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CHAPTER-I
CHAPTER-I
THE INDIAN TAMIL COMMUNITY IN SRI LANKA A BACKGROUND
This chapter seeks to highlight the historical antecedents
of the Indian Tamils and their socio-economic conditions in Sri
Lanka. The socio-economic problems of the Indian Tamil Women
have been analysed in partioular, to serve as a background to
the arowth of their education in the island.
Sri Lanka is a -.ulti-ethnic society. The origin of most of
the Sri Lankans is traced to the migratory movements of people
from India. As shown in Table 1, the Sinhalese are the majori-
ty community in the country, and the Tamils are the largest
minority. Some of the other communities that inhabit the island
are Burghers and Eurasians, Europeans, Moors, Malays, and 1
Veddas.
The Sinhalese form more than two-third of the total popula-
tion of the country. They are the descendants of people who
had come from the Indo-aanaetic plains of northern India. It
is said that kina Vijiaya and his followers arrived in the
island on the day of Lord Buddha's parinirvana, and the Sin-
halese Buddhist civilisation beaan with their historic settle-
ment . They speak Sinhalese and about 92 per cent of them
. K.M. De Silva,A History of Sri Lanka (0elhi:1981), p.15.
1
profess Buddhisa; only a saall nuaber of thea are Chris-
tians. The Sinhalese are
Table- 1 SRI LAHKAR POPULATIOR BY BTHNIC GROUP 1981
---------------------------------------------------------------Bthnic group Ruabers Percentage
---------------------------------------------------------------All Bthnic .Groups 14846758 1""·" Sinhalese 1"979561 74." Sri Lankan Taails 1886872 12.7 Sri Lankan Moors 1"46926 7." Indian Taails 818656 5.5 Burghers 39374 "·3 Malays 46963 e.3 Others 28398 "·2
Source: Sri Lanka, Ministry of Plan iapleaentation, Departaent of Census and Statistics, Census of Population and Housing 1981, General Report, Coloabo, 1988, Vol.3. Table 9.1. p. 111
divided into two Low-Country and landyan Sinhalese. This
distinction is aade aore along historical and cultural lines
rather than on regional lines. The Kandyan Sinhalese are
conservatives in their outlook and aostly adhere to traditional
social structures; the Low-country Sinhalese are liberal in
their outlook and had coae under the Western colonial iapact 2
auch earlier than the landyan Sinhalese.
The Sri Lankan Taails are the largest ethnic ainority in
the island. They are the descendants of people who started
migrating to the island in the fifth century fro• South India.
By the beginning of the eleventh century when the powerful
2.H. Chattopadhyaya,Indians in Sri Lanka (Calcutta:1979), p.100
2
Chola dynasty was ruling South India. the Indian people had
occupied the whole of the Island. Host of the Sri Lankan Tamils
are settled in the northern and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka,
which is popularly known as the traditional homeland of the
Tamils. Majority of the Sri Lankan Tamils are Hindus; but a 3
sizable number of them are Christian.
The Sri Lankan Koors are the descendants of the Arab trad-
ers; they constitute about 8 per cent of the total population
of the Island. A sizable section of the Sri Lankan Moors are
settled in Batticaloa district in the eastern province. They
are fundamentally multi-lingual. They speak Sinhalese in the
Sinhalese-dominated areas and Tamil in the northern and eastern
provinces of the Island.
The Indian Moors are a small group of petty traders from
the Malabar coast of South India. They apeak Tamil and are
Huslias by religion. The Malays fora a saall group; they came
to the island during the British colonial period, and are con
centrated around Coloabo and Kandy. The Burghers and Eurasians
are ainuscule in nuaber, constituting about 0.5 per oent of the 4
total population of the Island.
The Indian Taails aigrated to Sri Lanka during the first
half of the 19th century, in the wake of the introduction of
3.Ibid.
4.Ibid., pp.101-2.
3
plantation economy on the Island in the 1820s. The estate
labourers migrated from various districts of Tamil Madu, espe
cially Kadurai, North Aroot, Ramanathapuram, Pudukottai, Salem,
Tanjore, Trichy, Chenaalpet and Tirunelveli. Host of the mi-
grants belong to oppressed caste groups of Tamil Madu, who went
to Sri Lanka because of economic compulsions - poverty, famine, 5
low income and unemployment.
Tho Causes for Indian Taail Migration to Sri Lanka
The need for the Indian labourers arose because of the
reluctance of the local Sinhalese to take up plantation job.
Also, the British found Indian labour force cheap. Coinciden
tally~ South India witnessed grim drought, resulting in prob-
lema like unemployment and poverty. This worked as a "push
factor" for the migrants most of whoa belonged to oppressed
caste groups of Toil Madu. The "pull factor" however, was
that the migrants were readily assured of a job and a regular 6
inooae.
The labourers were sent to Sri Lanka under the'Kangany·
system. The Kanaanies were the aaents of the British who re-
5.P.Sahadevan, India and Overseas Indians: The Case of Sri Lanka (Delhi: 1995), p.88-89.
6.H.B. Hookiah, "Social and Economic conditions of the Plantation Workers in Sri Lanka", Paper presented in Colombo, 3-4 March 199(2.1, p.4.
4
7 cruited manpower from the South Indian villasea. The recruits
were given interest-free loans and advance money as an in-
centive for their migration. Another practice that was preva-
lent in the realm of labour recruitment was the Tin-ticket
system. It was introduced in 1902 in order to prevent any
delays in the transportation of the recruits. Under this system
the Sri Lankan government took the responsibility of transport
ing the labourers and recovered the cost latter from the super-
intendents. Every worker was issued a 'tin ticket· whioh he
had to present at the quarantine camp at Manadapam or Tatapar-8
ai.
Though a majority of the migrants in the early years were
men, records indicate that a small proportion of women also
miarated alona with them. These women were unattached and were
recruited to serve men. Women had to endure dreadful hardships
of the journey; they were often exposed to illness and infec-
tiona. Their plight is vividly described by W.C. Twynam, a Gov
ernment observer in Jaffna, durinl the initial period of miara-
tion:
7. Chattopadhyaya, n.2, p.44.
8. Ibid., p.45.
5
miserable gangs of collies of 1843 and 1845, with one or two women to 58 or 100 men, strangers in a strange land, illfed, ill-clothed, eating any garbage they came across (more however troa necessity than choice), travelling over jungle paths, soaetiaes with scarcely a drop of water to be found anyWhere near them tor miles, and others knee-deep the areater part of the way in water, with the country all round a swamp; working on estates just reclaimed from jungle, or on jungles about to be converted into estates, badly into estates, badly
9 housed, and little understood by their employers ...
Later, the planters and colonial officials directly re-
oruited woaen as labourers. There were several reasons for
this: One of the most important considerations for the plant-
ers was that if more women migrate, the workers would stay for
a lonaer period and the estates would have more settled popula-18
tion. The planters felt that this might ao some way to solve
their difficulties in obtaining and keeping labour on the
estates. They realized that if women, who were prepared to
work on less waaes than men, were encouraged to migrate, then
there would be less incentives for the male workers to return
hoae frequently. As early as in 1869, the Secretary of the
Iaaiarant Labourer Commission sent specific instructions to
the agents in India to look for labour who would bring their
9.See Letter from W.C. Twynam, Government Agent of Jaffna to the Colonical Secretary Henry T.Irving in the Correspondence on the Condition of Malaher Coolies in CeYlon, Co 54/475, p.16, Enclosure No 8., 30 September 1896.
10.Ceylon Labour Commission, Ceylon Labour Commission Handbook (Colombo:1908), p.76.
6
wives and families with them.
Another important consideration for recruiting women was
that female labour was cheaper than male labour. Women had
worked on construction sites in India and they had been paid
consistently lower wages than men. In 1859, a male worker in
Tirunelveli and Hadurai received three pence a day, while a
woman received one penny. The management, on its part, was
willing to pay men a relatively higher rate, women and children
were paid at a lower rate.
Thus, there was a shift in composition of the estate work
force as more women began to migrate with the men. In 1843,
the female constituted only 2.8 per cent of the total labour
force (excluding the child labour). This figure increased to
28.87 per cent in 1868. Between 1843 and 1877, woaen came to
form nearly one-fifth of the migrants. Aocordinl to one esti
mated about 58,000 men, 10,300 women and 8,000 children migrat-
ed to Sri Lanka during the same period. With further expansion
of tea industry, the demand for labour also increased. By 1911, 11
sizable nuaber of woaen workers had migrated to the island
Still woaen coaprised a relatively small proportion of
workers in the miaratory labour cycle. A report in 1917 noted
that the peroentaae of men, women, and children among the
~l.Majoriebanks and Marakkayar: Report on Indian Labour Emigra:ion to Ceylon and Malaya by Majoriebanks, N.E. and Marakkayar, ~.R. (Madras:1917), p.22.
7
arrivals during the past 62 year period was 73.45 per cent
16.75 per cent and 9.80 per cent respectively. In 1911, the
Tamil
females.
labour force comprised 234,594 males and 12
205,706
Besides, there were non-estate worker migrants, commonly
known as free migrants, who visited the island on temporary
basis per months. Free migrants were not reoruited by the
Kanganies. Many of them found employment as unskilled and
semi-skilled workers in the urban areas, especially in Colombo
and main towns of Kandy, Kegalle, Ratnapura, Mawalpity, Gampaha
and Kasheliya. A small aroup of migrants also set up their own
business, while many worked in harbour and railways. Yet
another small group of educated Indian Tamils took-up white-13
collar jobs such as clerks and teachers.
Thus, the Tamil community in Sri Lanka can be divided into
two categories : labourers and traders. As shown in Table 2,
majority of the Indian Tamil population is concentrated in the 14
hill areas where tea estates are located.
According to the 1981 Census, about 78 per cent of Indian
12.R.Jayaraman,Caste Continuties in Ceylon:A Study of the Social Structure of Three tea Plantations (Bombay:1975), p.112.
13.M.B.Mookiab, n.7, pp. 4-7.
14. Dbarmpriya Wesumperuma,Indian Immigrant Plantation Workers in Sri Lanka: A Historical Perspective 1880-1910 (Keleniya:1986), p.6.
8
Tamil are settled in the plantation sector. It includes dis
tricts such as Nuwara Bliya, Kandy, Matale, Badulla, Ratnapura
and Kegalle. In the North-Eastern Province, they account for
about 7.7 per cent of the total population in the island. It is
important to note that they live either in Sinhalese dominated
areas or the Sri Lankan Tamils concentrated areas. Of course,
However, as Table 2 shows, the Indian Tamils are unequally
scattered throughout the island's nine provinces.
Socio-economic and political problema of Indian Tamils
The Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka, especially, tho plantation
workers, are more backward than any other community in the
country; the same condition prevails even today. Their socio
economic status is extremely poor because of the stateless
problem, unequal waces (compared to other sectors of the is
land's economy), low level of income, low literacy rate, miser
able housing and poor health conditions.
The Problem of Statelessness
kept
The
For decades tho Tamil plantation workers had been
separated from the rest of the country's population.
estate management prevented them from mixing with the local
Sinhala villagers. They wore not allowed to leave the estates
for fear that they may come under outside influence; the man
agement thought that this miaht open the eyes of the workers
9
Tabk-2
INDIAN' TAMJLS POPULATION IN' DISTRICTS CENSUS YEARS-195 3-1981
........................................... -- .. --- .. -- .................... -- ................ --- .......................................................................................... -............................................ -................................. 1953 1963 1971 1981
Provinces Districts ------------- .......................... --- ..................... -- .......... -- ...... --------- ............................ -- ..................... -................ -................
No . % No. % No. % No. % ... -... --- ............ --- ... --- ................. --- ...... -- ................ -- .. -- .. ---- .. --- ...... -... --- -- .......... --- ........ -.. -.......... ---- ........... ---- ................ -.... -- ............. -- ...... -........ -........
SRI LANKA 974098 1 2. 0 1 16489 10.6 1174606 9.3 818656 5.5
\NESTERN Colombo 72382 4.2 57225 2.6 59497 2.2 19824 1.2 Gampaha* 5919 0.4 Kalutara 34308 6.6 37661 6.0 38697 5.3 33659 4.1
CENTRAL Kandy 255914 30.5 293741 28.2 286225 24.1 98436 9.4 Matale 40655 20.3 44206 17.3 46806 14.9 24912 7.0 Nuwara Eliya 192578 59.2 225728 56.8 235403 52.3 257478 45.7
SOUTHERN Galle 11237 2.1 12579 2.0 15233 2.1 11056 1.4 Matara 11487 2.8 15841 3.1 18703 3" .J.. 13875 2.2 Hambantota 261 0.1 351 0.1 308 0.1 284 0.1
NORTIIERN Jaffna 7589 1.6 11382 1.9 18033 2.6 19980 2.4 Manner 7979 18.3 9654 16.1 12974 16.7 13850 130 VallUCliya 2339 6.7 7754 11.5 13828 14.5 18714 19.6
Mullaitivu• 11215 14.5
EASTERN Batticaloa 1825 0.7 1656 0.8 4254 1.7 4074 1.2 Amparai 1312 0.6 1771 0.06 1411 0.4 Trinc:omalee 3482 4.1 3371 2.4 5061 2.7 5372 2.1
NORTH Kurunegala 9892 1.6 11306 1.3 13344 1.3 6616 0.5 WESTERN Puttalam 1077 1.8 7377 2.4 5999 1.6 2289 0.5
NORTH Anuradhapura 3378 1.5 1721 0.6 2041 0.5 719 0.1 CENTRAL Polonnaruwa 261 0.2 271 0.2 214 0.2
UVA Badulla 166265 35.6 197269 37.8 209545 34.0 129498 20.2 Moneragala 12006 9.1 11646 6.0 8859 3.2
SP\BAAA- Ratnapura 87088 20.7 104632 19.2 113214 17.1 84740 10.6 GAMTJWA Kegalle 58247 12.4 65973 11.4 61735 9.4 45752 6.7
•created in 1978.
Source: Ceylon, Department of Census and Statistics, Statistical Abstract of Ceylon, 1960 (Colombo, 1960), Tables 14 and 15. pp. 21-22; Statistical Abstract of Ceylon, 1969 (Colombo, 1970), Tables 17 and 18, pp. 31-33; Ibid, Statistical Abstract of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, 1977 (Colombo, 1979), Tables 17 and 18, pp.37 -38; Statistical Abstract of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. 1985 (Colombo, 1987), Tables 18 and 20, pp.31-32.
10
and make them aware of their inhuman living conditions. In
other words their mobility outside the estate was limited and
they were under to strict surveillance by Kanaanies (super-
visors). Also, "the trespass laws effectively prevented out-15
siders from entering the estates" Until recently, and to
some extent even today, the plantation is described as "a
bureaucratically organised system in which whole blocks of
people are treated as units and are marched through a set
regimentation under the surveillance of the small supervisory 16
staff". This regimentation has undermined their self-imaQe
and self-respect.
In 1927, the Donoughmore Commission recommended the univer-
sal adult franchise. Under this provision, a majority of the 17
imaiarants got voting rights. "While the community around
them registered marked change since Independence, they lost
even the little political rights they enjoyed under colonial
rule, when they were made stateless by the first independent
15.Karthigesu Sivathamby., Ilankai Halaiaka Thamilarin Panpatum Karutthu Nilavum in Tamil (The Culture and Ideology of the Plantation Tamils of Sri Lanka) Vol.1, (Colombo:1993), p.9.
16.Beckford, G.L. Persistent Poyerty: Underdevelopment in Plantation Economic of the Third World (New York:1972), p.9.
17. Report of the Special Commission on the Constitution (Colombo, 1928), p.82.
11
16 government of 1947".
to enact laws to determine methods to identify those who could
qualify to become citizens of Sri Lanka. According to citizen-
ship act a person had to produce documents to prove that his
father or grand father was born in Sri Lanka in order to quali-
fy for the Sri Lankan citizenship. However, most of the Indian
Tamils could not produce their father's birth certificate or
otherwise prove to the authorities that their fathers were born
in Sri Lanka. This condition disqualified most of the Indian
Tamils admitted to Sri Lankan citizenship. As a result, a
majority of the Indian Tamils in erstwhile Ceylon were rendered 19
stateless people.
Moreover, after the denial of franchise to the plantation
Tamils, the number of seats in the parliament representing
Tamils decreased drastically. This, in turn, benefited the
Sinhalese. In the 1947 general elections, the Indian and Sri
Lankan Tamils had won 20 seats in the Parliament. However, in
the 1952 elections their number reduced to only 13 whereas, the
seats for the Sinhalese increased from 68 in 1947 to 75 in
1952 . Then, in the 1977 elections, the Sinhalese with 72 per
. 8.Change Through Community Development in the "Up-Country" Tea :states of Sri Lanka (Colombo:1990),p.4.
9. L.L.T. Perris, The Citizenship Law of the Republic of Sri &nka (Colombo, 1974), pp.4-5.
12
cent of the population held 80 per cent of the seats while the
Tamils, with 20 per cent of the population, held only 12 per 20
cent of the seats
The statelessness of the Indian Tamils was caused by the
outcome of the Parliamentary elections in 1947, when the Ceylon
Workers Congress (an Indian Tamil dominated organization) won
seven seats. The Indian Tamil representatives in the parlia-
ment supported the left parties and strengthened the opposi-
tion. The local feudal Kandyan landlords and Sinhalese elite
groups wanted to prevent them from acquiring power. They,
therefore, enacted a citizenship law, denying them their right
of franchise.
Beside, the government also made it difficult for the Tamil
estate workers virtually impossible to obtain citizenship. The
Tamil leaders staged protest against the citizenship act 1948
of the Sinhalese government. The Ceylon Indian Congress 21
launched a Satyagraha movement during the 1952.
The "stateless" problem had put tremendous pressure on
both India and Sri Lanka. On the one hand, India refused to
accept them as its citizens and, on the other, Sri Lanka de-
clined to grant them citizenship. However, in 1954, an a
20.Ibid., p.8.
21. Vije Mayan., Where Serfdom Thrives: The Plantation Tamils of Sri Lanka (Madras: 1987), pp.l4-15.
13
agreement was signed between the Indian Prime Minister, Jawa-
harlal Nehru and the Sri Lanka Prime Minister, Jone Kotelawala.
Some important provisions of the agreement were: (a) Sri Lanka
agreed for the expeditious registration of stateless persons as
its citizens under the Indian and Pakistani Residents• (Citi-
zenship) Act; (b) All persons who had been registered under
this Act would be placed on a separate electoral register,
initially for an interim period of ten years. Such Indian
Tamils would be entitled to elect a certain number of members
to the House of Representatives, the number being determined
after consultation with the Prime Minister of India; and (o)
Those Indians who were not registered as Sri Lankan citizens
would be allowed, if they so desired, to register themselves as
Indian citizens in accordance with provisions of Article 8 the
Constitution of India. While Sri Lanka, on its part, aareed to
offer special incentives to increase such registrations, the
Indian government undertook to extend administrative and other
facilities for the same purpose. The significance of the
Agreement lies in the fact that the question of 'illicit immi-
gration· was considered for the first time as part of the
Indian Tamil problem. It demanded certain measures to be taken 22
by both the countries to suppress illegal immigration.
However, this agreement did not provide a final solution to
22.Sahadevan, n.5, p.135.
14
the problem of the people of Indian origin. Between 1951 and
1962~ only 132,312 persons had been granted Sri Lankan citizen-
ship, while only 35,411 had been recoanized as Indian citizens
under the Indian and Pakistani Residents· (Citizenship) Act.
This left a vast majority of poeple of the Indian oriain state-23
less. In 1984 the Indian and Sri Lankan governments estimat-24
ed that there were 975,000 stateless persons in Sri Lanka.
However, in 1984, both the Prime Ministers of India and Sri
Lanka had sianed an aareement to resolve the stateless problem.
The Indo-Ceylon Agreement of 1984 (Srimavo-Shastri Pact) esti-25
mated the total stateless people at 975,e80. The main
features of the Indo-Ceylon Aareement are as follows: (a)
300,000 persons and their natural increase would be granted Sri
Lankan citizenship; (b) 525,000 persons and their natural
increase would be accepted as citizens of India; (c) The status
of the balance of 150,000 would be decided latter; (d) Rep~
triation of those who are aranted Indian Citizenship would be
phased over a period of 15 years; and (e) Those to be repa
triated would be aranted free visa, and other similar facili-
ties enjoyed by the citizens of Sri Lanka. They were to be
23.Kumari Jayawardena, Ethnic and Class Conflicts in Sri Lanka (Colombo:1985), p.55.
24. Vije Mayan, n.l8, pp. 24-25.
25.Kodikara S.U., Indo-Ceylon Relations (Colombo:1965), p.42.
15
granted normal facilities of residence by the government of Sri
Lanka, until the time of their repatriation. They were also
allowed to continue their employment until repatriation. Be-
side, the repatriates were allowed to transfer their assets, 26
including gratuity and provident fund.
The main drawback of the Sirimavo-Shastri Agreement was
that it was concluded without any consultation with the people
involved, i.e., plantation Tamils or their representatives.
Even the President of the Ceylon Workers Congress, S. Thonda-
man, who was an appointed member of the parliament, was not
invited to participate in the negotiations. As a consequence
people were divided between the two countries without their
concullence.
Yet another agreement, known as Sirimavo-Indira Gandhi Pact
was concluded in 1974. This agreement was concluded in view of
the problems of 1.5 lakh residue stateless people. Under this
agreement both India and Sri Lanka agreed to share them in
equal numbers, i.e., 75,000 persons (along with their natural
increase) for each side. Hence, the problem of "stateless" of
Indian Tamils was solved through the above mentioned agreements 27
to solle extent.
26. Robert Kearney, Trade Unions & Politics (New Delhi:1971), p.53.
27.Sahadevan, n.S, pp.186-187.
16
But all the above agreements and legislation did not find a
permanent solution to the problem of statelessness of Indian
Tamils in Sri Lanka. As a result, in the beginning of 1986 28
there were nearly 500,000 stateless persons in Sri Lanka. As
an addition to their misery, the stateless people were faoed
with numerous other problems in their day-to-day life. For
example, they were denied the facility of obtaining higher
education, as a result of whioh their chances of getting em-
ployment in the public, private and se•i-government sectors
were almost negligible, because citizenship was an essential
pre-requisite for education and the employDent. Secondly, they
were not entitled for the allotment of land and house by the
land refor• oomDission. Finally, the were also denied faoili-29
ties under the scheDes of rural development projects.
Several negotiations and continued pressure fro• the Ceylon
Workers Congress made President Jayewardene to grant citizen-
ship to all stateless Indian TaDils. In this regard, the Sri
Lanka government enacted the "Grant of Citizenship to Stateless
Persons (special provision) Act-in 1988".
The Act made provisions to grant citizenship to the remain
ing stateless people in Sri Lanka. It stipulated that (a)
Indian Tamils who were lawfully residing in Sri Lanka, (b)those
28. Ibid.,p.27.
29.Ibid., p.71.
17
who were neither a citizen of Sri Lanka nor of India, and (c)
those who had not, at any time, applied or submitted an appli-
cation to the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka for the grant
of Indian citizenship, would have the status of citizens of Sri
Lanka with effect from the date of the commencement of the 1888
Act and shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges to 30
which other citizens were entitled by law.
The principal merit of the Act was that while it did not
stipulate any specific number, it intended to cover all the
'residual category~ of stateless people of Indian origin, in-
eluding those who failed to apply for either Indian or Sri
Lankan citizenship. As only 237,151 stateless persons (plus
their natural increase of 100,468) were granted Sri Lankan
citizenship by the end of 1888, the current Act was, cutting
across all bureaucratic procedures and formalities, expected to
grant citizenship automatically to around 231,848 persons (who
were part of the Sri Lankan quota of 4.69 lakh), along with
their natural increase, as also to several thousands of those
stateless Indians who had never applied for any citizenship.
The Aot, howev.er, did not cover the people who had already been 31
included in the list of applicants for Indian citizenship.
Further, there was no deadline for the submission of citi-
30.Ibid., p.229.
31.KodiKara., n.21, p.52.
18
zenship applications under this Act. It meant that anybody, at
any time in the future, who claim to be a person of Indian
origin lawfully residina in Sri Lanka, even though not being a
Sri Lankan nor an Indian citizen, and who had not been inolud-
ed in the Indian Hiah Commission's lists for Indian citizen-
ship, could seek Sri Lankan registration under the provisions 32
of this Act.
Following this, the aovernment granted citizenship to all
stateless Tamils in the island. This was perceived as an
important decision. for the community. How the plantation
workers, on whose votes the Sinhalese parties depend, have
become an important factor in the electoral politics of Sri 33
Lanka.
The final settlement of the problem of statelesness aade
the Indian Tamil coamunity an intearal part of multi-ethnic
society of Sri Lanka. They aot oraanized the resolves as a
separate ethnic aroup. They have a distinct history and main-
tain their own cultural and linauistic identity.
Wage and Roaunerationa
The waaes of the plantation workers had been extremely low
in comparison to other sectors, despite the plantation sector
32.Sahadevan, n.5.
33. R. Florance Aluvihare, "Time for Fu lf i lmen t of Promises'' Voice of the Voiceless (Kandy) No.18, September 1997, pp.1-4.
19
being a major contributor to the national economy. A member of
the trade union has described the plantation labours as "heart
that pumps the life-blood into economic arteries of the coun-34
try". In early days the plantation workers remained perpetu-
ally indebted to the Kangany. The controller of Indian Immi-
grant Labourers once remarked that Indian workers in Ceylon
were born in debt, lived in debt and died in debt. They were
indebted to the planter as well. The workers' wages were paid
through the Kangany. Moreover, wage payments were irregular.
Due to the pressure of the Indian Government the Minimum Wage
Ordinanoe was passed in 1927. The Ordinance formulated minimum
level of wages for the plantation labourers in three regions,
viz up-country, mid-country, and low-country. The Ordinance
also stipulated that waaes will be paid directly to the workers 35
instead of being distributed throuah the Kanaanies
In 1941 the government passed an ordinance to set-up Wage
Boards for each plantation district, with aim of standardizing
and restructurinl the minimum daily wage rate for male tea
estate workers. The minimum wage rate was: in 1955, waae was
Rs. 2.06 and in 1960 it was Rupees 11.03. It shows that the
chanae in the basic wage has been insianificant, in the context
34. Vije Mayan, n.18, p.42.
35.Navaratne P., Wages. Terms and Conditions of Employment in Sri Lanka (Volombo:1983), p.62.
20
of price index and fix price hike in market. But the allowances
have increased over the years. Ron Rote writing on the wage
levels of plantation workers states: "Although minimum wages
for the industry have been fixed since 1945, the actual minimum
has always been far below the national average. In 1972, for
instance the daily rate for tea workers was Rs.2.87 whereas an
unskilled engineering worker earned Rs. 6.25. Between 1955 and
1968 tea workers had an increase in wage rates of only 27 per
cent, while unskilled government workers had an increase of
63.4 per cent and the same category of engineering trade had 36
90.6 per cent".
For a long time after Sri Lanka's independence, the average
minimum daily wage rates of the plantation workers were very
low. Further the estate owners are refused to give statutory
minimum wage and other benefits. Hence, statutory minimum wage
rates became the maximum rates for the plantation workers. As
Table 3 shows, women were discriminated not only with regard
to the basic wages but also in other payments like special
allowances.
There have been a constant increase in the wage rates of
the plantation workers since April 1984 as is evident from
Table 4, given below shows that the daily wage for male workers
36.Ron Rote, A Taste of Bitterness: The Political Economy of Tea Plantation in Sri Lanka,(Amsterdam:1986), p.85.
---r\' 21 1 h.v,r1·s
I) q L "1.) l '-1 y \ \ -' I ~) ' l-[ L~ \] ( (\j ~ I k- N -,! po
THESIS 305.42095482
P217 St
IIIII/II! IIIII/II/IIIII/I TH8338
\·~;.,..J.!!' X. .. _;~;:
Sex Basic Wage
Male
Table:3
WAGE STRUCTURE (Nov.1983)
Special Budgetary allowance increase C. of 1.
Price Total wage daily supplement wage
Female
4.51
4.32
7.75
5.26
5.51
4.95
.30
.30
17.71
14.83
Source: Central Bank of Ceylon, Consumer Finance Survey, 1963,1973
engaged more than Rs.11 in three years. The female workers
salary for plucking tea leaves were increased by Rs. 6 in 1988
over the 1985 rate of Rs. 24.55. With regard to rubber estate
workers engaged in tapping, wages were unequal for males and
females.
Table-4
WAGE RATBS OF PLANTATION WORKERS SINCE 1984
Tea Rubber Coconut Year ---------------------------------------------------------
Preparation Pluckina Plantina Topping Beaaing Plucking of land pits
Male Female Male Male Female Male Female --------------------------------------------------------------1985 28.24 24.55 36.32 29.81 27.87 39.41 52.68 1988 33.77 26.13 37.48 32.38 29.08 41.82 55.30 1987 34.89 26.33 39.85 34.24 31.11 45.91 59.08 1988 39.82 30.49 45.07 38.93 34.67 51.01 84.41
Source: Central Bank ot Sri Lankan, Bulletin, March,1990, Table-56, p.350.
22
Since 1968, several allowances were added to the basic
wages of workers. However, the plantation workers were dis-
criminated in the payment of allowances. Several schemes were
initiated which provided granting eight or nine different kinds
of cost of living allowances during 1967-82 to meet the gallop-
inS inflation, due to which the plantation workers were either
abandoned or were paid less than the workers of 37
sectors.
other
The plantation workers were paid only after the end of
month, calculating their daily wages by the member of days they
had worked. The total monthly wages generally came down to very
less because of the fact that the work offered per to each
person was not more than three to four days a week, sometimes
even less. The trade union played important role in the plan-
tation sector. They started a protest to urge the government to
make necessary changes in the wage level. As a result, wages
were increased over and above the minimum waae fixed by the
Wage Boards. For example, wages were increased to Rs. 23.75
per day (for both male and female workers). Since 1984 equal
waaes have been paid for male and female workers. It was a
victory for female plantation workers because their equal
37.Sahadevan, n.5, p.97.
23
•
38 rights and dignity were hardly recognized earlier.
Earning and Income
The only meaningful source of income for most of the Indian
Tamil plantation workers was the wages they received for their
labour in the plantations. However, their monthly earnings
were very low as compared to other sectors. Table 5, shows
that the income level of the Indian Tamil community which was
comparatively lower than that of the other sectors.
The the workers employed in other sectors received highest
monthly income. In 1981, for example, the Burgers earned as
much as Rs. 1,460 per month. Following in the order were
Malaya (Rs. 1,411) and the Moors (Rs. 1,341). The Low country
Sinhalese (Rs.1,213) were placed fourth followed by the Kandyan
Sinhalese (1,064) and the Sri Lankan Tamils (Rs.971). The 39
lowest income was received by the Indian Tamils (Rs. 594).
The data in Table 5 also shows that the average income of
all the ethnic groups in other sectors gradually increased
during the period 1983 - 1981. The income level of the Indian
Tamils settled in the urban as well as rural sectors was always
higher than the community's national average because of their
occupational difference.
38.Ron Rote, n.3l,p.85.
39.Sahadevan, n.5, p.101.
24
Table-5
tvffiAN INCOtvffi PER INC01.1E RECEVIAR BY ETI-frJIC GROUP AND SECTOR, 1963, 1973 AND 198!
Ethnic Group All Island Urban Rural Estate 1963 1973 1981 1963 1973 1981 i963 1973 1981 1963 1973 1981
Kandy·an Sinhalese 215 423 1064 484 640 1457 212 45 1044 118 234 704
Low Country Sinhalese 293 522 1213 442 664 1441 26S 473 1143 137 606 571
Sri Lankan Tamils 327 470 971 518 580 1364 302 487 854 136 265 527
Indian Tamils 148 225 594 536 424 1239 317 320 672 122 208 544
Moors 1341 1447 1236 4000 414 670 636 596 286 743 132 380
Malays Burghers 799 1187 1460 693 936 1875 277 771 722 3327 9286 -Others 856 471 4500 2237 436 5250 396 643 3000 n.a 298
Source: Sahadevan, Op.cit., Table 4.9, p. 101.
During the period of fifteen years~ 1970-1985, the earnings
of the tea estate workers also increased significantly. For
example, for males~ it rose from a Rs.55.56 in 1970 to 586.86
in 1985. Similarly~ for females, the income rose from 47.15 to
604.09 in 1985. The income disparities between workers in tea
plantations and other sectors of the economy had always been 40
significant.
40.Ibid.
25
There are many reasons for their low level of income of the
tea estate workers. Firstly, they were dependent upon the
number of days of work. Secondly, the fixation of basic wages
and allowances were very low. Thirdly, though the estate
worker were paid at the end of every month, the calculations of
the renumerations were made on the basis of the num ber of days
a person had worked. Finally, the work mostly depended on the
cropping conditions which also varied from district to district 41
and season to season.
The income factor of a family determ ines its progress in
the field ot education, health, etc. The conditions of the
workers mentioned above reveals their economic status. It is
therefore, not hard to imagine the difficulties they would have
faced in educating their children. A majority of the Indian
Tamils could not afford good education to their children. Free
education was not at all free. Besides, the parents were com-
pelled to send their children for private tuition or coachinS
classes in order to be able to pass examinations. Hence, for
the poor it turned out to be an expensive free education. Free
education remained a mere slogan without much substance in it.
Where money determine education, the poor became victims. It
would be unfair and unrealistic to expect parents, who struggle
to make both ends, to pay for the education of their children.
4l.Ibid., pp.l03-104.
26
So the level of education of the Indian Tamils re•ained very 42
low as compared with other ethnic groups.
The above picture shows where the Indian Tamil community
actually stands in terms of income and education. Host of the
parents are estate workers and the children do not have proper
education. Given the above picture, social mobility of the
community would also be very slow. Parents who are estate
workers have hardly any time to guide their children in educa-
tion. The rhythm of life of workers is hardlY conducive for
parents to find time to help their children. Their employment
and limitation of their free time explain the fact that the
parents are unable to do anythina with regard to the education 43
of their children. Acquirina education also demands ainimum
financial stability. Due to their poverty, literacy rate is
very low in estate sectors.
Health
After independence, Sri Lanka has made sianiticant i•prove-
ments in social developments, such as the develop•ents in
public health care system and education. The Sri Lankan aov-
ernment introduced free education which resulted in rapid im-
42.S.J. Maria Anthony, and A.R.Indra Fernando, The Impact of Time and Enyiornment upon Students in Plantation area Secondarv Schools in the Districts of Nuwara Eliya and Kandy (Kandy, 1996), p.28.
43.Ibid., p.36.
27
provement in the national literacy rate of the country and
increasing trend in the percentage of the population with
higher educational attainment. With this. the percentage of
female participation in social. economic and political activi
ties, has also increased at all levels. In 1993, Sri Lanka's
crude birth rate was 19.9 of live births per 1000 population,
whereas the crude death rate was 5.3 of deaths per 1000 popu-
lation. The infant mortality rate 20.2 of deaths per 1000 live 44
births in 1988 are very low among the developing countries.
These social indicators reflect the achievements due to social
welfare-oriented policies and programmes of successive govern-
ments since independence.
In Sri Lanka, the general health condition of the Indian
Tamil community as compared to other ethnic groups has always
been poor. The health indicators show that death rate, infant
mortality rate, maternal mortality rate among the Tamils were
high. Due to inadequate government social welfare policies and
programmes, basic health facilities and intensive care in
hospitals could not reach the plantation sectors. