW2 (Appendix 1). The radio-carbon measurements were all carried out on char-coal by radiocarbon laboratories at the BritishMuseum and Beta Analytic. In addition to the radio-carbon determinations, there were extensive strati-graphic records from which the relationships betweenthe structural phases and periods and their assorted

Figure 4. ̂ 4SW2 during excavations.

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SEQ Anuradhapura

2000BC 1500BC 1000BC 500BC

Calibrated date

AD 500AD

Figure 5. Phased and calibrated dates from ASW2.

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radiocarbon samples could be determined. It is nec-essary to calibrate radiocarbon dates before usingthem in the interpretation of the site in order to takeaccount of changes in the concentration of radiocar-bon in the atmosphere (Bowman 1994). Initial cali-bration of the radiocarbon determinations forAnuradhapura was carried out using OxCal V2.18(Bronk Ramsey 1994), based on the internationallyagreed calibration curve of Stuiver & Reimer (1986).The radiocarbon ages are shown in Appendix 1. NoSouthern Hemisphere correction was used as thevalidity of such a correction in the latitude of SriLanka has yet to be established. When looking at theinitial probability distributions of the calibrated datesfrom Anuradhapura, a number of effects were evi-dent. The dates were earlier than the radiocarbondeterminations; in some cases the radiocarbon cali-bration resulted in multiple ranges at the two and,more commonly, the one standard deviation confi-dence levels; and the age range was increased. Thelatter effect was particularly noticeable between 400 BCand 800 BC, where the calibration curve is effectivelyflat. Consequently calibrated dates for phases withinthis range had much larger calendar date rangesmaking detailed interpretation of the dating ex-tremely difficult.

Simple calibration of individual radiocarbondates, however, does not make any use of thestratigraphic and other archaeological informationthat is available. In order to utilize radiocarbondeterminations to their full extent, such other sourcesof information must be incorporated. Much theoreti-cal work has been carried out using stratigraphicinformation in conjunction with radiocarbon cali-bration to reduce the age ranges on dated events(Buck el al. 1991). These issues are addressed in thecalibration and analysis program OxCal (BronkRamsey 1994). The radiocarbon determinations forASW2 were reinterpreted using OxCal, taking intoaccount the stratigraphic information available;namely that the structural phases were in simplestratigraphic order from G5 (most recent) to Kl (old-est) and that material used in the radiocarbondeterminations was securely from within the phasesto which the dates are attributed, but could be fromany date or sequence within that phase. The archaeo-logical evidence supported this interpretation. Theprobability distributions which are generated whentaking into account the chronological model areshown in Figure 5. It can be seen that the stratigraphicinformation serves to constrain the calibrated datesto much narrower ranges. The percentages are anindex of how well the chronological model agrees

with the dating evidence; in some cases the agree-ment is better than expected and is greater than 100per cent, in other cases it is poorer. On a much morepositive note, the charcoal was predominately,where identifiable, of roundwood — that is twiggygrowth — thus removing the likelihood that sam-ples had been reused through a number of structuralphases. In conclusion, it may be stated that althoughthe interpretation of the dates of the sequence aftercalibration of the radiocarbon determinations is ham-pered by the nature of the calibration curve between400 BC and 800 BC, it has been possible to achieve adetailed interpretation of the dating by combiningthe radiocarbon determinations with stratigraphicinformation through the use of Bayesian methods.Throughout this article AD and BC are used to refer tocalibrated dates and results are quoted to one stand-ard deviation.

As the OxCal interpretation of the radiocarbonmeasurements from J4 reiterates the early presenceof Brahmi in Sri Lanka, the following section willdescribe the first five periods at ASW2 which coverthe period from ninth century BC until the mid-sec-ond century AD. Figure 6, a simplified schematic sec-tion of the earlier periods at ASW2, illustrates therelative stratigraphic relationship between theprovenience of carbon samples and selected inscribedsherds. Although there is evidence that the lowmound on the left bank of the Malwattu Oya wasoccupied by microlithic tool-using hunter-gatherersas early as c. 4000 BC (Deraniyagala 1992, 434), set-tled occupation at the locality of the trench mayhave begun only as early as the eighth century BC. AtASW2 this first period, labelled K, consisted of threephases of lightly constructed, perhaps temporary,structures located in the vicinity of a low outcrop ofgneiss boulders. Measurement of the three charcoalsamples (Beta-48,920, 48,917 & 48,916), bulk recov-ered from the surface of levelling/occupation floorsin each of the three phases (Contexts 1616, 1714 &1811), suggests an occupation between 840-460 BC.Whilst it is difficult to identify the form of the firsttwo phases of structures, the third phase, K3, is clearlya circle of post-holes 2.5 m in diameter associatedwith a line of post-holes leading away from it, pre-sumably delineating the line of a fence or boundary.During our 1994 field season it was possible to esti-mate the extent of the Period K settlement — some18 hectares. This figure was calculated from twomacro-stratigraphic profiles of the site constructedfrom a series of 10 m deep cores taken every 150 mon a central north-south and east-west axis throughthe mound using a hand-auger. Artefacts associated

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Context

364

390

470

493

615

663

744/670

729/767/788

834

837

880

961

977

1101

1125

1174

1175

1293

1407

1496

1616

1714

1811

Structural period

F

G5

G4

G3

G2

Gl

H

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

J5

J4

J3

J2

Jl

K3

K2

Kl

R.A.E. Coningham el al.

Carbon samples

BM-2781

Beta-48,939

Beta-48,938

BM-2878, Beta-48,937,48,936 & 48,935

Beta-48,934& 48,933

Beta-48,932

Beta-48,931

BM-2876 & Beta-48,930

Beta-48,928

Beta-48,927 & 48,926

BM-2877&Beta-48,925

Beta-57,702,48,919 & 48,916

Beta-57,701

Beta-48,923& 28,924

Beta-48,922

Beta-48,921

Beta-48,920

Beta-48,917

Beta-48,916

Inscribed sherds

SF 25,133

SF 10,249

SF 16,454 & 16,472

SF 17,025

SF 17,040

SF 17,330

SF 17,425

SF 17,308

SF 17,332

Figure 6. Simplified schematic section of the earlier periods al ASVJ2.

with this period included black and red burnishedceramics, iron slag and iron objects. The faunal recordwas dominated by cattle, although some wild spe-cies were present. It was noted that a small numberof sherds from this period were marked with what isnormally referred to as 'megalithic symbols' or morecorrectly termed non-scriptural graffiti (Fig. 7). It

was evident from the associated culture complexthat this period belongs firmly within the Iron Ageof peninsular India.

