CHAPTER VIII IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/18789/16... · CHAPTER VIII IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF WOMEN ON LOCAL ECONOMY

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CHAPTER VIII

IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF WOMEN ON LOCAL ECONOMY (KOTTAYAM DISTRICT)

Based on micro level data collected from about 446 women who have emigrated

from Kottayam district it may not be possible to assess the direct impact of women’s

international migration on the local economy. However an indirect approach is adopted wherein

Kottayam district is compared with other districts of the State with regard to:

The status of women

Human and Gender development and

Overall development of the district ( social and economic development)

There are five different waves of migration from Kerala. The first generation of

migrants from Kerala in the early 20th century were semi-skilled or quasi professional workers to

Ceylon (SriLanka), Malaya (to work on plantations) Burma, Madras, Calcutta, Karachi and

Bombay. The second wave of migration after the Second World War was to Singapore, Malaysia

and different parts of India – to big cities like Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, Madras and Bangalore.

Most of the people who migrated during the second wave from 1945 to 1960 were high school

educated or semi-skilled workers (typists, secretaries, office workers and army personnel).

The third wave of migrants from 1960 to 1975 consisted of people with technical

skills and professional training (professionals, nurses, clerks, technicians etc.). These three waves

of migration and the consequent remittances helped a number of families to join the Indian

middle class. The fourth wave from 1975 to 1992 (until the Kuwait war) saw mass migrations to

the Gulf, USA, Germany and other countries in Europe and elsewhere. Mass migration was

prompted by the demand for skilled labour required for construction and infrastructure

development of oil based economies. Those who economically transformed Kerala are people

with ITI and nursing education. The increasing demand for nurses in the health sector resulted in

a chain of migration to the US, Germany etc. One nurse was possibly responsible for the

migration of an average of 20 people (Samuel, 2011).

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The fifth wave of migration (1993 onwards) had three streams;

1. Relatively large migration of semi-skilled and unskilled labour from northern parts of

Kerala particularly Malappuram and Kannur.

2. Immigration of highly qualified professionals (engineers, doctors, IT professionals,

academicians) to various parts of Europe, US and other parts of the world.

3. Increasing emigration to the US by the family networks of nurses who migrated to the US

and Europe during the fourth wave of migration in the 1980s.

These patterns of migration and their consequences influenced every aspect of

society: land relationships, decline of agriculture, growth of consumer and service sectors, rise of

education as an industry and a relatively less skilled and knowledge based young leadership pool

for political parties. This had a deep impact also in terms of the structure and leadership of

political parties. Communities with a relatively greater stake in power structure of Kerala (Nair,

Namboothri) that were economically well off through access to land and feudal relationships got

into leadership positions in political parties (Samuel, 2011).

Impact of international migration on the status of women

Sex Ratio:

The growth and development of women have direct impact on the general well-

being of a society. Sex ratio is the most credible pointer towards the status of women in any

society. Over the last one hundred years females have been outnumbering males consistently.

According to the 2011 census, there are 1084 females per 1000 males. The major reason

attributed to the increase in sex ratio is the decline in the female infant mortality rate and the

increase in life expectancy of women. This is in sharp contrast to India’s 940 females per 1000

males in 2011. The sex ratio is favourable to females in all the districts in Kerala – the highest is

observed in Kannur (1133) Pathanamthitta (1129) and Kollam (1113) districts and the lowest in

Idukki (1006) and Ernakulam (1028) districts. Table (8.1) shows the sex ratio in the districts of

Kerala. Sex ratio in Kottayam district is 1040, which is lower than the State’s sex ratio of 1084,

which may be due to large scale out migration of women from this district.




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Table 8.1 Demographic indicators by Districts (Kerala) 2011 and 2001

Sl. No. Districts

Sex

Ratio

(2011)

Life

Exp.

At

birth

in

years

IMR

CBR

TFR

Mean

age at

Marriage

Female

(in

years)

Full

ANC

(%)

Institutional

Deliveries (%)

Public Private

1. Thiruvanathapuram

1088 75.2 11 16.4 1.6 22.6 71.8 67.3 32.6

2. Kollam 1113 77.1 8 16.2 1.6 22.2 90.2 48.3 51.6

3 Pathanamthitta 1129 76.7 8 14.5 1.5 23.2 84.8 27.5 72.4

4. Alapuzha 1100 77.1 8 15.2 1.5 22.9 93.1 54.4 45.5

5. Kottayam 1040 75.6 12 15.6 1.6 24.4 91.9 40.7 59.2

6. Idukki 1006 72.4 20 17.0 1.6 23.0 82.1 25.4 74.5

7. Ernakulam 1028 75.9 11 15.7 1.5 23.7 89.6 29.1 70.8

8. Thrissur 1109 76.4 9 16.1 1.6 22.4 89.3 28.5 71.4

9. Palakad 1067 76.1 11 17.3 1.8 20.9 86.2 30.6 69.3

10. Malappuram 1096 75.6 10 22.4 2.4 18.7 78.8 31.4 68.5

11. Kozhikode 1097 75.4 12 17.4 1.7 20.6 93.1 54.3 45.6

12. Wayanad 1035 73.5 22 19.5 2.0 20.5 90.4 54.2 45.7

13. Kannur 1133 75.6 12 16.6 1.7 20.8 90.2 35.9 64.0

14. Kasargod 1079 75.7 10 18.9 1.9 20.6 75.4 11.1 88.8

Kerala 1084 14 1.7 22.7 86.1 38.0 58.9

Coe. Of Variation (%) 12.0 - 14.4 6.9 7.6 38.2 23.9

Source:Human Development Report(2005), CDS, Thiruvanathapuram and Census of India, 2011

Sex Ratio - Females per 1000 males

Crude Birth Rate - per 1000 population IMR- Infant Mortality Rate – per 1000 births, TFR – Total Fertility Rate




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Female literacy

Education and migration:

Kerala is the most literate state in the country (93.91 percent).Table 8.2 shows the literacy

rate by sex for the Kerala State and its districts. In the case of literary the difference between male –

female achievement levels is narrower in Kerala than in India as a whole. In Kerala male –female

literacy rates are 91.98 percent for females and 96.02 percent for males. Kottayam is in the forefront

of education. It is the second most literate district in the state (96.40 percent). Male and female

literacy rates are 97.17 percent and 95.67 percent respectively.

Table 8.2 Literacy rate by sex for Kerala State and districts (2001)

Sl. No. State/ District

Literacy Rate

Persons Males Females

2011 2011 2011

Kerala 93.91 96.02 91.98

1. Thiruvananthapuram 92.66 94.96 90.89

2. Kollam 93.77 95.83 91.95

3. Pathanamthitta 96.93 97.70 96.26

4. Alapuzha 96.26 97.90 94.80

5. Kottayam 96.40 97.17 95.67

6. Idukki 92.20 94.84 89.59

7. Ernakulam 95.68 97.14 94.27

8. Thrissur 95.32 96.98 93.85

9. Palakad 88.49 92.27 84.99

10. Malappuram 93.55 95.78 91.55

11. Kozhikode 95.24 97.57 93.16

12. Wayanad 89.32 92.84 85.94

13. Kannur 95.41 97.54 93.57

14. Kasaragod 89.85 93.93 86.13

Source: Census of India, 2011




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The percentage of illiterate is minimum in Kottayam district (2.43 percent)

(District hand book, 2003) .The highest numbers of schools are in Malappuram district (1336 schools

and the lowest in Wayanad district (292 schools). The numbers of schools in Kottayam are 908. In

Kerala there is a lower primary school (LPS) for every 3270 persons. There is one upper primary

school (UPS) for every 6334 persons. As regards graduation and above Kottayam stands second in

the state. In 2001 the difference between male female literacy gap is 21.69 for India and for Kerala it

is 6.5 (Economic Review, 2007). Unlike in other states gender gap in school enrolment in Kerala is

very low. Girls constituted 49.19 percent of the total enrolment in school education in Kerala.

Nursing:

The demand for nurses and caretakers abroad has resulted in an expansion of nursing

education in Kerala. Table 8.3 presents the annual intake of students in nursing course of

government colleges in Kerala. Apart from government nursing colleges, there are about 42

nursing colleges under self-financing sector with an annual intake of 50 students each.

Table 8.3 District wise annual intake of students in nursing courses in Kerala –2007 Sl. No. Nursing-Cum midwives (3 year course) Annual intake

1. Thiruvananthapuram 28 2. Kollam 25 3. Pathanamthitta 20 4. Alapuzha 23 5. Kottayam 20 6. Idukki 20 7. Ernakulam 30 8. Thrissur 28 9. Palakad 25 10. Malappuram 26 11. Kozhikode 26 12. Wayanad 23 13. Kannur 20 14. Kasaragod 20 15. SC/ST nursing School Kollam 20

Total 354

Source: Economic Review, 2007




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The likely demand for nurses in UK, USA and Japan is about 10, 00,000 in the next five

to ten years. Migration plays an important role in the human resource development of the country

of origin. There is an increase of population in secondary level education or education at the

graduate level during 1999-2004. The improvement in education was highest among Christians.

About 36.1 percent of the Christians have secondary level of education or are degree holders

compared to Muslims (15 percent). During 1990s higher educated females have increased more

than that of males due to the migration of educated males. The educated labour force has been

absorbed both in the local and global market. There is a correlation between unemployment and

education. Unemployment during this period is highest among Christian community and lowest

among Hindus. The religion with highest percentage of higher education has highest percentage

of unemployment. Children’s education is a major item on the budget of households. Christian

households spend Rs.10315 /household, more than twice of the average of the Muslim

households (Rs.4834).The average expenditure per non-resident Keralites household was

Rs.7731 and Non Non-nonresident household was Rs.6143.Migration has an impact on the

household expenditure on education (Zachariah and Rajan, 2004a).

