PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 4(2): 121-127 (1996)ISSN: 0128-7702

© Penerbit Universiti Pertanian Malaysia

Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from theDayak Than Community of Sarawak, East Malaysia

JAYUM A AKJAWANDepartment of Social Development Studies

Faculty of Human EcologyUniversiti Pertanian Malaysia

43400 Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia

Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, conflict I1lanageI1lent, Dayak Iban, adat, rumah panjai,tuai rumah, New EconoI1lic Policy, socioeconoI1lic equality, socioeconoI1lic justice

ABSTRAK

Makalah ini bertujuan mengkaji pengurusan dan penyelesaian konflik dengan merujuk khasnya kepadamasyarakat Dayak Iban di Sarawak. Ia cuba membina hujah bahawa konflik dapat dikurangkan sekiranyamanusia dapat diasuh supaya menerima hakikat terhadap peranan masing-masing dalam susunan sosialmasyarakatnya. Konflik di kalangan orang Dayak Iban adalah pada paras minima kerana nilai sosiobudayamasyarakat tersebut menggalakkan saling pergantungan di an tara individual Iban. Seseorang yangmelanggar sebarang peraturan atau norma masyarakat akan cepat diasing dan dimarahi sehingga wujudperasaan sangat malu akan tindakan salah itu. Mengikut pengarang, penerimaan masyarakat Dayak Ibanterhadap kedudukan dan peranan masing-masing dalam konteks sosial, ekonomi dan politik telahmembantu menjalinkan hubungan sosial yang harmoni, memastikan keadilan ekonomi dan kestabilanpolitik. Di peringkat yang lebih tinggi, iaitu di peringkat masyarakat Malaysia, penerimaan konsep keadilandalam kontek yang difahami masyarakat Dayak Iban inilah yang telah menjamin bahawa Dasar EkonomiBaru (DEB) diterima umum dan berjaya mengagihkan kekayaan negara "sarna rata" di kalanganmasyarakat pelbagai etnik di negara ini. Dalam lain perkataan, pembahagian faedah pertumbuhan ekonomimengambilkira keperluan sesuatu etnik sebagaimana keperluan ini ditaksirkan oleh gulungan pemerintah.

ABSTRACT

This paper examines conflict management and resolution, focusing specifically on the Dayak Iban society ofSarawak. It argues that conflicts can be substantially reduced if people are socialized to accept theirrespective roles in the socioeconomic and political structure of society. Conflicts among the communal Ibansare kept to a bare minimum because their sociocultural values promote harmonious interdependence amongindividuals. Those who transgress the community accepted norms of behaviour are quickly ostracized,reprimanded and made to feel greatly ashamed. Iban acceptance of their positions and roles within thesocial, economic and political structure of society has helped to maintain social harmony, economic justiceand political stability. On a higher order, that is in Malaysian society, it is the realization of this sense ofjustice that made the NEP acceptable and successful in allocating the benefits of economic growth among thevarious ethnic groups in the country. In other words, each community according to its needs as seen bypolitical leaders.

INTRODUCTION

Conflicts abound in society because peopleare made to believe that they are equal.Certain religious doctrines argue that people,who are created in the images of his or hercreator, are born equal. Building on thisnotion, many political, social and economicdoctrines are constructed with the view toeither sustaining or glorifying this religious

concept of "total equality".Conflict arises because people have

unrealistic ambitions. They easily becomeenvious of the successes of others. When theyfail, they start searching for the faults inothers. Naturally, they refuse to acknowledgeany shortcomings that they themselves mighthave and which could have been the maIDreason for their failure.

Jayum Anak Jawan

The concept of equality is highly relative.This was, and to some extent still is, stronglyacknowledged by members of the Dayak Ibancommunity of Sarawak. This acknowledge­ment has in many ways helped to lessenconflicts and make their resolution mucheasier to achieve. This case study examinessome fundamental values of the SarawakDayak Ibans that address conflicts and theirresolution.