The second period, J, has been dated to be-tween 510-340 BC and consists of five phases of roundstructures (Fig. 8). It is clear from the size and depthof the post-holes that the structures in J represent

80


Figure 7. Sherd with non-scriptural graffiti (SF 17,420).

more permanent occupation, a point reinforced bythe accompanying increase of post-holes and struc-ture diameters. The radiocarbon measurement for Jlwas derived from a bulked sample (Beta-48,921) inlevelling/occupation floor 1496 which was sealedby levelling/occupation floor 1407. Sample Beta-48,922 from Phase J2 came from a post (1417) in a 15cm diameter post-hole cut into 1407. 1407 was inturn sealed by levelling/occupation floor 1293. Inthe succeeding structural phase, J3, cut into 1293, werecovered sample Beta-48,924 from the basal fill of asmall furnace or oven(1342) and Beta-48,923from the basal fill of apit (1382). These fea-tures were then sealedby levelling/occupa-tion floor 1175 whichcontained charcoal sam-ple Beta-57,701 and in-scribed sherd SpecialFind (SF) 17,322. PhaseJ4's other charcoal sam-ples (Beta-48,918,48,919& 57,702) came from thebasal fills of a small fur-nace or oven (1291 &1236) cut into 1175,whilst inscribed sherdSF 17,308 was recoveredfrom the basal fill of apit (1216), also cut into1175. These featureswere then sealed by lev-elling/occupation floor Figure 8. Structures of Period }

1174 into which were cut the features of structuralphase J5. One of these features, a pit, contained in-scribed sherd SF 17,425 in fill 1208. 1174 was thensealed by levelling/occupation floor 1125. Inscribedsherd 17,330 was recovered from the lower levels of1125 in the southeast of the trench. The artefactualrecord continued relatively unchanged from PeriodK. Black and red burnished ware continued to domi-nate the ceramics but with the addition of a smallnumber of medium-fine grey ware sherds. Pastebeads, slag, iron, copper, shell, amethyst and quartzobjects and waste were also present. It is notable thatthe first examples of horse bones were found in thefaunal record during this phase. The Iron Age affini-ties of the period appeared to be reiterated by theidentification of a circular pit from J2 (1472). The pit,with a diameter of 1.25 m, was filled with ash andsealed with river gravel and contained an iron ar-rowhead, a small copper alloy object, a polished rub-bing or sharpening stone, three black and red wareburnished cups with holes drilled in their bases andthree other vessels with non-scriptural graffiti. Al-though no bones were found in the pit, it appears tobe very similar in form and content to the peninsularIron Age pit burials. The artefactual collection from Jis augmented by the presence of four sherds bearingportions of Brahmi inscriptions. The macro-stratigraphic profiles of the site, derived from the 1994hand-auger cores, suggest that during Period J the

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settlement expanded modestly to cover an area ofsome 26 hectares.

The succeeding period, I, is dated to between360-190 BC. At the beginning a major change oc-curred in the structural content of the locality; roundbuildings were replaced by cardinally oriented squareor oblong ones (Fig. 9). During the first phase, II, asingle-roomed rectangular structure covering an areaof some 6 square metres was constructed on thesurface of levelling /occupation floor 1125. Two sam-ples of charcoal, Beta-48,925 & BM-2877, were recov-ered from the basal fills of a small furnace or oven(1173) cut into 1125. 1125 was then sealed by level-ling/occupation floor 1101, from which inscribedsherd SF 17,040 was recovered. Samples Beta-48,927& 48,926 were recovered from the basal fills of asmall furnace or oven (1112 & 1113) cut into 1101'ssurface. 1101 was sealed by levelling/occupationfloor 977 into which had been cut furnace or oven1096, the fill of which (1097) had provided sampleBeta-48,928. Inscribed sherd SF 17,025 was recov-ered from the southwest quadrant of 977. 977 wasthen sealed by levelling/occupation floor 961 on topof which the fourth phase, 14, was constructed. I4'splan still included the II room at its core but a fur-ther room was constructed to its north and a corri-dor or veranda added to the west of both rooms. Thewalls were constructed of posts and covered in wat-tle and daub and, although the first phases were

Figure 9. Structures of Period I

probably roofed with grass or palm, the later roofswere covered in kiln-fired tiles. The structure wasdestroyed by fire and two charcoal samples (Beta-48,930 & BM-2876) were obtained from burnt tim-bers sealed under the collapse of a tiled roof (905 &914). The debris was then sealed under levelling/occupation floor 880, and sample Beta-48,931 recov-ered from a burnt post in a 12 cm diameter post-hole(901) cut into 880. The features of 15 were sealed bylevelling/occupation floor 837 and then by 834. Sam-ple Beta-38,932 was recovered from the latter. 834was then sealed by 752 and levelling/occupationfloor 729/767/788. Inscribed sherds SFs 16,472 &16,454 were recovered from Contexts 729 & 788 re-spectively. Samples Beta-48,934 & 48,933 were re-covered from the basal fills of post slots (Contexts 728& 812) cut into 729/767 during structural phase 18.

The 1994 macro-stratigraphic profiles suggestthat during Period I the settlement increased in sizeby 60 per cent to reach a extent of over 60 hectares,and it also appears that during this period a roughlycardinally orientated rampart and ditch were con-structed around the settlement, enclosing an area ofsome 100 hectares (Coningham 1993). The presenceof a fine grey ware within the ceramic assemblage,probably imported, is noteworthy. The fabric andshapes suggest that it may be ancestral to RoulettedWare. The faunal record shows a high proportionof finds of sea shells. In addition to paste beads,

shell and semi-preciousstone objects and waste,more exotic materialssuch as carnelian fromwestern India and lapislazuli from Afghanistanand even coins werepresent for the first timeat the end of the se-quence. Five sherds withportions of Brahmi in-scriptions were also re-covered from thisperiod, four of whichare illustrated in thisarticle.

Period I takes thesequence from 360-190BC and Periods H andG take it from 200 BC-AD 130, straddling theperiod during whichthe Emperor Asokaruled in Pataliputra and

82


his son, Mahinda, allegedly converted the island.Period H is only a short phase and represents a struc-tural anomaly. Levelling/occupation floor 729/767was sealed by 744/670 and a series of shallow troughscut into the subsoil filled with wood, burned, andthen refilled. All of H's charcoal samples (Beta-48,937,48,936 & 48,935; BM-2827) were recovered from thebasal fills of these features (692, 718, 721 & 735).Considering their short exposure and high concen-tration of special finds, including Brahmi sealing SF10,249 from Fill 692, we were at first tempted toidentify them as cremation sites. It is more likely,however, that they represent a specialized industrialstructure. Occupation resumes with five superim-posed phases of structures during Period G, utiliz-ing limestone slabs and brick for the first time in thesequence. 744/670 was sealed by 663 and then bylevelling/occupation floor 615. Sample Beta-48,938from G2 was recovered from the latter context. Thestructures of G2 were then sealed by 493, which wasin turn was sealed by levelling/occupation floor 470.Sample Beta-48,939 was recovered from a G4 foun-dation (632) constructed on 470. 470 was sealed bylevelling/occupation floor 390, on which were con-structed the structures of G5. This well-preservedstructure consisted of a paved courtyard, covering16 square metres with three large ceramic vesselssunk into it, surrounded on the south and east by arange of tiled white-washed and plastered wattleand daub structures. A brick-paved lane, runningnorth-south, was identified, defining the complex'swestern edge, and perhaps indicating that the citywas divided into cardinally oriented grids. This struc-ture was destroyed by fire and the G5 charcoal sam-ple (BM-2781) was recovered from a post in a 15 cmdiameter post-hole (340) in the building sealed bythe collapse of the walls and roof. SF 25,133 wasrecovered from Context 399, part of the debris of theG5 destruction.