Female work force participation:

Table 8.4 presents the comparative estimates of women work participation in the

districts of Kerala. In 2001, women work participation rate of 15.3 percent is far below the all-

India figure of 25.7 percent. Furthermore, while women work participation rate for all – India

have increased between 1991 and 2001, it has fallen marginally for Kerala during the same

period. District wise break up of women work participation shows that the pressure to work has

been higher in backward districts of Idukki and Wayanad. The lowest work participation of

women is seen in Malappuram (6.6 percent). This district is known for sending the largest

number of men to the Gulf. The adjoining district viz, Kozhikode also registers very low levels

of female work participation. Women’s work participation is 13.9 percent in Kottayam district

that accounts for the highest emigration of women among the 14 districts in Kerala. Hence it

may be inferred that women’s work participation is lower in Kerala and its districts. Districts

that account for higher rates of emigration (men and women) show low levels of women’s

participation in the labour market.




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Table 8.4

District Wise Data of Kerala State (2001 and2011)

Sl. No

Districts Female. emigration

Male emigration

Fem. Lit (2011) ( %)

Male Lit. (2011) (%)

FWPR (%)

Female unem.

PCY In Rs.

SDI GDI *Dep. Index

HDI

1. Thiruvananthapuram

5006 184355 90.89 92.66 14.4 61.14 3102 18 0.743 39.5 0.773

2. Kollam 8473 138419 91.95 93.77 16.7 58.57 2885 14 .764 30.4 0.787

3 Pathanamthitta 16147 37789 96.26 96.93 13.2 60.66 2969 20 .765 31.1 0.795

4. Alapuzha 5408 108612 94.80 96.26 20.2 56.41 2989 21 .777 29.6 0.794

5. Kottayam 7308 68302 95.67 96.40 13.9 57.91 3286 20 .765 29.1 0.796

6. Idukki 821 1168 89.59 92.20 28.1 57.99 3484 18 .742 42.7 0.754

7. Ernakulam 17500 125285 94.27 95.68 17.1 56.19 3646 22 .775 15.5 0.801

8. Thrissur 26960 143348 93.85 95.32 15.1 62.94 3117 15 .766 24.7 0.794

9. Palakad 13057 76598 84.99 88.49 21.1 53.85 2513 11 .743 40.4 0.761

10. Malappuram 15654 320597 91.55 93.55 6.6 53.37 1881 15 .689 28.6 0.749

11. Kozhikode 4252 154178 93.16 95.24 8.1 57.86 2858 18 .73 28.3 0.781

12. Wayanad 569 14840 85.94 89.32 22.8 54.36 2909 16 .736 46.3 0.753

13. Kannur 3286 251167 93.57 95.41 15.2 58.90 2719 16 .755 29.7 0.783

14. Kasargod 1336 97467 86.13 89.85 20.8 54.98 2777 10 .744 37.6 0.760

Source: Economic Review (2009), Government of Kerala; Census of India, 2011; Human

Development Report (2005), Government of Kerala.

*Deprivation index




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Table 8.5

Sector wise Distribution of Women Workers – Main and Marginal (2001)

Sl. No. Districts Cultivators Agricultur

al

Labourers

Household

Industry

Other Workers


4.4 12.1 9.4 74.2

2. Kollam 2.1 7.4 3.4 87.1

3 Pathanamthitta 5.4 16.0 4.1 74.5

4. Alapuzha 1.1 16.8 13.9 68.2

5. Kottayam 2.1 15.2 6.6 76.2

6. Idukki 12.2 32.1 2.0 53.7

7. Ernakulam 3.9 13.5 4.6 77.9

8. Thrissur 4.0 20.2 9.1 66.7

9. Palakad 7.0 56.7 3.6 32.6

10. Malappuram 4.3 27.5 4.0 64.2

11. Kozhikode 2.6 10.8 3.9 82.6

12. Wayanad 9.8 37.4 1.2 51.6

13. Kannur 6.9 22.6 4.5 66.1

14. Kasargod 2.6 10.9 33.7 52.8

Kerala 4.7 22.0 7.3 66.0

Coe. Of Variation (%) 62.3 60.1 107.4 21.2

Source: Human Development Report (2005), Government of Kerala.

There is an anomalous relationship between high educational attainment of women and low

labour force participation of women in Kerala. It is necessary to probe into the nature of human

capital investment made by women in Kerala as well as the specific skills that are demanded by

employers in the labour market. Sectoral composition of women workers (table 8.5) reveals that




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agriculture is not the main source of employment to women of Kerala

only five percent and 22 percent of women are employed as cultivators and agricultural labourers

respectively. The share of household industry and other workers category is 7 and 66 percent

respectively.

The ‘other workers’ is a heterogeneous agglomeration of diverse economic activity. There is

significant district wise variation. The proportion of women cultivators is higher in Idukki (12.2

percent) and Wayanad (9.8 percent) districts. However, Palakad, a major rice growing area, has

the highest percentage of female agricultural labourers (56.7 percent) and correspondingly lowest

level of women in “other workers” category. With regard to Kottayam, Malappuram and

Kozhikode districts it is seen that the majority of women (74 to 87 percent) are employed in

other workers category. This trend suggests that in districts where out migration (men and

women) is larger, women’s participation in agriculture is relatively lower.

Unemployment among women:

Female educated unemployment is a crucial problem in Kerala particularly among

those with secondary school level education. Out of the total number of 38.99 lakh registered job

seekers in Kerala (including professional and general work seekers) 25.59 lakhs are female job

seekers (58 percent). The unemployment rate among women is 2.3 times higher than that of men

in Kerala. About 20 percent of rural women (rural men 5 percent) and 33 percent of women in

urban areas (urban men 6 percent) are unemployed. The unemployment rates among educated

women seem to be higher (Eapen Mridual, 2003:1-29).

The unemployment rate among females in rural areas is much higher than the

unemployment rate in urban areas. Unemployment among females is very high in Kerala

compared with the rest of India. This is especially troubling in a State that is characterized by the

highest literacy rate and a matrilineal society that confers high status on women. However, when

we analyse closely, we find that female workers in Kerala display distinct characteristics that

make them outliers compared with the other female workers in India, many of whom are less

educated and illiterate. Fewer women are interested in working in the traditionally primary sector

as cultivators or agricultural labourers and instead prefer working in the secondary and tertiary

sector in relatively skilled jobs. While the vast majority of female workers in India are employed

as marginal workers, fewer females relative to males in Kerala are employed as marginal

workers, despite the high unemployment rate (Singh, 2006).Table 8.4 shows that highest




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proportion of women are unemployed in Thrissur(63%) district followed by Thiruvananthapuram

and Pathanamthitta districts(61%).A large number of male workers in Kerala have migrated to

other countries, primarily to the Gulf countries, in search of meaningful employment. Large-

scale emigration to the Gulf countries occurred primarily in the 1970s after the oil boom. As a

result, annual remittances received by the wives of the migrant workers have been significant,

leaving many families with considerable cash in hand. A large number of women whose

household earnings have increased due to remittances from abroad have withdrawn from the

labour market (Sivanandan, 1999). This could be due to individual choices shaped by labour –

leisure decisions; alternatively it could also reflect the growing domestic responsibilities of the

wife being the sole parent in the household. In the case of women whose husbands have migrated

to other countries, family responsibilities impose significant constraints on their mobility and

work responsibilities. At any rate, male migration has affected the reservation wages of many

women in the upper and middle classes in Kerala, many of whom choose to remain unemployed

until they find professional jobs to their liking. Women in other parts of India generally do not

have such options and often opt for jobs in the secondary labour market (Sivanandan, 1999).

Lakshmy Devi (2002) gathered micro – level data related to socio-economic

status, education, and employment history of women in Kerala. One important finding was that

nearly three fourths of the unemployed women remained unemployed because of their

preferences for skilled white collar jobs. The matrimonial society in Kerala has instilled different

aspirations and preferences among the educated women in Kerala, many of whom do not want to

be employed marginally or in unskilled work. Improvements in educational attainment among

women have created strong preferences for white collar and salaried jobs and reduced their

willingness to take up manual work or self – employment. Nearly two-thirds of the less educated

and more than three-fifths in the educated group wanted to get jobs that were considered socially

prestigious. The economic structure, on the other hand, imposes severe constraints on women’s

employment, as there are not enough skilled jobs.

Emigration had increased the demand for higher education. The remittances are used for

this purpose. Unemployment is high among higher educated persons. Emigration is also high

among higher educated persons. So there is a positive correlation between unemployment and

emigration and unemployment and education. Massive remittances from abroad lead to

replacement migration in Kerala. The replacement workers penetrated in every economic sector




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in Kerala due to massive wage differences between Kerala and other states and the unwillingness

of Kerala workers to do certain types of jobs. So emigration shoots unemployment in the

economy (Zacharia and Rajan, 2005). Fig. 8.1 shows the relation between migration and

unemployment in Kerala.

Wages:

The wage rates are relatively higher in developed districts such as Kottayam,

Malappuram and Thiruvanathapuram than economically backward districts. Further wage

disparity on the basis of gender is also greater in developed than backward districts. Despite the

Equal Remuneration Act, women get low wages particularly in casual work, construction work

etc. Table 8.6 shows per day wages of unskilled / semi skilled workers in Kottayam (developed)

and Kasargod districts (backward).

Table 8:6

Wage / day (in Rs.) for Unskilled Works

Sl. No. Persons Kottayam Kasargod

1. Male 500 300

2. Female 300 200

Source: Economic Review (2011), Government of Kerala.

Human Development Index and Gender Development Index:

HDI measures the average achievements in three basic dimensions of human

development. As per UNDP, these dimensions are life expectancy at birth, adult literacy and a

decent standard of living, as measured by GDP per capita. Kerala ranks first among States in

India in the Human development index 2001 (0.773) but its per capita income lagged behind the

all – India average till recently. Kottayam district ranks 2nd in HDI. Table 8.4 presents HDI and

GDI for the districts of Kerala. What is remarkable here is that the district-wise human

development indices of Kerala for 2001 all lie above 0.740. In fact, one district (Ernakulam)

comes out with a HDI as high as 0.80. With an index of 0.749, the low-rung occupant in HDI is

Malappuram district that accounts for large scale male emigration to Gulf. The hilly districts of

Idukki and Wayanad are also in the same range as Malappuram. The low income indicated for




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Malappuram district, which is an outlier district and thus raises the variability, does not take into

account the significant amount of remittances accruing to that district. More than 40 per cent of

the total international migration from Kerala is accounted for by this district alone. Thus, it

seems safe to assume only marginal inter-district variability in respect of the income dimension.