BACKGROUNDWho Are the Dayak Ibans?

Descendants of the famed headhunters ofBorneo, Dayak Ibans were once a seafaring,adventurous, adaptable and highly mobilepeople. Historical accounts show that it wasthese spirits that led them to migrate fromregions such as the Kapuas in IndonesianKalimantan to various parts of present-daySarawak. Reasons for this migratory practiceincluded: (1) their thirst for opening up ofnew land to settle; (2) their need to search fornew fertile land on which to practise theirshifting cultivation; and (3) their need tosatisfy their urge to travel (bejalai) I (Sandin1967) .

In contemporary Sarawak, Dayak Ibanspresently number about 450,000, constitutingtherefore about 30% of the total statepopulation (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sar­awak (ASBS) 1988: 13). They are the largestindigenous group, followed by the Malayswho constitute about 21 %, the DayakBidayuhs 8%, the Melanau 6% and theDayak Orang DIu 5%. Collectively, theindigenous groups are also referred to asbumipu tera (sons of the soil) (FederalCons ti tu tion of Malaysia, Article 161 A) .Chinese comprise the remaining 29%.

The majority of the Dayak Ibans live inlonghouses in the far-flung rural areas ofSarawak, principally along the Rejang andthe Saribas river banks. In 1980, about95.2% of the Dayak Ibans were reported tobe rural dwellers (Sarawak 1983). The

I Literally "to walk". For a more detailed account of thisDayak Iban culture, see, for example, Kedit (1993); and forthe review of Kedit's book and the custom seeJawan (1995).

majority of them continue to be found inthe traditional Dayak Iban enclaves of theSaribas and Rejang river basins. Saribas ispresently home to about 25% of the DayakIbans, while another 33% live in the Rejangbasin (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak1988: 13).

The majority of the Dayak Ibans con­tinue to rely on shifting cultivation as theirprincipal means oflivelihood. In 1960, about98% of the Dayak Iban labour force wereengaged in agriculture and agricultural­related activities. By 1970, the percentage ofDayak Ibans engaged in this sector haddropped to 94.8% and in 1980 to 88.2%(Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak 1970:41; 1980: 18-19; 1984: 37-38).

Bilik-Family

The basic socioeconomic and political unit inIban society is the bilik-family (Freeman1970). A bilik-family usually comprises twoor more generations living in the same familyunit called a bilie (compartment). Generally,the Dayak Iban practise an extended familysystem. This customary practice is furthersustained by marriage tradition; marriedcouples are encouraged to stay within thebridegroom's bilik-family before they start toform their own bilik-family.

The bilik-family is an important social,economic and political institution of theDayak Ibans Uawan 1991). First, it providesa Dayak Iban with a sense of identity. Aperson is not only born into a bilik-familyfrom which he/she is descended (purih) , butacquires from it an orientation with which todeal with the outside world.

Second, the bilik-family is an economicunit which helps to sustain family self­sufficiency. A high degree of solidaritybetween members of the extended family isonly to be expected. Division oflabour withinthe bilik-family based on gender, age andphysical ability is an accepted practice. Thereis nothing derogatory about defining or

2 Literally, "a room"; but in this case, it refers to a familyliving compartment with sections for such activities assleeping, dining and cooking.

122 PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996

Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Iban Community of Sarawak

delineating activities based on such dichoto­mies as gender or age. I ts acceptance hascontributed to the maintenance of a harmo­nious balance in the bilik-family, communityand society. For example, the burning andfelling of trees to clear land for farming isnormally undertaken by men; certain jobscarried out during the farming cycle, such asclearing the shrubs, are usually left to thewomen and children; and the guarding of therice fields and orchard farms is generallyexpected of elder members of the bilik-family.