The results of the 1994 hand-auger survey sug-gested that the city reached its maximum extent ofsome 70 hectares during this period. Finds ofRouletted Ware, black slipped wares with Hellenis-tic affinities, Arikamedu type 10, coins and a carvedivory mirror stand suggest strong affinities and con-nections with the rest of the subcontinent. Althoughsherds bearing Brahmi inscriptions were found inthese early levels, they were absent from the laterones, although SF 166 was recovered from Context600, part of the fill of a much later robber pit. Struc-tural periods K, J, I, H & G were then sealed by theconstruction of a monumental pillared hall (364) dur-ing structural period F.

The new evidence from Anuradhapura: theBrahmi inscriptions

Deraniyagala's earlier discovery of the existence ofpre-Asokan Brahmi at Anuradhapura appears, there-fore, to have been supported by the results of theexcavation at ASW2. The earliest presence of Brahmiat ASW2 is indicated by the presence of single letterson three sherds and three sherds with more than oneletter from J4. The earliest examples take the form ofcharacters inscribed with a sharp instrument on pot-sherds after firing. The vast majority of the inscribedsherds are from coarse and medium black and redware vessels made of locally available clays. With-out exception the inscriptions appear to have beenwritten in the Brahmi script. This state of affairs issomewhat different to the rather later collection ofinscriptions on sherds from Arikamedu (Wheeler1946). The latter, dated by the presence of Arretineware to the early centuries AD, consisted of an earlyform of Tamil, written in the specially adapted TamilBrahmi script. All the readable inscriptions fromAnuradhapura appear to be in Prakrit, that is, anearly Middle Indo-Aryan language. The script in allcases appears to have been written in the same di-rection as the majority of the Asokan edicts — fromleft to right. Even though the inscriptions are frag-mentary, they appear to have been short originally.Indeed, they seem to have consisted of a single nameor clause in the genitive and dative case. When ar-ranged in chronological sequence there appears tobe an obvious development from rather large crudeletters towards smaller, more refined ones (Fig. 10).It is also clear from the chronological series that theyshow a sharp decline in Period G when we also findthe first evidence of the use of other, more perish-able, media for writing. The most obvious is thepresence of pierced book-ends of bone and ivory,clearly similar in size and shape to more recent ex-amples.

The inscriptions from ASW2 fall into a numberof groups, viewed in terms of the development ofthe script. The first group comes from Period J andthese show considerable variations from one another.The letter forms are often crude and ungainly andlack any sense of fluency or orthographic compe-tence. SF 17,425 may be taken to read vmtaiia. Theform of the final letter, which we read as ;./, is pecu-liar and appears to be written sideways, somethingwhich does very occasionally occur in other SriLankan early inscriptions. SF 17,330 is also very prob-lematic and two of the three letters cannot be readwith any certainty. SF 17,332 is clearer but also

83


17,040

17,025

17,425

17,332

17,330

17,308

Figure 10. Early Brahmi inscriptions from ASW2.

84


crudely written, and reads devasa, presumably aproper name in the genitive case, 'of Deva'; SF 17,308is also difficult to read. It is evident that the verysmall number of inscriptions found in this earlygroup, and the small number of complete letters(aksara) they provide, makes it unwise to say verymuch regarding the script at this time. Nor, in theabsence of any properly dated specimens from theIndian mainland, can much be said regarding com-parisons elsewhere during this period. It will be par-ticularly interesting, when published materialbecomes available, to compare the script of the earlyBrahmi inscriptions reported from a number of sitesin Tamil Nadu, particularly from Uraiyur (Raman1988). Most of the Uraiyur inscriptions are in theTamil Brahmi script and share elements seen in thespecimens from Arikamedu (Wheeler 1946), and maybe expected in both cases to belong to the final cen-turies BC-AD; but others share the irregularity of let-ter forms with our first group, and may well beearlier. Similar Brahmi inscriptions on sherds havebeen reported at a number of other sites in the KaveriDelta region.

The second group comprises inscriptions fromPeriod I. Here unfortunately several of the sherdsyield only pairs of letters, but their orthography ismore fluent, even if still somewhat irregular by com-parison with later inscriptions. SF 17,040 readspiyagata, Prakrit piya (Sanskrit priya) 'beloved', andgata, typical Prakrit 'gone'. SF 17,025 reads either aspurClya or surfiya, presumably in the dative case. Whilethe meaning is not clear this word is evidently Prakrit.SF 16,472 reads timnla{?), also of unclear meaningbut with a distinctive angularity of the form of twoof the letters; and SF 16,454 reads as damtine or per-haps amffne, similarly of unclear meaning. Once againthe number of inscribed sherds and the total numberof aksaras included in the inscriptions of this group isreally too small to make any systematic compari-sons, but they certainly show greater regularity andgreater confidence in writing than those of the ear-lier group. Two sherds show curious angular formsof ma and la which are difficult to date, but whichmay imply that they are out of their true context.

The third group comes from Periods H and G,the former important because it provides an excep-tionally well dated horizon, the latter because of twointeresting inscriptions. Relatively few of the longerpottery inscriptions come from these levels, but theinscriptions themselves show a direct continuationof the tendencies of the preceding period, with greatercompetence in use of the script and greater regular-ity of size and form. One might say that in this

respect these inscriptions reflect the regularity ofmuch Asokan Brahmi. Of exceptional interest, how-ever is the circular clay sealing SF 10,249. This has aBrahmi inscription which reads tis'a puta magahapurumaka, 'Maga the chieftain (Parwnaka), son ofTisa'.Another important inscription is SF 25,133 whichreads tis'a (a)biya, either 'the princess Tisa' or perhaps'the princess (daughter) of Tisa'. One final example isprovided by a pair of inscriptions on either side of asmall stone goldsmith's mould (SF 166). They bothstand within a circular ground surrounded by a reg-ister of dots, one bearing, in reverse, the inscriptionvacadatasa and the other vacadataha, also in reverse,'of (or belonging to) Vatsa Datta'. The final syllable inboth instances represents the genitive case, but witha slight dialectic difference. This find comes from adisturbed layer and is not therefore datable strati-graphically. However, bearing in mind the majordevelopments of the Brahmi script which took placein Sri Lanka from the first century BC onwards thisexample may be safely assigned to the second to firstcenturies BC.