Viewed from an all-India context, this should be reckoned as a remarkable achievement.

The Gender related development index (GDI) adjusts the average achievement to

reflect the inequalities between men and women in human development. Kerala is also ranked at

the top in the gender-related development index (GDI) among major States in India. The lowest

rank was observed in Bihar followed by Uttar Pradesh. Further, there has been substantial

improvement in the GDI in Kerala in tandem with the HDI. The GDI was 0.697 in 1997 and

increased to 0.746 in 2001.

Among the districts in Kerala, Alapuzha has been in the fourth position with

respect to HDI; however, it ranked first position with respect to GDI. Ernakulam district secured

second rank, while Malappuram district is ranked in the lowest position with respect to GDI.

Kozhikode district was in the eighth position in HDI; however, it is pushed to thirteenth position

in respect of GDI. Kottayam district stands in 4th place in GDI. Analogous to HDI, the disparity

among the districts seems to be insignificant with respect to GDI as well. The coefficient of

variation in the GDI is only 3 per cent and it ranges between 3-12 per cent among the GDI

component dimensions.

Poverty:

Kerala has made substantial progress in reducing the incidence of both rural and

urban poverty. Between 1957-58 and 1993-94, the headcount index of poverty in rural Kerala

declined at an average annual rate of 2.4 per cent, the maximum achieved among 15 major

Indian States (World Bank 1997:8). Till 1973-74, the incidence of poverty in Kerala, both rural

and urban, was higher compared to that in the rest of the country. In 1983-84, however, the

relative position of Kerala vis-à-vis India was reversed – the incidence of poverty in Kerala

dropped below the Indian average. This was possible because both rural and urban poverty in

Kerala declined steadily throughout the last four decades, and more sharply compared to the

decline in the country as a whole. As per 1999 – 2000 estimates, 9.4 per cent of the urban

population and 19.8 percent of the rural population are below poverty line.




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Generalised deprivation:

Owing to unavoidable constraints of data availability on the incidence of poverty

at the district level, data on the incidence of deprivation is used. The index of deprivation is

based on deprivation in four basic necessities for well-being, such as housing quality, access to

drinking water, good sanitation and electricity lighting. Deprivation in these commodities can

have a deleterious impact on human development and the well-being of the people. Table 8.4

shows this index of deprivation for Kerala by districts in 2001. The incidence of deprivation is

about 30 per cent in Kerala, within a range of 15.5 (for Ernakulam district) and 46.3 (for

Wayanad district), which is significantly above the official head count index of poverty.

Wayanad, Idukki and Palakad districts have the highest deprivation indices of above 40 per cent.

Thiruvananthapuram, Kasargod, Pathanamthitta and Kollam districts lie below this group, with

deprivation indices of 30-40 per cent. Ernakulam district is the only outlier, with the least

deprivation of 15 per cent. With a deprivation index of 25.1, Kottayam stands in 3rd place.

Malappuram and Kozhikode districts occupy the 4th and 5th positions with regard to the

deprivation index. Thus the developed districts account for lower rates of deprivation.

It appears, therefore, that though there is no significant disparity with respect to HDI

and GDI, significant variation is found in the generalised deprivation indices among the districts

in Kerala, as revealed from the estimated coefficient of variation, which is about 26 per cent.

One of the indicators that go into the deprivation index, viz., source of drinking water away from

the house, varies significantly among the districts in Kerala with a coefficient of variation of 43

per cent (Navaneetham, 2005). But in the case of the other three indicators, the coefficient of

variation is lower. Therefore, the higher disparity found in the distribution of the deprivation

index among the districts could be due to the higher disparity with respect to the source of

drinking water being away from the house.

Structural Change of the Economy and per capita income

The conventional growth transformation (from agricultural sector to industrial

sector and then to tertiary sector) has not taken place in Kerala. This is evident as the relative

shares of the three sectors, in both income and employment, on an average, show that the tertiary

sector has been the major contributor followed by the primary sector.




306

The tertiary sector’s share increased by 37.5 per cent in income and 43 per cent in

employment during 1983 to 1999-2000, whereas the primary sector’s share decreased by 26 per

cent and 36 per cent, respectively, during the same period. In the secondary sector, while

employment share increased by 27 per cent, income share fell by 24 per cent. Per capita NSDP

of Kerala seems to be higher than the all-India average.

The inclusion of remittances, however roughly estimated, raises per capita NSDP even

higher. Among the 14 districts of Kerala State, Kottayam ranks third in per capita income.

Sector wise contribution to Gross State Domestic Product of Kottayam district shows that major

contribution is by tertiary sector (70.8 percent) followed by secondary ( 15.4 percent) and

primary sectors (13.8 percent).

Kottayam economy depends on agriculture and the different types of industries

that have grown up in the city and its surrounding regions, over the years. Annual crops such as

pineapple and plantain as well as seasonal crops such as tubers and ginger are grown on a large

scale. Perennial crops such as jack fruit and mango are also produced in Kottayam and its

neighbourhood areas. Rubber is the most important raw material of Kottayam and this has led to

the growth of a flourishing rubber industry. The rubber industry provides large scale employment

to the people of Kottayam. The rubber based Kottayam industries accounts for almost 25 percent

of the total production of rubber in India. It is estimated that there are almost 2000 rubber based

units in Kottayam, which employ modern techniques and equipments in the production and

processing of rubber. The Rubber Research Institute of India and the Rubber Board are located in

the city of Kottayam. Other than the rubber production, the economy of Kottayam is also largely

benefited by the production and export of different varieties of spices. Kerala is one of the major

exporters of spices and much of its spices come from Kottayam. Wood industry is another

important industry of Kottayam. Different types of timber wood are available in the surrounding

areas of Kottayam, providing raw material for a number of small enterprises in the production of

plywood, packing cases, splints and furniture.

Another important section of Kottayam industries is the cottage and village industries.

These industries are promoted by the Khadi and Village Industries Board. There are in total 11

large scale as well as medium scale industries in Kottayam.Mini industrial estates are 12 in

number while 12,000 small scale industrial units are present at Kottayam. Other sectors

contributing to Kottayam economy are the housing sectors, public health division, engineering,




307

food products, fisheries, forestry and the animal husbandry. There are no major industries in

Kasargod, Wayanad, Idukki and Alapuzha districts. In short, Kottayam district does have a high

edge over other districts in industrial development.

Demographic transition

Migration and the elderly:

Migration has reduced the working age population in the state and consequently

increased the proportion of children and elderly. Return migrants at the age of 60 has also

contributed to this. The elderly population in Kerala is large and is growing at a very rapid rate.

Table 8.7

Elderly women by districts in Kerala (in lakhs)

District Female Population

Proportion of females 60+ 70+ 80+

Thiruvananthapuram 14.99 8.96 3.44 0.93

Kollam 12.25 9.27 3.65 1.12

Pathanamthitta 6.12 12.11 5.29 1.78

Alapuzha 10.25 11.77 4.55 1.28

Kottayam 9.15 11 4.87 1.58

Idukki 5.32 6.8 2.63 0.75

Ernakulam 14.08 10.15 4.26 1.37

Thrissur 14.25 10.71 4.45 1.33

Palakad 12.26 9.42 3.68 1.04

Malappuram 15.88 6.81 2.46 0.68

Kozhikode 13.27 8.88 3.41 0.97

Wayanad 3.3 6.3 2.23 0.58

Kannur 11.53 8.97 3.54 0.94

Kasargod 5.43 7.14 2.64 0.67

Kerala 148.1 9.32 3.71 1.09

Source: Integrated Rural Technology Center, Gender Profile in Kerala (2004), Mundur, Palakad, [email protected]

Among the elderly, females out number males. In 1998 there were 3.4 million elderly

population in Kerala and 6.8 percent of them are living alone without anybody to share their lives


mailto:[email protected]



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(Zachariah, K. C., et. al., 2000). The younger generation has no time, money and opportunities to live

with them. The districts viz., Pathanamthitta and Kottayam are more advanced in demographic

transition than other districts in Kerala. Kerala ranks first in the case of proportion of elderly in the

country in 2001.Kerala reached the final stage of demographic transition with low fertility and

mortality rate. The proportion of population aged 60+ increased from 5.9 percent in 1961 to 10

percent in 2001. Women live longer than men, nearly five years. The size of widowhood would be

larger than that of widower hood in old age. The proportion of aged in Kerala shows an increasing

trend both for males and females from 1991 onwards. In almost all the districts, the highest

proportion of aged women are in the age group 60+. Table 8.7 shows the proportion of elderly

women in various districts of Kerala State. The highest number of elderly women is found in

Malappuram district (15.88 lakhs).

The gender dimension of the old age population is of paramount importance in

relation to the drawing up of an ageing policy. Since women generally live longer than males,

approximately 5 years more in the case of Kerala, it reflects on the living arrangements that need

to be made for older persons. Appropriate policies and institutional arrangements are necessary

to protect the well-being of the older women. The overall sex ratio among the older population

was 1,224 (number of females per 1,000 males) in 2001. However, when we look at the oldest

old (80+), there are 1,529 females per 1,000 males. This is likely to increase in the future due to

improvement in the longevity among females relative to males. It also implies that the size of

widowhood among females would be larger than that of widower hood among males in old age.

Nonetheless, it is important to view the phenomenon of ageing as an achievement also. An

increase in life expectancy means that the living conditions of people have improved and that the

present generation is healthier. With regard to total fertility rate in Kerala, we find that it started

declining from the 1960s. The total fertility rate (TFR), 2 which were 5.6 per woman in

the1950s, declined to 3.7 in the 1970s, and reached 1.8, which is below the replacement level, in

the 1990s.

