Conflict, Peace and Refugee Problem in Madura

8/3/2019 Conflict, Peace and Refugee Problem in Madura

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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevelooment ldmlnistration : Paradlgm of Human DevelopmentF"uitrr1"i by : cottege of Arts and sciencer universiti utara Ltatiaysia

CONFLICT, PEACE AND REFUGEE PROBLEM IN MADURAFathorrahmanAsia School of Economics

ABSTRACTThis study was done to the refugees currentlv in the area. "u".9Y111n^i:..?*i::i::';1;"ia"ng;Jln-';;i ji,i,;;;. F +Ft"d"I" 9v r:"11s 1111e lTt:1?i::i:{.;111g5gil:if;flT'i'#' ;::o"'lnffifi ;;il;y; it';ii: F,,-tn"", "i'oi"i-t':l: ?i1:::^ ?.::11ttn:,:H"":"1ff:ir""I;n""1ffi;::T ";i"t d;rh ilr"irg""" ,nd the connict.i", M111r:.,1r^* y_i*::.xJix::il?tg:"i##ffi.;,;':fi;l;fi:;i.:1,:'l:;:.'t ::'^*:"J,illj"ff: ?j}.illlllv;l'3::lt"r"io::'fi,iiiir""r'"j-ii'.i"-"J""ti"'LnJitiont in Madura also affect the formation .of a'L ^ &--l lima l;\rindffi:i:l"i:il';:tt-u;';; .""r.i '"i"ii".'nip' "nJ 'o"r"i 't'u.iri"' ,yp,::! ,:,11" -t*,ll:'"iTj^'ftr::ffiffJ:J:,f,$"&;''#;Ai;iilil:fi"i"u "no reerins or atienation in the sociar environmentin which theY live.+ilr,L?'i'J?articurarry experienced and fett by the refugees who have no relati:::,:l'ty,T.::? l:* " oJ Jl I fi i"; ffi tn ".# rd;il;;;il" 9 1J ; ry i Fi te,.* I lP T 1^"^1i :*^; :,1 :": :lf +;:H.i,Li,T ril!Vill,",i['in"t";[Ti,iiJi' ""i'"*rv int"i"tnnt''ioe b"t.l,."i:?lj1].nl3Y'",135;,"I1iLffiLll;,J'l,i#ti;;^r,lJlnJ ui"i"n* in x"ii'"ntan isrhe desrrucrion_or th:.y,3ii:,:::::tItr;?iiil,:';:i"i# "ril";;;;;innic Nnsnip J.,p" i" r"rimantan i"-1:::r1t-::,y"i'_T*1i:ll,i.iiiI'3oJ,lliil: :';il;;;";;.d"d;di ,'J;; ""0 roi' or economic assets Amons theJ ^ r- - ^k^^-^ lrr, {ha rafr l.leesfrliff:"T:1,;;;;'.,'il;;;-bil;;i; the artemative most widerv chosen bv the refuseesa---r^ 1l^Attrtfrom Central Kalimantan. Some others, especially refugees from Kalbar choose to stay in Madura'

Keytord: Conflicl, Peace, Madura

INTRODUCTIONA flood of ethnic Madurese from Madura island of Borneo to up to 128,919 people

(OCHA, 2OO3) raises some serious issues' First, the conditions of refugees living qualitydeteriorated. Second, socio-economic burden for society grew on the island' Third, thefuture of ethnic conflict resolution are not clear'

So far the refugee problem-solving framework is organized into three alternativesof returning to a location in Kalimantan, integration into Madurese community' andrelocation to the outside areas of conflict or Madura. However, this framework is notconcerned with issues The most basic of efforts to achieve peacg building long-term'Therefore this study intended to study the extent framework where business can be doneby observing characteristics of the conflict, socio-political economy of refugees' therelationship between the refugees with the local community in Madura and Kalimantan'the efforts and peace constraints that has been done'

This study was done to the refugees cunently in the area evacuation in Maduraespecially in Bangkalan and sampang. This study done by looking at the first social andcultural characteristics, as well as geographically from Madura itself. Further studieshave picture about the experiences that have experienced conflict both by refugees andthe conflict in Madura itself. Further studies also identify the responses and initiatives aswell as constraints of peace-building. These goals provide two important benefits Thefirst is to identify socio-economic carrying capacity of the region is the existence ofrefugees and solving opportunities problem. The second is to identify socio-culturalbact


