Children's relationships with adults and peers: An examination of elementary and junior high school students

Pergamon Journal of School Psychology, Vol. 35, No. 1, pp. 81-99, 1997 Copyright © 1997 Society for the Study of School Psychology

Printed in the USA 0022-4405/97 $17.00 + .00

PII S0022-4405(96)00031-3

Children's Relationships with Adults and Peers: An Examination of Elementary

and Junior High School Students

Michael Lynch and Dante Cicchetti Mt. Hope Family Center University of Rochester

Social and affective processes connected to children's relationships inside and outside the school setting are important factors in children's successful adaptation to school. This study examines the relationships of 1,226 low-risk elementary and middle school children across a variety of relationship partners. Descriptive data on the profile of these school-aged children's patterns of relatedness with others are presented. Developmental trends are explored as well. There is a shift in the self-reported quality of children's relationships with adults (mothers and teachers) and peers (best friends and classmates) from elementary school to middle school. In middle school, children report more positive perceptions of their relationships with peers and less positive perceptions of their relationships with adults than do elementary school children. These findings are discussed in terms of the implications that children's interpersonal relationships have for facilitating readiness to learn and active engagement in school. Limitations of the present study and methodological issues connected to the assessment of relationships are discussed as well. © 1997 Society for the Study of School Psychology

Keywords: Relationships, Mothers, Teachers, Peers.

D e v e l o p m e n t a l psychologis t s be l ieve tha t successful a d a p t a t i o n to schoo l is

o n e o f the cen t r a l tasks o f ind iv idua l d e v e l o p m e n t (Cicchet t i , 1990; Rutter ,

1985a, 1985b). As c h i l d r e n grow older , they inc reas ing ly b e g i n to f u n c t i o n

in con tex t s tha t e x t e n d b e y o n d the h o m e a n d family. T h e schoo l se t t ing is the m a j o r ex t ra fami l i a l e n v i r o n m e n t in which c h i l d r e n o p e r a t e , b e g i n n i n g

in ear ly c h i l d h o o d a n d e x t e n d i n g t h r o u g h a d o l e s c e n c e ( M i n u c h i n & Sha- p i ro , 1985). In school , c h i l d r e n a re e x p o s e d to a new c o m m u n i t y o f

u n f a m i l i a r pee r s a n d adul ts , a n d they are p r e s e n t e d with a new set o f

c o n t e x t specif ic cha l l enges (Sylva, 1994). In par t icu lar , i n t e g r a t i o n in to the

p e e r g roup , a c c e p t a b l e p e r f o r m a n c e in the c lassroom, a n d a p p r o p r i a t e mo t iva t i ona l o r i e n t a t i o n for a c h i e v e m e n t a re all p a r t o f this s tage-sa l ient d e v e l o p m e n t a l task ( A l e x a n d e r & Entwisle, 1988).

T h e p r e m i s e o f this p a p e r is tha t social a n d affective processes c o n n e c t e d

Address correspondence and reprint request to Michael Lynch, Mt. Hope Family Center, University of Rochester, 187 Edinburgh Street, Rochester, NY 14608.

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82 Journal of School Psychology

to children's interpersonal relationships are important elements in individual adaptation to school. For this reason, we examine children's self- reported patterns of relatedness to a number of significant relationship figures, both inside and outside of the school setting, and make compari- sons of the distribution of these patterns among children in elementary and junior high school. Currently, little is known about the profile of children's relationships during this volatile period of development (Cic- chetti, Toth, & Lynch, 1995). Coming from the perspective of at tachment and self-system theories, we believe that the investigation of children's perceptions about their relationships is an important step toward gaining a better understanding of their ability to succeed in school.

Interpersonal relationships exert strong organizing influences on individual development throughout the lifespan (Sroufe, 1989). For example, early at tachment relationships with caregivers influence children's beliefs and expectations about themselves and others, as well as their more general understanding of what kind of place the world is (Bowlby, 1969/ 1982). Children with secure attachment relationships typically have experienced sensitive and responsive caregiving as infants. As a result, they begin to see other people as trustworthy and to see themselves as effective and worthy of love, while they view the world as a safe place to explore. On the other hand, children who have insecure attachment relationships often have experienced unreliable a n d / o r insensitive caregiving as infants. Their views of themselves, others, and the world tend to be more negative.