The third group of inscriptions is notable forthe fact that for the first time two of them are ondifferent materials, rather than as hitherto on pot-sherds. The clay sealing evidently displays a mes-sage that had been carved in negative form on eithera stone or ivory seal, and the stone goldsmith's mouldprovides a parallel example of such a context. Theletters of SF 25,133 are regular and neat and show notrace of the major changes of letter form which beginto appear in Sri Lanka from the first century ADonwards and probably reflect the changes which oc-cur in Mathura and northern India about the sametime. The Maga sealing shows a majority of earlyforms combined with one or two slightly more de-veloped forms. The forms of sa, pa, ma, ga, rn and kaare typical of those of the last two centuries BC, whileta and ha appear to anticipate those of the first cen-tury AD. These comparisons are based upon Lithicand Other Inscriptions of Ceylon (Karunaratne 1984).The distinctive thickening of the ends of strokes,resembling serifs, which is so regular a feature ofinscriptions of the later period is, however, totallyabsent. The goldsmith's mould inscription showsonly the earlier forms of letters without any of thenewer influences. As the inscriptions of the thirdgroup form practically the latest examples of inscrip-tions (other than on the gold medieval Polonnaruwacoin SF 6327) from stratified deposits, it is interest-ing to note that the typical letter forms of the first orsecond centuries AD are absent, with the exceptionsmentioned above. The changes appear to have been

85


found in Sri Lanka more or less contemporary withtheir appearance in Mathura and the north, and inAmaravati and the Deccan. These differences pavethe way for the gradual emergence of different re-gional styles of script. This suggests that the inscrib-ing of pottery comes to an end at Anuradhapurashortly after the opening of the Christian era.

To sum up the evidence of the early use ofBrahmi at Anuradhapura, the inscriptions provide aconvincing series starting from ttieir earliest occur-rence in the early part of the fourth century BC. Theseries shows three stages during which familiaritywith and use of writing steadily develop. The latestexamples of the series belong to the opening of theChristian era and no inscriptions or inscribed sherdsare found showing the known developments of thescript which took place in Sri Lanka in the course ofthe next two or three centuries. The series of inscrip-tions we have been reviewing is important for an-other reason: not only do they indicate the introductionand growth of the use of writing, but they also pro-vide us with textual contact with the world outsidethe city of Anuradhapura. For example, the nameand title of Maga the Parumaka occurs at ASW2 in asealed deposit datable to the late third century BC. Aperson with the same name and title donated acave to the Buddhist Sangha at the nearby monasticcomplex of Mihintale (Paranavitana 1970, 2). TlieMahavamsa tells us that the construction of the mon-astery and of these caves at Mihintale went on

Figure 11. Electronic photomicrograph of sherd inscribed before breakage.

throughout the second half of the third century andinto the second century BC (Coningham 1995a). Tofind the donation of a cave by a titled chieftain whoseseal was found in the nearby city seems entirelyplausible. A slightly later example of another possi-ble cross-dating is the sherd inscription of the ladyTisa (SF 25,133). In Mihintale the cave bearing in-scription no. 34 was donated by a lady of this name,the daughter of the great king Gamani Uti, whosucceeded Etevanampiya Tissa in c. 207 BC (Paranavitana1970,3). A further example of this type is suggestedby the discovery by Deraniyagala of an inscribedpotsherd bearing the inscription (A)bi AnurHdh(i) fromhis adjacent ASW1 sondage (Deraniyagala 1992,746).A princess of this name, described as the daughter ofking Naga and wife of king Uttiya (Uti), is referredto as donating four caves to the Sangha at PeriyaPuliyankulama in Vavuniya District (Paranavitana1970, 27). The script of this inscription is altogetherconsonant with the second-century BC date it sug-gests. The presence of these significant inscriptionsin the centre of the Citadel of Anuradhapura mightbe taken to' indicate that ASW2 could be locatedclose to an elite area or administrative centre, butalso highlights the possible connections between thecity and its hinterland.

The presence of Brahmi inscriptions at such anearly date in Sri Lanka posed a number of interpre-tative problems concerning their relationship withthe sherds on which they were written. One of these

problems was whetherthe inscriptions hadbeen made before or af-ter the sherds had beenbroken, that is whetherthe inscriptions ap-peared to have beenoriginally written onsherds (as with anostrakon) or on largerand presumably wholevessels. In order to ex-amine this problem wedevised a suitablemethodology that restedupon the assumptionthat the plan and sec-tion of a line which hadbeen inscribed in a cera-mic medium and subse-quently broken wouldpresent a very differentplan and section to a

86


line which had been inscribed across an already bro- had been inscribed up to and across an already bro-ken edge. To examine this property, unmarked sherdsfrom Anuradhapura were obtained and a pointediron scribe was used to produce lines which ranacross the surface of the sherd. The sherd was thenbroken across the inscribed lines to produce a sec-tion through the lines. A second similar sherd wasthen broken and lines inscribed with the same im-plement across it and over its edge or section. Theformer sherd was assumed to have characteristics ofan inscription inscribed prior to breakage and thelatter to have those of an inscription inscribed afterbreakage — that is on a broken sherd. Both sherdswere then gold sputter coated and examined with aCambridge 150 scanning electron microscope, mi-crographs being taken. As the scanning electron mi-croscope could only be used to examine specimenssmaller than 2.5 cm square we could not examine thesherds from ASW2 without cutting them into smallerfragments. As such a level of destruction was clearlyunacceptable, the Anuradhapura inscriptions wereexamined under a Leica Wild M32 stereo-microscopeusing Intravox 5000-1 illumination, micrographs be-ing taken using Nikon HFX-DX microscope camerasystem.