The fertility rate declined in both rural and urban areas, and there is virtually no difference

between the two. Table8.1 shows the CBR and TFR for districts in Kerala. Malappuram seems

to be an outlier with the highest fertility followed by Wayanad. Against this, the lowest fertility

is observed in the districts of Pathanamthitta, Alapuzha and Ernakulam (1.5). TFR for Kottayam

district (1.6) is relatively lower than Malappuram (2.4).




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Age at marriage:

The age at marriage is a proximate determinant of fertility change. Among the

major States in India, the age at marriage is highest in Kerala for both males and females.

According to an estimate from the Reproductive and Child Health Survey (1998-99), the mean

age at marriage in Kerala for males is 28.7 years and for females 22.7 years. In the case of all-

India, it is 24.9 and 19.7 years for males and females, respectively. Part of the decline in fertility

in Kerala could have been contributed by the rise in the mean age at marriage. The mean age at

marriage does not seem to vary among the districts in Kerala (table 8.1) Nevertheless, in

Malappuram, where fertility was the highest; the mean age at marriage for both males and

females was the lowest. It is also important to note that the largest proportion of girls married at

the age of below 18 years (36 per cent) was in Malappuram district.

Longevity:

The general health status of the population can be understood from the level of

life expectancy at birth, one of the aspects of human development included in the HDI. Life

expectancy at birth in Kerala was 70.4 years for males and 75.9 years for females in 1993-97.

During the same period, India’s life expectancy at birth was 60.4 years for males and 61.8 years

for females. Punjab, which is in the second position, has a life expectancy at birth of 66.7 years

for males and 68.8 years for females. The life expectancy at birth of Kerala males increased from

44.3 years in 1956 to 70.4 years in 1995, an increase of 26.1 years in a span of 40 years. For

females, it increased even more – from 45.3 years to 75.9 years, an increase of 30.6 years.

During the same period, India’s life expectancy at birth for males increased by 24.9 years (from

35.5 to 60.4 years) and for females by 26.1 years (from 35.7 to 61.8 years). India is 25 years

behind Kerala in terms of the achievement of life expectancy at birth. Because of natural

advantage, women live longer than men if they receive comparable care. In the case of Kerala,

over time the realized levels seem to have come closer to this potential relative advantage. For

instance, women who were to live only a year longer than men in the 1950s are expected to live

5.5 years longer in the 1990s, whereas in all of India, women are expected to live only 1.2 years

longer than men High life expectancy at birth in Kerala has been largely due to low infant and

child mortality, particularly for males (Human Development Report, 2005:24).




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Infant Mortality:

A significant role in the dramatic decline in fertility in Kerala in the 1970s was

played by the sharp decline in infant mortality rates. Among the major Indian States, Kerala’s

infant mortality rate is the lowest as per the latest available estimates given by Sample

Registration System (SRS), 2000. In Kerala, out of every 1,000 children born, only 14 die before

attaining their first birthday, whereas in India as a whole, it is 71. Maharashtra has an estimated

48 infant deaths per 1,000 live births, which is the second lowest among Indian States. Kerala

has performed remarkably in reducing the infant mortality rate from 120 in the 1950s to 14 in

2000. For India as a whole, it has declined from 139 to 71 during the same period. The difference

in IMR was only 19 points between Kerala and India in the 1950s, which widened to 78 in 1976-

80, but came down to 57 in 1996-2000.

The infant mortality rate (IMR) across districts in Kerala reveals that on excluding

the two outlier districts of Wayanad and Idukki, the variability is low among the districts. In the

districts of Wayanad and Idukki, 1 in 50 new born babies dies before reaching the first birthday,

whereas in most of the other districts 1 in 100 dies. The estimated IMR is lowest in the districts

of Pathanamthitta, Kollam and Alapuzha (table 8.1)

Health:

Mental stress is high among women because they are responsible for household work,

childcare and productive activities. It leads to strenuous long hours of work with very short breaks and

irregular meals. The average expenditure on health per household is Rs.4953. The expenditure is high

among Non-resident Keralite families than among the Non-nonresident Keralite families (Zachariah,

K.C., et. al., 2003). Kerala’s health situation can be compared to the health status of high-income

countries. There is high investment in public, private and co-operative sectors for health improvement.

The health awareness among the people is also very high (IRTC, 2004).

The hospital visits to Kerala people are higher than that in other states. Kerala’s

morbidity has been one of the highest in India. 71 out of 1000 persons are in acute illness and 83

out of 1000 persons are in chronic illness. The life style related diseases are rising in Kerala, as

it has entered the fourth stage of health transition. It shows the burden of treatment, as the cost is

high for these diseases. The alcohol consumption is growing in Kerala. Worry is the cause for

drink among younger generations (IRTC, 2004).




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Table 8.8 Health development indicators - Kerala and India – 2007

Health Indicators Kerala India

Birth rate (Per 1000) 15.00 23.80

Death rate (Per 1000) 6.40 7.60

Infant Mortality rate (Per 1000) 14.00 58.00

Maternal Mortality ratio (Per lakh/live birth) 110.0 300.00

Total Fertility rate (Per woman) 1.7 2.90

Couple protection rate (%) 72.10 52.00

Life at birth

Male 70.90 61.80

Female 76.00 63.50

Total 73.45 62.70

Source: Economic Review, 2007

Table 8.8 shows that Kerala has attained better health care status. Still women are

facing some health related problems such as occupational hazards, psychic problems, violence

related health problems and health problems of poverty and age.

Maternal health care: Some of the favourable outcomes discussed above are primarily dependent on

the utilization of maternal health care services, which is the highest in Kerala among all Indian

States due to better availability and accessibility of such services (Navaneetham and Dharma

lingam, 2002). For instance, antenatal check up is almost universal (99 per cent) in Kerala as

compared to India (65 per cent), as per NFHS-II (1998-99). However, the use of full antenatal

services (at least three ANC visits and at least one TT taken and IFA tablets taken during

pregnancy) in Kerala is 86 per cent. Although there was little variation across districts, the use of

full antenatal services is below the State average in the districts of Thiruvananthapuram (71.8 per

cent), Kasargod (75.4 per cent), Malappuram (78.8 per cent), Idukki (82.1 per cent) and




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Pathanamthitta (84.8 per cent). Nevertheless, almost all deliveries (97 per cent) took place at the

medical institutions in Kerala, except in Malappuram district (88 per cent). Among these, 59 per

cent of the deliveries were in private and only 38 per cent were in public medical institutions. In

Kasargod district 11 percent of deliveries were in public medical institutions and the rest in

private hospitals. This indicates the backwardness of this district with regard to public

investment on provision of maternal health care (table 8.1).

Social Infrastructure: Needless to state, achievements on the health and education fronts were to a large

extent possible through investments in infrastructure. Kerala has had an edge over many other

States in social and economic infrastructure, such as road transport, post offices,

telecommunication, banking, schools, medical institutions, number of hospital beds and so forth

but has remained below the all-India average in irrigation and electricity generation .The 12th

Finance Commission ranks Kerala among the ‘high middle’ on the Infrastructure Index together

with Gujarat, Haryana and Tamil Nadu; while Goa, Maharashtra and Punjab are classified as

States with a ‘High’ Index (Ministry of Finance, 2004). Public expenditure on education – on

primary and secondary education in particular – has risen consistently in real terms over the last

four decades. Kerala has more than 180,000 teachers working in more than 12,000 educational

institutions that cater to nearly 5.4 million students. The distribution of schools turns out to be

about one school for every 3 sq. km and the number of schools per lakh population is about 42.

At present, 94.4 per cent of the rural population is served by primary schools/sections within a

distance of 1 km and 98 per cent within 2 km. Upper primary schools/sections are available for

96.2 per cent of the rural population within a distance of 3 km, and secondary education for 24.7

per cent within 2 km. and for 97.8 per cent within 6-8 km. Commensurate with the population

density, Kerala also had a higher school density, and this along with a better transportation

infrastructure has ensured expanding accessibility. Physical facilities like school buildings,

furniture and equipment, sports facilities, toilets, drinking water, etc., are known to be much

better in Kerala than anywhere else in the country.

Around 82 per cent of the Government schools have good quality building (pucca

building), 89 per cent of schools have drinking water facilities and 74 per cent of schools have

urinal/ latrine facilities in Kerala. Good quality building and other ancillary facilities need to be

further improved, and attention is needed to improve the school facilities in some districts. For




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instance, the percentage of schools with pucca building is lowest in Wayanad (59 per cent)

followed by Thiruvananthapuram (60 per cent) and Kasargod (73 per cent). Also, the percentage

of schools having latrine/urinal facilities is significantly low in Kasargod (47 per cent) followed

by Pathanamthitta (50 per cent).The performance of Kottayam district is remarkable in this

regard. About 93percent of government schools in Kottayam district are in pucca building; 86

percent have drinking facilities and 89 percent have toilet facilities (Human Development

Report, 2005).

Communication:

Communication facilities are critical across all aspects of development,

especially in an internationally integrated economy. We highlight the rapid growth of

telecommunication in Kerala. Globalization and the emergence of a knowledge-based economy

have ushered in a telecommunication revolution and Kerala has been quick to avail of this device

that narrows down global distances. The number of telephone connections in Kerala rose to 3.02

million by 2002-03, an addition of more than 2.8 million connections over 1989-90. Kerala’s

telephone density of 95 per 1,000 population (101 per 1,000 population, including BSNL cellular

mobile connections as in March 2003) is much above the national average. There were about 78

telephone connections in every sq. km area of the State in 2002-03. District-wise variations

throw up a surprising result – low connectivity in Malappuram district which has the highest

incidence of migration. Kerala has had an edge over all-India in the number of post offices also.