These evolving beliefs and expectations are internalized by children as they continue to interact with their environment, and they shape the way in which children approach and handle such interactions (Cicchetti & Lynch, 1993; Sroufe, 1989). Of particular interest to educators may be the way in which these expectations influence children's initial readiness for learning.

More specifically, children's early histories of interpersonal relationships contribute to their "secure readiness to learn." As defined by Aber and Allen (1987), "secure readiness to learn" is characterized by the desire to deal competently with one's environment (effectance motivation) and the ability to form successful relationships with novel adults. As a result, "secure readiness to learn" represents a dynamic interaction between establishing secure relationships with adults and feeling free to explore the environment in ways that will promote cognitive competence. Within this conceptualization of readiness, children with successful histories of secure relationships are more likely to adapt to school successfully, and thus are more ready to learn.

Conversely, researchers have shown that children who have experienced relationship disturbances in the form of child maltreatment appear less ready to learn than do comparison nonmaltreated children (Abet & Allen, 1987; Abet, Allen, Carlson, & Cicchetti, 1989). This lack of readiness is characterized by an overdependence on adults, lower motivation, and

Lynch and Cicchetti 83

lower cognitive maturity. In addition, there is a wealth of investigations indicating that maltreated children display heightened evidence of academic, motivational, interpersonal, and disciplinary problems in school when compared to nonmaltreated children (Barahal, Waterman, & Martin, 1981; Eckenrode, Laird, & Doris, 1993; Egeland & Abery, 1991; Egeland, Sroufe, & Erickson, 1983; Erickson, Egeland, & Pianta, 1989; Rogosch & Cicchetti, 1994; Trickett, McBride-Chang, & Putnam, 1994; Wodarski, Kurtz, Gaudin, & Howing, 1990).

It is clear from the work cited above that early affective and social processes play a role in preparing children for school competence. As children develop, their relationships with others continue to affect their ability to be actively engaged in school. For example, investigators have demonstrated that school-aged children's feelings of connectedness to others in their social surround are related to whether they feel engaged or alienated in school (Connell, 1990; Connell & Wellborn, 1991). When this need to feel connected is being met adequately, children are more able to be actively engaged with their environment (Connell, 1990; Lynch & Wellborn, 1988). Children who are engaged in school are identifiable by their positive affect, active involvement, and cognitive flexibility, whereas children who are alienated in school display negative affect, passive or confrontational behavior, and cognitive rigidity (Connell, 1990). From a self-systems point of view, the quality of children's interpersonal relationships can have broad implications for their adaptation to school.

Several recent studies point to the specific contribution that children's relationships with figures outside the home, such as teachers and peers, make to school functioning. For example, during the early school years, children's relationships with their teachers may be especially important in laying a groundwork for subsequent academic achievement. Kindergarten children who are predicted to be retained on the basis of standardized tests at the beginning of the school year are less likely to be retained if they have a positive relationship with their teacher (Pianta & Steinberg, 1992).

Other investigators have reported evidence demonstrating the importance of teacher-child relationships for older children's adaptation to school. Ryan and Grolnick (1986) have found that students who experience their teachers as warm and supportive of student autonomy are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, to feel more competent in the school setting, and to have higher self-esteem than students with more negative views of their teachers. Similarly, Midgley, Feldlauffer, and Eccles (1989) report that students who move from classrooms where they experience high teacher support to settings where perceived teacher support is lower, show decreases in their interest in learning.

In early adolescence, students' representations of the relationship with their parents and teachers is predictive of school motivation and adjustment. Ryan, Stiller, and Lynch (1994) report that adolescents who describe


positive relationships with parents and teachers show greater adaptation to school in terms of their academic coping, engagement, self-regulation, and perceived control. Relationships with friends are generally unrelated to these outcomes, suggesting the different functional significance of students' relationships during early adolescence. In addition, adolescents who strongly identify with parents and teachers show more positive school adjustment and motivation, whereas emulation of friends is negatively related to these variables (Ryan et al., 1994).