Figure 11 shows an electron photomicrographof the sherd which was inscribed before being bro-ken. It is clear that the profile and depth of the in-scribed line remains constant to the very edge of thematerial. These results are contrast to Figure 12 whichshows an electron photo-micrograph of the sec-tion and plan of thesherd which was in-scribed after breakage.There is a noticeabledeepening of the in-scribed channel as itreaches the edge of thesherd. There is also a dis-tinctive delta shape asthe channel reaches theedge of the sherd. Thesetwo different patternssupport our original as-sumption that the planand section of a linewhich had been inscribedin a ceramic mediumand was subsequentlybroken would present avery different plan andsection to a line which

ken edge.The temporary export of a representative sam-

ple of the inscribed sherds from ASW2 was requestedfrom the Director-General of Archaeology in SriLanka and subsequently kindly granted. We thenexamined every sherd which had inscribed charac-ters or symbols running off the edge. Inspection re-vealed that all the inscribed sherds, bar one, hadedge patterns consistent with our test sherd whichhad been inscribed prior to breakage. This singleanomalous sherd, SF 16,929 from Phase 13, was in-scribed with a non-scriptural graffito. Using the LeicaWild M32 stereo-microscope using Intravox 5000-1illumination in combination with a Nikon HFX-DXmicroscope camera system, we took micrographs ofthe plan and profile of the sherd. The resultant pat-terns of both deepening channel and delta-shapededge are clearly consistent with those expected froman inscribed line made after initial sherd breakage(Fig. 13). It is also useful to compare this patternwith that from a sherd inscribed with Brahmi char-acters from Phase 12, SF 17,040. The inscribed chan-nel has a constant depth even at the edge of thesherd and its plan view is that of a constant narrowchannel (Fig. 14).

It is clear, therefore, that only one of the repre-sentative sample of inscribed sherds from ASW2, SF16,929, has a pattern consistent with a post-breakagegraffito. As it is an example of non-scriptural graffiti

^ « «.

Figure 12. Electronic photomicrograph of sherd inscribed after breakage.

87


Figure 13. Photomicrograph ofSF 16,929.

Figure 14. Photomicrograph qfSF 17,040.

we may attempt to explain its presence in the ar-chaeological record as a doodle or sketch made on abroken sherd in antiquity. These findings also helpus to conclude that the Brahmi inscriptions fromASW2 were originally inscribed on much larger frag-

ments. As there are nu-merous examples ofcomplete vessels withinscriptions from EarlyHistoric sites in SriLanka and India, we aretempted to suggest thatthey are from completeceramic vessels. Wemay also immediatelystate that the abovemethodology wouldhave allowed us toidentify any Brahmi in-scriptions which hadbeen made at a later pe-riod on broken sherds.The dangers of accept-ing such an early col-lection as genuinewithout following sucha vigorous methodol-ogy are clearly illus-trated by the exampleof Islam Akhun (Stein1903). On a slightlylighter note we are nowinvestigating the possi-bilities of widening ourmethodology so that wemay start tracing whichmaterials were used toinscribe the vessels.

Towards a model forthe early use ofwriting in Sri Lanka

The discovery of abody of inscribed ob-jects at Anuradhapuraprompts us to givesome thought to theirimplications for the

^ wider use of writing inthe periods they cover.The success of anystudy of inscriptions on

ceramic vessels relies upon their recovery duringexcavation. Unfortunately, although the rate of iden-tification in excavations in South Asia is high for com-plete vessels, it is much lower for inscriptions onbroken sherds. Indeed, we are aware of only four

88


published collections of inscribed sherds largeenough to be noteworthy. These are from Arikamedu(Wheeler 1946), Salihundam (Subrahmanyam 1964),Shaikhan Dheri (Dani 1966) and Peshawar (Chhabra1985). Where sherds are large enough for the in-scriptions to be read it appears that the majority ofEarly Historic examples are connected with owner-ship — that is, they consist mainly of personal namesin dative or genitive case. For example, a Brahmiinscription from Arikamedu read 'the zvide-moiithedpot of Mutikuluran' (Wheeler 1946, 109-13), aKharosthi inscription from Shaikhan Dheri reads 'ofKJiaras'ri' (Dani 1966,110), a Brahmi inscription fromSalihundam reads 'the pati (platter) of Bodhika'(Subrahmanyam 1964, 84) and a Brahmi inscriptionfrom Anuradhapura reads 'of Deva' (Deraniyagala1972,129). As the majority of such inscriptions hadbeen incised on sherds after firing, they are gener-ally interpreted as the name of the vessel's ownerrather than that of the potter (Deraniyagala 1972,129). Traditionally, the presence of such inscribedvessels in habitation sites has been interpreted as the

result of individuals marking their names on theirown drinking and eating vessels to prevent ritualcontamination. Such an hypothesis is backed by thefact that many of the inscribed vessels fall into cat-egories of eating and drinking vessel, and it is clearfrom the contemporary literature that there weredire consequences for eating or drinking out of aritually contaminated vessel (Buhler 1886,190). Twofactors, however, allow us to challenge this interpre-tation: firstly, if it was customary to break vesselsafter each meal (Auboyer 1965,132) there was littlepoint writing a name on the vessel; and secondly, itappears that a number of the inscriptions fromAnuradhapura were written on lids rather than onvessels. We are therefore led to suggest a more parsi-monious explanation for their presence, althoughone which is still linked to the concept of ownership.

A key to our understanding of the function ofvessels inscribed with Brahmi may be found in theirrelationship to the function of vessels inscribed with'megalithic' symbols or, rather, non-scriptural graffiti.As already noted, we recovered 170 sherds with

Table 1. The distribution of sherds bearing scriptural and non-scriptural graffiti at ASW2.

Phase Inscriptions Single letters Letters/graffiti? Dominant sign

EF

G5G4G3G2Gl

H

1817161514131211

J5J4J3Jl

1

3

2

112212

13

15

10

2

2111

13

33

8

12

75

33

Totals 19 42 41

2172

24

78413521

124

73

Other signs

1

218

1

11

4241284

16

5105

Tot;

10

105

493

50

2215

95

10161135

1018

90

97 272

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non-scriptural graffiti in addition to the 102 sherdswith scriptural graffiti from ASW2 (Table 1). Wesubdivided the former group into a) 73 graffiti whichappeared to conform to a common or dominant sym-bol, a sign similar to a Brahmi ma enclosed by armsor a vessel; and b) various other symbols, for exam-ple svastikas, serpents, stupas, staffs surrounded byenclosures, inscribed on 97 sherds. The presence ofnon-scriptural graffiti is not a new phenomenon.Indeed, there has been much debate as to their possi-ble purpose. The first serious analysis was carriedout by Ernest Hunt in the 1920s (Hunt 1924). Heargued that these marks could not have been madeby the potter as the majority of them had been in-cised after firing. However, he also countered theargument that they represented owners' marks byillustrating the graffiti from a burial at Raigir. Thisburial was associated with some 46 vessels, of which13 were inscribed, but since they were inscribed withwhat he called the 'handwriting' of many individu-als he concluded that Tribal "owners' marks" theymay be, but not the 'owners' marks' of individuals.'(Hunt 1924, 150). Hunt could find no correlationbetween vessel shape or size and post-firing marks,and so he concluded that they did not refer to vesseltype or contents. Further discussions were reopenedin 1960 with an attempt to demonstrate a continuityin script from the Harappan to Brahmi. Apart fromproving that the graffiti was found in habitation sitesas well as burials, however, little new was suggestedas to their function (Lai 1960,23).

