CHAPTER3

The Spiritual Concerns of a Mercantilist Empire

The relationship between the church (as exemplified by Papal government)

and the state in the religious history of Europe has been a complex one. The

complexity stems from the fact that each institution seeks from its followers total ....

allegiance, while at the same time not being above a conflicting relationship with each

other. Conflict also arises because the boundaries of jurisdiction have not always been

clear. As recently as 1885, Pope Leo XIII, in his encyclical Immortale Dei wrote

" ... just as the end at which the church aims is by far the noblest of ends, so is its

authority the most exalted of all authority, nor can it be looked upon as inferior to the

civil power, or in any manner dependent on it"1 The claims of the church to be

supedor to the state, due to its Divine origins does not help. As a result a large part of

ecclesiastical history in Europe from the Middle Ages to early modem times has been

dominated by a history of church-state· relations. During the period of our study,

namely the 16th - 17th centuries and especially in the context of Portuguese India, this

relationship was crucial. Even as the crown sought to stake its claims and legitimise

the overseas discoveries through the church, the latter because of its legitimising

power sought to give direction to the state, while at the same time not being able to

function without the state's protection and financial aid. The attempt of this chapter is

to trace the history of this association and also to see the actual working out of the

relationship in the context of Portuguese India

The evolution of the relationship between the church and the state in Europe

The basis of the association between the church and the state in Portuguese

India was an inheritance from medieval Christendom. The church had taken on the

function of Imperial Rome after the fall of the Roman Empire. This was the basis of

church-state relations as it developed in Latin Christendom. Christianity essentially

did not possess a political theory of its own. Consequently, the adoption by the

1 Douglas Woodruff, Church and State in History, London,, 1962, p. 7.

66

Roman Empire of Christianity as its official religion in the fourth century A.D. and

the subsequent support it received in its propagation as well as support of it, created a

situation, which demanded theorisation of the relationship to some extent. The church

now moved away from being a persecuted community and instead had "embarked on

the process of coming to terms with a world from which it had hitherto stood apart."2

Significantly, the Constantine revolution had also made possible the spread of

Christifl_nity. within the Empire to the pagans and barbarians in the furthest reaches of

the Empire, and through the church, what was being propounded was the idea of the

"total society." Christianity under the leadership of a few was "to transform, absorb

and perfect all existing bonds of human relations, all human activities and institutions,

to regularise and. codify and elevate every aspect of life."3 However associations with

the state increased ihe wealth of the church, which moved it away from the ideals of

the early church. Coterminous with these developments was the rise of several sects,

which seemed to threaten the fabric of th~ G.hristian faith. The church's response is

best known through the works of Augustine, (b. 354 A.D), an Algerian monk who

through his "City of God" or De Civitate Dei, "provided the normative doctrine of a

world divided into two realms ... "4 He became the ideologue par excellence of the

Middle Ages, "of the Church-State .alliance, and the fabricator of medieval

mentality. "5

What emerged from Augustine's work was the placing ofthe City of God over

that of Rome, the super cession in authority and power of the church over the state.

"He argued that God's kingdom could not be associated with the destiny of Rome."

He did not deny the importance of the state, but he believed that the Law of God,

mediated through the church had to be obeyed. No man therefore had to render total

obedience to the State. This was to be reserved for the church. 6 The assertion of

authority by the church was backed by the power it commanded in actual terms,

2 Paul Johnson, A History of Christianity, England, Penguin Books, Repr. 1990, p. 122. 3 Ibid., p. 115. 4 Thomas A. Brady, Jr. The rise of merchant empires, 1400-1700, in James D. Tracy (ed), The Political

Economy of Merchant Empires, Cambridge, Cambrdige University Press, 1991, p. 126. 5Woodruff. p. 112. 6 Jerome G. Kerwin, On Church and State, New York, Hanover House, 1960. pp. 18-19.

67

following the decline of Rome as well as the literary resources that the Church could

offer, especiaily to the barbarian populations. Eventually "the church wore the mantle

of Rome," while disassociating itself from the imperial structure.

Through the Middle Ages, the alliance was never smooth even as perception

of roles and status differed. The Carolingian vision of Society was definitely that of a

total society, but a society in which each played its part and in this way played a

complimentary role. And in the balance of power between the king and the church, till

the late 1l th century, the balance was in favour of the secular arm. The king's office

was often regarded as a clerical or an ecclesiastical office and the bishops were his

chief emissaries with the pope being the chief bishop. Contemporary paintings have

depicted Charlemagne wearing the garment of a priest; he was also addressed as the

"Vicar of God."7

From roughly the eleventh to the early fourteenth centuries, the church

through the papacies of Gregory VII, Innocent III and Boniface VIII attempted to re­

assert 'its hold on society. While Latin Christendom for various reasons did not

develop into a Caesaro-papacy in which a single emperor was elevated to semi-divine

status, there were attempts in that direction in the period just mentioned. However

theory did not translate into practice, and there was in fact a compromise. There was

"a fa9ade of Christian control over Europe," but only because the "secular powers had

come to learn how the papal machine could in fact be operated to their best

advantage." In fact the emergence of the secular states can be attributed to the Papacy,

which in its determination, not to play second fiddle to an empire nor create a

Caeseropapist doctrine, had in fact created nation states and in the process

undermined its own position.8 By the time of the discoveries, the period of our study,

the idea of the papal monarch had waned substantially, but the comprehensive role

that ideology plays meant, "the idea of universal jurisdiction and universal law" still

prevailed, thereby making the church the leader of a global religious community.9 The

7 Ibid. p. 24. 8 John A. Hall, Powers and Liberties, The Causes and Consequences of the Rise of the West, Oxford,

Basil Blackwell, 1985, pp. 133-135. 9 Brady, Jr, The rise of merchant empires, 1400-1700, pp. 128, 131.

68

development of the relationship between the churches had shifted from its own

Imperial claims, to the role of backing to rulers to finally acceding to cuius regio, eius

religio. 10 In the words of Kerwin,

The cherished medieval concept of unity, spiritual and temporal had lost its hold on the minds of men. Some centuries remained before the spiritual unity could be broken, but unity of the temfioral powers was giving place to the idea of unity within the separate states. 1

Historians tracing the expansion of Christianity in the 16th -17th centuries have

acknowledged that the state acting through the padroado rights worked for the

expansion of Christianity and the two institutions, the Estado and the Church worked

hand in gloves with one another. According to Silva Rego, the state "united its

interests with those of the Church"12 and thereby facilitated the proliferation of the

latter's interests. For C.R. Boxer, the royal instructions clearly reflect the "union of

Faith and Empire, Cross and Crown."13 Such an understanding has various

implications. It recognises a coalescing of objectives of two domains of religion and

the politics; it hints at the use of political means to ensure religious ends. Premises

such as Boxer's also assume that the Portuguese presence was a homogenous, unified

one. It assumes Portuguese involvement in thte East for over two centuries as fixed

and constant without a change in its dynamics. It does not offer scope for dissensions

within the Portuguese scheme of things. This is not to say that the understanding of a

close partnership between the cross and the crown is unreasonable. Yet, it is important

to understand that in its actual working, the relationship was not unqualified and not

without any pressures. The attempt of the chapter is to see the basis of the relationship

between the church and the state, the nature of its alliance through the 16th -17th

centuries, the compulsions under which both functioned to fulfil their respective roles

in order to assess the padroado real or royal patronage of the Portuguese monarchs.

10 Hall, Powers and Liberties, p. 135. 11 Kerwin, On Church and State, p. 37. 12 Ant6nio da Silva Rego, Le patonage portugais deL 'Orient, (tr from the Portuguese by Jean Haupt),

Lisbon, 1957, p.9. 13 C.R. Boxer, Faith and Empire: The Cross and the Crown in Portuguese Expansion, JS'h-J8'h

centuries, Separata de Terrae lncognitae 8, Amsterdam, 1976, p. 75.

69

I

The context of patronage

Medieval Christendom had always felt it was its duty "to win for God much of

the world again."14 This responsibility was recognised as a virtue to be cherished by

everyone and in this endeavour the states took active part.

In 15th century Europe, this interaction has to be seen in terms of the Papal

bulls that Rome announced giving the rulers of Portugal and Spain various rignts and

responsibilities. The Papal bulls were issued in the belief that the pope had "direct

dominion" over all kingdoms of the earth. Emanating from this perception, the popes

through the 15th and 16th centuries awarded to the rulers of expansionist states like

Spain and Portugal on request, the right to conquest with the concurrent responsibility

of fulfilling certain functions for the church.

Between 1415 (the capture of Ceuta on the North African coast as part of the

Portuguese Reconquista) and the 1450's, Portugal had done much under Prince Henry

the Navigator to explore the western littoral of Africa. By the time of his death in

1460, the West African coastline up to Sierra Leone (10 degrees North latitud~)had

been made known and recognisable to European explorers. Along with these

discoveries, Portugal also sought to appropriate the commercial/economic benefits of

its pioneering role andthey obtained such rights from the pope. One of the earliest

Bulls to be awarded to Portugal in this context, the bull Dum Diversas (1452/Pope

Nicholas V) permitted the king of Portugal to extend his dominions at the expense of

the Moors and other pagans. 15 Similar decrees eventually led Portugal to acquire the

padroado Real, which became the basis for its relationship with the church in the land

of its discoveries.

In 1455, Portugal had acquired from the same pope (Nicholas) the right to the

African territories. The implications of this right or bull were several. It meant that no

one could enter the African territories without the prior consent of the king. It also

14 Lu[s Vaz de CamOes, The Lusiads, Oxford, O.U.P., 1997, p. 4. 15 D. Ferroli, S.J. The Jesuits in Malabar, Vol. II, Bangalore, 1951, p. 166. For a history of the

development of the Padroado see Jno Godinho, The Padroado of Portugal in the Orient (1454-1860),

70

meant that the king would have exclusive commercial monopoly with the whip of ex­

communication for all who trespassed. It also included the right to construct churches.

Succeeding edicts re-confirmed these privileges of the Portuguese monarchs including

the construction of churches, to maintain them, to supply priests, besides the exclusive

rights of navigation, commerce and trade. 16

It was however through two other decrees that the lands of Asia eventually

came under the jurisdiction of Portugal, not only in secular matters ~uf ~llso in matters

concerning religion. By the bull Inter Caetera of 1456, the pope handed jurisdiction

over all lands beyond the seas to the Grand Master of the Order of Christ (a title made

hereditary and invested in the king of Portugal in 1451) And fmally in 1514, the

Padroado Rights (Jus Patronatus) or Patronage Rights were awarded through the Bull

Dum Fidd Constatium for lands already conquered .and yet to be conquered. This

widened the scope of its operations territorially. The reason given for such a wide

jurisdiction was the great zeal that the kings of Portugal had shown in the spread of

the Faith. Added to this were the problems that the Papacy was facing from the mood

of Reform that was overtaking Europe. Papal administration was in no position to

manage the organisation of church and missionary activities in the East. 17

What the relationship between the state and the church should be can be

understood through this 17th century document, written by a Dominican Provincial in

India. He wrote,

The conquests of the Estado are two, and different from each other. The first and the foremost is of souls for heaven, through the preaching of the gospel; the other is of enemies and lands and revenues for the royal crown through the use of arms. The first [concern] that of the souls is the principal one. The most secure title to Your Majesty is to possess these lands and to subject them to the Royal Crown with obligation to promulgate in them the Gospel; for this sufficient and necessary numbers and capable ministers are required, namely the Religious. This so that the conquest of the souls and the propagation of the Gospel is what justifies most the conquest by the arms in this state and it is the foundation and base of all and more, so that one sees clearly how much more reason one must favour in this State the conquest of souls. 18

Bombay, 1924; also see Charles-Marital De Witte O.S.B., Les lettres papales concernant /'expansion portugaise au XV/e siecle, Immensee, Nouvelle Revue de Science Missionaire, 1986.

