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Claudia Curi
VALUING FINANCIALCONGLOMERATES
STYLISED FACTORSAND NEW EVIDENCE FROM FINANCIAL CRISES
Recent research questions whether diversification in financial conglomeratesenhances or destroys shareholder value, thus whether financial conglomera-tes trade at premium or discount compared to specialized banks. Empiricalevidence shows that prior to the financial crisis, there existed substantial andpersistent conglomerate discount among financial intermediaries. However,the global financial crisis of 2008–2009 and the European debt crisis of 2010-2011 have sparked off an active debate among financial economists about theso-called “diversification discount” or lack thereof, as the value of diversifi-cation might have changed, and if so, why. The aim of this book is to providean innovative analysis of the financial conglomerate phenomenon by combi-ning both theoretical and empirical research methods. Moreover, new empiri-cal evidence of the impact of diversification during the 2008-2009 and 2010-2011 financial crises on the shareholder value is presented. The book alsodiscusses current issues and future directions for research.
Claudia Curi is Assistant Professor of Corporate Finance at the Faculty ofEconomics and Management of the Free University of Bolzano-Bozen since2012. She teaches Corporate Finance and Project Finance. Before joiningFree University of Bolzano-Bolzen Claudia was Research Economist at theCentral Bank of Luxembourg and Postdoctoral Researcher at theLuxembourg School of Finance. Her main research interests are on the theo-ry and empirical analysis of corporate finance and financial intermediation.She has published articles on international banking, bank business models,and financial crisis. She holds a PhD in Economics and ManagementEngineering and an MBA from the University of Rome, Tor Vergata.
385
.1C. CU
RI
VALUING FINANCIAL CONGLOMERATES
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Claudia Curi
VALUING FINANCIALCONGLOMERATES
STYLISED FACTORSAND NEW EVIDENCE FROM FINANCIAL CRISES
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To my parents
7
CONTENTS
Introduction pag. 9
1. Financial conglomerates: definition, historical aspects,
and corporate structure » 13
1.1. What is a financial conglomerate? » 13
1.2. Main determinants of financial conglomerates » 17
1.2.1. Banking regulatory reforms » 17
1.2.2. Technological progress, financial conditions, ex-
cess capacity, and market consolidation » 22
1.3. Corporate structure of financial conglomerate » 24
1.4. Risk(s) in financial conglomerates » 28
2. The economics of financial conglomerates » 31
2.1. Scale and scope economies » 32
2.2. Universal banking model » 35
2.3. Government subsides » 38
2.4. Empirical evidence on scale and scope economies » 39
2.4.1. Scale economies –1980s – 2000s data » 40
2.4.2. Scale economies – financial crisis » 43
2.4.3. Scope economies – 1980s and 1990s data » 46
2.5. Empirical evidence on diversification strategies » 50
2.6. Conclusions » 52
3. Diversification discount in financial conglomerates » 53
3.1. Is there a diversification discount in non-financial con-
glomerates? » 54
3.1.1. Theories, findings, and general issues » 54
3.1.2. Evidence from the financial crisis » 66
8
3.2. Is the “diversification discount” a relevant topic in finan-
cial conglomerates? pag. 69
3.3. Measuring diversification discount in financial con-
glomerates » 70
3.3.1. Measuring diversification » 71
3.3.2. Measuring market-based performance » 74
3.3.3. Methodological aspects » 80
3.4. Empirical evidence on the existence of diversification
discount » 85
3.4.1. Testing the diversification discount » 85
3.4.2. Does the diversification discount depend on the
main activity area or a combination of financial
areas? » 94
3.4.3. Corporate governance and the diversification dis-
count » 97
3.4.4. Internal information scope economies and the di-
versification discount » 99
3.5. Conclusions » 100
4. Studying the diversification discount: empirical evidence
from the financial crises on a worldwide sample » 102
4.1. Introduction » 102
4.2. Data and sample set » 103
4.2.1. Sample selection criteria » 103
4.2.2. Empirical strategy and measures » 107
4.3. Did the value of diversification increase during the fi-
nancial crises? » 109
4.3.1. Explorative analysis » 109
4.3.2. Multivariate Analysis » 120
4.4. Conclusions » 124
5. Conclusions » 128
References » 133
9
INTRODUCTION
Financial conglomerates combine banking, insurance, and other financial
services within a single corporation. Recent evidence suggests that diversifi-
cation has not been beneficial for financial conglomerates over the last two
decades and recent international financial crises (2008-2009 and 2010-2011)
have shed doubt on previous findings, which indicates that, on average, fi-
nancial conglomerates have not been able to exploit the potential benefits
associated with diversification while controlling the associated costs. Bene-
fits include the creation of an internal capital market void of information
asymmetries, improved ability to take advantage of the tax benefits of debt
financing, economies of scope, and reduced volatility. The main costs asso-
ciated with diversification are that it might be rooted in agency problems or
lead to power struggles between divisions, which suggests that financial con-
glomerates engage in diversification without the best interests of their share-
holders in mind.
To date, there is no evidence that diversification increases shareholder
wealth. Nonetheless, financial conglomerates dominate the financial sector
and pose important threats to the systemic risk of the entire economy. In fact,
regulators around the world have planned or have already intervened in these
special financial instructions. Several advanced economies have adopted or
are considering adopting structural bank regulation measures. Common ele-
ments of the various initiatives, that include the “Volcker rule” in the United
States (US), the proposals of the Vickers Commission in the United King-
dom, the Liikanen Report to the European Commission, and draft legislation
in France and Germany, are the restrictions on the scope of banking activities
and a mandatory separation of commercial banking from certain securities
market activities. Hence, these regulations aim to change how banks organise
10
themselves and might threaten the corporate structure of financial conglom-
erates. In fact, financial conglomerates are financial institutions built upon
the highest level of integration of diversified business lines combined under
the same roof. Proposals for structural bank changes consider the combina-
tion of commercial banking and capital market-related activities as a source
of systemic risk for the entire economy. The common element of all the pro-
posals is to restrict universal banking by drawing a line somewhere between
“commercial” and “investment” banking businesses. Among various chan-
nels by which structural changes could decrease the systemic risk, we can
find also the requirement of reduction in complexity and possibly size, mak-
ing them easier to manage, more transparent to outside stakeholders, and eas-
ier to resolve in case of distress.
From an investor’s point of view, the key issue is whether shares in a uni-
versal bank represent an attractive asset-allocation alternative from a perspec-
tive of both risk-adjusted total-return and portfolio-efficiency. The answers to
this question, in turn, have an important bearing on the universal bank’s cost
of capital and therefore its performance against rivals with a narrower business
focus in increasingly competitive markets. After the two financial crises,
shareholders of several financial conglomerates, such as the Bank of America,
have proposed to more seriously consider breaking the financial conglomer-
ates up. Several CEOs pushed back this proposal for bank breakup, pointing
to its business synergies, benefits of scale, and value to clients.
Overall, in recent years we can observe a convergence between regulatory
interventions and shareholders proposals in trying to call for a simplification
of business models, limiting the cross selling among business lines.
Evaluating a board literature on the assessment (and recent reassessment)
of the economic costs and benefits of financial conglomerates involved in both
commercial banking activities and proprietary trading and other securities
markets activities, this book introduces a general framework to investigate the
financial conglomerate’s value relative to focused banks or so called “excess
value”. In other terms, the framework enables to investigate whether the mar-
ket would assign an increase in value to a financial conglomerate (which is
multi-industry firm) as a whole rather than to its separated business lines. Elab-
orating on Laeven and Levine (2007), this book explains the theoretical aspects
of this approach as well as the great diversity in the empirical outcome.
Throughout, I shed light on the relevance and benefits of using this approach
and I identify a set of recommendations for a future research agenda.
A unique characteristic of this book is its use of a dataset on the 50 largest
financial conglomerates (in terms of total assets in 2005) headquartered in 15
countries across 2005-2013 period, to which it applies all the approaches to
11
measure excess value and estimate the relation between excess value and di-
versification. Moreover, using recent data related to the great financial crisis
(2008-2009) and the European debt crisis (2010-2011), this book takes first
step in the direction of seeking to answer whether the value of corporate diver-
sification varied with changing economic conditions, in such a way that diver-
sification can provide insurance for investors against bad states of the world.