The theory that the graffiti might represent aform of script was advanced as early as 1917. Yazdanisuggested that they might have 'been used some-times as ideographs to express ideas, and sometimesphonetically to represent symbols or letters' (Yazdani1917, 70). As he had attempted to identify the scriptas Egyptian, however, his theories were rather natu-rally dismissed (Wheeler 1948, 244). Such explana-tions were reiterated by Paranavitana in 1970 whilsttrying to interpret the presence of such marks orsymbols at the beginning or end of early Brahmiinscriptions in Sri Lanka. He stated that a correlationbetween the name Tisa and the presence of a svastikahad led him 'to the conclusion that the svastika stoodfor the name Tisa, as an ideogram or a phonogram'(Paranavitana 1970, xxv). As noted above, we identi-fied 73 graffiti from ASW2 which fell into our cat-egory of dominant symbol, representing 27 per centof all inscribed sherds. Table 1 clearly demonstratesthat they are distributed throughout the phases whichhave evidence of inscribed sherds, from J3 to G3. Italso appears that ASW2 has a higher percentage

representation of this particular symbol than the otherexcavation pits. Combined with the structural conti-nuity and replication of building after building atASW2 this may suggest that the symbol could beloosely correlated with this particular locality withinthe settlement (Coningham 1994, 66-9). Such a sug-gestion might be supported by Seneviratne's state-ment that 'In our view, these [graffiti] represent clanand family symbols of the Early Iron Age communi-ties' (Seneviratne 1992,109). We may conclude, there-fore, that such non-scriptural graffiti are commonlyheld to indicate ownership, whether of a personal ormore corporate nature, and that as such represent acontinuity in function with the later vessels inscribedin Brahmi or Kharosthi. This continuity is furtherstrengthened by the fact that scriptural and non-scriptural graffiti are found on vessels of the sameforms (Fig. 15). Such unity of function tempts one tosee this development as a sign of an incipient growthin the need for a script, perhaps in a very similarway to the non-scriptural graffiti at the EarlyHarappan site of Rehman Dheri prior to the adventof the Harappan script itself (Coningham 1995b, 63).

Having argued for a continuity of function be-tween vessels with scriptural and non-scriptural graf-fiti, we still have to suggest what that function mayhave been. Inscriptions on ceramic vessels are alsofound in another, if somewhat later, context — reli-gious sites. 'A large number of potsherds bearinginscriptions have been discovered. Some such potswere meant for being dedicated in favour of reli-gious institutions.' (Sircar 1965,73) Examples of suchinscriptions are found in a number of Kharosthi in-scriptions from Peshawar which record a series ofgifts to a Buddhist institution (Chhabra 1985, 125)and also in a number of donations at the Jetavanamonastery at Anuradhapura itself. During excava-tions at the northern and southern ayakas [cardinalaltars] of the latter's central stupa, 17 vessels werefound containing hundreds of fragments of semi-precious stone, objects of copper and iron, conchshells, coins, ivory fragments, rings and over 2000beads (Ratnayake 1984,36-44). It is tempting to seeka continuity between such practices and the placingof vessels containing human remains and artefactsinto the burial monuments of the South Indian andSri Lankan Iron Age tradition. For example, Wheelerrecovered 48 beads from a shallow dish in MegalithVIII at Brahmagiri (Wheeler 1948, 264), making itclear that such vessels were used to contain andtransport donations of perishables and imperishablesas well as for eating and drinking. Indeed, in SriLanka ceramic vessels were used until recently for

90


many such activities.The pili-haliya storedclothes, the bulat-haliyabetel leaves, the karola-haliya dry fish, and evenola [palm] leaf bookswere stored in such ves-sels (Gunasekera el ah1971, 170). It is also re-corded that ceramicvessels were used fortransporting oil withinthe island (Gunasekeraet al. 1971, 171). Al-though one might betempted to suggest thatceramic vessels are notideal containers for longdistance transport, simi-lar dish forms are stillused in Sri Lanka totransport curd overmany miles.

Buhler, Diringerand Winternitz hypoth-esized that merchantswere a factor in the de-velopment of writing inSouth Asia (Buhler 1904,16; Diringer 1968, 261-2; Winternitz 1927, 32).They also suggested amechanism for this de-velopment. We believethat the archaeologicalevidence from Anur-adhapura supports sucha hypothesis. We haveargued above that thefunction of non-scrip-tural graffiti was to in- F i g u r e 1 5 Vesseifonns most

dicate ownership of theceramic vessel and, more importantly, of its con-tents. Such a hypothesis fits the mechanism sug-gested by Winternitz and Buhler for the developmentand spread of the Brahmi script. Marks or graffitiindicating ownership are developed and used whenthe size of the social groups associated with thoseobjects is increased to include groups which may beat a distance so great that few members are able totravel that distance. It also suggests an increasingform of social differentiation where ownershipbecomes exclusive to certain groups. Furthermore,

commonly inscribed with scriptural and non-scriptural graffiti.

small-scale traders tend to share cargoes since therisk of loss of a cargo would be too great for anindividual to bear. Thus items on shared mercantileenterprises would need to be differentiated. As statedabove, the earliest evidence of graffiti of any type atAnuradhapura is found in Phase J2 and consists offour sherds with non-scriptural graffiti. This numberincreases to nine examples in J3, four falling intoour dominant symbol category, and rises to 12 in J4,at which point the first six sherds with Brahmicharacters are found. As noted above, the Period J

91

R.A.E. Coningham et at.

settlement at Anuradhapura appears to have sup-ported manufacture of objects of shell/ metal, quartzand amethyst. As such, it represents an increase inaccess to resources in comparison with the preced-ing Period K. None of the raw resources necessaryfor the manufacture of the above objects are avail-able locally. The nearest resources of shell are fromthe coast some 50 miles to the west, iron ore some 60miles to the east and semi-precious stone over 60miles to the south (Seneviratne 1984,174). Finds ofhorse remains (not native to Sri Lanka), and of sharkand mother-of-pearl also suggest a connection betweenAnuradhapura, an inland settlement, and deep-seafishing and trading communities.