16 Silva Rego, Le patronage portugais, pp. 10-12. 17 Ibid., p. 15. 18 ANffT Livros das Monyoes, Livro 35. f. 187.

71

Rights and duties of the patron

What did it mean to be a patron in actual terms? What were the spiritual duties

and responsibilities of the king as per the padroado rights that were granted to him?

In the words of D. Ferroli, the king "had the right to send missionaries to erect

churches, convents, pious institutions and so forth." 19 Thus, the rights essentially

seem to have been geared towards the establishment and maintenance of churches, the

physical structure as well as the body of 9eo.ple associated with the church. The

crown's duty was to see that there were sufficient personnel in the region. It also had

to provide for the various aspects of the litany- the vestments, the furniture, Mass

wine etc. Furthermore the state made provisions for other religious institutions like

hospitals, orphanages, and convents. 20 More importantly the state could nominate

candidates for ecclesiastical benefices like a bishopric or any other ecclesiastical

honour. Though the final word rested with the pope, the king could re-nominate if

such a suggestion was rejected. The priests voyaging east also had to set sail only via

Portugal and obtain permission from the Portuguese authorities. This was the broad

framework under which the state recognised its spiritual responsibilities and

obligations. Thus the patronage implied setting up and sustaining an infrastructure

through which Christian worship could be carried out. It also carried with it allusions

about the responsibility for the propagation ofthe faith.

The crown considered the responsibility of its religious commitments with all

seriousness through the 16th and 17th centuries. Towards the fulfilment of their

obligations D. Joao III (r.1521-57) for instance had constituted the Mesa da

Consciencia or Board of Conscience in Portugal in 1532 to prompt the "Royal

Conscience" with regard to its responsibilities vis-a-vis the Faith and advise it on the

obligations that it had acquired in the propagation of Christianity. 21 The Board

constituted of ecclesiastics as well as lay members, though the former predominated.

19D. Ferroli, The Jesuits in Malabar, Vol. II. p.l66. 20 Ibid., p. 167. 21 C.R. Boxer, A Note on the Portuguese Missionary Methods in the East, 16th to 18th century, Ceylon

Journal of History, Vol. X. pp. 78-79. Its counterpart ws formed in India in 1570. Rev. M. D'Sa History of the Catholic Church in India, Bombay, B.X. Furtado and Sons, 1910, p. 124

72

It was thus to function in the form of a moral and religious body.22 The same policy

was followed by his successor D. Sebastiao (r.1557-80). In 1568, he specifically

sought the opinion of the Mesa to know what actually constituted his responsibilities

as Sovereign.

The Board gave direction to the king's spiritual responsibilities advising him

that his principal obligation was " ... with regard to the work of conversion and the

competent provision of ecclesiastical matters" as this was the consequence of "divine

directive, natural law," as well as the apostolic bulls that were passed. Secondly, the

king was urged to spare no expenses to the extent of expending all profits to this

cause; only the remainder was to be appropriated by the State treasury so that the

prerogative given him to monopolise the Eastern trade would be justified in the eyes

of the church. Thirdly, the king was obliged to favour the locals so that they would

convert, and if they had already done so, grant them rewards and honours, while

denying such privileges to those who refused to become Christians, even after they

had heard the Gospel. Finally, the king was bound to punish all those who prevented

or impeded the work of conversion, and this was to be the work of the Inquisitors?3

Even during Spanish rule D. Felippe I (r. 1580-98) was asked to follow similar

instructions and to ask his Viceroy to do the same. 24

The crown's level of interest in religious matters can be gauged from a letter

written in the second half of the 16th century. It said,

One of the principal duties that the crown ... has and in which I find great satisfaction, is the conversion of the unfaithful of the lands of my conquest and the conservation of those already converted ... [and to this end] I order to make great expenses at the cost of my treasury. I received much singular pleasure and contentment [from it]. And I would receive it every time others would go for the work of conversion.25

22 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal •. Vol. I, From Lusitania to Empire, New York and London, Columbai University Press, 1972, p. 187.

23 P.S. Gon~alves, Prime ira Parte da Historia dos Religiosos da Companhia de Jesus e do que jizeram com a divina grat;a na conversiio dos infieis a nossa sanctafee catholica nos reynos e provincias da India Oriental (1614) ed. By J. Wicki, S.J., 3 Vols. Coimbra, Atlantida, 1957-1962 Reprint.Vol. III. Pp. 220-221.

24 Ibid., p. 222. also see, Bulhllo Pato, Documentos Remetidos da India, Book. I. Fev, 28, 1605, p. 17; Book II, Doc. 167,9 Feb, 1611, p. 19; ANfiT, Livros das Mon~oes, Livro 56, fol. 51,26 Jan. 1645.

25 Silva Rego, Documentat;iio para a Historia ... Vol. IX. pp. 41-42. Doc. 7. The King and the Conversion of Goa, 11 March 1562.

73

The personal interest that the rulers of Portugal had in the spiritual affairs can

also be determined from a letter that D. Sebastiao wrote to the Viceroy D. Luis de

Ataide in 1568. The king in the first place advised his Viceroy that conversions

should be obtained not by the use of force but by dealing with the natives with

temperance and love. Secondly, the Portuguese should take care to see that they led

exemplary lives so that they could attract the natives to the faith. Thirdly, the king

also requested the viceroy to take account of how things were managed, how the

students at the various colleges were provided for and treated etc., and that a special

account was to be kept in order to keep track of such activities. Finally he also

ordered the governor to take a keen interest in the affairs of the church though they

were not officially within his purview, and the governor in turn was to instruct the

captains of the forts to take care of the ecclesiastical affairs, and regularly apprised the

king of the situation in their respective fort settlements.26 D. Sebastiao also wanted an

annual report from the Viceroy and askeq for minute details of the work of the

mission, especially the numbers that converted every year.27

Broad framework of operations in India.

Padroado responsibilities in the early years of the Portuguese presence,

relegated as it was to the Malabar coast was directed essentially by pre-Discovery

concerns; this was characterised by a hatred for the Moor as well as the quest for

Christians in the East. Thus rather than conversion, it was the establishment of links

with a long-lost Christian community that was of prime concern. Several letters sent

to Europe announcing the discovery of the route reveal the awesome sense of

excitement of the times. The mood was of jubilance, at the prospects of the riches that

could accrue from trading in spices from its source without Muslim intermediaries but

also of the finding of allies - Christians who could help in hemming the moors from

the South. D. Manuel's millenarian concerns that in a way had prompted the

26 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. X. pp. 437-441, Doc. 48. Instructions given by the King D. Sebastiiio to D. Luis de Ataide, 27 Feb. 1568.

27 P.S. Gon~alves, Primeira Parte da Historia Vol. II. p. 222

74

discoveries are now well known.28 Vasco da Gama's oft-quoted statement on arrival

at Calicut in 1498 is therefore revealing. "We have come to look for Christians and

spices" he is alleged to have said. From the statement it is apparent that the quest was

for Christians whom they thought already were there in the region. The desire that had

often been verbalised was the need for contacts with the Christians of Presler John in

order to be able to fulfil the dream of Europe, to crush the Moor, the inveterate enemy

of Christen~om. Thus the Portuguese initially thought the people they had come into

contact with were the long sought Christians of the East. So rather than conversion, it

was the establishment of links with a long-lost Christian community that was of prime

concern. Their early strategies were consequently geared towards ending what they

considered the Muslim monopoly of the trade in spices to the west as well as in the

Malabar, with the aid of Christian contacts. Their associations' with the Raja of"

Cochin rather than with the Zamorin of Calicut was precisely because of the latter's

alliance with a "known" enemy.29 Thus it appears that the official Portuguese policy

during the initial years was one of warding off or breaking Muslim dominance rather

than conversion. And the help of Christians was to be sought to put that into effect.

The mood in Portugal was also in a sense, of an obligation to God for having

privileged them with the discovery of the route to India. D. Manuel, in whose reign

the route was discovered and also given the sobriquet of"the Fortunate" in Europe (he

was considered the richest king in Christendom), took up the ostentatious title of Lord

of Conquest, Navigation and Commerce of India, Ethiopia, Arabia and Persia ... by the

Grace of God. Thus, God's omnipotent hand was seen in the privilege to be able to

assume such a title. It was " ... the Lord [who] pleased us to fulfil our dreams," wrote

D. Manuel to the Cardinal of Portugal.30 Their good fortune at the hands of God was

to be proclaimed not only in Europe, but also to the rulers in Asia. Thus D. Manuel

wrote to the Zamorin of Calicut in 1500, and narrated rather proudly the conditions

28 S. Subrahmanyam and Luis F.F.R. Thomaz, Evolution of empire: The Portuguese in the Indian Ocean during the sixteenth century in James D. Tracy, The Political Economy of Merchant Empires, 1991, 00. 298-331.

29 S.F. Dale, The Miippi/as of Malabar, New Delhi, O.U.P. p. 29. . 30 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol.1. p. 7 Doc. 2. Letter of D. Manuel to the Cardinal

Protector, 25 Aug. 1499; Cardinal Alpedrinha (1406-1508)

75

under which the Portuguese had made the discovery. 31 He referred to the ignorance in

which they had lived of each other's existence, "since the beginning of time," but

some sixty years earlier God had inspired his uncle, D. Henry, "a prince of virtuous

life and holy habits" to initiate the navigation and thus had eventually led them to

India. He continued to say that if the Indians took time to consider the greatness of the

voyage and the mystery of the departure, they would join the Portuguese in praising

"God our Master for having allowed this discovery of a route to the Indies. God

would not have allowed this discovery of a route for the purpose of merely

commercial gains, but also to establish spiritual gain."32 Similar letters were written in

later years by the kings of Portugal to the rulers of Cochin and Cannanor. 33

While the role of the Divine in the discoveries filters heavily through the

letter, the attempt of D. Manuel was also tJ draw the spiritual linkages between the

two regions .

. . . the Christian faith, which we believe in, given and instituted by Jesus Our Lord, Our Saviour to twelve of his disciples, who after his resurrection preached [the Gospel] was received by the whole world, of which some, namely St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew, preached in your parts of India, performing several and great miracles, as these people were living in idolatry and in which the whole world was, and converting them to the truth of the Holy belief and Christian faith, as also it was preached to us by some of the

"d I 34 sat apost es.

The letter continued to specifically state that the Portuguese intention was to

establish contact with the Christians there.

And among the reasons we give thanks to the Lord God, is in this fact, it has been said that there were Christians in these parts, which will be our principal reason to be in touch with you, and to conduct our relationships on the basis of the love and brotherhood Christian kings must have amongst themselves ... 35

3l Pero/Pedro Alvares Cabral was the Captain of the Armada to the lt:J.dies after Vasco da Gama's

successfUl return. 32 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. I.. pp. 15-19. Doc. 4. Letter of D. Manuel to the

King ofCalecut, 1 March 1500 33 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. pp. 22-25. Doc. 5. Letter of D. Manuel to the

kings ofCochin and Cananor, 1502. 34 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia .. Vol. 1. p. 19. Doc. 4. Letter of D. Manuel to the King

of Calecut, 1 March 1500 35 Ibid., pp. 17-18.