Overall, this book contributes to the debate on the enduring issues related
to the industrial organization of financial intermediation relate to scale and
scope. Is bigger better? Is broader better? The pattern of global mergers and
acquisition in the financial services sector, suggests firm-level strategies
based the presumptive benefits of scale and scope-benefits that are of interest
as well to regulators charged with financial system efficiency, stability and
competitiveness.
In Chapter 1, I provide a description of financial conglomerates, examining
historical roots and the main drivers of development. In Chapter 2, this book
provides an in-depth analysis of the economic rationales of financial conglom-
erates. In theory, if economies of scale and scope are true, then cost advantages
should be reflected by better performance of financial conglomerates in finan-
cial markets. Conversely, if financial conglomerates experience diseconomies
of scale and scope, it is more likely that they trade at a discount. In Chapter 3,
I introduce the concept of excess value in financial conglomerates, how to
measure it, and the main findings in empirical literature. The last chapter con-
cludes with an empirical investigation of diversification discount prior and
during the two financial crises of 2008-2009 and 2010-2011.
This book provides numerous reviews that present valuable perspectives
on the topic of financial conglomerates that are well represented in the re-
search published in journals today. For each topic, I have provided not only
an overview of the research questions addressed in the literature so far, but
also indications for further research.
I believe that this book provides a useful first, in-depth step in exploring
the financial conglomerate business, an often discussed but little researched
topic. Future directions for research might further explore the diversification
discount (or diversification premium) and, more broadly, financial conglom-
erate value creation strategies.
Last, but not least, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Profes-
sor Maurizio Murgia for his guidance, insightful ideas and support he has
provided throughout my research activity. I gratefully acknowledge financial
support from Free University of Bolzano-Bozen.
Claudia Curi
13
1. FINANCIAL CONGLOMERATES: DEFINITION, HISTORICAL ASPECTS,
AND CORPORATE STRUCTURE
1.1. What is a financial conglomerate?
The establishment of financial conglomerates is a new worldwide phenom-
enon, which has developed according to specific country patterns. In fact,
country specifics suggest a higher presence of financial conglomerates in con-
tinental Europe than in Anglo-Saxon countries. Hence, the complexities and
specific characteristics of the different financial conglomerates do not permit
the provision of a unanimous definition. Moreover, the meaning of the term
“financial conglomerate” is quite different from the notion of “industrial con-
glomerate”. This is because industrial conglomerates are defined as organisa-
tions that combine completely different activities within one holding company
(Herring and Santomero 1990), whereas financial conglomerates are charac-
terised by an additional important element that is the high degree of balancing
between the services provided by the different parts of the organisation. An
obvious definition of a financial conglomerate is a group of firms that predom-
inantly deal with finance (i.e., banks) or, in other words, the financial conglom-
erate is generally a publicly traded holding company with subsidiaries (and
subsidiaries of these subsidiaries) devoted to different financial activities, such
as commercial banking, securities brokerage and trading, investment advising,
and insurance. The largest financial institutions in the United States (US) and
in Europe are generally financial conglomerates.
The essential elements prevailing in most definitions are:
• financial conglomerate relates to a group or holding of firms;
• financial conglomerate is a combination of different kinds of financial
institutions or of different types of financial services;
14
• financial conglomerate could be subject to different types of supervi-
sory rules being constitutes of different financial entities and/or finan-
cial services; and
• differences in financial entities and/or services are limited to the extent
that there is a certain degree of balance.
These elements acquire a more precise definition depending upon the
country where the financial conglomerate was developed (European system
or Anglo-Saxon system) and the perspective taken (regulatory versus busi-
ness). From a regulator’s point of view, in Europe the Tripartite Group1
agreed that, for its purposes, the term “financial conglomerate” would be
used to refer to “any group of companies under common control whose ex-
clusive or predominant activities consist of providing significant services in
at least two different financial sectors (banking, securities, insurance)” (Tri-
partiteGroup, 1995, p. 1).