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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevetopnrent Adminl:tration : Paradigm of Human DevetopnrentPublished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara ltatalsia

Views Provincial (Regional)Madura has quite specific characteristics compared with Other areas in East Java

province. ln demographic, Madura areas classified as having levels of population densityis relatively high. Even the level of population density in districts Pamekasan (889 km2)is higher than the average density level Java province Easl (726 km2). While the ethniccomposition and religious people in tend to be homogeneous region. madura-MuslimQuarters is the most dominant group.Madura ecosystems are ecosystems that developed in the field of dry soil andbarren. Therefore occupational sector dominated by agricultural fields. However, thissector is less productive. Other production sectors are also growing rapidly less. Growth(proliferation) of economic sectors tend to be slow due to many economic sectors using asimple production system that does not stimulus growth in other sectors concerned.Labor force participation is high. Concentration is on the agricultural sector (70-80%) but

relatively low productivity levels. The high level of c,oncentration of work but are notaccompanied by an increase in productivity was also seen from the concentration of theworkforce in the informal sector in urban or sub-urban areas'Welfare conditions Madurese low population nationally. This is evident from thefour districts of HDI is lower than the Java Though East. Similarly, GDI and HPI-kabupaten four districts it. GRDP Madura in 20O2 considered the lowest in Java East-Such conditions are combined with the history of structural violence is often described bysome writers as one of the factors that helped shape the culture of the ethnic Maduresetough, tenacious, and aggressive (Wiyata, 2003, De Jonge, 20A2; Rozaki' 2004).Structurally, natural conditions and socio-economic conditions in Madura also affect theformation of a characteristic pattern of social relationships and social structures typical.Socio-cultural conditions and the Economy

Since the first time live their lives as refugees in general claim to experience andfeeling of alienation in the social environment in which they live. This fact is particularlyexperienced and felt by the refugees who have no relatives anymore in Madura, or thosewho have many years never came back to Madura. Even many of them visited Madurastone at the time. Because of kin had not existed, they were accommodated in familiesof local residents who have no kinship relations, namely the "interpolation house"' Thereason for the local population's willingness to accommodate them simply because afellow humanity Madura. Precisely because it is considered as the Madurese that madethem increasingly feel the burden of alienation. One of these factors is their inability toadapt to the piocedure act and behave as the Madurese. lt's easy to understand, thatperiod so long to leave back home - so there are some who claim to be refugees ordescendants of the fifth generation of the family since they migrated to Borneo central -lots of attitude and their behavior is not in accordance with the attitudes and socialbehaviors of local population. Moreover, among those already started does not have thevocabulary Madura "standard". As a result, there is the impression they are less able todeal with the common language of Madura, or in local terms they seem "rough" in usingthe language of Madura. They've been affected by the grammarian Banjar or lndonesia,while most local residents in rural areas where they fled in general, only controlled andMadurese language in everyday life.

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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevelopment Administration : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Science5 Universiti Utara l,lataysialn such mnditions the daily life of refugees admitted to not be able to interaci withlocal residents more familiar. Actually, the intimacy in the interaction (association) is a"medicine" for their own in an attempt to eliminate the burden of traumatic thoughts on theevents in Borneo. ln other words, one important element that forms the primordial bondbetween them (Madurese language) is not functioning. Madurese language disability