76

In another letter that D. Manuel wrote to the Cardinal of Portugal in 1499, he

informed him that the king of "Qualecut" considered himself a Christian and so did a

major part of his population though he himself understood that they were heretics. He

also informed him that there were 3 8 kings in India, most of whom were Christians,

though of the same manner as in "Qualecut."36 From the instructions given to Cabral,

we gather that the idea behind the sending of clerics and friars was to teach the

doctrine of the true faith to the Christians who were-considered heretics. The tenor of

these letters was to demonstrate Christian and brotherly love toward one another.37

To such overtures for trading opportunities and religious linkages, the

Malabari Christians seemed to have responded favourably. Matias, a Christian

resident of Calecoulao/Quaequolam, a river and port of the klligdom of

Coulao/Quilon wrote to the king in Portugal of the great help he had rendered to them

by way of lading the retllffi cargoes. He was responding wholeheartedly to the offer

made by the King of Portugal with regard to matters of the faith; He added in his

letter that " ... all the Christians kiss your hands because it is certain, Master, that we

are all in need of many things that we do not know, neither do we have any one to

teach us ... but since our God opened this way that he wished that your people would

come to these regions for the salvation of our souls, we desire that you provide us

with people to teach us what we do not know."38 As we have already seen, the first

religious concern of the Estado vis-a-vis the local population in the Malabar was that

of indoctrinating the Christians to the "true Catholic faith." In the rules drawn by D,

Francisco de Almeida in 1505, while he was still the Capitiio Mar, upon realising that

the Mala~ari Christian beliefs were not similar to theirs he ~pecifically stated, "the

Christians wherever they were, were to be favoured in everything that was possible,

besides being honoured and given honours ... "39

36 Silva Rego, Documenlafiio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. I. p. 8, Doc. 2. Letter of D. Manuel to the Cardinal, 25 Aug, 1499.

37 Silva Rego,. Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. pp. 13, 14. Doc. 3. Instructions to Pedro Alvares Cabral, 1500.

38 Silva Rego, DocumenlafiiO para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 6. pp. 26,27. Letter of Matias, native Christian to the King of Portugal, 18 Dec. 1504

39 Silva Rego, Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 7, p. 31. Instruction of D. Francisco de Almeida, 5 March, 1505.

77

On the other hand the Muslim population, which they recognised so easily,

had no such luck. They were to be destroyed immediately. Thus, of Vasco da Gama, it

was said that on his second voyage to India, he bombarded the city of Cali cut for two

days and "hanged in the arms yard 32 moors that he had captured." The cruelties did

not end there; "after capturing and looting a ship of the Sultan of Cairo, he sank the

• ship with about three hundred men and women in it, save a dozen who were sheltered

and baptised."40 The clim tp e~clude the Moors was clear in the letter D. Manuel wrote

to Afonso de Albuquerque wherein he asked the are/ (pilot) of Cochin to work

towards seeing " ... that the Christians and the gentiles (locals of the land) would

navigate in our ships and fleets, so that the Moors, enemies of our faith would lose the

navigation and would withdraw from it ... "41 Even arms, as per the sanctions of the

holy pope could not under any circumstances be sold to the Moors.42 Thus Estado

policies of the initial years had an anti-Moor pro-Christian focus.

It is not clear when the Portuguese came to realise that the people of tlre

Malabar were not all Christians. But from various correspondences we know that the

Portuguese were gradually being made aware of the different groups of people

inhabiting the region and their beliefs. In 1509 the king of Cochin complained to D.

Manuel in Portugal about the atrocities being committed by Afonso de Albuquerque

on the Brahmins and Naires and the discl~in for their beliefs.43 Such letters show that

the Portuguese were coming to the slow realisation that these lands were not really

Christian. In 1510, a priest was already reporting that it was very difficult, as "was

well-known" for the people to become Christians.44 Soon enough there was a shift in

focus in the Estado's religious policies. The obligation of the Portuguese state was

40 Tratado de todos as vicereis e governadores da India, Lisboa, Editorial Enciclopedia L.da, 1962, p. 81

41 Silva Rego, Documenta9iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. 1. Doc. 94 p. 198 42 Silva Rego, Documenta9iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. 1. Doc.7 p. 29. 43 Silva Rego, Documenta9iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol.l Doc. 21, p. 74, 75. Letter of the King ofCochin

to the King of Portugal, n.d. According to the Raja of Cochin, there had been an understanding between him and Vasco da Gama that the Christians, old and new would be under the jurisdiction of the Portuguese whereas the "Moors and people of the land" would be under the jurisdiction of the ruler ofCochin. He also complained to the king that Afonso de Albuquerque was ordering the killing of the cows, which was the most "dishonourable" thing to do in these lands, and if it did not stop, the Portuguese would lose India

78

now to be directed towards the conversion of non-Christians, though the correction of

"heretical" beliefs continued to be its concern for most of the period of study leading

to the famous Synod ofDiamper in 1599.

Meanwhile Lisbon also gave suggestions on how conversions were to take

place. It was felt that the simplest way to mass conversion of the people of-Cochin

was to convert the king. And the Portuguese ruler instructed not the vicar-general but

Albuquerque to approach the Raja of Cochin on this matter to explain the intricacies

of the Christian faith and the advantages of following the faith of the Portuguese.45

The king was attentive to Albuquerque's arguments but declined, though he promised

that the prince would be imparted Christian instruction.

While he was not successful in converting the king, Afonso de Albuquerque as

governor general did much towards the cause of the faith, upon instructions from the

king. In 1509, he spent in Cochin 9000 reis p.m. in alms for the poor Christians and

Malabari Christians and also young meslifo girls.46 In a letter of 1512 to the king,

Albuquerque wrote that he had followed the instructions of establishing a school for

children and adults (both men and women) the former to learn how to read and write

and the latter to train them to be catechists.

Similarly sources of the 16th -17th centurles are replete with evidence pointing

to involvement of officials in the propagation of Christianity especially through the

establishment of churches and the various paraphernalia associated with it. Letters

commanding factors, either by the governor or the viceroy to provide the various

articles needed by a church abound. This could rang~ from building material or

money required for the construction of churches and their repair, to articles required

for worship and to the salaries and vestments of priests. Reports went back to the king

on efforts being made to develop religious infrastructure. D. Ayres da Gama, brother

of Vasco da Gama wrote to the king, in 1519, " the church which is inside the fortress

[of Cananore] though small .. .is very good and is well decorated (ornamentada) in

44 Silva Rego, Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol.1. Doc. 42. p. 114. Letter of Padre Juliilo Nunes, Vicar ofCananor to the King of Portugal, 14 Oct. 1510.

45 Silva Rego, Historia das MissiJes I. p. 117-118. 46 Ibid., p.129

79

silver and in vestments .. .'..t7 Ornamentation of the church was also a prime focus.

Padre Sebastiao Pires, vicar of Cochin wrote to the king in 1518, "For the main altar

of the church, Your highness must order a retable, because it is very bare, and also for

the other altar of Sao Sebastiao, which is there in the same church. "48

The needs of the church were many as articles used in worship were many.

Besides wine, vinegar and oil, which were articles constantly donated by the State;

there were need for lamps, chalices, censers, bells, crosses, communion cloths etc. An

item that most churches lacked was books. Padre Sebastiao Pires, vicar of Cochin

~ote to the king in 1518, "[we] ... are in need of song books as we make do without

them." Though they lacked prayer books, wrote one captain, "We do the best we can."

The list of books that Lopo Soares entrusted to Frey Antonio de Louro, a Franciscan,

included works from the twelfth century onwards by various Catholic saints, besides · '

other more common books on Canon law, Bibles, breviaries and the like.49 Besides all

the support of infrastructure, salaries of the .priests were also provided by the Estado,

which was also graded according to the position they held. The archbishop of Goa

received 650 gold ducats every year; his suffragan received 500 and his simple canons

only 30.

The Estado's fmancial involvement in the religious establishment was thus

large as the church required financial support for various expenses that it incurred. For

instance, the Parish of the House of Our Lady of Luz of the city of Goa was given

14 7,680 reis per annum for its maintenance, which was disbursed in the following

manner.

-for the Holy Communion celebrated throughout the year and the Holy Weeks, the wine, flour, host, as also the oil wood, water, etc -To the vicar as his salary

-For four benefice clergymen

27,360 reis p.a.

30,000 reis p.a.

80,000 reis p.a.

47 Silva Rego. Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. l. Doc. 159, p. 372 .. Christianity in Cananor. Letter of D. Aires da Gama to the King of Portugal. 12 Jan. 1519.

48 Silva Rego. Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. l. Doc. 144. p. 342. Letter to the king from P. Sebastiao Pires, Vicar ofCochin. 8 Jan. 1518

49 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 143. pp. 336-338. Books for the Franciscans. 5 Jan 1518.

80

-For the maintenance of the treasurer of the House -For the maintenance of the bailiff of the house

Total

6,000 reis p.a.

4,320 reis p.a.

147,680 reis p.a50

These were expenses tYpical for a church. There were other expenses as well.

The state had to pay for instance 60, 000 reis per annum for the construction and

maintenance of six churches in Salcete. 51 Besides the vicar and the clergymen, there

were various officials in the employ of the church whose emoluments were paid by

the· Estado. These included the pai dos Cristaos, catechumens, interpreters, foot

soldiers employed for the protection of priests as they travelled, as well as officials of

the Board of the Inquisition. The Chief Inquisitor was paid 400, 000 reis per annum in

1574.52 Another important source of expenditure was the garments or vestments that

were provided for the new converts even as they were taken in procession through out

the city at the time of the mass baptisms. Not only were financial grants made, but

provisions were also in kind. For instance to the padres of St. Augustine for the

monastery of Our lady of Grace in the city of Goa, the Estado authorised twelve

candils of rice, ten miios of oil, two barrels of wine, five miios of wax, one fardo of

sugar and six caixas of marmalade over and above the 129, 000 reis the monastery

was paid every year. 53 Finally the state also had to spend on the Royal Hospital for its

food, payment to the boticas, wine, clothes, vinegar, as well as to the Holy House of

Mercy.54

In a letter typical of the king's involvement in the ecclesiastical affairs of the

Estado, in response to the request from the citizens of Goa, the king was granting a

benefice that was necessary for the construction of four bells and other ornaments that

were to be used on the feast day of Santa Catarina. However since his Capitiio mor

would be more aware of the situation, he was handing over the charge to him as he

50 P.S.S. Pissurlencar (ed) Regimentos Das Fortalezas da india, Goa 1951, p. 28. 511bid., p. 28 52 Ibid., p. 53. 53 Ibid., p. 62. 54 Ibid., p. 66.

81

would be in a better position to help. 55 The religious people of the age thus directly

appealed to the religious sensibilities of the king for benefices and the king

considering his position usually obliged to their demands.

The king also made donations over and above that which was already allotted

to the church. For instance, D. Joao III donated the annual rents from the confiscated

temple lands of Goa for the College of Sao Paulo run by the Jesuits in the same city.