A slightly different perspective on the significance of peer relationships for children's school adaptation can be gained by examining peer social networks in schools. Children's networks of peers consist largely of friends with whom they choose to associate and spend time. Frequent contact, common activities, and a sense of interpersonal connectedness can make children's peer groups a strong socializing influence in the classroom (Kindermann, 1993). At the beginning of the school year, children tend to affiliate with peers who share similar motivational orientations. Changes in children's motivation over the course of the year can be predicted by the level of school engagement of their chosen peer group.

Additional evidence of the importance of social and affective processes for school success comes from studies of the impact of transitions from the elementary school context to the junior-high or middle-school environment. This transition occurs during early adolescence at a time of rapid biological and interpersonal change (Brooks-Gunn & Petersen, 1983; Hamburg, 1974). In addition, it typically requires acclimation to an in- creasingly large and impersonal educational milieu. Students are exposed to a larger number of teachers with whom they have limited and circumscribed contact, and they encounter a large and unfamiliar set of new school peers.

Investigators have examined a range of effects associated with school transitions. Declines in self-esteem, class preparation, perceptions of the quality of school life, achievement motivation, and grade-point average have been identified in children after the first year of their transition to junior high school (Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Hirsch & Rapkin, 1987; Seidman, Allen, Aber, Mitch- ell, & Feinman, 1994; Simmons & Blyth, 1987; Simmons, Burgeson, Carlton- Ford, & Blyth, 1987). This pattern is especially evident in large urban schools (Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Simmons & Blyth, 1987). These declines are associated with concurrent changes in the perceived school and peer contexts. Children report increases in daily hassles in school and decreases in social support. These changes in the school and peer "microsystems" (Bronfenbren- ner, 1979) place increased stress on the developing adolescent. Early adolescence is an awkward time to leave the familiarity of ones' peer group for a new set of unfamiliar peers, many of whom are older (Seidman et al., 1994). It also may be an inopportune time to leave the context of a single teacher who knows each child's social and academic strengths for an environment charac-


terized by circumscribed contacts with numerous teachers (Seidman et al., 1994). As a result, the transition to junior high or middle school presents new challenges and changing relationship contexts for the developing adolescent.

It is clear that social and affective processes have a bearing on children's success in school. As a result, examining the quality of children's interpersonal relationships can provide us with insight into children's readiness for school and the likelihood of their continued successful adaptation. How- ever, important methodological issues must be considered in assessing children's relationships during the school-aged years. Chief among these is the noticeable lack of assessment techniques for measuring the quality of children's relationships during this period (Cicchetti et al. 1995). In the present investigation, the quality of children's relationships with others is assessed by asking them about their feelings of relatedness to others. This assessment technique is based upon children's perceptions of their relationships. Although there is evidence that children's perceptions demonstrate substantial agreement with the perceptions of parents and siblings (Fur- man, Jones, Buhrmester, & Adler, 1989), it is important to recognize that these perceptions do not always concur with descriptions of observed behavior. However, this point does not imply that children's perceptions of their relationships are not worth investigating (Olson, 1977). In fact, children's perceptions and mental representations of relationships are important organizers of psychosocial development.

This paper reports an investigation of the relationships of a large sample of middle-class children in elementary and middle school. Relationships with a variety of adult and peer partners are examined because previous research suggests that there are interesting differences in children's orientation to adults versus peers during this period (Buhrmester & Furman, 1987). The present investigation will provide descriptive data on the perceived quality of children's relationships with others as they negotiate the transition from elementary to middle school. Furthermore, it will contribute important new information about the profile of children's relationships during this school-aged period.

METHOD

Subjects

The sample included 1,226 children (620 male, 606 female) in grades 2 through 8 of an upper-middle class, suburban school district. The mean age of these children was 10.8 years (SD = 1.6 years), with a range from 7 to 15 years. The sample contained 83.9% Caucasian children, 4.7% African American children, 4.2% Asian American children, and 1.1% Hispanic American children, with the remaining 6.1% of the children representing other ethnic backgrounds. In the entire school district, there is a drop-out


rate of only 0.1%, while close to 93% of the children go on to college. Approximately 4% of the children in the district receive subsidized lunches.

Based on 1990 census data of the town in which this school district is located, almost 86% of the families with children are two-parent families. The median income of families residing in this town is about $55,000 per year, with 4.0% of families with children living below the poverty line. The distribution of educational at ta inment of adults living in this community is as follows: graduate degree, 25.6%; college degree, 25.9%; some college, 22.2%; high school graduate, 16.5%; some high school, 6.5%; and no high school, 3.3%.