Third, the bilik-family is a basic politicalinstitution in which there are well-orderedrelations between its members. In the bilik­family, the elders are synonymous withauthority; this is further reinforced by theadat (the proper way of doing things; customsand traditions) which legitimizes relations,grants duties and prescribes obligationsbetween members of the bilik-family. It isnot generally expected that younger membersof the bilik-family would openly go against thewishes or advice of their elders. On the whole,younger members of a bilik-family aregenerally expected to seek and respect theadvice and opinions of their elders.

Longhouse

A longhouse (rumah panjai) is a series of bilik(family compartment) joined together to forma long house. The longhouse shares acommon roof (perabong), a covered verandah(ruai) and an open platform (tanju) whichruns the length of the longhouse. The ruai is afocal point of many activities such as theholding of a harvest festival (gawai Dayak)and other festivities and the entertaining andreceiving of visitors.

A longhouse can be as short as four or fivedoors and as long as forty doors.3 It is headedby a popularly elected4 headman called a tuairumah, who is usually male. 5 In traditional

3 One door corresponds to one bilik or one bilik-family.Taking a modest average of about 7 persons (e.g. grand­parents, parents and three children of the latter) per bilik, alonghouse of a modest length of 30 doors can easily compriseabout 210 individuals.4 The equivalent term in Dayak Iban is dituduh ka bala maioh.5 However, in recent years (as early as the 1970s), womenhave ascended to the position.

Dayak Iban society, the headman's authoritywas non-formal because it was, unlike today,not backed by legitimate authority to enforcecompliance. Nevertheless, a headman stillexercised considerable power because ofseveral factors. First, he was popularlyelected. Second, his non-formal authoritywas, and still is, backed by adat which isrevered by the Dayak Ibans.6 Thirdly, healways consulted other elders and relied uponprecedents before passing judgements in anydispute hearing (betugong/baum). Fourth, hemay also simultaneously hold other presti­gious leadership positions which thereforeenhance his standing as a headman. 7 Lastly,he has had the necessary dreams, which is anessential element ofleadership in Dayak Ibansociety (Sandin 1962).

DAYAK mAN CULTURE

Dayak Iban society has been described asclassless and highly egalitarian (Freeman1970). The community was said to thrive onself-sufficiency through personifying highdegrees of competition, co-operation andindividualism. Underpinning all these valuesis the adat which justifies and legitimizesinteractions based on them Oawan 1991).

The adat is the single most importantfactor governing interactions within andbetween the temporal and spiritual worlds.The adat deals with the proper ways ofmaintaining balance in society. In this sense,it not only prescribes proper conduct betweenindividual Dayak Ibans but also betweenthem and their gods (petaras). Conflict istherefore seen as disturbing the balance, andhence its resolution must be swift andamicable to all parties concerned.

Although the longhouse is home to manyindividualistic and highly competitive DayakIbans, conflicts are not as common as might

6 The position of the headman is now recognized by thegovernment, from which he or she draws a specified yearlyallowance. The authority of the headman is now backed bylegislation, particularly as a result of the adoption of theIban Adat 1993.7 In the Dayak Iban society, a person ascended to a positionof leadership after having proven his worth in certain fieldssuch as head-hunting (warleader [tuai kayau]) and in theopening up of new land (regional chief [tuai mubok menua]).

PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vo!' 4 No.2, 1996 123

Jayum Anak Jawan

be expected. This is attributed to a number ofreasons. First, although Dayak Ibans arehighly egalitarian, they accept the fact thattheir society is classless and that people, tosome extent, may be born equal. They alsoacknowledge that in reality people are notequally endowed and that their petaras are notthe just biblical God because, as theirexperiences teaches them, their petaras be­stow favours on some and not on others.Thus, those who have received the blessing ofthe gods and who may have moved on topositions of authority are not to be envied.Instead, they should be listened to andrespected.