This was besides the eight hundred thousand reis that were allotted -for the ~ual

expenses of the college. 56 He also donated three hundred pardaos every year for the

expenses ofthe hospital ofthe said city. 57

P.S.S. Pissurlencar gives us a financial statement of the Estado da India in his

Regimentos das Fortalezas da India that was for probably any of the years between

1578 and 1607. The total revenue received by the state amounted to 355, 560,600 reis

and the total expenditure was 235,677,600 reis. Deducing from this table, which

mentions the expenditure of the Estado under various heads, the expenses that were

incurred for the entire religious establishment, which included salary for all priests,

expenses for the various rituals, church maintenance amounted to 10.5% of the total

expenditure or 7 % of the total income for that particular year. 58

The Portuguese establishment of religious institutions, it must be understood

was not solely for the purpose of propagation. In a world of uncertainties religion

offered the affiliate a refuge and therefore the priests and the institutions were an

integral part of any Portuguese settlement. 59 Wherever forts and factories were

established, religious establishments like churches or convents soon sprang up. Thus

in 1501 D. Francisco de Almeida, as Captain Major wrote that in CouUio along with

the construction of a fortress a Convent/shelter for friars was being constructed, close

to the church so that they (the friars) could serve there as well. In Cochin, a fortress or

55 Silva Rego, Documentar;tio para a Historia ... ... Vol. II. p. 209. Doc. 78. Letter of the king D. Joao III to the city of Goa, 26 March 1532.

56 J. Wicki (ed), Documenta Indica, Rome, Vol. I. Doc. 44. 51 Wicki, Documenta Indica, Vol. III. Doc. 83. 58 Pisurlencar, Regimentos Das Fortalezas da india. (extracted from the Subsidio para a Historia

Militar da India by Vice Admiral Alfredo Botelho de Souza Vol. 1) pp. 527-530.

82

an armed factory was established as early as 1503, with the permission of the Raja,

though it had to be rebuilt in 1506 with stone and lime.60 A Dominican Frei Domingos

de Sousa had preached at a Mass to inaugurate the fort. The establishment of a church

dedicated to S. Bartolomeu soon followed. The church catered to a population, which

at that time numbered around 600.61

Religion was thus an integral part of the Portuguese settlements. The church

was a symbol of security i..n. -~ery turbulent surroundings. The priests prayed for

success against enemies and forces beyond their control. It was not an uncommon

sight to see a priest taking part in a war by holding aloft a crucifix marching along

with the governor, "exhorting the Portuguese to die for their Saviour." 62 The priest

also offered sacraments before war and procl~ed plenary indulgences for all those

who died in battle. 63 On other occasions, the priest himself took to arms in times of

war. A certain priest boasted to the king that his vital swordsmanship in time of a war

was crucial for a victory won in CouHio/K.ollam in the Malabar. 64 More importantly,

victories . had also to be celebrated and thanked for and the priests would lead the

processions to the church.

Considering the precarious nature of their presence in the Malabar, in the

initial decades, the political relations the Portuguese had with the rulers determined

the rigor of the efforts to conversions. In the case of Calicut where the Portuguese

could never establish themselves during the first half of the 16th century, little efforts

could be made towards proselytisation. Similar was the case of Diu, where Portuguese

settlement was relegated to the fort settlement. In other fort settlements like

Cannanore where the Portuguese had good political relations, there was a certain

degree of negotiation in the field of religion as well. The king of Cananore wrote

59 lnes G. Zupanov, The Prophetic and the Miraculous in Portuguese Asia: A Hagiographical view of Colonail Culture, in S. Subrahmanyam ( ed), Sinners and Saints, The Sucessors of Vas co da Gama. New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 154.

60 Silva Rego, Historia das Missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente india, 1° Vol. (1500-1542) Lisboa, Agencia Geral das Col6nias, MCMXLIX. pp. 105-109.

61 Ibid., p. 105, 62 Ibid., p. 33. 63 M.S. Commissariat, Studies in the History ofGujarat, Ahmedabaad, saraswaati Pustak Bhandar,

1987 Reprint. p. 34. (taken from Couto. Dec. 6. Liv. 4. Cap 2.)

83

saying that conversions were causing havoc to the social structure since the lower

caste converts would be employed by the Portuguese upon conversion leaving the

upper castes without labour. Secondly, the converts refused to pay taxes. Albuquerque

thus forbade the conversion of slaves, not only out of respect for the king's requests,

but also because of the burden to the public exchequer as provisions and alms had to

be given to them. 65 And contrary to the belief that the Portuguese were totally

insensitive Jo .. iocal customs, we find the captain ordering that gifts be sent to the

Hindu employees and members of the royal household in the celebration of a local

festival which·he called "their Easter"66

The Portuguese settlements in Goa and the Province of the North revolved not

just around a fort settlement. But it is interesting to note that the early Portuguese

policies were of negotiation and accommodation rather than confrontation. It was

evident that the Portuguese felt insecure about governing such a large populace and

therefore Albuquerque consciously advocated a policy of intermarriage with the local

populace in order to create a population that would be dependent and loyal to them. 67

Besides, as early as 1526 the Fora/ dos Usos e Costumes dos Gauncares ou

l~vradores df! Goa e mais terras was passed, 68 which was ari edict confirming the

rights and privileges of the local peoples and their customs from polygamy to

religious feasts, cremation, manner of oath taking etc. In fact, in an interesting letter it

was reported that the natives were used to taking oaths, albeit falsely when they swore

on a betel leaf or the droppings of a cow and therefore they should be led to swear on

a certain temple in Band ora so that they would give true statements. 69 This however

did not mean that efforts at conversion were not being made. Besides the church,

institutions were created that would aid conversions or aid converts. Thus the Juiz dos

64 Silva Rego. Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 2. Doc. 5. p. 1l.Letter of Padre Sebastillo dias to the king, Cananor, 10 Oct. 1523.

65 Ibid., pp. 325-327. 66 Ibid., p. 330. 61 Silva Rego, Documentafiio para a Historia ... , Vol. 1. p.118. Doc. 44. Albuquerque informs the

king about the beginning of the marriages between the Portuguese and the indigenous, 22 Dec. 1510. 68 Jose Nicolau de Fonseca, An Historical and Archaelogical Sketch of the City of Goa; New Delhi,

AES Reprint, 1994. p. 21 69 Silva Rego, Documentafiio para a Historia, Vol. 2. pp.209-210, Doc. 78. letter of the king D. Jollo

to the City of Goa, 1532.

84

Orfoos (Judge of the Orphans) was created to look after orphans, the Casa da

Misericordia (House of Mercy), besides being a social organisation for the Portuguese

distributed alms to the new converts, the Pai dos Cristtios (Father of Christians) was

in charge of the Christian children including their instruction etc.

The initial accommodation practised by the Estado officials m the Goa

territories could not be sustained. Angry priests wrote back to the King protesting

against the continuance of practices antithetical to Christian beliefs in his territories.

Frei Antonio do Louro wrote to the king in 1518 that it was necessary to keep yogis

out of the island and not tolerate any idolatry in their possessions. 70 The Bishop of

Dume D. Andre de Torquemada in his report of 1522 to the king gave reasons why

idolatry and liberty with the celebration of gentile feasts should not be tolerated.

According to him, many new converts, especially those who were not rooted in the

faith were being lured. His suggestion was that of destroying temples, transforming

them into churches or building new ones 4t their place and secondly forbidding non­

Christians to live in Goa. In other words, those who wanted to live there had to

convert to Christianity. 71

It was only when Miguel Vaz was appointed vicar general, in the 1540's that

his vision, which came to be called the Rigor of Mercy, came to be carried out. It was

obvious that this could not have happened without the consent of the state. The

Confraternity of the Holy Faith, an association of ecclesiastics and lay people,

iriitiated by V az and Diogo Borba was established in 1540, to find ways and means to

convert the locals. The need of warrants to persecute the heathens and favour the new

Christians was felt. And Miguel Vaz was sent to obtain the right, which D. Joao III

consented to in 1546. The king's letter which became law gave wide ranging powers

to the authorities from prevention of non-Christian worship to ways through which

new converts should be favoured and other fe3.cilities for their growth in the faith be

given to them, all at the expense of the treasury. 72

70 Silva Rego, Historia das Missoes I p. 20 I. 71 Ibid., p. 202. 72 J. Gerson da Cunha, The Origin of Bombay, Delhi, AES Reprint. 1993, pp. 136-137.

85

Some of the citizens of Goa protested against the harsh measures that were

being meted out to the non-Christians. A letter written by the Senate or Municipal

Corporation of Goa to the viceroy mentioned their contribution to the Portuguese

cause. It stated, ''the city takes the liberty to remind your Seignior that the heathen

inhabitants, merchants and villages (gauncares) have contributed to the loan, as we

have said- before, and we are not surprised that there should be virtuous men (clerics)

there, who induced His Highness [the king] to believe that the heathens are worthless

and it is better that they should be turned out of the country." The loan that they

referred to was the 20,000 pardaos lent by the city to the viceroy for war during the

siege of Diu, the non-Christian population had subscribed half the amount. 73

In the mid 15th century, a fresh lease of life was given to the Padroado' s

responsibilities with the arrival of the Jesuits. Propagation of the faith had new ?

advocates, whose training, background, discipline and vision gave it a fresh impetus.

The band of dedicated priests came from a Religious Order established in 1540 under

Ignatio of Loyola. The Society of Jesus or the Jesuits as they came to be called very

early, began to receive accolades for their good work.

By the time of the appearance of the Jesuits in 1542 in India with the arrival of

Francis Xavier, the focus for Christianity in these lands had shifted from Islam to the

indigenous populations they faced in other parts of Asia. The challenges they faced

included making the Gospel relevant and the reorganisation of new convert

communities. Paul Johnson points out that medieval Christianity in Europe had never

created institutions that would canalise its efforts towards evangelising or conversion.

It is significant therefore that "no missionary orders were created."74 Evangelisation

as he sees it gets institutionalised only in the 16th century with the formation of Orders

like the Society of Jesus. And this is probably the reason why the Religious Orders

that pre-dated the Jesuits did not work towards the evangelisation of the hinterland but

rather were focussed on Portuguese settlements and Portuguese settlers. Thus the

Jesuits broadened the scope of the padroado. They took up this evangelisation with a

73 Ibid., p. 136. 74 Paul Johnson, A History ofChristianity, p.24l.

86

sense of purpose. This sense of mission and urgency can only be attributed to events

in Europe. The territories of Catholic Europe lost in Europe were being divinely

compensated in the lands of Asia and the Jesuits had to make the most of it. The

padroado soon became merely the facilitator for pursuing its objective of conversion

as defined and understood by the Society. This is one of the reasons why we see

increased religious involvement in the second half of the 16th century despite the

relative withdrawal of the rulers of Portugal from Asian affairs.

The arrival of Francis Xavier makes a marked difference even as he instilled

into the missionary movement the vigour, vitality and discipline of the newly founded

Order. The changes that he brought in were not only at the level of the propagation

but also in the direction he gave to the King of Portugal with regard to its padroado

responsibilities. Francis Xavier firstly expressed shock upon arrival at the state of

Christianity amongst the Portuguese as well as the neo-converts. In a letter .that

Francis Xavier wrote to the king of Portug~ in 1546, he stated that his experience in

all the fortresses where he had worked was that many Portuguese had lost their faith.