cause they always less recognized and appreciated as the Madurese by local residents.ln fact, their refuge from Kalimantan to Madura earth precisely because they arerecognized as (descendants) of Madurese by Dayak people. ln this context, it seemsimportant to a recognition of the elements that helped form the primordial bonds which inturn led to ethnic identity. The case shows that ethnic identity can be engineered ormanipulated in accordance with the mntext of that person's interests during socialinteraction.Alienation experienced by refugees can be seen also from the aspect of culture. lnsocial intercourse, the refugees often feel the attitude and behavior that is lessappreciated by local residents. Openly admit some refugees that socially conscious thatthey do without the attitude and behavior according to the views and assessments ofMadurese unusual and even considered impolite. For example, they often change theposition of the feet are not usually the Madurese was sitting cross-legged, regardless ofthe local residents in front of him. And they did it without any intent to act rude, butsimply because such habits while in the foreign country never caused outlook andnegative assessment. ln other words, as Madura nomads who have become "theBorneo", they seem to have no longer recognize the cultural values of Madura. Evensome of them openly admitted he just realized that the Madurese have hard temperamentand irritability, after they started hanging out with lolal residents. Thus, can beunderstood if the sociat life is often the case during unsynchronized in impelentationcultural attitudes and behavior among the refugees with the local population. ln thiscontext, the refugees feel alienated in the environment of local residents.As a resident "settlers", the refugees claimed to be aware of the above problems andgradually began to adjust to the local cultural environment. The process of building self-awareness of the socio-cultural environment Madurese (local residents) continue to do.They openly admit to not knowing when to stay in refugee camps, even though they knowhas repeatedly held that the meeting was essentially to solve their problems, especiallythe return of refugees to Borneo to be done in stages. However, in reality until duringinterviews, they claimed to have never had the certainty of when to return to Sampit.the Draft Regulations have been made Kotawaringin East Regional governinghandling of Population lmpact of Ethnic Conflict, it is certainly not going to have anyif it is not realized in a conerete and consequently by the its maker and thelocal policymakersThe condition of the refugees who had monitored in the field showed it was stillconcerned about the impression both socio-cultural and economic. Socially, afterthree years as a refugee status they always complain not like living in refugeebecause of the social relations with relatives and local residents who had been'Velcome" on their arrival, recognized by the refugees had no change in treatment'of the refugees who feel neglected by the local population, although local residentsti6s of kinship with them. Moreover, local residents did not have that bond. lt is-to understand, because for associating with the local population is not closed theItY of conflict. Both conflicts between the people who adults, as well, and -

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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevelopment Administratlon : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege ofArts and Sciences Universiti Utara Matay6iaespecially - adults between them. Noise source is usually only a trivial, such as theseizure of food or game devices. such events are indeed difficult to avoid because oftheir residence attached to each other. They live in an atmosphere of domestic life isvery oppressive. Many of the local population was forced to accommodate more than 10to 20 family members of refugees in their homes. Such social conditions contributed totheir desire to be able to get back to Borneo.Back to Borneo desire grew stronger because triggered again by the economicinterests of those who in fabt there are no guarantees in the future. They can only gofrom Borneo without bringing any property, n not do anything to support himself and hisfamily but expect help fom others. ln fact, according to the narative of refugees aid nolonger exists, except from the government (Social Welfare) of rice which is not always thesame amount between 10 kg to 12 kg per head per year. This assistance was not alwaysaccepted every month. For the year 2003, almost all the refugees interviewed hadconfessed four times to accept such assistance is in April, July, August, and September.They do not know why aid is not distributed every month. At the time of the interview,they generally are looking foruvard to this assistance can be quickly distributed in additionto the need day life as well as materials to welcome ldul Fitri holidays that will soon anive.Though among their family members there who worked in agriculture, but because at thetime of the interview was the dry season, work in this field practically does not exist. Theyjust hope someone can help hook moor land, mowing grass, or go to work as a rock-breaking (for rural road construction). The wages they receive very litile and it rangedbetween Rp 5,000, - to Rp '10,000, - per day. These jobs, of course, can not be expectedto have every day.

To cope with the economic necessities of life, many of the refugees (especially thehead of the Family) that "desperate" return to Central Kalimantan, only to simply lookplantations (coconut or other plant) that they left behind. The crop was brought back totheir refugee camps to support his children and wife. ln addition, many of them workingas it ts in the villages sunounding the refugee by selling services such as digging,construction laborers, and pull rickshaws Sampang city or selling food. Usually thatworks not far from where the refugee home once a week or a maximum of once a monthto his family. They are desperate to go to Central Kalimantan is usually more lasting untiltwo or three months. Besides looking crops, they also sell their work as before. Both therefugees who work in the Madura region or who went to Borneo will certainly return tothose camps if they had heard of a share of aid distribution. The reason, they do notwant to admit as refugees crossed out his name so as to further continue to receiveassistance again.As a result of socio-cultural conditions and economic such, the refugees arealways complaining and is very hopeful to be able to return to Central Kalimantan safelyso it can work or earn a living as before the social unrest. Some of them openly admittedthat they had felt no hope for the certainty of life if forever remain in refugee camps. Fromtheir faces that still survive in refugee camps clearly reflected the anguish and despaireven facing future life, both for himself as head of the family and for the life of the wifeand children are still small.The burden of their lives increasingly heavy due during the period of the refugeepopulation is very difficult due to the birth avoided. Some residents claimed for nearlythree years in refugee camps has given birth to children up to two people. According toone of the "coordinator" of the population displaced due to this birth is around 10oVolume 01, August 2009q7tuGa/A11i23