We believe that the presence of graffiti on sherdsoffers archaeological support for Winternitz, Diringerand Buhler's theory, representing as it surely does,an increase in the size and extent of trade networks,mirrored by the demand for a mechanism to recordownership. Soon they are accompanied by a script,Brahmi, which enables individuals to record theirownership on vessels, a natural development fromthis earlier stage. Again, we believe that the owner-ship refers not to the actual vessel but to its contents.In the next period, I, the number of inscriptions in-creases from 10 to 51 and the number of non-scrip-tural graffiti from 31 to 72. The increase correlateswith structural and artefactual evidence of thestrength of the trade networks connected withAnuradhapura. For the first time carnelian fromGujarat is found. The site also alters out of all recog-nition in terms of structural development. The largeIron Age settlement, consisting of round houses, isreplaced by a much larger settlement of tiled andcardinally orientated houses enclosed within a car-dinally orientated rampart and moat (Coningham1993). This coincided with a great rise in the pres-ence of waste connected with the manufacture offinished products of shell, bone, semi-precious stoneand metal (Coningham 1994,184-93). It is also from

Figure 16. Sherd inscribed with single-masted vessel (SF10,548).

this period that we have the first find of a fine greyware whose shapes seem to anticipate Roulettedware. If this ceramic is ancestral to Rouletted warewe may have identified the origins of a ceramic whichwas to be traded as far as Vietnam in the EarlyHistoric period (Ian Glover 1995, pers. comm.). Theconnection was further strengthened by the graffitoof a single-masted ocean-going ship on a bowl of thisware (SF 10,548: Fig. 16). Evidently, Anuradhapura'sposition as a manufacturing and trading centre wasestablished, and it had become a political centre aswell. It is also clear from the distribution of scrip-tural and non-scriptural graffiti within the sequencethat although they reach a peak in Period I they falloff by Period G and subsequently are only found onone or two sherds, clearly mixed into later deposits.This decline appears to coincide with evidence forrecording systems on other media. The earliest ex-amples include the clay sealing of 'Maga the chieftain'(SF 10,249) and the stone mould of 'Vatsa Datta' (SF166). We also recovered a number of thin fragmentsof bone and ivory which appeared to belong to ob-long objects with a hole drilled at one end (Fig. 17).They are almost identical in shape to modern ola leafcovers, normally made out of wood. If such an iden-tification is correct, these finds may represent theearliest example of writing on perishable materialsin Sri Lanka.

Conclusion

In the above discussion we have attempted to dem-onstrate that the archaeological evidence offers sup-port for the hypothesis of mercantile involvement inthe rise of the Brahmi script. We believe that there isa very real correlation between the growth of tradenetworks in Sri Lanka and the first use of recording,first as non-scriptural and then as scriptural graffiti.Furthermore, we believe that the purpose of inscrip-tions on the ceramic vessels was to indicate owner-ship of those vessels and more importantly of theircontents.

The presence of these sherds at Anuradhapuradoes present a further problem connected with theorigins of the Sinhalese themselves. As mentionedabove, the language in which the inscriptions arewritten is a Prakrit — that is a Middle Indo-Aryanlanguage, rather than a Dravidian language. Indeed,not a single inscription can be read as Tamil, aDravidian language, a situation very different to thelater finds at Arikamedu on the Indian mainland(Wheeler 1946, 109). The Mahavamsa explains thepresence of the Sinhalese language in the island by

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recording that it was only occupied by yakkhas [demi-gods] and nagas [serpents] until it was colonized byPrince Vijaya and his 700 companions from northernIndia in the fifth century BC (Coningham & Allchin1995,157-8). It must be admitted that in terms of ourdating, all the inscriptions are later than the tradi-tional Vijayan arrival date, though approximately asold as a 'new dating' (Bechert 1982) a century later.This should be pointed out, as it offers one possibleexplanation of the presence of Prakrit. Such an inter-pretation has not been seriously adhered to since theresults of Deraniyagala's first excavations at theGedige site of Anuradhapura where he identified amegalithic tradition below the Early Historic settle-ment (Deraniyagala 1972). The majority of scholarshold that this tradition is strongly linked to that ofPeninsular India, if not actually deriving from it(Begley 1981, 94; Deraniyagala 1972, 159-60; Lukacs& Kennedy 1981,107; Seneviratne 1984, 283). Indeedsome scholars have suggested that the cultural linksbetween the Sinhalese and Tamils are even stronger:

Archaeological facts are contrary to the traditionalview about an Aryan migration, presented in theBuddhist chronicles of Sri Lanka, which were com-piled nearly one thousand years later than theprotohistoric events mentioned in them. Thoughone cannot rule out the role of north Indian influ-ences in the form of cultural inspirations, there areso far no archaeological evidences in support ofthe so-called mass Aryan migration to Sri Lanka.Hence, the current understanding is that the Mega-lithic culture of Sri Lanka was not merely an over-flow of south Indian culture as conceived previouslyby Sri Lankan scholars. But, it was a full-fledgedand integral part of the cultural heritage of SriLanka, common to both Sinhalese and Tamils.(Ragupathy 1987,180)

What is unclear is how ^such an approach can . _„•help, since it goes no far-ther to explain the pres-ence of Prakrit in thesouth at such an earlydate. Sinhalese is anIndo-European languageand not a Dravidian oneas spoken by its neigh-bours, although somescholars have identifieda strong Dravidian ele-ment within it (Goda-kumbura 1946,827). Thismakes clear that a Figure 17. Bone ola leaf cover (SF 6988).

change in the island's language must have occurredin the past. Renfrew (1987,124-^14) has proposed sixmodels for language change:

a) demographic - subsistenceb) elite dominancec) systems collapsed) constrained population displacemente) sedentary - mobile boundary shiftf) donor - recipient population system

We may immediately rule out systems collapse, sed-entary-mobile boundary shift and constrained popu-lation displacement as they are clearly not applicable.The elite dominance model would fit the records ofthe Buddhist chronicles, as the latter record that anewly arrived north Indian group were victoriousover local groups referred to yakkhas [demi-gods]and nagas [serpents], interpreted by many as thepopulations already settled in the island (Allchin1989, 13). It is equally possible, however, that thedemographic-subsistence model could also explainthis shift. Seneviratne has proposed that the IronAge communities of Sri Lanka relied upon swiddenand plough agriculture as opposed to the Indo-Aryanones which practised irrigation agriculture (Seneviratne1992, 100). It has been demonstrated that the yieldfrom a single rice crop from an acre of irrigated landin North Central Province can support 15 individu-als for a year; whereas the yield from a single wheatcrop from an acre of unirrigated land will supportonly five (Coningham 1995b, 67). The high returnsfrom irrigated land would perhaps be reflected ingreater population growth for the hydraulic-basedcommunities.

Similarly, we may find support of the constrained

93


population displacement and donor-recipientpopulation models. The Mahavamsa, chroniclingevents between the fifth century BC and the fourthcentury AD, records not one but many arrivals to theisland, from both Peninsular India and further north(Mahavamsa VI, 47; VII, 52-8; VIII, 10,23; IX, 6; XXI,10,13; XXV, 77; XXXIII, 39; XXXVII, 2). It also records,however, that there was movement in the reversedirection (Mahavamsa XXXIII, 54, 55; XXXV, 26;XXXVI, 45; XXXVI, 112,123). Clearly, therefore, thereis no overwhelming evidence that Renfrew's modelsfor linguistic change should be selected as discretealternatives. All may have performed a function inthe process of language replacement.