The mesti~o children, he wrote were also content in their Portuguese lineage alone,

and not in what concerned matters of the faith. The request was therefore to send for.

more priests and preachers. 75 He put pressure on the Estado to do more for the cause

of Christianity. In a letter that Xavier wrote to D. Joao III in 1548, from Cochin, he

urged the king to introduce a formal oath whereby the Viceroys would swear to work

towards the increase of the number of converts before their departure and if not all the

wealth which they had accumulated could be confiscated, to be given to the Santa

Misericordia and they could be punished. 76 While this could not be put into effect,

Xavier's other demand was that the Inquisition be established in India, which was

granted. 77 The Inquisitorial board consisted of clerics, but it needed the state apparatus

to run it. The prisons, etc. were state run.

75 Silva Rego, Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 3. p. 351. Doc. 74. Xavier to D. Joao III. 16 May 1546.

76 Silva Rego. Documentafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 4. p.l8. Doc. 5. Xavier to D. Joao III. 20 Jan. 1548 77 The Holy Office of the Inquisition, which functioned like a Moral Court was established in Portugal

in 1536. In India it came to be established in 1560. The Inquisition was to serve several purposes. It was essentially meant to keep the Catholic faith pure. To that end it acted against "declared

87

Ecclesiastical need for state intervention

The reasons for the crown's involvement in religious affairs were also because

like Xavier many recognised the potential of this alliance. The priests were clear in

their understanding that conversions could or would not take place unless the Estado

officials lent their support, or if the captains and officials did not adequately favour

their tasks. 78 They felt that the key to conversion was the granting of adequate favours

or alms and resources to those who converted and these were in the h~ds of the

Estado officials. Pedro de Mascarenhas wrote to the king in 1514 from Cochin saying,

"with regard to ... petty (small-time) merchants of food-stuffs, who come to sell, they

convert to Christianity, in order to be better protected and better treated."79 In another

letter, the vicar of Cananor wrote to the king saying that though honouring and

favouring the Clliistians was the desire of the king, it however was not in his hands,

but rather in _the hands of the Captain-Major, the Captains and factors of the

fortresses. He urged the king to order his officials to favour them as "the people are

poor, and seeing that they are favoured and well-treated many more would become

Christians." 80 With regard to the Nairs and Panikkars, it was suggested that an

amount equal to what was given to them by their previous masters had to be given if

they were to be converted. It was found that they were incapable of pursuing any

other occupation. It was felt "they were not men used to trade, neither of work and do

not take up any other activity, except to use their sword and dagger, and to be trained

in the use of arms, following a tradition."81

apostasies, heresies and schisms." It also fought against "superstitions, witchcraft, idolatry and all sorts of pagan practices. As a moral tribunal it also aimed at deviations like sodomy and bestiality." According to Marques " ... the Inquisition appears as a very complex institutions with ideological, economic and social goals consciously and unconsciously expressed. Its activity, severity and coherence changed markedly according to the epochs." A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal, vo/.1,. 1972, pp. 287-288.

78 Silva Rego, Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 144. p. 340. Letter to the king from P. Sebastii'lo Pires, Vicar of Cochin. 8 Jan. 1518

79 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 108. p. 225. Christianity in Cochin. Pedro de Mascarenhas to the King. 7 Dec. 1514 ·

80 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1 Doc. 111. p. 241,242. Christianity in Cananor. 20 Dec. 1514.

81 Silva Rego, Documentafiio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 108, p. 226. Letter of Pedro Mascarenhas to the King. 7 Dec. 1514.,

88

What did the alms to these neo-converts consist of? Very often it was rice. D.

Ayres da Gama wrote that every Sunday rice was distributed by the vicar of the

church that amounted to 18fardos per month. The complaint however was that it was

of low quality (arroz baixo).82 Sometimes a cruzado and a piece of cloth were also

given to the Naires which it was complained that they promptly took but returned to

their own traditions and customs, once they returned to their own territories. 83

It was also only the state that could grant honours and privileges to the convert

populations. There is an interesting letter written in1515 by the ambassador ofCalicut

to Portugal. This ambassador, christened D. Joao da Cruz, was a relation of the king

of Calicut, who was sent not only as ambassador but to observe Portuguese society

following a peace between Afonso da Albuquerque and Calicut at the end of 1512. He

had converted to Christianity while in Portugal. In his letter he states why "honours

and privileges" should be given to locals who had converted to Christianity. His

request, after conversion was to be honoured with the letter of arms for him and his

descendents, as was the case of the fidalgos in Portugal, and also to be conferred with

the habit of the Order of Christ. And this "Because Your Highness is the principal

king and Master of the world, because they (his compatriots) would see that Your

Highness rejoices and was happy to give something of honour for me and my

descendants, that I would raise my head with honour ... and· the news ofthis should run

through the land."84 Thus he thought of conversion not only for personal benefits but

because he felt that the honours granted would raise his status and perhaps attract

others. Similarly, the request of the are/ of Cochin, who converted as early as 1510,

was to be granted favours and honours for him and his descendants. 85

While such were the tentative steps that the Estado took towards the

propagation and preservation of the faith, it was only during the second half of the

82 Silva Rego, Documentar;iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 159, p. 372. Christianity in Cananor. Letter of D. Aires da Gama to the King of Portugal. 12 Jan. 1519.

83 Silva Rego, Documentar;iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 108. p. 225. Letter of Pedro Mascarenhas to the King. 7 Dec. 1514.,

84 Silva Rego, Documentar;iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 115. pp. 259, 260. Letter of D. Jolio da Cruz, ambassador of the King of Calecut, to the King of Portugal. n. d. ( 1515)

85 Silva Rego, Documentar;iio para a Historia ... Vol. 1. Doc. 75. p. 170. The king ofCochin to the king of Portugal, referring to the conversion of the are1 (pilot of the port) of Cochin. 1 Dec. 1512

89

16th century that the state formally announced the policy it would follow to make

conversions possible based on the deliberations of the First Ecclesiastical Council

(1567). The earlier decades of Christian activity can be viewed as a period when the

missionaries were acclimatizing themselves to the context. During this period the

State can be regarded essentially as encouraging to the task of conversion through the

transfer of financial resources according to the needs 9f the church. The adoption of

tl).e t:.aws in favour of Christianity meant the active use of state machinery, for

creating favourable conditions and for the actual perpetuation of the faith. The passing

of the Law meant

i. Rolls had to be made of ~ll non-Christians in the occupied Portuguese

territories of Goa, Bassein and Cochin, who would go in batches of fifty to the

various parishes in order to hear the Christian doctrine. A fine of one tanga

was imposed at the first disobedience, which increased with each non­

compliance.

ii. All religious personnel of the·. other religions including Qazis, temple

priests, astrologers etc were forbidden to reside in the Portuguese territories

with the penalty of forced labour at the harbour,

iii. Conversion to religions other than Christianity was strictly forbidden.

iv. Temples, or any symbol of Hindu worship, and mosques were to be

destroyed. Nor could there be any public practice of their religious rites, even

in times of festivals.

v. Subjects of the Portuguese were not permitted to go on pilgrimages to

other places, nor were pilgrims permitted to use Portuguese lands as their

route.

vi. Concubinage was forbidden, monogamy was insisted upon, to the extent

that if a man had more than one wife, he had to divorce all the others.

vii. If a non-Christian wanted to convert, he had to be placed in the house of a

virtuous Christian to see if his faith was true.

viii. Orphans had to be placed with Pai dos Cristiios or Father of Christians

who were to be tutors in the faith,

90

ix. Christians and non-Christians were to have minimal contact with one

another; they could not live together nor could Christians have non-Christian

helpers, slaves etc.

x. Non-Christians were not permitted to hold public offices such as that of

the notary, Naik, Interpreter, collector of taxes etc.

xi. Foreign Christians like the Armenians and Georgians were to distinguish

themselves from the other non-Christians by wearing sombreiros or berets.

xii: The law explicitly forbade conversion by force or against the will of a

person. And if it was conclusively proved that such was the case the person

could be set free.

Offences against these directives were punishable by law. Punishments were in the

form of fines, forced labour at the harbour, and were sometimes left at the discretion

of the Viceroy. 86

Several other laws were enacted whereby conversions were fostered. In 1557,

a law was passed wherein a woman could inherit property if she converted. In 1559, it

was broadened so that her inheritance would be to the exclusion of others. In 1581,

the converts were exempt from paying tithes or the dizimos, for a certain number of

years. This exemption was extended in course oftime.87 Following the deliberations

of the third ecclesiastical Council (1585) the Viceroy's Council passed a law in favour

of Christianity. According to it slaves in the service of non-Christians would

automatically be manumitted if they were Christian or if they converted, and their

owners could not receive any price for freeing them. 88

Laws in favour of Christianity .continued to be passed through the 17th century.

For instance, the first generation of converted Christians were exempted from

punishments in prisons in all civil cases, with a few exceptions. 89 Similarly they

86 J.H. DaCunha Rivara, Arquivo Portuguez Oriental, Vol. 4. Nova Goa, lmprensa Naciona1, 1862, New Delhi, AES Reprint, 1992. (henceforth A.P.O) pp. 68-75.

87 Delio de Mendon~a, Conversions and Citizenry, Goa under Portugai15/0-16/0, New Delhi, Concept, 2002, p.171.

88 J.H., DaCunha Rivara, A. P.O. Vol. 4, p. 183. 89 Bulhllo Pato, Documentos Remetidos da India, Book II, Doc. 289, Aug. 17, 1612. p. 263.

91

continued to be exempt from paying the dizimos.90 At the same time the need to pass

the same laws through the 16th and 17th centuries shows that the state or the church

was very often unable to implement them.

II

The spiritual concerns of the crown and its involvement in religious matters in ·

India seem fairly clear. Yet, there were several points of contestation in the

relationship between church and state. For one, the church in Portugal did not

necessarily applaud the crown's interest in religious matters. It felt that the latter's

involvement in religious affairs was yet another means at centralisation and royal

interference. The establishment of the Mesa in fact had received a negative response

and was disapproved of by most ecclesiastics in Portugal.91 It is also fairly obvious

that one cannot see the padroado privileges as an outright attempt at conversion; the

working of the padroado was itself circumscribed by the (lack of) knowledge of its

context. The conversion policy had to actually evolve, even as the Portuguese had to

come to an understanding that the East was not all Christian, as they had initially

presumed. There were also several other challenges to the relationship. The attempt of

the following section is to understand to what extent the patron actually could fulfil

its responsibilities in the context oflndia.

Of shifting royal priorities

While the kings of Portugal did not give up their religious prerogatives, and in

fact fought for them when threatened, the intensity of their attchment to them varied.

Just as there were changes in imperial ideology vis-a-vis trade as Subrahmaniam and

Thoma2; have noticed, there were shifts in the royal interest in religion. According to

them the imperial ideology that governed the reign of D. Manuel was a determined

monarchic capitalism, manifested not only in active involvement in trade, but also in

the development of institutions allied to trade.

90 Ibid., Dec. 326, Feb. 28, 1613, pp. 340-341. For a list of the laws in favour of Christianity passed in the 16-17th centuries see Cunha Rivara, Arquivo Portuguez Oriental, Vol. 6. Supplementos, pp. 77-81.