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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevetopment Administration : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Univeriti Utara ^'tataysiachildren per year or approximalely 1Ao/o of the refugee population (for one suclr village inMount Rancak). \Mrile this information can be mnfirmed yet but the truth is veryimportant to be observed and deeply researched more, beuse with the increasing birthrate but will increase the burden of living for the relevant course will invite the socialimpacts of a more complex culture later in life if they return to the place of origin continueto delay without any certainty. Children who were born in refugee camps will be kids "nofuture,,because since birth they,are not getting their rights are worth as a human child.PercePtions of Social Unrestln general, both refugees of social unrest due to the Sambas and Sampit weinterviewed had similar perceptions about the social unrest in Bomeo. They thought thatsocial unrest is not merely inter etnhic riots but nuanced religious riots. ln this regard, it isimportant to cite Marzali questions (2001:2BB) about the social unrest which the term is inconflict inter etnhic Kalimantan. According Marzali, the question is whether the conflict ishappening because of the view that civilization Dayak people is lower than that ofcivilization Madurese at Madurese people can act arbitrarily which eventually provoked acommotion?Based on the recognition of the refugees who successfully interviewed, they do not feel

have a higher civilization than the culture of the Dayaks. They even denied the existenceof some associations of Madurese who they will only classify the Madurese with localresidents who in turn will only disturlc the process of integration and adaptation that havebeen going well in Sampit and in Sambas. This is proven by ihe inter etnhic marriageand the use of social language of Madurese in Kalimantan is not dominated by theMadurese language but the language of Malays (west Kalimanian) and the language ofBanjar (Central Kalimantan).

ln contrast to the socio-cultural reality of the Madurese who lived in the area,,horseshoe,,. Although they always interact with the ethnic Javanese, but in everyday lifethey do not dissolve with the use of Java language as their lingua franca. That is, theyremain the Madurese people while maintaining the use Madurese language as anelement essential to demonstrate ethnic identity. However, it never happened the socialunrest that is very hard between the Madurese in the Java as happened in Sampit'Thus, there is no strong reason that the conflict has inter etnhic relationships withdifferent levels of civilization among them, that one was taller than the others, and viceversa. The use of language widely Melayu in Sambas and Banjar language in Sampitreflects that the Madurese culture not as the dominant culture. Madurese culture itoptimally lntegrited into the local culture (Sambas and Banjar), so this shows that theMadurese are (especially the Sambas and Sampit birth) has succeeded in creating aculture of social integration.The perception that the conflict in Borneo religious nuance, Sel one of the originalrefugees at sampit are in intervieu, gave evidence himself his experience directlywitnessed the massacre of cnnducted by Dayaks. According to Sel, which many peoplewere massacred by the Dayak is the kiai and pesantren-santri when they are in places ofworship (mosques and lslamic boarding schools) and are running their religious worship.However, the massacre was not done in a place of worship, but in a way beyond tellingthe kiai and santri out first.

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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDeve lopme nt Administration -: paradigm of Human Developme ntPubtished by: Cottege ofArts and Sciences dniveniti Utara Mata)6iaAn interesting illustration of this is the recognition of one another refugee, namedMus, who survived the mass pembataian by Dayak people inland. Mus born in Sampit.Parents migrated to Sampit Mus in 1945 and worked as a religion teacher at a madrassa.