In a general sense, a financial conglomerate is a group of entities whose
primary business is financial and whose regulated entities engage to a signif-
icant extent in at least two of the activities of banking, insurance, and secu-
rities (Joint Forum, 1999). The European Union’s (EU) financial conglom-
erates directive (Directive 2002/87/EC), which built on the Joint’s Forum’s
work, contains the most precise definition of a financial conglomerate. The
directive defines a financial conglomerate as a group of companies, which
meets the following conditions:
• a regulated entity, which is at the head of the group or at least one of
the subsidiaries in the group is a regulated entity;
• where there is a regulated entity at the head of the group, it is either a
parent undertaking of an entity in the financial sector, an entity which
holds a participation in an entity in the financial sector, or an entity
linked with an entity in the financial sector by a relationship within the
meaning of Article 12(1) of Directive 83/349/EEC;
• where there is no regulated entity at the head of the group, the group's
activities mainly occur in the financial sector. This is explained within
1 The Tripartite Group was created at the initiative of the Basel Committee and was composed of banks, securities, and insurance supervisors acting in a personal capacity but drawing on their experience from supervising different types of financial institutions. The Tripartite Group recognised the trend towards cross sector financial conglomerates and issued a report in July 1995 raising issues of concern in the supervision of financial conglomerates. The pur-pose of this report was to identify challenges that financial conglomerates pose for supervisors and to consider ways in which these problems could be overcome. To carry this work forward, a formal group was put together, which was the basis for today's Joint Forum.
15
the meaning of Article 3(1), according to which the interpretation of
“activities of a group mainly occur in the financial sector” has to be
related to the situation when the ratio of the balance sheet total of the
regulated and non-regulated financial sector entities in the group to the
balance sheet total of the group as a whole exceeds 40%; and
• at least one of the entities in the group is within the insurance sector
and at least one is within the banking or investment services sector2;
the consolidated and/or aggregated activities of the entities in the
group within the insurance sector and the consolidated and/or aggre-
gated activities of the entities within the banking and investment ser-
vices sector are both significant, meaning that the average of the ratio
of the balance sheet total of that financial sector to the balance sheet
total of the financial sector entities in the group and the ratio of the
solvency requirements of the same financial sector to the total sol-
vency requirements of the financial sector entities in the group should
exceed 10% (p.7)
This directive defines the supervisory features concerning financial con-
glomerates. In the Revision of the Financial Conglomerates Directive
(MEMO/10/376), financial conglomerates are further defined as financial
groups that are active in one or more countries and operate in both the insur-
ance and banking business. Moreover, they are defined as large and complex.
Owing to their size, financial conglomerates are often of systemic im-
portance to economies, either for one or more Member States or even for the
EU as a whole.
From an Anglo-Saxon point of view, a conglomerate is a bank that com-
bines pure banking activities (collecting deposit and granting loans) and se-
curities activities (investment).
From a business prospective, the business model adopted by financial con-
glomerates is the universal banking model. When searching for a general def-
inition of universal banking model, again there is no single unanimously ac-
cepted general definition. However, the majority of authors define the univer-
sal banking model in a similar way. For instance, Benston (1994) has defined
universal banking model as “the ability of one organisation to provide a full
range of financial services, including the products of commercial banks, in-
vestment banks, and insurance companies” (p. 1). Saunders and Walter (1994)
see this “full” range of financial services as comprising “deposit-taking and
2 When the predominant activities are insurance-related, then it refers to bancassurance (see Fiordelisi and Ricci (2011) for a detailed analysis).
16
lending, trading of financial instruments and foreign exchange, underwriting
of new debts and equity issues, brokerage, investment management, and insur-
ance” (p. 84). Greater diversification of earnings attributable to multiple prod-
ucts, client groups, and geographies are often utilised to create more stable,
safer, and ultimately more valuable financial institutions. The lower the corre-
lation between the cash flows from the firms various activities, the greater the
benefits of diversification. The consequences should include higher credit
quality and higher debt ratings (i.e., lower bankruptcy risk), and therefore
lower costs of financing than those faced by narrower, more focused firms,
while greater earnings stability should bolster stock prices (Smith et al. 2012).