91 A. H. Marques, History of Portugal, vo/.1 1972. p. 188

92

In the Joanine period on the other hand moves away from an obsession for

Islam and for West Asia. More importantly, the monarch himself sought to withdraw

himself from trade considering commerce below royal dignity. It led to the decline in

the crown's participation in trade and the subsequent increase in the intra-Asian

trading network leading to the rise of increased participation of the fidalgo in the

private and the carreira trade. The crown seems to have been more satisfied with

reaping the benefits from revenue collection at ports rather than in actual trade. By the

last quarter of the 16th century, the crown also shifts to an increasingly territorial

conception of empire, which was also the conception of the Spanish Habsburgs.92

Such changes in imperial ideology have parallels in perceptions of the role as

patron. Besides the various interests in society working as detractors to the

propagation of the faith, thi: crown itself through the sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries underwent changes in its inclination to be responsible and trustworthy

facilitators for propagation.

According to Silva Rego, royal interest in the propagation of the faith seems to

have declined from the second half of the 16th century, judging from the decline in the

number of letters from the king to the clergy in India and vice-versa. No longer ar:e

there requests for minute details. Similarly, letters from the vicars of the fortresses

giving accounts of all their apostolic endeavours are rare than in the preceding period.

93 Silva Rego attempts an explanation and says that since hierarchies had evolved

within the church and the religious orders, so that the kings wrote to the superiors

directly, who in turn were supposed to keep a tab on them .. Secondly four decades had

already elapsed and missions now pertained more to preservation than conquest

implying therefore that the rulers withdrew from a task that they felt now solely

pertained to the church. 94

92 cf. Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Luis F.F.R. Thomaz, Evolution of Empire: the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean dueing the sixteenth century in James D. Tracy (ed), The political economy of merchant Empires, Cambridge, 1991; L.F.F.R.Thomaz, Factions, Interests and Messianiam: The Politics of Portuguese expansion in the east, 1500-1521, in The Indian Economic an Socii History review, 28,1 (1991)

93 Silva Rego, Historia, p. 101. 94 Ibid.

93

Three distinct phases can however be seen in the crown's attitude to its

responsibilities. D. Manuel, the trading monarch, keen on the perpetuation of

commerce was not really conservative in his attitude to the non-Christians (with the

Moors as an exception). The premium given to trade necessitated alliances with the

local merchants, which resulted in a general attitude of a~commodation. This can be

seen from the passing of acts like the Fora/, which permitted local practices.

D. Joao's reign on the other hand, saw_ the inaug_uration of religious

conservatism in the second half of his rule. While his rule inaugurated the epoch of

humanism in Portugal and he was known to be a tolerant Renaissance prince, his

attitude underwent a shift due to personal losses and the growing influence of the

Jesuits in the Court. Thus the establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal, the Mesa da

Consciencia etc., reflected the crown's growing conservatism.95 The influence of the

Tridentian Reforms in Europe also affected the crown's policies and for most of the

16th century orthodoxy and conservatism. seems to have been the attitude and the

hallmark of the crown's religious policies. This coincided with the grandiose plans of

territorial expansion of D. Sebastiao (r. 1569-78), which necessarily required a

religious explanation or alibi. Sebastianism in its late 16th early 17th century form

meant the expectant hope of the king's return from a disastrous defeat at Alcacer

Quibir where he had actually died. This anticipation of the return to the throne that

was rightfully his dominated the early phases of Philippine rule, which also

encouraged religious conservatism.96

From the early decades of the 17th century the Imperial concerns seem to have

undergone a shift again. Faced with impending losses at the hands of the Dutch and

• very adverse reports from the viceroys about the state of India and the ecclesiastics,

the rulers were forced to take action. It resulted not only in religious accommodation,

but also action against various priests.97

95 A. H. De Marques, History of Portugal, vo/.1. 1972. p. 194, 215 96 C. R. Boxer, Faith and Empire, pp.76-79 97 According to an Alvara of the king in 1609 the Viceroys and governors were no longer allowed to

give to the religious and ecclesiastics as a benfice any village or lands of the Crown. Bulha:o Pato, Documentos ... Book. I. Doc. 98, Dec. 25, 1609, p. 279. In 1610, the King ordered that where there were too many convents in comparison to the population, only the oldest should remain. Ibid. Doc.

94

Limitations of territoriality

The patron's wish to convert was also circumscribed by the extent of the

territorial hold. Prior to the capture of Goa in 1510, Portuguese presence on the west

coast was relegated to the Malabar especially around Cochin. Their armadas did sail

up the western coast fighting an Egyptian-Gujarati fleet off Cambay, but no forts had

been established. With the conquest of Goa, the Portuguese came to have a larger

territorial pres~p.ce~· which further enabled them to have larger acquisitions in what

came to be called· the Province of the North, the territory around Bassein, Chaul,

Daman etc. The aim of course was to have a command over the entire West Coast in

order to achieve their aim of monopoly in the Indian Ocean.

Portuguese presence on the west coast came to be characterised by two kinds

of settlements and this is important as it determined the kind of policy followed by the

Estado when it came to religion. The first was the fort settlements on territories that

were by and large in the hands of the loc~l powers and whose existence depended on

the local rulers. The second kind involved a larger territory where a substantial

indigenous population was under theni. The former included settlements on the

Malabar and the Kanara coast. It was in the latter kind of settlement that large

Portuguese and mestir;o communities developed wherein the Portuguese had direct

contacts with the people. Conversion attempts were therefore also more rigorous in

these regions. In the Kanara region, the Portuguese mission did not come . into

existence until the late 17th century as the Nayaka rulers prevented it. 98 In the

Malabar too, large scale Portuguese presence was confined only to trading settlements

or fortifications, and therefore large-scale conversions could not take place. However,

the Estado did manage to use its clout and power. In 1560 for instance, in answer to

the king of Travancore's opposition to missionary efforts, Viceroy Braganza offered

107, Jan. 24, 1610, p. 309. This was re-affmned in 1618 with the king instructing that no new monasteries and shelters were to be established without the express orders of the king. Ibid. Vol. 4. Doc. 985, Feb. 20, 1618. p. 341. More importantly in 1610 the king ordered that in contravention to the demands of the Fifth Ecclesiastical Council held in 1606, he was ordering that the demand to destroy temples s be suspended. However new temples could not be built, nor could the old ones be repaired. Ibid. Book. 1. Doc. 130, March 9, 1610, p. 369.

98 B.S. Shastry, Goa-Kanara Relations, 1498-1763, New Delhi, 2000. p. 256; Severine Silva, History of Christianity in Canara, vol. 1. Belgaum, Michael J. Rodrigues, D.D. 1957, pp. 42-48.

95

to send a fleet to attack Travancore so that the Jesuits would be permitted to establish

themselves there. 99

Complaints of inadequate funding

While it appears that the state did not hold back its funds, the priests often

complained of the lack of finances and the difficulty in obtaining help from the

officials. They usually grumbled that the churches were no more than haystacks,

covered with palm and that at some places "pigs entered through one door and goats

through another."100

A church was to be built at the new factory at Cochin, with funds from the

booty collected from the war with Calicut was in 1522, a church built with walls of

stone and lime, but still roofed with hay. It remained in such a state because the factor

Antonio Real had misused the funds for the walls of the fort. Padre Sebas!Hio Pires, ·-

the vicar wrote to the king informing him that he had gone to ask the V edor da

Fazenda for funds to construct the church, but was refused by him on the ground that

that there were no resources. Finally Pires suggestion was to build it from alms

collected from the people. Up to 1541, the church was still referred to as a

haystack. 101

Thus, the Portuguese officials in India claimed they did not have adequate

resources when it came to releasing funds for establishing a church, an important

symbol of their presence, Even in the case of Goa, the main cathedral, the Se de Santa

Catarina, which was started soon after Goa was captured in 1510, could be completed

only in 1531, and that too through the alms collected from prominent people and the

revenues that accrued from the Customs/Exchange.102

A fractious colonial society and its impact on proselytisation

Whilst trade and the political relations of the Portuguese with the local rulers

and merchants have been the focus of most writers working on the Estado da india,

Portuguese colonial society and life in the fortresses or in places such as Goa where

99 Wicki, Documenta Indica, Vol. l. p. 85; p. 229. 100 Silva Rego. Documenlafiio para a Historia ... Vol. l. p. 438 D.oc. 200. Letter of Padre Sebastiilo

Pirews to the king. 10 Jan. 1522. 101 Silva Rego, Historia, pp. 148-149.

96

they had a permanent settlement have not received as much attention. Pearson has

described it as a "frontier society" and characterised it therefore as "rough, violent and

extravagant."103 According to Boxer, it was the common religious belief or faith that

brought the colonial society together, and therefore "the Church militant of the

Portuguese padroado presented a united front to heretic, Hindu, Muslim and Pagan

authorities ... the preservation of Portuguese authority admittedly precarious at either

extremity ofthe far-flung State oflndia was largely its work."104

Pearson however is more critical in his argument and does not visualise a

unity that was total under the church. He does argue that they formed a cohesive

group "with a deep sense of Portuguese identity," which was stronger than in their

motherland; but it was in situations of no conflict that this unity was most manifest

especially at the celebrations of religious feasts and processions etc. It was then that

the entire Christian population contributed in some form or the other. 105

Despite this unity that faith fostered in and around itself, Pearson goes on to

say that there were various interest groups at work and in conflict with one another.

These groups were divided on the basis of three though overlapping criteria, "purity

of blood, rank and marital status."106 However the colonial town also included natives

converted by the Portuguese, the Thomas Christians in the case of the Malabar,

besides the non-Christian population that continued to exist in areas of Portuguese

settlement. Recent works have shown us that the official presence of the Estado was

not the sole presence of the Portuguese. There were several private traders who did

not function within the ambit of the Estado umbrella. It was essentially the casados

besides renegades, who participated in this trade. According to Pearson, "The extant

evidence seems to show that most casados lived by the sea trade and by selling

102 Ibid., pp. 211-217. 103 M. N. Pearson, The Crowd in Portuguese India in M. N. Pearson (ed.) Coastal Western India,

Studies from the Portuguese Records, New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1981, p. 62. 104 C. R. Boxer, Portuguese India in the Mid-17'h century, Delhi, 0. U. P. 1980, p. 17. 105 M. N. Pearson, The crowd in Portuguese India, pp. 43-44. 106 Ibid., p. 41.

97

wholesale cargoes they imported from all over Asia. This trade began almost as soon

as the Portuguese reached Asia."107

While society in the Portuguese settlement thus seemed to form a complex

whole, in the manner in which it was organised and functioned in times of festivity

and celebration and in times of war, it is questionable whether it was so in other

situations. Though the Portuguese Christian presence has often been regarded as a

unified and homogenous attempt at conversion under the aegis of the state, this was

not always the case.