Procedures

Children were administered a questionnaire that asked them to think about four different relationship partners: their mother, their best friend, their teacher, and their classmates. These relationship figures represent key figures from school-aged children's network of interpersonal relationships. The questionnaire was administered at the end of the school year to individual classrooms. By waiting until the end of the school year, children had sufficient opportuni ty to have well-developed impressions of their relationships with their teachers and their classmates.

Teachers left the room while two research assistants administered the questionnaire. Children were informed that their answers would remain confidential so that they could feel free to be honest with their responses. Children in the higher grades who had multiple teachers were asked to think of how they felt about their teachers "on average." Possible implications of this difference in methodology for the assessment of children's relationships with their teachers are addressed in the Discussion. Questions were read out loud by one of the research assistants, and children circled their responses on the answer sheet that was provided to them.

Measu rement

By administering the Relatedness Questionnaire to children, it is possible to de termine their perceptions of the emotional quality of their relationships and how close they feel to their relationship partners. This questionnaire, adapted from an assessment package developed by Wellborn and Connell (1987), consists of 17 questions that are asked about each relationship of interest (for example, relationships with mothers and relationships with teachers).

The Relatedness Questionnaire yields two subscales that have been labeled emotional quality and psychological proximity seeking. The emotional quality scale consists of items that assess children's feelings of specific

Lynch and Cicche~i 87

positive and negative emotions when they are with the specified relationship figure. Children rate on a 4-point scale items such as: "When I 'm with [name], I feel happy." The psychological proximity seeking scale consists of items that assess the degree to which children wish they were psychologi- cally closer to the relationship figure. In this case, children rate items on a 4-point scale such as: "I wish [name] paid more attention to me," and "I wish [name] understood me better." See Appendix A for a complete listing of prototypical items from the Relatedness Questionnaire.

Factor analyses from previous studies using the Relatedness Question- naire indicate the instrument does produce a factor structure that is consistent with the above two dimensions of relatedness (Lynch, 1992). Furthermore, these dimensions demonstrate good internal consistency as indicated by alphas ranging from .67 to .83 for emotional quality and .83 to .93 for psychological proximity seeking across a variety of relationships (Lynch, 1992).

Children's responses on the Relatedness Questionnaire indicate their self-reported pattern of relatedness with specific relationship partners. Based on their scores on the two subscales of the questionnaire, children are classified as having a particular pattern of relatedness. Qualitatively, children with optimal patterns of relatedness report high levels of positive emotion (emotional quality scores > 3.0) and low levels of psychological proximity seeking (scores -< 1.75). They feel positive and secure in their relationships, and they are satisfied with existing degrees of closeness. Children with adequate patterns of relatedness report average levels of positive affect and psychological closeness in their relationships (emotional quality scores > 3.0; psychological proximity seeking scores between 1.75 and 3.0). In our current conceptualization of patterns of relatedness, these optimal and adequate patterns indicate children's perceptions of relationship security (Cicchetti et al., 1995).

Children with deprived patterns of relatedness report low levels of positive emotion (scores -< 3.0), but high levels of psychological proximity seeking (scores > 2.5). These children want to feel closer to others, but instead their relationships are characterized by feelings of negativity and insecurity. Children with disengaged patterns of relatedness report low levels of positive emotion (scores -< 3.0) and low amounts of psychological proximity seeking (scores -< 2.5). They have predominantly negative feelings about others and they do not want to be closer to them. Finally, children with confused patterns of relatedness report high levels of positive emotion (scores > 3.0) as well as extremely high levels of psychological proximity seeking (scores --> 3.0). They feel emotionally positive and secure in their relationships despite feeling very unsatisfied with how close they are to their partners. In contrast to optimal and adequate patterns, deprived, disengaged, and confused patterns of relatedness indicate children's perceptions of different forms of relationship insecurity (Cicchetti et al., 1995).


Cut-off scores for patterns of relatedness have been theoretically derived and empirically validated on a number of risk and nonrisk samples, includ- ing the cur rent one. In our previous work on children's feelings of relatedness, we chose a pr/or/cut-off scores on the two dimensions of relatedness in order to distinguish patterns of scores that identified groups of children similar to those identified by a t tachment (e.g., secure vs. insecure) and self-system (e.g., engaged vs. disaffected) theories. Decisions about the specific placement of cutoffs were made so that the resultant groupings would most closely parallel the major groups identified by these two theoretical frameworks.