At that, Mus along with about seven dozen other Madurese ethnic people (including hisbrother, sister-in-raw, uncle, and other relatives) gather in a boarding school.Dozens of local Dayak people (Sampit) that Muslims come in the pesantrencomplex. As fellow Muslims, the local Dayak people are begging to his parents to leaveSampit in three days. To'iemove doubts Mus parents of petition, the local Dayak peoplehanded saber blade as a miror of commitment and sincerity for peace. The applicationwas merely to save the souls of the Madurese. Apparenily, the local Dayak people thatalready know the information if people inland Dayak will be down to Sampit to eliminatethe Madurese. This shows that the construction of information networks among Dayaksgood enough, making it easier for them to access it.Have not had time Madurese people are displaced, suddenly in the night around21:00 o'clock came a group of Dayak people inland to the pesantren complex. Theybrought saber, spear, arrows, and various other sharp weapons. Dayak peopre areasking for the residents pesantren came out with a reason to ,'review,,. Dayak people didnot want to kill the pesantren complex, because they've been thinking about theconsequences that if it was done, could provoke a reaction solidarity religious (lslamic)wider' Madurese people are lined up row by three-three were escorted to a place thatdoes not know. This incident took place in the middle of the city Sampit. lncidentally Musin the front row. Apparently, during the trip people were massacred inland Dayak oneMadurese people who marched from the back row, without a known and recognized byMus.

The situation at night was very tense, so anyone trying to save themselves. Whenthe massacre had reached the line behind Mus, was suddenty stopped by the police.opportunity is exploited by Mus to slip and fled to refugee camps. Nor refuge as a safezone and neutral There are also many people found inland Dayak and security forcesare ready to interrogate and Madurese refugees massacred. The people who will bedisplaced are selected one by one according to ethnic identity. Each person was askedethnic origin. lf he had the Madurese, have evacuation plans would be canceled and theMadurese were killed. Mus turn up on their credentials questioned by the Dayak and thepoiice, he quickly said that as the Javanese. When asked the name and place of birth, hereplied named Budiono, a Javanese name who was born in Malang. Whereas real nameis Mus, a typical name of Madura. To prove that "Budiono" is the Javanese, he wasasked to count the numbers one to ten in sequence by using the Java language.lncidentally he was able to do so even though he admitted not perfect.Knowledge of Java figures are derived from brother-in-law, the purbalingga,central Java, who died in the massacre. According to ,'Budiono,,, he saw with his owneyes and head, as one who is dealing with "ethnicity selection" of the number four (4) inthe Java language with the word "popot" (not papat) and immediately slashed with skullsaber in the presence of the refugees. Disclosure reflects popot said if the speaker is theMadurese. On the basis of these cases, Mus manipulation of ethnic identity for hersafety. During the period of the refugee csmps overseen by the Dayaks and the police,"Budiono" extremely alarmed and horrified feelings. lf only among the refugees, there arereports that he was descended from the Madurese will undoubtedly be killed in therefugee shelters. After going through a hard struggle, finally able to escape Mus and now

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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevelopment Adminlstration : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege ofArts and Sciences Universiti Utara Mataysiathe poor refugees in Jember, because it could not take property who owned except theclothes on his body. According Mus, the police did not act decisively to overcome thebrutality of the Dayaks inland. ln facl, between them seem to work together expel theMadurese from Sampit.