As we have already seen, a Christian society involved the secular and the

religious supporting each other. In this the responsibility of the Estado as patron was

clear. The church offered the state the direction and the state offered the means and

the legal apparatus to accomplish them. We have also seen tha:L the state often failed

to accomplish its duties. The other category of people from whom the church sought

help was the lay Portuguese population~ casados, be they indiOticos or rein6is,

mesti~os, as well as the soldados. Aid was sought not only in monetary terms as alms

etc., but also in the less tangible ways. The expectation of the church was that the

Portuguese as a community would lead exemplary Christian lives, which would

induce people to join the Catholic faith. The religious expectation of the church

included a moral reql,lirement but for a large number of lay Portuguese, propagation of

the faith was not necessarily the criterion for living. The Estado and the casados

(representing both the official and non-official presence), which made up the state and

the ecclesiastics had divergent interests and each sought to safeguard their own

welfare; the interest especially of the church in the propagation of the faith was one of

the first to be forsaken. According to Albuquerque too, there was not a single man in

India whose service could be characterised as being in the "Service of the Lord "

They came "only to lade their ships with pepper, to steal right and left and to practice

acts of corruption."108 While there was nothing wrong with trade in the eyes of the

Church (only usury was prohibited), it was the pursuit of their own interest above all

107 Pearson, The crowd in Portuguese India, p. 50

98

else, putting "trade before loyalty" that proved detrimental to propagation. There was

such a major clash of interests that according to the Conde de Linhares, D. Miguel de

Noronha (viceroy, 1629-1635) most ofthe time was spent in "smoothing relationships

between the various corporate organisations of the vice-royalty, government and non­

government, secular and religious... . it was for the most part, time spent

unproductively, for overlapping and competing interests made relationships between

the corporations complex and stormy."109

Thus the priests often complained that the licentious and corrupt ways of the

lay Portuguese could not in any way support their cause and in fact hampered it.

Xavier wrote to the king D. Joao III in 1546 that his experience in most fortresses

where he worked was that the Portuguese preferred worldly gains to spiritual gain.

The mestit;oS too were Portuguese only by name and not "through the law" or not

Christian in practice. 110

In an even earlier letter dated 1523, the Bishop of Dume, the first Bishop of

the ring to be sent to India conveyed to the king his sense of dismay at the fact that

Christian institutions like marriage were not regarded as sacred by the Portuguese in

the land of the discoveries. He blamed it ·on the lack of knowledge and good teaching

amongst the Portuguese. But then he warned that the women of the land were

following this example and that "Your Highness must consider [the matter] ... so that

the Catholic faith is not damaged."111 Another priest writing about the lack of unity

among the Portuguese especially in the light of the struggle of succession to

governorship between Lopo Vaz de Sampaio and Pero de Mascarenhas after the death

of D. Henrique de Meneses (1526) wrote "in these regions, there is no justice, nor

conscience, nor friendship, nor shame (Pride), nor truth." The dishonour to the king

was great due to these differences. It was also the complaint of the Bishop of Dume

108 Silva Rego._Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. I. p. 151 Doc. Doc. 61. Albuquerque to the king. 1 April1512.

109 A. Disney, The Viceroy Conde de Linhares at Goa, 1629-1635, Separata de II Seminario lnternacional de Historia Indo-Portuguesa, Aetas, Instituto de lnvestigacao Cientifica Tropical, Lis boa, 1985, pp 310-311.

110 Silva Rego. Documenta~iio para a Historia ... Vol. 3. p. 351. Doc. 74 Xavier to D. Joilo III, 16 May 1546.

99

that the Portuguese changed their habits and standards of life once in these lands

giving in to sensuality and other vices. The standard reply that he seemed to get was

that they had come to India to reap profits and they would have remained in Portugal

if they wanted to have an honest living.m Thus the lay Portuguese, were not

exemplary Christians at all, and did not always contribute to Christian propagation.

The contest in temporal affairs.

While the church looked to the st~te to provide for it the means, financial,

legal as well as infrastructure for its support and propagation the state looked upon the

church especially its officials to handle its affairs. The church-state relationship was

not a one sided dependence but rather a mutually dependent relationship. The

religious had always played a significant role in the affairs of the Estado da India in

an official capacity. The Viceroys' council, besides including fidalgos had the

Archbishop as an important member. Thus the Institutions themselves provided for

the active participation of the ecclesiastics in the governance of the Estado da India.

Religious matters were discussed and several laws in favour of Christianity could

thereby also be passed.

Over and above such participation, there were at least two occasions during

the course of the 16th and the 17th century when the archbishop took on the post of

governor. The Archbishop D. Frei Aleixo de Meneses took over the governorship

(1607-1610) upon the death of D. Martim Afonso de Castro in the aid ofMalacca, D.

Frei Luis de Brito e Meneses, bishop of Meliapor succeeded the Conde de Vigueira,

D. Francisco da Gama in 1627 (until 1628). In fact D. Frei Luis de Brito could boast

of three years of experience of administrative work as Captain-General, in the

Coromandel. 113

In the seventeenth century, the Jesuits as a religious Order came to hold

important secular positions. The corruption of the Estado officials had made the

111 Silva Rego, Documentar;iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. 2. p. 19. Doc. 7. Letter of the Bishop of Dume to the king. 28 Dec. 1523.

112 Silva Rego, Documentar;iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. 1. p. 446. p. 446. Doc. 201. Report of the Bishop ofDume to the king, 12 Jan., 1522,

100

authorities at Lisbon turn to the religious to sustain the affairs of the state. The

administration of important fortresses of the Province of the North like that of Chaul,

Bassein, Daman and Diu were placed in the hands of the Jesuit provincials and rectors

of the schools/ colleges for more than a century. Their aid was remarkable which led

Philip IV of Spain to remark that they (the Jesuits) were the "principal force of

India."114 Even the construction offortS was entrusted to them. "In 1601, Filipe III of

Spain had notified the viceroy Aires de Saldanha that the fortification and work of the

pra~a de Damao ... were to be directed by the Padres of the College of that city." In

1633, Philip IV reiterated the orders to the Conde de Linhares requiring that he should

entrust to the Jesuits the administration of the rents and revenues of the said province

"as they had always done up to now"115 Their thriftiness in handling public money

was well acknowledged. The other responsibilities entrusted to them included minting

bazurucos (made of copper or tutenay) and the care of granaries during the famine of

the 1680's and 1690's in Goa, Bassein, Daman, Chaul, Diu.

Considering the increasing involvement of the religious in secular matters, the

relationship between the church and the state in India was complicated by the turn of

events in the 17th century. The Dutch threat to the Portuguese presence was extremely

real, and the Estado da India was beginning to face a financial crunch. In a situation of

fast depleting resources and a stiffer competition for them, despite admonitions from

Lisbon, several governors began to report of the excesses of the priests, especially

those of the Religious Orders. Chief among them was the Viceroy Conde de Linhares.

H~ did not shy from reporting that the ecclesiastics were the worst enemies of the

state, despite the fact that Viceroys generally did not make such reports against the

church. In his diary the Conde in fact calls one of them an "orate" or a madman116•

His reasons for such strong sentiments were many. He believed that the religious

essentially the Jesuits interfered in the running of the Estado. He was appalled at the

113 Manuela Blanco Veles, Notas Sobre 0 Poder Temporal da Companhia de Jesus na India (Seculo XVII), Unpublished Paper presented at the Fourth Semim\rio Intemacional de Hist6ria Indo­Portuguesa, Lisbon, 1985. p. 1.

114 Ibid., p. 2 115 Ibid., p. 3. . 116 Diorio de Conde de Linhares, Vice rei de India, Tomo II, p.l64

101

audacity of the Jesuits in removing a captain whom he had placed as Captain of

Tuticorin. He even proposed to the king that the number of convents in India should

be reduced by half. 117 His letter of 163.3 held the priests responsible for the decline

of the state as several soldiers were taking up the religious orders. This letter evoked a

strong response from the king, as a result of which the Provincials of all the Orders

had to reply pointedly to all the allegations made by the viceroy. us

From very early, even during the time of Albuquerque the incompetence and

immorality of some of the priests were being reported of. It was said of a Dominican

Friar that he acquired more than seven hundred cruzados from the dead by forcibly

making their testaments in his favour before their death. He ex-communicated several

Portuguese casados who married native women though he did not have the authority

to do soY9

Several other complaints the religious went o Lisbon. Their appointment as

superintendents of fortresses, especially in. the Province of the North, caused great

consternation in Portuguese officialdom. ·They were accused of not wanting to release

armaments and fmancial resources when the Estado had to defend itself against the

Marathas and the Dutch There were also complaints from magistrates, customs

collectors etc. The ire of Estado officials was also heightened by the fact that the

priests seemed to consider themselves above the law. " ... the religious of India did not

obey and were discourteous to Justice and order of your Majesty," wrote a viceroy. 120

Another viceroy who was well known for his animosity against the Jesuits was

D. Filipe Mascarenhas (1646-1651), who called them "heretics, thieves, concealers,

liars, schismatics etc."121 He accused them of being more harmful to India than the

Dutch and even wanted to replace all Franciscan and Jesuit priests with native clerics.

Such animosities were the result of the religious' increasing involvement in matters of

117 Manuela B. Velez, Notas Sobre 0 Poder Temporal, p. 3 118 ANfiT, Livros das Mon~<les, Livro. 30. f. 43. For the reply of the Provincials of the various Orders

see ANfiT, Livros das Mon~<les, Livro 35, ff. 173-175v, 183-189,356-360,371-374,375-378. 119 Silva Rego, Documenta~iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. 1. pp. 145-148. Doc. 61. Albuquerque to the

King. 1 Apr 1512. 120 P. S.S. Pissurlencar, , Assentos do Conse/ho do Estado da India,. Bastora, Goa, Tipografia Rangel,

1953 Vol. 1. p. 517 121Manuela B. Velez, Notas Sobre 0 Poder Temporal. p. 6

102

state, but also because officials seemed to be seeing the church as competitors in

access to the greatly diminishing resources.

By the end of the 16th century the Est ado da india was facing a deep financial

crisis. While the Portuguese presence in the Indian Ocean trading network did not

actually decline in the second half of the 16th century, most writers are agreed that the

Estado control or monopoly had greatly been reduced during the period. The finances

of the Est ado were in a bad shape and the governors often did not have money to pay

for the pepper to fulfil their contracts. 122

Considering this sitUation, the demand for the king's financial involvement in

the church faced a surprising increase. And the Estado officials grudged the allocation

of resources to the church. The crown was spending a large amount towards its

religious commitments. 123 On other occasions taxable incdmes from villages were

also assigned to the Jesuits by the crown or even pious donors and sometimes even

purchased by the Jesuits. The Jesuits too knowing full well that the Estado could not

be depended upon for the release of funds meant for them, decided to gamer their own

resources "by expanding their land holdings, increasing investments and engaging in

other income-producing ventures." In urban areas the source of revenue for the Jesuits

includes income from wine shops, warehouses, single and multi-storey houses, blocks

of apartments, a few mansions etc. 124 "A Report of 1635-1636 limited to the region

between Bassein to Daman, reveals that several houses, including the Colleges of

Bassein, Daman, New St. Paul's and Tana and the province of Japan possessed 82

properties in vegetable gardens and salt-pans"125 They increased the number of the

properties they owned and the income they drew from it. For instance, between 1725

and 1750, the number of coconut orchards that the College of Salsete (or Rachol) in

Goa possessed increased from 20 to 27. And "by 1 730, most of the other colleges

122 Silva Rego, Documenta{:iio para a Hist6ria ... Vol. 5. Doc. 123 The Conde de Linhares complained to the king in 1631 thus, " ... in the forty years in these regions,

more than four millions in money and estates have come into the hands of the friars of Santa Monica, ofthe Padres, Dominicans and Augustinians ... This is particularly so in the regions ofthe North, they have consumed so much that there is no one there who can pay the costs to arm a ship." ANfiT, Livros das Mon~es, Livro 29, f. 180

124 Ibid., pp. 390-396. 125 Ibid., p. 381-82.

103

attached to the provinces of Goa and Malabar derived from between 18% and 100%

of their income from their estates."126

Thus, despite the actual depletion of Estado resources, the church expanded in

various fields. The number of missions definitely increased. This was seen in the

increase in the number of orders that came to establish themselves, thereby also

meaning an increase in the number of personnel and the number of convents and

churches. According to Disney, there was a definite increase in the number of priest~

in the second half of the sixteenth century, specifically in "Habsburg Goa." There

were seven parish churches in the city of Goa and a further sixty-two in the diocese of

Goa itself. Each would have at least a vicar, and other parish officials, with some of

them supporting up to four or five beneficed clergy. 127 In the case of the Jesuits, for

whom we have more reliable infoimation, the number of Jesuits sailing to the Indies

also increased during this period. In the late 1540's about 20 Jesuits arrived, and in

the last decade of the 16th century the numbers had increased to 171. 128 Thus, despite

the decline in the forturles of the Estado, the church, especially the Jesuits, moved

from strength to strength in the acquisition of resources as well as increase in the

number of convents and personnel, besides an extension of responsibilities. The

Jesuits were no longer funded by the state directly, but were resourced by themselves

through assets that had already been allocated to them. Thus, though not directly

funded they were seen to be in competition with the state in the acquisition of

resources.