Second, Dayak Ibans are taught to berespectful of their elders. It is persistentlydriven into the psyche of the Dayak Ibansthat to go against their elders is to invitemisfortune by being cursed (tulah) . Whilegoing against elders may not eventually leadto misfortune, the fear that this beliefgenerates among potential delinquent sib­lings may be enough to at least prevent adisagreement developing into an open andexplosive confrontation.

Lastly, Dayak Ibans detest conflicts,especially between members of the samebilik-family. Those who engage in conflictsearn the label of "not conforming to the adatways" (nadai adat). This brings great shame(malu) not only to the individuals involved,but also to their bilik-families, who are thenseen as having failed in some way in the socialupbringing of their offspring. The shame ofnot conforming to the adat ways is also adeterrent to conflicts between members ofdifferent bilik-families because those whoengage in conflicts are seen as social outcastsunfit to be members of the longhousecommunity. Although Dayak Ibans arehighly individualistic and mobile, there arerelatively few recalcitrant members becauseleaving one longhouse community to joinanother would still mean having to subjectthemselves to similar social norms based onthe adat.

Among the Dayak Ibans, conflict is seenas pervasive in nature. This is especially so asconflicts disturb the harmonious balance insociety - between people and also between

people and nature. Thus, although a conflictmay develop between two individuals or bilik-families, the consequences may affect thewhole community.

CONFLICT MANAGEMENT

Conflict management falls within the scope ofthe authority of the headman (tuai rumah). Inthis respect, the role of a headman is similarto that of an arbitrator or a judge. As hisauthority in traditional Dayak Iban societywas not backed by any formal authority toenforce compliance to his verdicts, a head­man's personal qualities as a leader carried astrong bearing among his subjects. Amongthe recognized qualities or traits of a head­man were an extensive knowledge of adat,impartiality and high morals and integrity.

Notwithstanding the above qualities ortraits, adat alone was enough to ensure thatthe decisions of even the weakest of headmenwould be complied with by his subjects. Thisis even more so now that a corpus ofIban adat(Iban Adat 1993) has been passed by thestate legislative assembly, therefore makingwhat was previously "adat law, customs andtraditions" enforceable and backed by theauthority of the state. However, complianceto a headman's informal authority has neverbeen based on the force of the civil sanction.I ts effectiveness was, and will continue to be,based on two important factors: (I) theelement of shame felt by the individuals andtheir families; and (2) the fear of supernaturalretribution that may befall the individuals,their families and their communities.

When disputes are lodged, a headmanfirst attempts to give the disputing parties acooling-off period. This is usually done byfixing a date for the arbitration conference(bertugong or bicara) some days after thecomplaint is first received. During this time,a headman would make an effort to find outfrom the disputing parties if their differencescould be settled amicably between them,instead of being brought out in an openarbitration conference. The main concern of aheadman is to prevent disputing parties fromappearing in an open arbitration conferencewhere all will be exposed and where tempersmay flare. This would make future reconcilia-

124 PenanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996

Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Iban Community of Sarawak

tion between the disputing parties almostimpossible to achieve. But if this effort fails,the pre-arranged arbitration conference isthen held.

An open arbitration court is normallyheld in the evening immediately after dinneron the headman's section of the common orcovered verandah (ruai). No prior notice isissued. Residents of the longhouse are onlyinformed of, and invited to attend, theproposed conference minutes before it isabout to start. There is no restriction as towho can attend the open court.8

When all parties involved in the litigationhave arrived, the proceedings begin with theheadman explaining the purpose of theconference. There are several ways in whicha headman may mediate or arbitrate dis­putes. As he already knows the nature of thedispute, a headman may merely relate thefacts of the dispute and then pronounce his/her judgement. Neither side is called to makeor present its case and witnesses. The mainargument behind this method is to prevent"dirty linen being washed in public" andthereby reducing any chance the disputin~

parties might have to mend their differences.However, the effectiveness of this methoddepends a great deal on the personality of theheadman. This method can be effectivelyused by a leader who is accomplished andtherefore a highly respected and feared figurein the longhouse community.