Renfrew's models omit the possibility of lin-guistic replacement through prolonged trade contact.Sherratt has argued that trade networks involvingdirectional exchange could have

created new demands for inter-regional communi-cation, especially between elites. These would haveprovided circumstances for the formation of pidginsand Creoles, which because of their association withprestige activities could have slowly gained muchwider currency in pre-literate communities.(Sherratt 1988,461-2)

Although such a model may appear to fit our cur-rent hypothesis and help explain the presence ofnorthern traits without involving the movement oflarge numbers of people, there is no reason why theSri Lankan linguistic replacement need have beenmonocausal rather than polycausal. Indeed, there isno reason to suppose that the processes at work inone part of the island were the same as in otherparts. Certainly there are no obvious or reliable lawsor patterns for linguistic change (Coleman 1988,452).On an inter-regional basis it is interesting to com-pare Anuradhapura with Amaravati in AndhraPradesh, where there must have been, then as now, aTelugu-speaking population, but all the earliest in-scriptions are in Prakrit. Even if Prakrit was the lan-guage of an isolated ruling elite or of the Buddhistcommunities (Allchin 1990, 167), it did not replacethe surrounding Dravidian language of Amaravatito the extent it appears to have done in the Sri Lankanexample. Barth has illustrated how a language con-sidered to be inferior in terms of speakers and pres-tige can actually make inroads into one of a 'superior'nature because of the differing structures of socialorganization of the speakers (Barth 1972). Althoughthe Pathans of Pakistan are thought to be more pros-perous, fertile and militarily aggressive than theneighbouring Baluch, Barth has argued that theBaluchi language is making inroads into traditional

Pushtu areas owing to differing processes of incor-poration. He maintained that it was easier for a failedor disgraced Pathan or Baluch to be assimilated intoa neighbouring Baluch area than into a Pathan areaowing to the inegalitarian client nature of Baluchtribal organization (Barth 1972,461-2). This has leadto a far greater growth rate by incorporation intoBaluch tribes than that of Pathan tribes, and thus hasled to an increase in Baluchi speakers, although someof the assimilated groups may only use it on ceremo-nial occasions.

It is also noteworthy that when the Englishsailor, Robert Knox, escaped from captivity in theKandyan kingdom in 1679 AD and passed throughAnuradhapura on his way to freedom he noted that'Nor could they understand the Chingulay [Sinhalese]language in which we spake [sic] to them.' (Knox1981,159). Anuradhapura has always been seen as astronghold of Sinhalese Buddhism, even during theyears of south Indian ascendancy, as indeed it istoday, thus Knox's report shows therefore how thedynamics of language replacement are not necessar-ily constant or one way.

A further factor which may affect linguistic re-placement is that language change can be used todifferentiate and separate groups of a similar nature.It is perhaps possible to identify a progressivesinhilization of Sri Lanka in the Buddhist chroniclesas the kings of Anuradhapura and the later capitalsof the island resisted the attempts by the South In-dian states to assimilate the island. In such circum-stances the Indo-European Buddhist nature of theisland may have been stressed by kings and Bud-dhist communities in order to preserve sovereignty.This emphasis could have resulted in the gradualspread of a monolingual tradition in place of a bilin-gual one. Certainly, geneticists have suggested thatthe Sinhalese are more closely related to South In-dian populations than to northern groups (Kirk 1976;Roychoudhury 1984).

We have made clear in the above discussionsthat it is still unclear which process, or combinationof processes, were the cause of Sri Lankan languagereplacement. It is possible that very different proc-esses were at work in different areas of the island,and that we cannot isolate or identify a prime moverfrom the overall result. Deraniyagala has suggestedthat the early dates might corroborate the Vijayancolonization (Deraniyagala 1992, 747). The presenceof a number of inscriptions written in Prakrit, how-ever, do not necessarily indicate a large number ofwriters, or presumably speakers, of that language.The highest rate of illiteracy amongst contemporary

94


South Asian urban dwellers is 83.5 per cent (Robinson1989,381). Using an estimated figure of 200 personsper hectare as proposed by Dhavalikar & Possehl(1974,40), we may suggest that the 26 hectare PeriodJ settlement at Anuradhapura might have had apopulation of some 5200. If we apply the very worstfigures available for urban literacy today, we maycalculate a figure of some 800 literate individuals atAnuradhapura. Such a figure might be further re-duced in conditions of bilingualism.

It is hoped that this article will help advancethe study of the development and spread of Brahmiscript and act as a catalyst to the collection of in-scribed sherds from other regions of South Asia. Wefully expect that other sites with equally early, if notearlier, Brahmi inscriptions will be found. We alsohope that the fresh excavations at the Pakistani siteof the Bala Hisar of Charsada, by a collaborativeteam from Peshawar and Bradford Universities, willyield further examples of Kharosthi script, so thatwe may begin to construct an absolute chronologyfor the development of Kharosthi script and investi-gate its stratigraphic relationship with Brahmi.

R.A.E. Coningham, CM. Batt & D. LucyDepartment of Archaeological Sciences

University of BradfordBradford

BD71DP

F.R. AllchinAncient India and Iran Trust

Brookstands HouseBrooklands Avenue

CambridgeCB2 2BG

Acknowledgements

First and foremost acknowledgements must go to DrSiran Deraniyagala, Director-General of Archaeol-ogy, Sri Lanka, for his continual assistance and in-spiration. His pioneering work of over twenty yearsat the Citadel of Anuradhapura has vastly improvedour knowledge of archaeology in Sri Lanka, andindeed its position within the Early Historic urbani-zation of South Asia. We are most grateful to thefollowing individuals for their help and interest inour work: the late Professor Sir Harold Bailey, Pro-fessor A.H. Dani, Dr Malini Dias, Dr SudharshanSeneviratne, Dr Roland Silva and Mr W.H. Wijayapala.Acknowledgements are also due to the field-teamswhich worked at ASW2, and especially to Alfred de

Mel, P.D. Mendis and Rukshan Jayewardene. Weshould also like to acknowledge Dr C.J. Knusel andtwo anonymous referees for commenting on earlierversions of the text, and Jon Sygrave for preparingthe vessel illustrations. The project was sponsoredby the Society for South Asian Studies (British Acad-emy). The financial assistance of the following bod-ies is also gratefully acknowledged: the Ancient Indiaand Iran Trust; the Archaeological Survey of SriLanka; the Department of Archaeological Sciences,Bradford University; the British Academy; theMcDonald Institute for Archaeological Research,Cambridge; and the Society of Antiquaries.

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Documents

Coningham et al. - Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script