A number of favourable demand factors were at work behind the fast spread of post offices in

Kerala, including emigration of Keralites to other parts of India and abroad, literary movements

and spread of print media. It is significant to note that out of the 5,077 post offices in Kerala at

present, as many as 4,197 are in rural areas. Kerala stands far above the all-India average, with

13 post offices per 100 sq. km of area. That is, every 7.7 sq. km of area in Kerala is now served

by a post office, whereas it is 21 sq. km of area for one post office all-India. On an average, one

post office in Kerala serves 6,271 persons in an area of 7.7 sq. km against 6,568 persons in an

area of 21 sq. km for all-India (Human Development Report, 2005).

Housing and sanitation:

Table 8.9 shows that a substantial proportion of households in Kerala live in pucca

houses. In Kottayam district nearly 78 percent of the population lives in pucca houses. Sanitation

is another critical factor in health status determination that has earned Keralites a reputation for




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Table8.9 Social infrastructure development in the districts of Kerala – 2001

Sl.No. Districts

Percentage of households

having

Pop. Served

per post

office(no.)

Telephone

per 1000

population

Road

length

per 100

sq.km.

Latrine Electricity Pucca

housing

1. Thiruvanathapuram 82.56 74.94 46.6 7720 94 84.6

2. Kollam 82.63 73.00 68.9 7079 77 59.7

3 Pathanamthitta 81.73 71.58 75.1 3947 87 43

4. Alapuzha 80.00 74.60 78.6 7112 129 99.6

5. Kottayam 85.33 77.71 78.2 4751 79 98.7

6. Idukki 75.99 56.78 60.0 3851 80 33.3

7. Ernakulam 91.95 84.90 92.3 7883 125 90.7

8. Thrissur 90.91 77.30 68.1 6084 64 52.3

9. Palakad 68.4 60.27 51.1 5739 62 36.8

10. Malappuram 87.37 63.84 68.1 8286 149 51.5

11. Kozhikode 91.97 64.15 71.8 6969 93 58.1

12. Wayanad 85.15 41.96 60.4 4825 110 24.2

13. Kannur 87.21 66.99 63.5 6348 111 59.1

14. Kasargod 68.43 57.20 67.9 5120 59 43.3

Kerala 84.01 70.24 - 6288 94.62 323.44

Source: Human Development Report (2005), CDS, Thiruvanathapuram.

personal cleanliness that Keralites attach a high premium to the significance of having a sanitary

latrine is evident in the fact that the State has the highest coverage (84 per cent as per 2001

Census) of individual households with latrines in India. In 2001, about 81percent of the rural and

92per cent of the urban households in Kerala had toilets. Around 84 percent of the rural and 92

percent of the urban households in Kottayam district have latrine facility. Further, about two




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third of the rural households and 89 percent of the urban households in Kottayam district have

electricity connection (Human Development Report, 2005).

Overall it is seen that the development of social infrastructure in Kottayam and

Malappuram districts are remarkable than other districts.

Remittances and development:

Remittances—that is, migrant earnings sent back to countries of origin—are the

main reason experts point to international migration as important for poverty reduction.

Although exact numbers are hard to pin down, the sums are enormous. The World Bank

estimates that, in 2005, formally transferred remittances rang in at about US$232 billion —of

which developing countries received $167 billion. The actual amount of remittances is

considered to be substantially higher, since this figure does not take into account funds

transferred through non-formal channels. Remittances are considerably larger than the value of

Official Development Assistance (ODA) and comprise the second-largest source of external

funding for developing countries after Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Furthermore,

remittances tend to be a more predictable and stable source of income than either FDI or ODA.

For some small countries they represent a high share of GDP, such as in Tonga (31 per cent), the

Republic of Moldova (27 per cent), Lesotho (26 per cent) and Haiti (25 per cent) (World Bank,

2006). Fully 70 per cent of China’s FDI comes from the Chinese Diaspora (Bajpai and Dasgupta,

2004:15). So great is the impact on developing world economies that the World Bank theorizes

that a 10 per cent increase in remittances as a proportion of a country’s GDP could result in a 1.2

per cent reduction in the share of people living in extreme poverty (Keeley, 2010: 128-129). This

is borne out by statistics. In Nicaragua, more than 60 per cent of the 22,000 households who

escaped poverty between 1998 and 2001 had a family member living abroad. Remittances sent

by migrants to El Salvador, Eritrea, Jamaica, Jordan, Nicaragua and Yemen in 2000 increased

the GNP of these countries by more than 10 per cent. That same year, 1.2 million Moroccans

managed to escape poverty purely on the strength of remittance income alone. According to

ECLAC, in 2002, remittances from abroad helped to boost 2.5 million people living in Latin

American and the Caribbean above the poverty line. The propensity to remit—and the amount

sent—depends on a variety of factors such as age, number of dependents, the marital status of the

migrant and the duration of residence in the host country.




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While the impact of remittances on developing countries would appear to be

clearly beneficial, part of the literature still questions whether remittances have positive

implications for short-term poverty or longer-term development. A major issue is that the poorest

people and the poorest countries profit the least from remittances. The largest recipients are

middle-income countries: Sub- Saharan Africa received only 1.5 per cent of all remittance flows

in 2002 (UN, 2004: 105 -108). This only serves to show that people from the poorest regions

have the most difficulty migrating, earning and remitting funds from abroad. Another concern is

that remittances can sometimes exacerbate income inequality in the country of origin, with

remittance receiving families and communities prospering while less fortunate neighbours do

without. In addition, some experts argue that remittances encourage dependency by discouraging

government efforts to take the steps necessary to restructure their economies. Still others contend

that donor countries will use remittances as an excuse to shrug off ODA commitments to combat

poverty, while developing countries might neglect the needs of their most vulnerable populations

because some poor families are receiving remittance income. Thus, despite its contribution to

poverty reduction, migration is not necessarily the ultimate equalizer—particularly in an

increasingly unequal world. Some experts also express concern that most remittances do not

generally find their way into productive investments (IOM, 2005: 178). This is because

remittances are privately owned monies that are largely used to contribute to family income

rather than to capital flows, and because migrants tend to be unfamiliar with investment

instruments. Existing research, however, underscores the fact that remittances could play a more

significant role in development and poverty alleviation. Whether remittances are used for the

purposes of investment or consumption, they bring important benefits to the households,

communities and countries that receive them.

There is no simple answer to the question on what the remittances are spent on.

Situations vary greatly, not just from family to family but also country to country. But for a

variety of reasons, it is relatively unusual for families receiving remittances to invest directly in

the economy by, for instance, opening businesses. Instead, much of the money tends to go on

typical day-today expenditures, like food and clothing, especially among poorer families.

Typically remittances are also devoted to children’s education, paying off debts, paying for




317

health care, buying land and building houses. A share also may go on luxuries, some of which

are likely to be imported, meaning that money sent back to the home country may soon leave it

(Keeley, 2010: 129-130).

Whatever way they are utilized – individually or collectively –

remittances can have a significant economic impact, mainly through the “multiplier effect”. A

family building a new house will have to hire a builder, he in turn will have to hire workers,

purchase building materials etc. This chain of consequences is so significant that researchers

have even set out to measure it. In Mexico, for instance, it has been estimated that every dollar in

remittance, or “migradollar”, received by families in cities leads to an increase in GNP of $ 2.90

(Keeley, 2010: 130).

Remittances represent a positive contribution to the balance of payments, which is

why some developing countries over the years have actively encouraged migrants to send money

home. Further, there is the issue of “social” remittances—the transfer of ideas, information,

knowledge, attitudes, behaviour patterns, identities, culture and social capital from one culture to

another. In their contacts with, or return to, communities of origin, migrants can become agents

of political and cultural transformation, which can be particularly beneficial to furthering gender

equality. Not only do source countries benefit, but receiving countries as well (Levitt, 1996:24).

Remittances and growth of Kerala:

Taking human resource as a product of the State, Kerala may be one of the largest

exporters of resourceful minds and gifted professionals to other parts of the country, a process

that has its origins in the World War II period. The accelerated process of emigration, especially

the more recent emigration to the Gulf and to North America, has had its impact on every facet

of Kerala’s economy and society. However, this impact was not sufficient for bringing about an

accelerated growth in the State; an enabling environment appears to have been provided by the

economic reforms specified below. The turnaround in growth in Kerala came immediately after

the economic reforms that were initiated during the mid-1980s. However, for a low income,

weak industrial base economy like Kerala, the economic reforms per se could not have triggered

a high growth regime spanning over a period of one-and-a-half decade. Hence, the fuel for it

must have been external, in the form of the flow of remittances. An important outcome of

economic reforms, i.e., the discontinuation of the fixed exchange rate system in favour of a

market-determined one, seems to have boosted remittances. It meant a higher growth in




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remittance income as a result of the depreciation of the Rupee. Thus, it is the dynamics of the

linkage of human development, through migration and remittances, with economic reform that

has helped Kerala’s economy break out of the low growth/stagnation trap it was in prior to 1987.

The Middle East countries were the destination of 95 per cent of the emigrants,

with Saudi Arabia alone accounting for nearly 40 per cent of the total. Outside the Arab world,

the principal destination of Kerala emigrants was the United States, which accounted for 2.2 per

cent of the total. The revival of growth in the Kerala economy since the late 1980s brings into

prominence the role of remittances. The increase in per capita income as a result of the

remittances has, in the presence of economic reforms, had two positive effects in favour of

growth: Increase in (i) consumption and savings of the people and (ii) new investment initiatives

in Kerala.

The Consumption boom:

The consumption pattern in Kerala has undergone significant changes due to the

flow of remittances as well as the nature of demographic transition. The average per capita

consumer expenditure in Kerala was below the national average till 1977-78. Since then, this has

far exceeded that of India, progressively reaching 41 per cent above the national average in

1999-2000. This could not have been possible but for the accrual of extra income in the form of

remittances. Besides the phenomenal rise in consumer expenditure, it is its compositional change

that is of further interest here, as it provides enough indications of its impact on various sectors

of the economy. It is a well-known fact that as income increases; the proportion of expenditure

by the households on non-food items also rises significantly. This, in turn, also implies

substantial flourishing of trade and related services. And in the context of Kerala, we find this

development rule very much in force, as is evidenced in the results from the three surveys by

National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO; 35th round, 1983; 52nd round, 1993-94; 55th

round, 1999-2000) that provide proportions of consumer expenditure on food items and non-food

items.