The presence of the Dayaks in the interior of City Sampit place in a systematic andwell planned. Storage bags inland Dayak people in the town of Sampit arranged in sucha way that makes it easy they do surgery massacre of Madurese people. Victims of themassacre was not only the'Madurese, but the local Dayak people deemed to protect orhide the Madurese also massacred by the Dayak people inland. Mus argues that he wasthe victim of social unrest in Sampit, which originated from the conflict between Maduresethugs (who came later and not birth Sampit) and Dayak thugs. As a descendant of theMadurese, Mus is not like the Madurese people who behave in evil and become thugs,because his behavior had made distress many innocent people.Difficulties living in socio-economic field have overridden the refugees since socialunrest took place. Social unrest that occurred almost three years ago have made theirlives turn around the economy in 1800. lf before they can meet the needs his life of workin agriculture, trade, and so now they actually become unemployed and unproductive. Tomeet the needs of daily life they just rely on government assistance and private sectorforeign, as well as the generosity of people or families who occupy and surroundingcommunities. Some of the refugees who successfully interviewed admitted till now he stillcan not believe that now the facl life happens. "Really sir, I never imagined that one daymy life suffer like thisl ", he said sadly. He admitted that making a living on the seacoast(Kalimantan) is not as hard on Madura as long as they are willing to work hard manuallabor on plantations or in the forest areas as a cut in the company's labor-companylogging, even in the centers of economic activity in the city and the harbor area.Therefore, in the refugee life is full of perceived uncertainty and economically productiveno they want immediately return home to their native places in Borneo to continue his lifeas an lndonesian citizen who has dignity and human dignity as citizens from other ethnic.ln addition, the refugees claimed that they are solely as victims, not perpetrators ofsocial unrest. Because, as long as they do not feel in conflict with local residents.Therefore, they are very shocked and surprised when, in fact has happened massacreby Dayaks against Madurese people indiscriminately. ln this, the trigger for thisdisturbance they are the thugs who social life much deviate from the norms that exist.The thugs are coming to Sampit since the late B0's, not bom in Sampit. lt is preciselythese thugs there is almost no victims murder because they had previously fled toMadura or other places in Java. Madurese thugs can quickly save themselves becausethey have a "relationship of close cooperation" with the local authorities so that no troubleaccessing information.The refugees who claims to be only as victims of the riots that claimed moresurprised again, because the perpetrators of the massacre was not a Dayak people oftheir neighbors or acquaintances, but Dayak orangorang imported from outside the areaSampit. According to information from the local Dayak people, the perpetrators of themassacre came as individuals and gradually Sampit city. Dayak people areaccommodated in certain places. The refugees have never suspicious, because, asnoted above, they do not feel conflicted with the local Dayak people. ln fact, according tothe recognition of refugees, not least the local Dayak people who have become theirrelatives by marriage inter etnhic

Although eventually became victims of the riot, they do not feel resentment to theDayak people. As one refugee Sel, 'Want to whom vengeance, sir, if I never knew theVolume 01, August 2009tsBN. 97&983-4415G3726


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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDerelopment Adminlstratlon : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara l"lal.aysiaDayak people who did the massacre? At most I felt angry at the thugs who Maduratrigger unrest. "These cells Statement is approved by many other refugees, which clearlyindicates that the refugees have their own perceptions of the social unrest that occurredin Sampit. The event saw no is a quite spontaneous riot but very impressed as asystematic engineering and well organized to achieve certain interests of third parties.Unfortunately, none of the refugees who were interviewed can name a third party who is,much less grasp the intention and purpose of what they (third parties) to do all that. Theanswers about it in generalvary.One easy answer is they put a nuanced answer to the religious, cultural orientationin accordance with the Madurese. "Maybe this is from Allah SWT adzab because theMadurese in Kalimantan began not received grateful for this", said \ly'hoa, that when inSampit worked as laborers at the port of freight goods. With this perception, morerefugees Sampit sense of social unrest as an act of violent religious nuance. Suchperceptions are widely accepted by most refugees. Communication networks interrefugees in various regions is going well, so any information relating to their problemscould be identified.One of the refugees, Bas, once said that if the later ethnic conflicts will arise thesecond half, this will meaning as religious conflict. lf the substance of this conflict, thescale of social conflict that might happen will be more broad because it invoives a varietyof ethnic groups bound by shared religious identity of lslam against the non-MuslimDayaks. lt is important to understand because factually the Madurese had almost nothingelse lives in Central Kalimantan, making it difficult to mobilize the masses just based onethnic identity. This issue was pervasive in the perception of Banjar, including Banjar inSouth Kalimantan. ln a meeting in Batu, Malang, as well as sticking issues that must beanticipated conectly for various acts of social violence based on ethnicity that damagejoints national integration can be stopped.Conflict: Causesn Dynamics & lmpactsEvent of conflict with the mass violence in West Kalimantan and CentralKalimantan and involves the ethnic Madurese, Dayaks and Malays is an event conflictthat has occurred repeatedly since the mid 1990s to early 2000. The conflicl experiencedbythe refugees in principle chain has a relatively long history. Pelluso & Harurrell (2001)and Davidson & Kammen (2002) provides some important notes about the backgroundof the conflict. They saw that the conflict that occurred befween the ethnic Madureseethnic Dayak (Central Kalimantan) and ethnic Malays (Kalbar) is essentially aconsequence of:1. The long history of violent conflicts in Borneo and local politics culture that gave birthto the identity of violence;2. The role of the state directly in the social distribution changes and spatial fromproduction activities resources. This change the locus of the territorial authority in

determining access to resources.3. Dayak ethnic sense of exclusion from the economic benefits generated through thepolitical development of these resources locally.4 The state has a role in supporting violence and terror since the 1960s.5. The failure of states to crack down on violent conflict between ethnic6. Tendency Madurese in Kalimantan citizens to separate themselves exclusively fromother ethnic Dayaks and Malays in particular.7. Competition for economic resources and reinforced segregation by ethnicstereotypes.