The financial landscape in Europe, which is different from the US landscape,
has a long history of “universal banking” where financial institutions offer a
broad range of financial services, including lending, deposit-taking, underwrit-
ing, brokerage, trading, and portfolio management. This model is close to the
paradigm that can be found in the German universal-banking model, which
historically constitutes the first type of universal banking in the world.
Although universal banking generally matches the notion of financial con-
glomerates, it is not sufficient for defining a financial conglomerate because
the notion of a financial conglomerate implies a higher degree of integration.
Overall, financial conglomerates combine banking, insurance and securi-
ties business in the same group. These three business areas differ in terms of
risk characteristics and the way they are supervised, which complicates mat-
ters in getting an overall view of the conglomerate. The main business of
financial conglomerates consists of commercial banking activity, which is
collecting customer deposits in order to grant loans and invest in securities.
Typically, financial conglomerates interact with customers through a branch
network. The risks associated to this activity are credit risk and funding li-
quidity risk. The second business area is related to insurance. Under this
business, financial conglomerates interact with customers through tied
agents and independent brokers. The main risks are underwriting risk and
investment risk. The third business area is related to the securities business.
Under this business, financial conglomerates are exposed to market risk and
liquidity risk. The different core businesses correspond to different time ho-
rizons. Securities area has the shortest horizon, reflected in the “mark to mar-
ket” valuation of their balance sheet, while insurance business have the long-
est horizon. Premiums are received in the present, but claims may occur far
into the future. The different risks and time horizons force institution to adopt
several risk management practices, such as internal ratings and credit risk
portfolio models are used for the commercial banking business area, “value
17
at risk” (VAR) models are used in securities business, while standard risk
transfer techniques are used by insurance business area.
Financial groups can provide financial services through various corporate
structures and their choice will depend on practical as well as regulatory el-
ements. Alternative models of corporate structure chosen by financial con-
glomerations are described in section 1.3. In this book, I focus on European
and US financial conglomerate history and literature overview.
1.2. Main determinants of financial conglomerates
The growth of financial conglomerates has been encouraged for several
reasons including banking regulatory reforms, changes in economic environ-
ments, and increased shareholder pressure for financial performance. These
driving forces might be partially responsible for the rapid pace of conglom-
eration and consolidation of financial institutions (Berger et al. 1999, De
Nicoló et al. 2004). Changes in economic environments relate to technolog-
ical progress; improvements in financial condition; excess capacity or finan-
cial distress in the industry or market; international consolidation of markets;
and increased competition in financial services. However, the starting point
for financial conglomerate creation was very different between the US and
Europe. While in Europe, the principle of universal banking was more or less
recognised in all banking systems since the nineteenth century, in the US the
Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 imposed a strict separation of functions between
commercial banks that specialised in retail banking for private households
and investment banks, which mainly specialised in wholesale banking and
operations in capital markets. Overall, large banks and insurance companies
were active in the consolidation process of the 1990s on a domestic and
cross-border level, and large financial conglomerates emerged as a result. In
the following section, I will discuss the main banking regulatory reforms that
occurred in the US and Europe as well as describe how economic changes
affected the evolution of financial conglomerates.
1.2.1. Banking regulatory reforms
US background. The growth in financial conglomerates in the US appeared
before the Great Depressions and the ensuring Glass-Steagall Act, which in
turn led to their break-up. Regulatory restrictions during this time had prohib-
18
ited bank involvement in underwriting, insurance, and other “nonbank” activ-
ities by sections 16, 20, 21, and 32 of the 1933 Banking Act, sections that be-
came collectively known as the Glass-Steagall Act. The Banking Act of 1935
clarified the 1933 legislation and resolved inconsistencies in it. Together, these
Acts prevented commercial Federal Reserve member banks from:
• dealing in non-government securities for customers;
• investing in non-investment grade securities for themselves;
• underwriting or distributing non-government securities; and
• affiliating (or sharing employees) with companies involved in such
activities.
