Children’s Experiences and Emotional Distress in Nicaraguan Mother Migrant Families

Kristin Elizabeth Yarris, MPH, MA

PhD Candidate, UCLA Dept. of Anthropology

May 13, 2010

UC Center of Expertise on Migration and Health Workshop

Feminization of Nicaraguan migration

Contemporary Nicaraguan migratory flows are intra-regional; other Central American nations esp. Costa Rica, along with U.S. and Spain, are primary destinations

Migration is largely motivated by economic “push” factors, including chronic poverty, un/under employment

51% of all Nicaraguan migrants are female, majority of these are women under 30, many of whom leave children behind

For women, domestic violence and/or breakdown in conjugal relationships may precipitate migration

Nicaraguan women migrants work largely in service economy/domestic employment in destination countries

Consequences of mother migration for families left behind

When fathers migrate, children and households left in care of women/mothers/spouses

When mothers migrate, grandmothers and other female kin informally assume caregiving roles

Mother migrants and caregivers back home participate in “global chain of caregiving labor” (Yeates 2005)

Cultural & symbolic significance of mother absence for children

Research questions

Dissertation explores caregiving roles of grandmothers in mother migrant families

This paper focuses on children’s experiences of mother migration

Particular focus: emotional consequences for children

Research design & methods

Dissertation fieldwork (August 2009-August 2010)

Multiple sites: Managua (urban), 2 semi-urban, 1 rural community

Selection criteria: Parent migrant; ≥1 child (aged 6-14 years); Grandmother primary caregiver

Mixed method ethnographic research: structured, semi-structured, informal interviews; standardized health measures; participant observation

Paper draws from child interviews & participant observation with 6 children of mother migrants

Los niño/as

Child age date mother migrated

where mother resides

caregiver

Alejandra 10 Feb. 2010 U.S. paternal

grandmother

Juliana 9 Mar. 2008 Panamá maternal grandmother

Jeremy 11 Feb. 2000 U.S. maternal grandmother

Laleska 11 Nov. 1999 U.S. maternal grandmother

Selso 8 Jan. 1998**born in CR Costa Rica maternal

grandmother

Vanessa 14 Jan. 1998 Costa Rica maternal grandmother

Children’s experiences of “multiple mamás”

“Se tuvo que ir”: Children’s understandings of mother migration

Children understand economic motives for mother migration; mother migrants viewed as sacrificing for children’s wellbeing

“Se tuvo que ir para pagar unos bancos. Tuvo que ir y trabajar allá y mandarle a mi abuela para darme de comer.”

“She had to leave to pay some banks. She had to go and work there and send (money to) my grandma in order to feed me.” --Juliana

Remesas & the complications of transnational communication

Mother migrants send remesas averaging $100 USD/month Remesas have material & affective dimensions (Horton 2008) Transnational families stay in touch using phone & internet;

migrant mothers attempt to “mother from a distance”. (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila 1997)

For children, regular remesas and communication differentiate between migrant mothers “abandoning” or being “pendiente” (attentive to) families back home

Transnational communication is complicated by time and distance, children grow apart from mothers, attachments shift

Return visits & the ambivalence of reunification

Migrant returns circumscribed by economic circumstances & migration policies

Visits at holidays or special occasions; highly anticipated by families back home

For children, visits both “alegre” and “triste” -- raise possibility of future reunification, simultaneously remind of pain of initial departure

“reunification” also problematic, implies leaving family, friends

Children’s idioms of distress

Idioms of distress - culturally significant somatic complaints with symbolic & emotional dimensions (Nichter 1981)

“enfermarse” (to get sick)

“pensar mucho” (to think too much)

Children’s expressions of disjunction between cultural expectations and actual lived experiences

“lo siento en mi corazón”

“I feel it in my heart”

A way children physically locate distress in their bodies

An embodiment of “tristeza” (sadness) related to mother migration, ongoing absence

Concluding comments: children as actors in transnational families

Children are social actors in transnational families

Children develop “transnational subjectivities”

Children experience emotional effects over time

Need for psycho-social support

Caregivers & extended families help children cope and “salir adelante” (get ahead)

“aquí me voy a quedar”

“Yo siempre aquí me voy a quedar, yo no me voy a ir. Porque yo sé que aquí están mis familiares. Es aquí dónde yo nací. Y aquí tengo que estar.”

“I’m always going to stay here, I’m not going to leave. Because I know that my family members are here. It’s here where I was born. And here is where I have to be.”

--Vanessa

Acknowledgements

Gracias:

All the families participating in my study for opening their homes and sharing their lives with me

The children discussed here for sharing their tears, their laughs, and their hopes for a better future

Fulbright-IIE and the National Science Foundation (Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant) for supporting my dissertation research

Cándida Gómez of Servicio Jesuita de Migrantes for her intellectual companionship and ongoing inspiration