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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevelopment Admlnistration : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara lv'lataysia

\Mth the flood of refugees from the conflict in a number of region in Madura, inparticular, and Bangkalan Sampang district, then it it raises some new problems in thedynamics of the local Madurese. The immediate impact of conflict and violence in Borneois the destruction of the social structure in family and group level kinship ethnicMadurese in Kalimantan as a result of mass murder. Another impact is the emergence ofpsychological trauma and loss of assets economy.Until the first three.,. years during the evacuation, refugees generallyexperience dependence on the assistance provided by governments and international

agencies. However, this assistance program often lead to social jealousy and relativedeprivation among local people. This is caused by conditions of local communities arealso poor while they see that the refugees are basically derived from social class isrelatively better than them. ln social relations, initially occur gap between localconrmunities Madura and refugees caused by differences in background culture thatformed through the location of different places to live. The presence of refugees in thereservoir families caused social burden that often bear conflicts. Post-termination periodof assistance programs, most of the refugees moved to the occupational sector as themainstay source of life. The consequences of competition in the informal sector alsoincreased. The conflict had shifted to this institution.

However the likelihood of mass conflict between local communities and refugees isrelatively small. This is because the social structure refugee communities are nothomogeneous and tend to fragmented by region of origin, refugee areas, organization,social stratification, and migration status. ln addition, there are similarities between thecultural patron refugees and local communities, facilitate the process of conflictresolution in between the two groups.Response - Response & Peace Building lnitiativesAmong the initiatives of alternative 3, returned to Borneo is an alternative thatmost widely chosen by the refugees from Central Kalimantan. Some other particularly

refugees from Kalbar choose to stay in Madura. Very few refugees who likes relocationoptions. Although the research conducted so far, local governments and the centralgovernment has not made concrete steps for the return of refugees, displaced ethnicMadurese have returned with a lot of their own initiative.A number of initiatives have been carried out reconciliation. Several meetingsbetween ethnic groups which include producing an agreement to return naturally and theformation of BMC. However, repatriation is a rejection by some of the elite Dayak. Whilethe local govelnment's response, the central and slow Parliament. Efforts to localgovernments in Madura more focused on providing assistance. \tVhile regionalgovernments in West Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan develop rules relating toregional arrangements among the population and ethnic relations.At the operational level of repatriation, some deviations occurred inpractice of withholding aid forms. There are two forms of cutting. First cut with the aim ofcreating a social balance between the local residents with the community, Second, thededuction as a form of exploitation of the refugee community's elite. Thugs have a role inthe relationship between the refugees and actors in the aid organization.lnitiatives socio-economic empowerment programs more sustainable by NGOs. Whilesimilar programs undertaken by the government precisely to meet many obstacles insustainability.

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Proceeding of tnternational SeminarDevelooment ldministratlon : paradigm of Human Denelopment;;ril; ;;l c"ttege of Arts and Sciences Universiti utara l'latavsia

At the grass-root level, the process of reconciliation among the Dayak-Maduracommunity takes place through informal interaction. The basis of the reconciliationprocess is the existence of economic dependence' This happens

especially in communitygroups from rural areas in Central Kalimantan area' Another role of NGOs is to facilitatein" p""." process , the process of repatriation. Meanwhile, the local mass media to buildthe concePt of Peace journalism'coNcLusloN:GAPACIWFoRPEACE&VULNERABILITYpeace-buitding process has several limitations. ln the political dimension of economicstructures, the limitations seen from the government and parliament's role, especially inMadura are less concerned with the integrated approach of alternative repatriation,integration with local communities and building sustainable peace' \Mile repatriationmanagement structure refugees itself contains vulnerability to abuse these Conditionstend to share a reciprocal relationship with the resistance of local elites in Borneo'At the local level Madura, Oligarchy is formed in the relations between governments'political elites and elite organizations tend to be a potential refugee empowermentprograms distort the effectiveness of refugees' The limited number of civil societyorganizations at the community level in Madura weaken the power of community in doingsocial control of the oligarchy. on the other hand absence of socio-economicdevelopment policies are clear in overcoming obStacles and limited resources makepolitical social structures tend to be unequal to survive'