Subsequently, cluster analyses of children's scores on the two subscales of the Relatedness Questionnaire have substantiated the veridicality of the five patterns of relatedness (see Lynch & Cicchetti, 1991). Cluster procedures locate hierarchical clusters of observations in a data set based on their Euclidean distances from each other. In the present sample of children, an Average Linkage cluster analysis (based on the average Euclidean distance between observations; SAS Institute Inc., 1987) yields a five cluster solution accounting for 66.1% of the variance in children's scores. This particular cluster p rocedure tends to join clusters with small variances and is slightly biased toward producing clusters with the same variance (SAS Institute Inc., 1987). The location of the clusters identified in this sample closely approximates the theoretically derived cut-off scores for children's patterns of relatedness.

Using the Relatedness Questionnaire to assess children's self-reported patterns of relatedness to others, it is possible to determine the overall perceived quality of children's interpersonal relationships with partners inside and outside of the school setting. Early work with the Relatedness Questionnaire has shown differences in the quality of relationships expe- r ienced by low-socioeconomic-status maltreated and nonmal t reated children (Lynch & Cicchetti, 1991).

RESULTS

Patterns of Relatedness

Based on children's scores on the Relatedness Questionnaire indicating the emotional quality and psychological closeness of their relationships to the four specified relationship partners, we were able to classify children's self-reported patterns of relatedness with these partners. The percentages of children report ing different patterns of relatedness with each relationship figure are repor ted in Table 1.

As can be seen in the table, a majority of children repor t having an optimal or adequate pat tern of relatedness with three of the four relationship partners (67.5% with mothers; 78.5% with best friends; 60.7% with


Table 1 Percentage of Children Reporting Each Pattern of Relatedness

with the Four Different Relationship Partners

Pattern Mother Teacher Best Friend Classmates

Opt imal 31.4% 17.7% 41.4% 21,7% Adequate 36.1% 21.5% 37.1% 39~0% Deprived 9.3% 10.1% 4.7% 13,9% Disengaged 7.8% 45.6% 3.7% 9,9% Confused 15.4% 5.1% 13.1% 15.5%

classmates). The only exception is in children's reports of their relationships with their teachers, where 39.2% reported either optimal or adequate patterns. Moreover, almost half of the children report having disengaged patterns of relatedness with their teachers. This finding is not unlike what has been observed in other samples of children (see Lynch & Cicchetti, 1992). It appears to be somewhat uncommon (although clearly not impos- sible) for children to report having close relationships with their teachers.

Gender analyses on children's patterns of relatedness indicate some small, but statistically significant differences between boys and girls. In particular, boys and girls report different distributions in patterns of relatedness with their m o t h e r s (X2(4 ) = 16.20, p < .003) and their classmates (X2(4) = 12.27, p < .015). Table 2 summarizes these differences. Specifi- cally, it appears that boys are more likely than girls to report having disengaged patterns of relatedness with both of these partners. Girls, on the other hand, are more likely than boys to report having adequate patterns with their classmates and confused patterns with their mothers.

Table 2 Differences Between Boys and Girls in the Distribution of Their Patterns

of Relatedness with their Mothers and Their Clasmnates

Optimal Adequate Deprived Disengaged a Confused b

Pat terns of Relatedness with Mothers

Boys Girls

Patterns of Relatedness with Classmates

Boys Girls

34.3% 35.0% 8.9% 9.4% 12.4% 28.5% 37.3% 9.6% 6.0% 18.6%

Opt imal Adequate ~ Deprived Disengaged d Confused

22.7% 34.8% 15.1% 11.8% 15.6% 20.7% 43.6% 12.4% 8.1% 15.2%

" x 2 ( l ) = 4.72, p < .05. b X2(1) = 7.62, p < .01. c X~(1) = 5.90, p < .025. a X2(1) = 4.22, p < .05.