In fact very often the church had to bail the state out of its financial crisis. In

1610, the Jesuit College of Cochin and the Santa Casa da Misericordia had to give a

loan to the Estado to facilitate the purchase of pepper, which continued even in

1620. 129 By the second half of the 17th century, the Estado went beyond asking for

loans but confiscated resources meant for the church. In 1656 for example, "the

provincial of Goa reported that the captain of Diu had confiscated for alleged defence

126 Ibid., p. 382. 127 A.R. Disney, Twilight of the Pepper Empire. Portuguese Trade in South West India in the Early 17'h

century, Harvard, 1978, p. 22. 128 D. Alden, The Making of an Enterprise. p.4 7, 204.

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needs a long- anticipated bequest from a rich merchant in Diu amounting to six

contos." 130 Similarly an assessment of 1,500, 000 reis was imposed on all colleges of

the province to defray state expenses. The Visitor in 1665 opposed the attempt of the

Viceroy (Antonio de Melo de Castro) to impose a fine, a tax of 12.5% of the annual

income of all of the king's subjects, saying that the exchequer already "owed the

Province of Goa 6, 900, 000 reis loaned for the defence of Ceylon and Macao. This

was the payment of troops during the lru:t M~ghal attack on Goa, and the cost of

improved defences in Diu."131

The conflict was not just over financial resources. The viceroys also

complained of a lack of personnel in order to run the affairs of the state because many

deserted to join the church. The 17th century had seen a gradual decline in the

population of Portugal. In the first ever recorded census of Portugal, taken between

1527 and 1532, the population of Portugal was between a million to a million and a

half and by 1640 it had risen to two million. Lisbon itself boasted of one of the largest

urban populations in Europe with anywhere between 50,000 to 60,000 inhabitants,

rising to 165,000 by 1640.132 However after this there was a marked decline. Such a

reduction in population had a direct bearing on the Estado and this trend was reflected

in the declining numbers of Portuguese in their possessions in India. "Goa reached its

demographic maximum early in the 17th century, when it was equal to or even

surpassed Lisbon in number of people. But its population gradually declined and by

the 1630's was reduced to half or even less."133

With the Portuguese policy of not permitting locals to hold important posts,

there was lack of Portuguese manpower and this was accentuated with many soldiers

and other capable people joining the religious orders. A striking example is that of the

itinerant traveller and merchant, Femao Mendes Pinto who made a large fortune in the

East Indies during the mid-1500's and joined the Society of Jesus as a lay brother,

129 Ibid., p. 330 130 Ibid. 131 Ibid., p. 331. . 132 A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal, Portugal, lmprensa Nacional, Casa da Moeda,

199l,p.68 133 Ibid., p. 75.

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even loaning a large part of his wealth to Francis Xavier to help build the first church

in Japan. Though he left the Society of Jesus after two years for reasons yet unknown,

his example was the story of many a religious Portuguese who would dedicate their

lives to the service of God. 134 This trend intensified in the 17th century due to the

financial crisis that the Estado faced. The Estado tried to pass resolutions whereby

soldiers could not enrol into the Religious Orders, but in the Council Meetings where

the religious <;>rd~rs ·were present, their reply was that they could not help but welcome

the soldiers into their orders as very often the Estado did not have the financial

resources to pay for their upkeep while their ships wintered. Under such

circumstances, the soldiers lived in dire poverty and therefore the church had no

option but to give them sanctuary and throw open the doors of the orders by recruiting

them into their fold. 135 It appears that very often soldiers preferred this option and the

allegation was that the best men enrolled as clerics.136 The consequence was that the ·

manpower necessary for the upkeep of the ~tate was further reduced.

It was also the complaint of the Estado that there were already too many

priests and religious establishments within the Estado. 137 Dependent on the state for

their salaries and upkeep, funds of the Estado had to be diverted to them. There exist

letters to the king from the viceroy suggesting that there was no need to have more

than one religious Order and their convent in one place. The opinion of the Conselho

Ultramarino to the king with regard to granting permission to other Religious orders

(Theatines specifically in this case) to enter and to establish themselves in Goa was

that" ... as in Goa and all over India there are many religious orders, and therefore,

the city (of Goa) and India does not need their assistance."138 The Viceroy wrote to

D. Philip III in 1630 " .. .in order to hear confessions and to preach a convent of one

Religious Order appears enough in each of these forts, because having too many of

134 Femao Mendes Pinto, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, Edited and Translated by Rebeccas D. Cat2;, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1989 p. xv.

13s P.S.S.Pissurlencar (ed), Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Vol. 2. pp. 30-41. 136 P.S.S.Pissurlencar (ed), Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Vol. 4. p. 162-3. 137 Conde de Linhares wrote to the king in 1631," God's name will not be venerated less in India, if

there were fewer Franciscand and Capuchos ... " AN fiT Livros das Mon~Oes, Livro 29, f. 180.

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them does not necessarily serve our Lord, nor your Majesty, neither the common

good ... and laziness will bring about evil in the convents. 139 There were also

general complaints against the Padroado clergy with regard to their general

incompetence. In a letter to D. Felippe III (r.1621-1640) dated 1630, the Viceroy

insinuates that too many friars and priests in the region have made them lazy leading

to sin in the convents. He went on to say that it was for mission that they had come

and not to maintain grandiose convents. 140

The Seventeenth Century also saw an increased antagonism towards the

Jesuits in particular. It was felt that their zeal for conversions, undermined the

stability of the Empire. Many fled from their lands due to their forcible conversions,

especially at Salcete, in the region of Goa, which had been given to them as their zone

of operation. In the request that the Camarais Gerais of Salcete, Bardes and the

Islands of Goa made to the viceroy D. Philip Mascarenhas in 1646 they wrote, 'we

warn your Lordship that in Salcete, there are no gentios as the Padres of the Company

(the Jesuits) would assemble every one and baptize them, in which there was a lot of

violence ... " Their request to the Viceroy was to liberate them from the bondage of

Jesuit methods and practices. 141 They were also considered the "worst enemies" of

the state since, it was alleged they traded with the Moors, against which injunctions

had been placed. 142 More importantly their audacity was greatly disliked even as it

was found out they spoke out against the Estado officials from the pulpits, for which

an inquiry had in fact to be undertaken in 1647. 143

Challenge from Rome

Finally, in the early decades of the 17th century, the padroado real itself faced

challenges from Rome. With the imminent threat of the Reformation having been

138P.S.S.Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado, vol. 3. p. 471. Also see AN/IT Livros das Mon~oes, Livro 56. 13 March 1645, f. 134. To the king's request that the Theatines be kept out, the Viceroy replied his fear was that they would align with the French.

139 P.S.S.Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Vol. I. p. 517. 140 See for example AN/IT, Livros das Mon~oes, Livro, 29, f. Ill. Here the Viceroy complained that

the friars were creating disorder due to the lack of respect for him. 141 P.S.S.Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Vol. 3. p. 475.Also see AN/IT, Cart6rio dos

Jesuitas, Ma~o 90, N° 1930. 142AN/IT, Livros das Mon~oes, Livro, 29, f. 153. 143 BNL, Collec~llo Pombalina, PBA. 643, f. 9.

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assuaged, the church in Rome was able to divert its attention to the land of the

discoveries. Added to this were complaints by indigenous Christians like Matias

Castro, who, having trained to be a priest would not be accepted by the padroado

despite orders from Rome that indigenous Christians were allowed into the

priesthood. The Congregation of the Propaganda Fide came to be established in 1622,

in the understanding that padroado rights extended only to Portuguese territories and

therefore the field could not be limited to Portuguese initiatives. The Congregation

based in Rome was thus staking its claims to send missionaries to the Indies, and it

also received a papal appmval. In course oftime, priests of the padroado and those of

the Congregation very often came into conflict with one another. The Estado did all it

could to prevent the clerics of the Congregation of the Propaganda Fide to enter the

Indies. D. Joao IV (r.1640-1656) urged the Viceroy to fulfil the directive with regard

to not offering assistance to the Theatines that had come from Rome. These priests

were foreigners and so could not in any case help the Estado. 144 Thus the padroado

faced Papal rivalry in its m~ssionary efforts. The Portuguese Crown naturally

supported the priests sent out by them, and in fact considered Papal initiative as an

aggression and an infringement on their rights. Conflict with the Papacy also took

another form when the pope for at least 22 years failed to ratify the Archbishop for the

See of Goa. The main reason was that the independence of Portugal from Spain in

1640 was not approved by Rome, under pressure from Spain. This in many ways

retarded the padroado's ecclesiastical functioning in India. 145

Thus we see that the Estado' s religious policies were the continuation of a

particular ethos in Europe combined with a reaction to new conditions/ situations

based on Christian knowledge and understanding. Throughout the middle ages there I

was a struggle between the political and religious bodies represented by the monarch

144 P.S.S. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Vol. 3. p. 480. During this period the question of the nationalities of the priests also came to play an important role with Portugal insisting that the priests that set out to be Padroado priests would be Portuguese. Cf. Livros das Monc;:Oes, Livro 56, 15 March, 1645.f. 140.

145 Jose Nicolau da Fonseca, An Historical and Archaeological Sketch, p. 75. The Archbishop D. Francisco had taken over in 1636. When he died in 1652, the See of Goa remained vacant until the next appointment took place in 1672. However, it was only in 1675, that Goa had a new archbishop

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and the pope regarding their respective roles as well as their relationships to one

another. Who was to be subservient to whom was the question. Each one's claim was

given credence based on their respective strengths in particular politico-eco-social

situation. The Reformation led to the Catholic Church attempting to recover itself

from a situation wherein it was fast losing its credibility. This, amongst other things

forced them to offer rights to be patrons to certain rulers in a vastly expanding world.

The religiosity of the day compelled people to move out to proclaim the faith, which

the rulers of Portugal considered their privilege and responsibility. Nonetheless, the

desire of the crown, as in trade did not actually correspond to reality. The concern of

the rulers of Portugal with regard to their padroado responsibilities undergoes various

challenges. The association between the church and state was not always clear nor

was it always unified. The exigencies . ol the day determined the theoretical

considerations and concerns of the crown in Portugal.

as the former died on the voyage to India. Moreover, when peace was fmally restored with Rome, twenty of the 28 dioceses in Portugal and overseas were actually bereft of legal prelates.

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