Conversely, the Glass-Steagall Act prevented securities firms and invest-
ment banks from taking deposits. Subsequent measures in 1956 and 1970
strengthened the demarcation between banks, insurance companies, and se-
curities firms. Bank Holding Companies (BHCs) were allowed to underwrite
certain eligible securities, including general obligation bonds, US govern-
ment bonds, and real estate bonds, which were exempted from the original
Act. However, it was not until the mid-1980s that the Federal Reserve and
the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency began releasing restrictions on
greater bank participation in investment banking and in insurance (Lown et
al. 2000). The Federal Reserve started its lifting of restrictions by increasing
the revenue limit on Section 20 subsidiaries from 5% in 1987 to 25% in De-
cember 1996.
In addition to the clear separation between banks and other types of firms,
both financial and nonfinancial, American banking has historically been
characterised by geographical restrictions, both intrastate and interstate.
Such restrictions have been based, in part, on the fear of excessive concen-
tration of financial power, the desire to promote close relationships between
bankers and borrowers, and the aspirations of communities to control their
economic development. Because of these restrictions, the US banking sys-
tem is composed of thousands of independently chartered banks, which con-
trasts sharply with the highly concentrated banking systems of many Euro-
pean countries, Japan, and Canada.
On September 29, 1994, the Riegle-Neal Interstate Banking and Branch-
ing Efficiency Act of 1994 was signed. Later, in 1996, the Federal Reserve
began contemplating the elimination of previously instituted “firewalls” be-
tween banks and non-bank activity within the subsidiary structure of a BHC
(for a more detailed discussion of the history and issues surrounding these
firewalls, see Boyd and Graham (1986)). By relaxing interstate banking and
19
branching restrictions, this historic banking legislation, allowed the for-
mation of larger banks via consolidation with extensive interstate branch net-
works and elimination of many of the geographic restrictions placed on
banks. Hence, the conglomerate phenomenon resurfaced as three major fi-
nancial sectors – commercial banking, investment banking, and insurance –
began to overlap, to compete with each other, and eventually to consolidate.
Although many of the deals in the US throughout the 1990s were domestic
bank-to-bank transactions, the average value of such deals rose considerably
in the latter part of the decade. Very large banking companies were increas-
ingly expanding the geographic footprint of their operations by buying other
very large banks. In 1997, the majority of the barriers were removed. Conse-
quently, in 1998, several mergers took place between the large banks, includ-
ing Bank America-Nations Bank, Wells Fargo-Norwest, and Banc One-First
Chicago NBD. Domestic, cross-industry merger activity represented 11% of
the total financial sector consolidation activity by number of transactions and
14% by value during this time (GroupTen 2001). One of the most important
and unique financial deals during this period was the 1998 merger between
Citicorp, which was a bank holding company, and Travelers, which was an
insurance and securities firm. Cross-industry deals involving the acquisition of
non-bank financial companies peaked around 1996-1997. Earlier in the dec-
ade, restrictions on bank activities limited the level of domestic, cross-industry
consolidation activity. The merger between Citicorp and Travelers to form
Citigroup did not violate the provisions of the Glass-Steagall Act or the Bank
Holding Company Act, which restricted the securities and insurance activities
of bank holding companies, because the Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve had the authority to allow Citigroup to operate for as long as five years
before requiring a divestiture of certain activities that might be considered im-
permissible. The issue of whether these deals violated existing laws and regu-
lations became irrelevant in 1999 with the passage of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley
Act (GLBA), also known as the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999.
In fact, on November 12, 1999, the GLBA was signed into law and hailed as
an important step forward in the removal of the legal barriers between com-
mercial banking and investment banking in the US – a step that would
strengthen both sectors. The GLBA produced the new legal structure of the
financial holding company whose subsidiaries could engage in diverse finan-
cial activities and brought the US into greater parity with many other countries
that had long permitted universal banking structures or other financial combi-
nations that included operations across multiple sectors. In fact, the GLBA re-
pealed Sections 20 and 32 of the Glass-Steagall Act, which had prevented
commercial banks from being affiliated with investment banks. After the