Alternatively, the headman may applythe "fight-it-all-out" method. In this ap­proach, a headman calls upon the plaintiffto present his/her case and to call testimoniesof relevant witnesses. The defendant is thengiven a chance to make a defence and to~all

witnesses. When all sides have been heard,the headman considers the case, asks opinionsof elders and other headmen who may bepresent and then pronounces his judgement.

Wrongdoings usually fall into two cate-

8 This has led a certain Dayak Iban scholar to'erroneouslyconclude that there was absolute equality in the Dayak Ibansociety; for a critique of this view see Jawan(1992).9 In Western tradition, this specific role played by theheadman is known as third-party intervention. Its success ishighly dependent on the latter's "... special skills andexpertise.. " (Hill 1982).

gories: (I) wrongful acts that are injurious toothers; and (2) wrongful acts against nature(prohibitions or pemali). Disputes can involveeither one or both elements. In respect of thefirst offence, resolution usually takes the formof a fine intended to be a deterrent topotential adat breakers. Although the fine isminimal in monetary terms, the social stigmaof having broken the adat law, customs andtradition is an act heavily frowned upon bymembers of the community. For the secondoffence, the fine (meri pemali) is meant torestore the balance between the temporal andspiritual worlds (nyelap ka menua [lit.: to coolthe world]) that has been disturbed by the actof transgression (ngangat ka menua [lit.: to heatthe world]). Resolutions of transgressionagainst nature may also require that aspecial ceremony be held in order to appeaseangered spirits and to seek their continuedblessing and good fortune.

IMPLICATION AND APPLICATION

The important lesson of this Dayak Ibantradition is that "people must learn toacknowledge and appreciate their positionin society. They must therefore act accord­ingly and should only make claims that arewithin their respective social status or posi­tions. There are usually no less than about ahundred individuals in an average longhouse.However, contrary to what this mightsuggest, conflict is not a common occurrenceamong these individualistic and highlycompetitive Dayak Ibans.

Among the egalitarian Dayak Ibans,equality is accepted and highly valued. Buttheir perception of equality differs from thebiblical interpretation. In Dayak Ibansociety, it is accepted that people are notborn equal. Neither are Dayak Iban gods(petaras) just because they pick and choosemortals to be endowed with special abilities.According to the Dayak Iban religion, someare born destined for greatness; others arenot. To the Dayak Ibans equality merelyimplies that there is no institutionalizedrestriction on opportunities within the socio­culturally accepted sanctions. All may com­pete equally, but those who may have

PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996 125

Jayum Anak Jawan

received divine intervention are more likely tosucceed than those who have not.

Conflicts emerge when people stakeclaims that are beyond what is generallypermitted to and expected of them. Forexample, it is unrealistic for all members ofa hunting party to make equal claims to thedivision of the spoils as each member mayhave contributed differently to accomplishingthe task. In this case, equality means dividingthe spoils based on a person's contributionand position in the activity (pedua badak, mitkelikit besai kelikai). Hence, a leader (and anorganizer) of the hunting party may havecontributed little to the actual work ofcatching the fish, but it is not expected thathe will be given a smaller share. Instead, hisshare may be bigger than that of others byvirtue of his position.

On a larger scale, the success of main­taining harmonious inter-ethnic relations atboth the state and federal levels of govern­ment in Malaysia can be attributed to thepromotion of a similar notion to the DayakIban concept of equality and justice. Forexample, in Sarawak, the practice of invol­ving all major ethnic communities in runningthe state government has led to politicalstability and legitimacy. But when thispractice is cast aside with the exclusion ofthe majority Dayak Ibans, the acceptabilityand popularity of the ruling party is put intoquestion, as events surrounding the removalof Abdul Rahman Yaakob in 1981 revealedand as shown by the diminishing popularityof the ruling coalition in 1987 when itsmajority was drastically reduced from theprevious two-thirds to a three-seat majority.