Socio-cultural relations in the retationship between the Dayak and Madurese Malaysfilled colored by stereotypes. This condition also affects the process of reconciliation andpeace building. The process of change requires restructuring the cultural patterns ofsocial relationships since these stereotypes built up through a series of historical processis very long between the two sides'changes in the structure of ethnic domination in the economic institutions andas the impact of social conflicl and violence is a form of reality to be faced by the ethnicMadurese when they return to Kalimantan. This process becomes vulnerable againwhen the ethnic conflict Madura can not regain access to assets and their resources'RECOMMENDATIONSThere are two possible solutions form the framework of the refugee problem that can befiled. The first frame of problem solving with residents return to Kalimantan Madura Thesetlement with the framework of integration into local communities

on the island ofMadura.SomeoftheideasintermsofreturnofrefugeestoBorneo,1'Thereturnofrefugeeswhocanbeeffectiveiffollowedbypeace.buildingframework

that is more long-term.2. Develop and optimize the communication institutions in the form of social dialogueforumsandorganizationsthatinvolvecrosskultarpoliticalinstitutionsoflocal,non-governmental organizations, and civil society organizations from each arearepresenting the cultural identity of the majority group within the framework of peacebuilding, and involving international organizations3. Reorganized immediately return the refugees organizations and mechanismsarrangingcross-grouprepresentationintheconflictintheorganization.

Volume 01, August 2009rsB N. 97&983-4 4 1 50-3-7a


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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDevelopment Administration : Paradigm of Human DevelopmentPubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara l'4ataysia

4. Building mediation institutions in resolving the impact of conflict5. To build institutions that open economies and includes trans culture.6. Reorganized socialization process for the refugees, citizens of Madura local, andlocal communities in Kalimantan on the differences cultural, peace-building and

enmurage the various forms of cultural cooperation.7 . Develop early warning system against the possibility of conflict-8. Optimizing the role of worhen in the peace process.g. To study the long-term impact of the presence local regulations relating to residence.10. Enforcement of the law which is followed by a balanced ethnic distribution among

law enforcement officers.ldeas within the framework of the integration of refugees into local communitiesMadurese:1. The local government in the island of Madura need to en@urage growth marketeconomy with a further optimize economic resources to increase local employment

creation, groMh occupational sectors, as well as reduce the dependence of thesource - natural resources that are not productive.2. Strengthening the role of democratic organizations at the community level as BPDwith emphasis on the function representation, transparency, accountability, andcommunity empowerment. Strengthening and improvement are also directed to localNGOs.3. lmplementation of the function of good govemance at the local level.4. Development of economic capacity of communities including refugees who choose tolive through programs of empowerment equivalent between the groups in thecommunity and take advantage of the role of cultural institutions.S. promotion of law enforcement, especially to areas which has a high crime rate.

Volume 01, August 2009l sB N 978-983-44 1 50-3-70


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Proceeding of lnternational SeminarDeve lopment Admlnlst ration -. pa radgm ii'H'il"n Developmentubtished by : Cor{ege of Arts and s.i"^.* 6^i""ii,t,,jilll Lor",.REFERENCESontnHo,o,"1'11?lrffJ;i* Methodotogv, New vrsfas for Quatitative Research. .AGEBungin' B'' 2oo1' social Research !(ethgdology, Format-euantitative and quaritativeao rm at. Airlllqg ". y n i versity press. S uia-o"Jya .' -, ",s t-----, (Ed). 2A03. Kuatitafi Resevaiant contempora,v oi,*ti,i",f:i:,I:!{7ii:{JiT;,:3::,:?:"#:'fr"yl:1, "Ed). 2003- euatitative F?;;r;"; ;;ix\iyrylis, rJnderstanding theX,:?;:Ar ,1, :!!, I?t:::o h s ic a t a re i ti n ci i.i a p i ri,i t oi u o i ii,# Ki n sEvers' HD (ed)' without Yeir. Theory society:process of civitization in the Modern

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Conflict, Peace and Refugee Problem in Madura