Table 3 Percentage of Children Reporting Concordant and Nonconcordant Patterns o f Relatedness

Patterns with Teachers

Patterns with Mothers Secure Insecure

Secure 32.6% 34.9% Kappa=0.23 Insecure 6.6% 25.9%

Patterns with Best Friend

Patterns with Mothers Secure Insecure Secure 58.8% 8.7% Insecure 19.7% 12.8%

Patterns with Classmates

Patterns with Mothers Secure Insecure Secure 47.4% 20.0% Insecure 13.2% 19.4%

Patterns with Classmates

Patterns with Teachers Secure Insecure Secure 28.3% 10.9% Insecure 32.4% 28.4%

Kappa=0.29

Kappa=0.28

Kappa=O.17

There are no significant differences in the distribution of boys and girls patterns of relatedness with teachers and best friends.

Profiles of Children's Patterns of Relatedness Across Different Relationships

Of potential interest to educators and scientists is the profile of children's patterns of relatedness across relationship partners. It has been shown, for example, that among children who have problematic relationships with their primary caregiver, those who nevertheless have a stable and secure relationship with at least one significant other are more likely to show greater competence in their development than those who have no such supportive relationship (Masten, Best, & Garmezy, 1990). These positive relationships are thought to act as a buffer against the adverse consequences of having negative relationships with caregivers.

In examining children's profiles, patterns reflecting security (i.e., optimal and adequate patterns of relatedness) and patterns reflecting insecurity (i.e., deprived, disengaged, and confused patterns of relatedness) are grouped together. Table 3 presents the amount of concordance evident in children's relationship profiles with various partners. Of particular interest for educators is the comparison of children's patterns with their teachers and their classmates.


T a b l e 4

C o r r e l a l l o n s A m o n g Al l R e l a t i o n s h i p P a r t n e r s for the T w o D i m e n s i o n s o f R e l a t e d n e s s

W i t h B e s t

W i t h M o t h e r W i t h T e a c h e r F r i e n d W i t h C l a s s m a t e s

E m o t i o n a l Q u a l i t y

M o t h e r - .43 . . . . .35 . . . .

T e a c h e r - .29 . . . .

B e s t F r i e n d

C l a s s m a t e s

P s y c h o l o g i c a l P r o x i m i t y

S e e k i n g

M o t h e r - .37 . . . . .52 . . . .

T e a c h e r - .42 . . . .

B e s t F r i e n d

C l a s s m a t e s

.32 . . . .

.34 . . . .

.50 . . . .

.45 . . . .

.47 . . . .

.62 . . . .

. . . . p < .0001.

Using a typological approach suggests that children demonstrate only modest concordance in their patterns of relatedness to different relationship partners (Kappa's ranging from 0.17 to 0.29). However, linear analyses examining the correlations among the dimensions of relatedness suggest that stronger concordance in children's perceptions of their different relationships does exist. Correlations for children's feelings of relatedness with different relationship partners range from .29 to .62 (see Table 4).

Developmental Trends

A finding in the developmental literature that has been demonstrated with some consistency is a move in children from an adult-focused orientation to a peer-focused orientation as children approach adolescence. This same trend can be seen in the reports of patterns of relatedness from children in this sample. When children in elementary school (grades 2-5) are compared with children in middle school (grades 6-8), there are statistically significant shifts in the reported quality of their relationships with adults and peers. Table 5 summarizes the shifts observed in this sample.

In general, a higher percentage of elementary-school children report having secure patterns of relatedness with adult partners (70.9% with their mothers and 57.4% with their teachers) than do middle-school children (65.2% and 27.1% with mothers and teachers, respectively). Of particular note is the finding that middle-school children are more likely than elementary-school children to have a disengaged pattern of relatedness with their teachers, X2(1) -- 89.10, p < .001, and they are less likely to have either an optimal pattern, ×2(1) = 18.51, p < .001, or an adequate pattern of relatedness with their teachers, X2(1) = 52.59, p < .001. Conversely, middle-


Table 5 Percentages of Elementary Versus Middle-School Chi ldren Repor t ing Different Patterns of

Relatedness with the Four Relationship Partners

Mother a Teacher b Best Friend c Classmates a E lementa ry / E lementa ry / E lementary / E lementary /

Middle Middle Middle Middle

Secure Opt imal 35.2%/28.8%* 24.1%/13.5%*** 34.9%/45.6%** 19.5%/23.2% Adequate 35.7%/36.3% 33.3%/13.7%**" 35.4%/38.3% 34.1%/42.2%*