In peninsular Malaysia, the exclusion ofthe Malays from the mainstream economicactivities prompted an ethnic upheaval andrethinking that led to the emergence of theNew Economic Policy (NEP) to address thisinequality. With the NEP came the redefini­tion of "equality" and socio-economic"justice". Under this policy, "just" distribu­tion of the socioeconomic benefits of economicgrowth was defined in terms of the proportionof each ethnic group in the national popula­tion. Competition and equal access were stillmaintained, but confined to each ethnic

quota of the national pie.In general, this policy has contributed

much to Malaysia's post-1970s success inmaintaining a harmonious balance betweenits many competing ethnic groups. Undoubt­edly this policy's success has been heavilydependent upon the ability of the Malaysianeconomy to expand, thereby ensuring thatthe allotted pie continued to grow largeenough to satisfy all individuals within eachethnic community. In a way, the NEP alsoworked to reduce ambitious and unrealisticdemands and counter-demands of one com­munity on the others.

CONCLUSION

Conflicts and tensions can be contained ifpeople are made to realize, accept and respecttheir respective positions in the social,economic and political structure of society.This is even more attainable in a societywhere the idea is strongly supported by itssociocultural values such as those of theDayak Ibans because the acceptance of thishierarchy entails that one knows what isreasonably due to oneself and to others withinthe context of relative equality. To ensure themaintenance of stability and harmony, anychange to this situation must be coupled with,and sanctioned by, the changing socioculturalvalues of the community.

In Dayak Iban society, the resolution ofconflict is not a "win-lose" or zero-sum gameconsideration, but a "win-win" or a variable

. 10 Th" h hsum game cIrcumstance. IS IS were t eacumen of a headman is most needed to bringabout fast and acceptable solutions.

In the Malaysian political context, theintroduction of the NEP was the defining ofthe proportion of pie according to the socialand political position and prominence of eachrespective community in the national popula­tion. It was the acceptance of this situationwhich also guaranteed a win-win situation forall ethnic communities that good inter-ethnicrelations have flourished.

10 For discussion of zero sum or variable sum game, seeKriesberg (1956).

126 PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4- No.2, 1996

Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Iban Community of Sarawak

REFERENCES

FREEMAN, D. 1970. Iban Agriculture. London: HerMajesty's Stationery Office.

HILL, BARBARA. 1982. An analysis of conflictresolution techniques. journal of ConflictResolution 26(1): 109-138.

IBAN Adat Law. 1993. Kuching: GovernmentPrinting Office.

jAWAN, jAYUM. 1991. Political change andeconomic development among the Ibans ofSarawak, East Malaysia. Unpublished Ph.D.thesis, University of Hull.

jAWAN, jAYUM. 1992. Between tradition andchange: A re-examination of some fundamen­tal assumptions about the Ibans. BorneoResearch Bulletin 24: 24-32.

jAWAN, jAYUM. 1995. Bejalai. Journal of theMalaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [inpress] .

KED IT, PETER MULOK. 1993. Iban Bejalai. KualaLumpur: Ampang Press for the SarawakLiterary Society.

KRIESBERG, LOUIS. 1956. Sociology of SocialConflicts. New jersey: Prentice-Hall.

Legal Research Board. 1989. Federal Constitution.Kuala Lumpur: International Law BookServices.

SANDIN, BENEDICT. 1962. Duabelas BengkahMimpin Tuai Dayak-Iban [The TwelveDreams of Dayak Iban Leaders]. Kuching:Borneo Literature Bureau.

SA TDIN, BENEDICT. 1967. The Sea Dayaks ofBorneo before White Rajah Rule. London:Macmillan.

SARAWAK. 1983. State Population Report, Sarawak.Kuching: Dept. of Statistics.

SARAWAK, Department of Statistics. (variousissues). Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak.Kuching: Dept. of Statistics Malaysia (Sar­awak Branch).

( Received 26 October 1994)

PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996 127