The structural shift in consumption indicates that the main source of consumer

demand was for non-food items in the 1990s. While total demand for food (State’s income,

including remittance) increased by 56 per cent in the second period, the demand for consumer

durables more than doubled. It can be seen that the contribution of remittances to consumer

durables-led growth in the 1990s was 17 times more than that in the first period. It is here the




319

reinforcing contribution of economic reforms had its significant impact. The unregulated waves

of the reforms made it possible to release pent up demand in the case of a number of goods and

services hitherto unavailable. Thus, there was a building up of an effective demand, backed by

increased income, in the Kerala economy for certain commodities, which remained unrealized in

the face of substantial supply constraints. In short, the role of emigration and remittances was to

remove the effective demand constraint in a developing economy, with the reforms removing the

supply constraints. It is this increased demand, in general, and that for non-food items, in

particular, that worked behind the economic revival of Kerala in the 1990s, the impact mainly

being in trade and related services. In other words, it is in the tertiary sector that the human

development induced growth found its fuller realization. This also means that the productive

sectors of the Kerala economy could not utilize in investment the immense savings generated

from the emigration boom. The reasons are quite clear in terms of Kerala’s record in labour

relations and the absence of compensating factors, such as a well-functioning economic

infrastructure. The former indicates that the wage effect induced by remittances via pressure on

an inter-related labour market reinforced the institutional power of labour (in terms of early and

high level of unionization) and stood to drive away most of Kerala’s indigenous labour-intensive

industries, such as coir processing/manufacturing, cashew processing and tile manufacturing.

The prospect for a transition to a technologically advanced, high productivity industrial sector

was thus aborted by the power of the organized labour. Technological change, especially

mechanization, was also opposed in agriculture, where the problem was compounded by the

failure of public investment in such productivity-enhancing critical infrastructure as land and

water management. It was in the background of this inability of the productive sectors to attract

investment that the tertiary sector flourished in quick-profit ventures to take advantage of the

growing consumer demand.

The increased income induced a boom not only in consumption but also in

‘savings’ as reflected in the high growth rates of bank deposits (at 19 per cent per annum during

the period 1992-2002) and in a sense, in the low credit-deposit ratio of about 40 per cent. Thus,

Kerala has had a high potential for higher economic growth – both demand induced (expanding

market) and resource propelled (potential for investment).




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It should be noted that the official estimates of NSDP and per capita NSDP are

devoid of the remittance income of non-resident Keralites. It is reported that in 1998, there were

13.62 lakh Kerala emigrants living abroad. Emigration from Kerala accelerated in recent years;

between 1988-1992 and 1993-1997, the number of emigrants increased by 120 per cent. A

number of attempts have been made to estimate remittances for Kerala, for example, by

attributing a certain share according to Kerala’s share of Indian workers abroad, or indirectly

estimating it by means of a proxy variable like per capita bank deposits. An estimate of the total

cash remittances received by Kerala households (as during a 12-month period) in 1998 comes to

the tune of Rs. 35,304 million. The average remittance was about Rs. 25,000 per emigrant,

(Rs.5,500 per household and Rs. 1,105 per capita). The annual remittances received by Kerala

households were 2.55 times higher than what the Kerala Government received from the Central

Government by way of budget support. It was more than the export earnings from the State’s

seafood industries (about Rs.10,000 million) or export earnings from the State’s spices industry

(Rs.5,700 million). Besides cash, households received several items in kind – clothing,

ornaments and jewellery, and electric and electronic gadgets; the estimated total value of goods

received in that year comes to about Rs.5,413 million. Total remittances thus estimated (cash

plus goods) amounts to Rs.40, 717 million or 10.7 per cent of SDP in 1998.

A recent study by CDS in 2007 has estimated district wise distribution of

remittances (table 4.29, p.138). Malappuram ranked first in terms of proportion of total

remittances (18.9 percent) followed by Kozhikode (12.9 percent) and Thrissur district (12.1

percent). Per household remittances are also the highest in Malappuram district. It is surprising to

note that Kottayam district is in the 11th place with regard to remittances flow from foreign

countries though it accounts for large scale female emigration.

Economic cost of migration Progressive critics view the plight of the children of migrant mothers as a human

rights issue. They draw our attention to Article 9 of the United Nations Declaration of the Rights

of the Child (1959) that states, a child “ should grow up in a family environment, in an

atmosphere of happiness, love, and understanding (and) not be separated from his or her parents

against their will” ( Pessar, 2005: 6). As per this survey 24 percent of children are in Kerala with

their father/ grandparents/ other relatives (table 7.12).




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Brain drain, brain waste and brain gain:

The demand for skilled workers can result in the emigration of a substantial

number of skilled workers from source countries. This fact is at the root of one of the major

debates surrounding international migration and can represent a significant loss for developing

countries. Countries spend considerable resources training highly skilled professionals: When

they leave, the sending country loses both emigrant skills as well as its initial investment.

Concern with skills depletion is nothing new, but global competition is driving countries to

recruit more highly skilled migrant workers in order to maintain and increase their economic

edge. As a result, researchers estimate that between a third and half of the developing world's

science and technology personnel now live in the developed world. However, a World Bank

study concludes that for “22 of the 33 countries in which educational attainment data can be

estimated, less than 10 percent of the best educated (tertiary-educated) population of labour-

exporting countries has migrated.” What is a godsend for the developed world, however, can be

devastating for more impoverished countries. Perhaps nowhere is the effect of “brain drain”

more acutely felt than in the already fragile health systems of developing countries. While sub-

Saharan Africa is now staggering under the highest infectious disease burden in the world (25

per cent), it retains only 1.3 per cent of the world’s health-care practitioners. In some countries,

the supply of nurses and doctors has been severely depleted. Aggressive recruitment policies on

the part of developed countries seeking to address skills shortages in their own health workforces

are partly responsible.

Recent World Health Organization (WHO) surveys show that the intention to

migrate is especially high among health workers living in regions hit hardest with HIV/AIDS—

68 per cent in Zimbabwe and 26 per cent in Uganda. The Global Commission on International

Migration (GCIM) reports that more Malawian doctors are currently practicing in the northern

English city of Manchester than in the whole of Malawi. Only 50 out of the 600 doctors trained

since independence are still practicing in Zambia. Although worrying, these types of situations

do not tell the whole story. Some researchers argue that in order for the brain drain to be

detrimental, two conditions must prevail: the loss of a high proportion of a country’s total

educated population and adverse economic consequences. Researchers observe that small, less-

developed countries, particularly in Africa and in the Caribbean, are most likely to suffer the




322

effects of brain drain. For example, in 2000, over 70 per cent of the highly educated population

of Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago were living in OECD countries. Direct and

indirect impacts (feedback effects) also need to be separated out in order to judge the overall

effect of emigration. Direct economic impacts are likely to be adverse: The loss of human capital

and lower levels of education in the remaining population can retard economic growth and stall

efforts to reduce poverty. However, several positive indirect impacts have also been identified.

Indeed, the World Bank maintains that, despite the fact that developing countries are

increasingly concerned about “brain drain”, losses may be more than offset by remittances and

increased trade and investment. Put more simply, remittance income can spur consumption in

the home country and can be used to invest in businesses.

Available research does not lead to a simple conclusion: Benefits can only be

determined according to each specific case. Moreover, when highly trained people find no outlet

for their profession at home, neither the person nor the country benefits, and the end result may

be “brain waste”. Altogether, the idea of “brain drain” tells only part of the story concerning the

overall impact of migration on an economy or society. Consequently, the intuitive policy

response—to plug the drain—will likely be ineffective. Recent research promotes the idea of

“optimal brain drain”—that is, an increase in the emigration of skilled migrants may actually

benefit the source country in some cases. Lessons suggested by an analysis of Taiwan, Province

of China (where brain drain was eventually transformed into gain), include: subsidize education

only up to the level actually demanded by the national economy; use migration as a “brain

reserve” in terms of advice and returning skills; support Diaspora networking and recruitment;

and build a critical mass of returnees. There are also practical reasons why attempts to restrict

mobility may simply not work. Many migrants will find ways around recruitment bans.

Furthermore, policies that have attempted to curb migration have historically met with little

success. Efforts to limit mobility from particular countries could also end up inhibiting

development. Indeed, those policies most likely to be effective are those that accept existing

trends rather than seeking to reverse them. The International Organization for Migration (IOM),

the Economic Commission for Latin American and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Global

Commission all support this view. Table 8.10 shows Inter-state migration in Kerala.




323

Table8.10

Inter-state migration in Kerala

Sl.No. States Out Migration In Migration

1. Andhra Pradesh 40400 24100

2. Assam 0 3700

3. Bihar 800 5000

4. Gujarat 9000 25200

5. Haryana 16400 100

6. Karnataka 211900 123000

7. Madhya Pradesh 20300 11100

8. Maharashtra 169800 69100

9. Orissa 200 26400

10. Punjab 1100 11100

11. Rajasthan 7900 17400

12. Tamil Nadu 311800 290300

13. Uttar Pradesh 11400 15400

14. West Bengal 18100 2000

Total 849800 783500

Source: Census of India, Migration Tables, Kerala State, 2001

Net out-migration from Kerala is much higher than the in-migration to State. It is

very much reflected from the migration data from Census 2001 that the destination for out

migration from Kerala are mostly the places where job opportunities are high for educated class.

Tamil Nadu by its growing economy and proximity to the State tops the chart of migrating

destination. Karnataka, the industrial hub for IT in South is the second chosen destination by

migrating Keralites followed by Maharashtra the most industrial State in the country. The three

together account for more than 80 percent on inter-state migration from Kerala. The maximum

number of in migration to Kerala is also from the States of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.

Not only huge population migration from Kerala takes place to Gulf countries but also Gulf

countries top in migrating to Kerala among the foreign countries. Almost 85 percent of foreign

immigration to Kerala is from Gulf countries (table 8.11).




324

Table8.11

Foreign in Migration in Kerala

Sl.No. Country In migration

1. Nepal 900

2. Bhutan 15600

3. Gulf countries 195300

4. Other Asian countries 40

5. USA 200

6. Other Countries 5500

Total 221500

Source: Census of India, Migration Tables, Kerala State (2001)

The district wise migration (table8.12) shows that migration is highest in

Thrissur followed by Malappuram. Next stands the districts of Alapuzha, Palakad and Kollam.

The lowest migration occurs from districts of Idukki and Wayanad. Migration prevalence rate

per 100 household is highest in Pathanamthitta (98.6) followed by Thrissur (88.5). The rate of

migration is lowest in Idukki (11.5). Household migration rate i.e. how many household have at

least one member migrating is highest in Pathanamthitta (59.4) followed by Malappuram

(52.2).The lowest household migration rates are accounted by Idukki (7.6) and Wayanad (16.0).

Though there is a drain of human resources from Kerala due to international migration, there is

an inflow of human resources from other States in search of employment. It should be noted that

the outflow of human resources is not balanced by the inflow of human resources. The impact of

this imbalance is not felt in the short run, may be its impact may be realized in the long run.




325

Table8:12

District wise migration in Kerala

Sl.No. Districts Migrants Migration prevalence

rate per 100 household

Household

migration rate


403574 61.6 44.9

2. Kollam 332142 59.4 41.7 3 Pathanamthitta 290560 98.6 59.4 4. Alapuzha 347446 72.7 38.9 5. Kottayam 140599 35.9 27.5 6. Idukki 29081 11.5 7.6 7. Ernakulam 228255 37.3 25.4 8. Thrissur 556791 88.5 49.8 9. Palakad 346411 65.1 37.1 10. Malappuram 470937 78.1 52.2 11. Kozhikode 255486 48.4 37.7 12. Wayanad 30933 19.6 16.0 13. Kannur 196520 42.4 35.4 14. Kasargod 122984 60.7 38.1

Kerala 3751719 59.0 38.5

Source: Zacharia.K.C, Mathew.E.T, and Irudaya Rajan.S. (2007b) Economic and Social

Dynamics of Migration in Kerala. CDS.

Migration and Gulf wives:

Migration causes nearly one million (one out of eight) married women in Kerala to live

away from their husbands. Loneliness is the major problems of Gulf wives (Zachariah, K.C., et.

al., 2003:323-330)




326

Migration and female headed households:

Lonely women are increasing in Kerala and the proportions of female-headed

households to total households are 22.6 percent: 22.5 percent in rural area and 22.8 percent in urban

area (Bose Ashish, 2006:2192). Divorce, desertion, death, migration etc are the basic reasons for the

formulation of female-headed households. Among the major states in India, Kerala ranks first with 76

percent of its elderly. About 56 percent of the married elderly women are widows and have no

financial assets in their name. Widowhood coupled with poverty, increase in longevity of life and

agonies of old age are the new challenges in the modern society (Economic review, 2005:485-488).

It is being argued now that the much lower gender gap in basic capabilities in

Kerala need not necessarily suggest a ‘high status’ for women (Eapen and Kodoth, 2003). It is

true that the Gender Development Index estimated at the regional level by several scholars’

places Kerala at the top. In respect of Gender Empowerment Measures too, which attempt to

measure empowerment or autonomy in terms of the extent to which women are able to use their

basic capabilities to acquire decision-making powers, both economically and politically, Kerala

is at or near the top (Mehta, 1996; EPW 1996). Yet, on more direct measures of autonomy,

including household decision making, mobility and access to/control over money, Kerala trailed

Gujarat, which had much lower levels of literacy (Visaria, 1996; Rajan et al, 1994). In the

second National Family Health Survey, 1998-99, which incorporated similar measures of

autonomy for ever-married women for the first time Kerala was ranked 10th among 25 States,

trailing Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, Goa, Himachal Pradesh and several north-eastern States

(Kishore and Gupta, 2004). This was the case on most areas of household decision-making, even

if only working women were considered (NFHS, 1998- 99). Findings of this nature question the

much-glorified straight forward relation between literacy and women’s autonomy and raise the

need to locate women’s educational attainment and access to other resources within the extant

patriarchal social structures, specifically the family (Jeffery and Basu, 1996; Heward and

Bunwaree, 1999). The question to ask seems to be: Where have women’s ‘achievements’ been

directed? A decomposition of the GDI is very revealing; high scores on education and health

among 15 States of India (ranking Kerala first) mask women’s poor employment profile. The

State ranked 10th or 15th according to different measures of income shares based on gender work

participation rates and wage rates (Seeta Prabhu et al, 1996). High rates of literacy and

impressive levels of female education did not translate into rapid growth of paid employment of




327

women nor into upward occupational mobility. Against this, the State is witnessing downtrends

in women’s property rights, rapid growth and spread of dowry and high levels of gender-based

violence, particularly domestic violence, even as the levels of education continue to rise. Thus,

new questions need to be raised about the conventional indicators of well being – education,

health and employment – particularly the ways they combine to reflect extant gendered priorities.

Also, there is the need to go beyond the conventional indicators of well being to hitherto less

examined sites such as mental health, crime against women, political participation or property

rights (Sonpar and Kapur, 2003; Eapen and Kodoth, 2003).

Crimes against women

Patriarchal structures are associated with systemic prevalence and legitimation of

violence against women. Women’s views too are shaped within these structures. The NFHS-2

reveals that 69.4 per cent of women in India who had experienced violence at least once in their

lifetime and 53.3 per cent of women who had never experienced violence justified wife beating

on one or other grounds. It is striking that Kerala had a higher proportion of such women than all

India in both categories – 70.2 per cent and 60.8 per cent, respectively (Kishore and Gupta,

2004). By this yardstick, patriarchal conditioning is firmly grounded in Kerala. Data on Crime

against Women (CAW) is classified under six categories – rape, kidnapping and abduction,

dowry deaths, cruelty by husband and relatives, molestation and sexual harassment. Kerala is

among States/UTs with higher rates of CAW. A more recent study of domestic violence in

Thiruvananthapuram (rural and urban) found that overall 35.7 per cent of women reported

experiencing at least one form of physical violence at least once in their married life. At 64.9 per

cent, the figure was considerably higher for psychological violence (Panda, 2003: 44). The socio-

economic correlates of domestic violence investigated by these studies are instructive. Taking all

the sites together, the INCLEN study (2000) revealed that gender gap in education and

employment was significant in explaining violence. Violence was more frequent when the

woman respondent was more educated (>2 years) and had a better type of employment.

Nevertheless, the unemployment status of the husband was significantly and positively

associated with both measures of violence. These are indications of the importance of work

status to male identity. The INCLEN study found male dissatisfaction with women over

domestic responsibilities, including disobedience, infidelity and alcoholism, were key causes of

violence.




328

Table8:13

District wise crimes against women in Kerala (per lakh) 2003

Sl.No. Districts Rape Mole-

station

Kidnap-

Ping

Sexual

Harassment

Dowry

Death

Cruelty by

husband

and

relatives

Total


1.39 10.08 0.62 0.28 0.28 9.71 26.28

2. Kollam 2.05 12.27 0.43 0.00 0.19 14.12 30.49

3 Pathanamthitta 1.06 7.63 0.00 0.00 0.16 9.42 19.89

4. Alapuzha 0.47 5.89 0.57 0.09 0.14 8.45 15.96

5. Kottayam 1.28 7.22 0.51 0.51 0.00 5.89 15.46

6. Idukki 1.24 8.24 0.00 0.53 0.00 9.21 20.02

7. Ernakulam 1.07 3.52 0.26 0.00 0.06 2.97 12.59

8. Thrissur 0.97 5.28 0.24 0.34 0.10 7.53 22.35

9. Palakad 1.8 5.35 0.04 0.15 0.11 8.18 17.54

10. Malappuram 1.16 1.57 0.11 0.06 0.06 12.67 22.67

11. Kozhikode 1.18 4.38 0.24 0.35 0.10 12.75 29.43

12. Wayanad 2.54 6.36 0.00 0.25 0.13 10.81 42.84

13. Kannur 0.54 2.69 0.08 0.12 0.00 7.21 16.33

14. Kasargod 1.25 5.90 0.33 0.25 0.00 5.48 24.35

Kerala 1.23 5.87 0.27 0.19 0.10 9.03 21.84

Source: NHRC Report, 2005




329

While these were important in Panda’s study too, he also noted that 30 per cent of women who

had arranged marriages cited dowry as a factor in violence (Ibid: 51). Clearly, these provide

strong indications of patriarchal structures underlying violence against women, most clearly in

the gendered expectations that they sustain.

District-wise information on crimes against women (table8.13) reveals that the

incidence was highest in Wayanad (42.84) followed by Kollam (30.49) and Kozhikode (29.43)

districts. These districts also top in rape figures in the State. Domestic violence (cruelty by

husband and relatives) is above the State average in a number of districts, particularly Kollam,

Kozhikode and Malappuram and these are areas which need further enquiry. It is interesting to

note that the incidence of crime against women is lower than the State figure of 21.84 in

Kottayam, Pathanamthitta, Alapuzha, Ernakulam, Kannur and Kasargod districts.

Alcoholism and suicide

Another area of concern is the growing level of alcohol consumption in Kerala,

which is highest among States in per capita terms. The cause for worry is the spread of

consumption among the younger age groups and its implications for health, domestic harmony

and increasing road accidents.

The State scores very high in terms of physical health achievements

(notwithstanding high levels of morbidity), on the other, increasing mental ill health is drawing

considerable attention. Kerala has one of the highest suicide rates in the country, manifesting

extreme mental distress, 30 per lakh population in 2002 (up from 17 per lakh population in the

1970s), compared to 11 per lakh population all-India, i.e. almost three times the national average.

Within the State, Idukki, Wayanad and Kollam have the highest rates of male and female

suicides, almost one-and-a-half time the State average. It is interesting to note that some attempts

to understand why Kerala has the highest suicide rates explain it in terms of her unique

achievements in literacy – high proportion of matriculate work seekers with higher career

expectations which are not fulfilled, creating a mismatch between levels of education and types

of jobs available, causing frustration and extreme distress (Halliburton, 1998). While for men, it

appears to work through their need to procure a suitable job, for women, the culturally prescribed




330

codes of conduct and roles they are expected to assume after marriage appears to be the

proximate cause. However, the higher rates in Idukki and Wayanad, certainly not the most

literate districts, remain unexplained (table 8.14). Needless to state, this is an area drawing

serious concern and needs further research.

Table8.14 District – wise suicide rate (2003)

Source: Human Development Report (2005), CDS, Thiruvanathapuram.

Sl. No. Districts

Suicide rate

Per lakh population

1. Thiruvanathapuram

33.4

2. Kollam 43.6

3 Pathanamthitta 32.9

4. Alapuzha 25.3

5. Kottayam 26.3

6. Idukki 51.7

7. Ernakulam 24.4

8. Thrissur 34.3

9. Palakad 33.6

10. Malappuram 13.3

11. Kozhikode 23.3

12. Wayanad 46.7

13. Kannur 46.7

14. Kasargod 24.0

Kerala 32.8




331

Factors underlying inter-district variations in female international migration:

In order to identify the factors contributing towards inter – district variability in

female emigration a multiple regression analysis is used. The equation is given below: The

procedure followed in running the multiple regressions is presented in Appendix III.

Female Emigration:

Y = 1 + 2X2 + 3X3 + 4X4 + 5X5+ 6X6 + 7X7 +

8X8 + 9X9 +10X10 --------- (1)

Y – Proportion of female emigrants

X2 – Proportion of male emigrants

X3 - Female literacy rate

X4 – Female work participation rate

X5 – Female unemployment rate

X6 – Per capita income

X7 - Social development index of the district

X8 – Gender Development Index

X9 – Deprivation Index

X10 –Economic development index of the district

Male migration: A positive association is expected between female emigration and male

emigration, because female emigration to a larger extent depends upon male emigration and this

is particularly true of family emigration/ marriage emigration.

Female literacy: Higher the female literacy, greater would be female emigration in search of

better employment prospects. Hence we can assume a direct correlation between female literacy

and female emigration.

Female work participation: Lack of employment opportunities in the place of origin may

induce women to migrate, if they were already in paid job. So we can expect a positive

relationship between female emigration and female work participation.

Unemployment: Unemployment and poverty go hand in hand. Several studies on migration

highlight a direct correlation between poverty, unemployment and migration. Larger, the

incidence of unemployment, greater the female emigration.




332

Per capita income: An inverse relationship is expected between emigration and per capita

income i.e. emigration will be high in districts with low levels of per capita income and vice

versa.

Social development: Social development refers to the development of the district in terms of,

health, housing, sanitation, drinking water supply etc. An inverse and negative correlation is

assumed between female emigration and social development of the district.

Gender Development Index: Gender Development Index is computed on the basis of three

indices viz. income, life expectancy at birth and literacy rate. A positive correlation is assumed

between GDI and female emigration.

Poverty: As no district level data on poverty was available, deprivation index is used as a proxy

for poverty. The index of deprivation is based on deprivation in four basic necessities for well-

being, such as housing quality, access to drinking water, good sanitation and electricity lighting.

Deprivation in these commodities can have a deleterious impact on human development and the

well-being of the people.

Economic development of the region: It is one of the vital factors contributing to the

emigration of people. If the district is well developed in terms of agriculture, industry and

infrastructure, greater would be the employment opportunities, higher the per capita income and

standard of living, lower would be emigration. Hence it is hypothesized that female emigration

varies inversely with the development of the district.

Empirical Results: As significant result did not emerge with regard to variables such as female work participation,

per capita income, social and gender development index, the best fitted equation -----(2) is given

below and the results are presented in table 8.15

Y = β1 + 2X2 + 3X3 + 5X5+ β10X10 ------ (2)




333

Table 8.15

Regression Results of Best Fitted Equation - --- (2)

Model Summary

Model - 2

R

R square

Adjusted R

square

Standard

Error of the

Estimate

F

Regression

Sample size: 14

Independent

variables: 4

0.886

0.785

0.690

3.256

8.227

Coefficientsa

Model -2

Unstandardised Coefficients Unstandardised

Coefficients

t

Sig*.

B Std.Error Beta

(Constant) 10.28 28.55 - 4.08 .763

VAR00002 -.296 0.094 - .606 -3.15 .012

VAR00003 .561 .219 .466 2.63 .031

VAR00005 .311 .104 .535 2.99 .015

VAR000010 -.559 .938 -..111 -3.81 .550

a – Dependent Variable: VAR00001 * Significant at 1 percent level

The analysis on the whole seems to suggest that the significant factors that

influence female emigration are: male emigration, female literacy rate, female unemployment

and economic development of the district. The macro level evidence of the negative relationship

between female and male emigration is in consistent with the micro level results of this study

which shows that men follow women in international emigration. The remittances are smaller in

Kottayam district that accounts for large scale female emigration. Nevertheless the overall

performance of this district as well as the status of women is remarkable.




334

The waves of migration from Kerala has a significant impact on states’ economy

and living conditions. Emigration and remittances is the most important dynamic factor in the

economic scenario of Kerala in the first decade of the 21st century. Migration has influenced the

economy through land relationship, decline of agriculture, growth of consumer and service

sector, rise of education and a relatively less skilled and knowledge based young leadership pool

for political parties. Considering the status of women in the society over the last one hundred

years females outnumber males consistently due to decline in female infant mortality rate and

increase in the life expectancy of women. While concluding this chapter the following

inferences are drawn:

In female literacy Kerala stands first in Indian states with a literacy rate of 91.98 percent.

The percentage of illiterate is minimum in Kottayam district (2.43 percent)

Districts that account for higher rates of emigration (men and women) show low levels of

women’s participation in the labour market.

Three fourths of the unemployed women remained unemployed because of their

preferences for skilled white collar jobs.

There is a positive correlation between unemployment and emigration and unemployment

and education.

Massive remittances from abroad lead to replacement migration in Kerala.

The wage rates are relatively higher in developed districts such as Kottayam,

Malappuram and Thiruvanathapuram than economically backward districts.

Kerala ranks first among States in India in the Human development index 2001 (0.773).

Kottayam district ranks 2nd in HDI.

Kerala is also ranked at the top in the gender-related development index (GDI) among

major States in India. Kottayam district stands in 4th place in GDI.

The incidence of poverty in Kerala dropped below the Indian average due to large scale

migration from Kerala.

The incidence of deprivation is about 30 per cent in Kerala. With a deprivation index of

25.1, Kottayam stands in 3rd place.

Per capita NSDP of Kerala seems to be higher than the all-India average.

Among the 14 districts of Kerala State, Kottayam ranks third in per capita income.




335

The districts viz., Pathanamthitta and Kottayam are more advanced in demographic transition

than other districts in Kerala. Kerala reached the final stage of demographic transition with

low fertility and mortality rate.TFR for Kottayam district (1.6).

Among the major States in India, the age at marriage is highest in Kerala for both males

and females. India is 25 years behind Kerala in terms of the achievement of life

expectancy at birth.

Kerala’s infant mortality rate is the lowest in India.

The utilization of maternal health care services is the highest in Kerala among all Indian

States. Kerala has had an edge over many other States in social and economic

infrastructure, such as road transport, post offices, telecommunication, banking, schools,

medical institutions and number of hospital beds. The performance of Kottayam district

is remarkable in this regard. About 93percent of government schools in Kottayam district

are in pucca building; 86 percent have drinking facilities and 89 percent have toilet

facilities.

In the case of communication Kerala stands far above the all-India average, with 13 post

offices per 100 sq. km of area.

A substantial proportion of households in Kerala live in pucca houses. In Kottayam

district nearly 78 percent of the population lives in pucca houses.

In sanitation also Kerala is in the forefront.

Physical facilities like school buildings, furniture and equipment, sports facilities, toilets,

drinking water, etc., are much better in Kerala than anywhere else in the country.

the significant factors that influence female emigration are: male emigration, female

literacy rate, female unemployment and economic development of the district.

The annual remittances received by Kerala households were 2.55 times higher than what

the Kerala Government received from the Central Government by way of budget support.

The increased income induced a boom not only in consumption but also in ‘savings’ as

reflected in the high growth rates of bank deposits.

Unemployment rate among females is very high in Kerala compared with the rest of

India.

Kerala ranks first in the case of proportion of elderly in the country in 2001.




336

24 percent of children are in Kerala with their father/ grandparents/ other relatives

according to primary data.

The hospital visits to Kerala people are higher than that in other states.

Net out-migration from Kerala is much higher than the in-migration to State.The loss of

brain-drain due to migration is much higher in Kerala.

Migration causes nearly one million (one out of eight) married women in Kerala to live

away from their husbands.

Lonely women are increasing in Kerala

The proportions of female-headed households to total households are 22.6 percent: 22.5

percent in rural area and 22.8 percent in urban area.

Divorce, desertion, death, migration etc are the basic reasons for the formulation of female-

headed households.

Among the major states in India, Kerala ranks first with 76 percent of its elderly.

The State is witnessing downtrends in women’s property rights, rapid growth and spread

of dowry and high levels of gender-based violence, particularly domestic violence.

Direct measures of autonomy, including household decision making, mobility and access

to/control over money, Kerala trailed Gujarat, which had much lower levels of literacy.

Kerala is among States/UTs with higher rates of crimes against women like – rape,

kidnapping and abduction, dowry deaths, cruelty by husband and relatives, molestation

and sexual harassment, above all India average.

The incidence of crimes against women is lower than the State figure of 21.84 in

Kottayam, Pathanamthitta, Alapuzha, Ernakulam, Kannur and Kasargod districts.

Kerala has one of the highest suicide rates in the country, manifesting extreme mental

distress.




337

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