Insecure Deprived 5.9%/11.6%** 9.6%/10.5% 7.5%/2.9%*** 15.7%/12.7% Disengaged 6 .7%/8.5% 23.2%/60.4%*** 4.1%/3.5% 6.9%/12.0%** Confused 16.5%/14.8% 9.8%/1.9%*** 18.1%/9.7%*** 23.8%/9.9%***

×~(4) = 15.88, p < .01. b XZ(4) = 196.46, p < .0Ol. c ×2(4 ) = 38.52, p < .0Ol. a X2(4) = 52.65, p < .001. Note. Significant differences between elementary and middle school for individual patterns of relatedness, ×(1): *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.

school children are more likely to report having secure patterns of relatedness with peers (83.9% with their best friends and 65.4% with their classmates) than are elementary-school children (70.3% and 53.7% with best friends and classmates respectively).

DISCUSSION

This investigation provides us with descriptive data on a large sample of children's perceptions about their relationships inside and outside of the school setting. From a basic research perspective, detailed information regarding the profile of these low-risk, middle- to upper-middle-class children's patterns of relatedness will allow future investigators to compare similar profiles observed in identified high-risk children. It will then be possible to examine the ways in which a range of relationships are affected by different ecological conditions. To the extent that other samples of children demonstrate significantly less security in the perceptions of their relationships than do the children described here, their patterns of relatedness may reflect a source of vulnerability. However, given the relative lack of economic disadvan- tage in this sample (e.g., median family income of $55,000) and their relatively high level of functioning (e.g., 93% of the children in this school district go on to college), use of these data for sample comparison purposes should be done with caution. They may not be entirely generalizable to other more represen- tative comparison samples.

It is worth noting that the children in this investigation reported having predominantly secure patterns of relatedness with three of the four rela-


tionship partners that we asked them about. From an at tachment theory perspective, this finding suggests that most of the children we studied are ready to learn and to engage and explore the school envi ronment (Aber & Allen, 1987; Connell & Wellborn, 1991). There were some significant differences between boys and girls in their self-reported patterns with mothers and classmates. However, the effect size of these differences was quite small, and boys on average looked similar to girls by report ing a p reponderance of secure relationships.

Modest concordance was evident in children's perceptions of their different relationships. More than half of the children repor ted having patterns of relatedness with their mothers that were similar to the perceptions of their o ther relationships. Linear analyses of the dimensions of relatedness provided fur ther evidence of the mental representational links among children's perceptions of their relationships. However, the relatively low Kappa's from the categorical analyses point out that many children do have clearly distinct perceptions of the quality of their different relationships. An encouraging note for educators is the finding that 71.6% of the children in this study repor ted having a secure pattern of relatedness with ei ther their teacher, their classmates, or both of these partners. Since existing research points to the importance of these relationships for successful adaptation to school, these children should be at reduced risk for school incompetence.

In addition, some interesting questions were raised by the findings of this investigation. For example, what is the nature of the apparent shift in children's orientation away from adults and toward peers as children enter adolescence, and what are the possible consequences for engagement in school? Older children were less likely than younger children to repor t that the perceived quality of their relationships with their mothers and teachers was secure. Conversely, they were more likely than younger children to repor t secure patterns of relatedness with their peers.

In trying to interpret these findings, a methodological issue regarding the assessment of children's patterns of relatedness with their teachers needs to be addressed. By the time children enter middle school, they no longer have a single teacher with whom they spend most of the day. Rather, they have multiple teachers with whom they spend portions of the day. For these children in middle school, we asked them to answer the Relatedness items based on how they felt with their teachers "on average." This represents a depar ture from how any of the other relationships were assessed. As a result, it is possible that methodological differences in the assessment of elementary- and middle- school children's relationships with their teachers might account for the repor ted differences in their patterns of relatedness with teachers. Therefore , caution should be used in inter- preting the significance and generalizability of these differences in children's perceptions of the relationships with their teachers.


However, it is worth noting that despite the methodological variations in the teacher assessments, the overall pattern of the teacher findings is consistent with the other adult data, namely the changes in children's patterns of relatedness with their mothers. It is conceivable that the mag- nitucle of the difference between elementary- and middle-school children's perceptions of their relationships with their teachers is due in part to differences in measurement administration. Nevertheless, the general finding that middle-school children feel less secure with their teachers than elementary-school children seems to be sound and worth consideration.

With this caveat in mind, part of the inordinately large percentage of children with insecure patterns of relatedness with their teachers may be due in part to a developmental shift from an adult orientation to a peer orientation as children make the transition from the elementary-school to the middle-school years (see Condry & Siman, 1974). A poignant example of this shift is demonstrated by the finding that only 23% of elementary- school children report having a disengaged pattern of relatedness with their teacher, whereas over 60% of middle-school children report being disengaged. This pattern is consistent with the increasing independence from adult authority figures commonly associated with adolescence.

Unfortunately, there is evidence that the ability to employ an adult- orientation in school (both for elementary and junior high) is associated with better attitudes toward, and performance in, school (Condry & Si- man, 1974; Harper & Huie, 1987). Dweck and Elliott (1983) further suggest that children in school are faced with a situation in which success depends upon increased sensitivity to adults' evaluations of their efforts.

There also may be ecological reasons for this apparent shift. The finding of less reported security in children's relationships with their teachers during the middle-school years coincides with the dramatic changes in the school environment that take place at this time. Since children in middle school no longer have a primary teacher with whom they spend most of their day, they may have fewer opportunities to develop close relationships with teachers. The findings reported here lend some support to the claim that the transition from elementary to middle school can be stressful, and "mismatched" with the needs of early adolescence (Eccles & Midgley, 1989, 1990). Teacher-child relationships may suffer, thus contributing to children's declining perceptions of social support during this period (Seidman et al., 1994).

Finally, to what extent do children's patterns of relatedness to their teachers and classmates influence the level of their functioning in school? Although a direct answer to this question is beyond the scope of the current investigation, evidence is beginning to accumulate demonstrating the link between children's patterns of relatedness with others and the level of their cumulative school risk (Toth & Cicchetti, 1996). Further- more, research on children's self-system processes and the quality of their


relationships with teachers suggests that having positive relationships with peers and teachers can increase the prospects of children being actively engaged in school (Connell, 1990; Connell & Wellborn, 1991; Pianta, Steinberg, & Rollins, 1995). More specifically, we predict that those children who repor t secure patterns of relatedness to both their teachers and their classmates (28.3% in this sample) would be most likely to be actively engaged in school. Conversely, children who repor t insecure patterns of relatedness to both their teachers and their classmates may be likely to become alienated in school and display lower readiness to learn than other children. Of course, follow-up studies are needed to examine the specific effects of children's relationships in school on their behavioral engagement.

These issues are interesting to researchers, and they have important implications for practitioners and educators. It is our belief that this and future studies of the quality of children's relationships with others will add to our knowledge of the factors that shape children's development and affect their competence in school.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research was supported by grants from the William T. Grant Founda- tion and the Spunk Fund, Inc. We express our thanks to the children and staff of the Brighton Central School District for their assistance in this research. In particular, we acknowledge Christy Walsh, Phil Burrows, Linda Hughes, Paul DiStefano and everyone at Brighton Middle School, French Road Elementary School, and Council Rock Primary School. Finally, we are grateful for the editorial feedback of Bob Pianta, and for the helpful comments of two anonymous reviewers.

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APPENDIX A

S a m p l e I t ems F r o m the Re l a t ednes s Q u e s t i o n n a i r e

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

I wish

I wish

I wish

I wish

pa id m o r e a t t e n t i o n to me.

c o u l d s p e n d m o r e t ime wi th me.

k n e w m e be t te r .

k n e w m o r e a b o u t h o w I feel.

I en joy the t ime I s p e n d wi th

I wish I was c loser to

I wish I c o u l d ta lk a b o u t m o r e th ings wi th

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel RELAXED.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel IGNORED.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I fee l HAPPY.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel MAD.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel BORED.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel IMPORTANT.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel UNHAPPY.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel SCARED.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel SAFE.

W h e n I ' m wi th , I feel SAD.

Note. When assessing children's feelings of relatedness with their mothers, add: "When l 'm with my mother, I feel LOVED."

Documents

Children's relationships with adults and peers: An examination of elementary and junior high school students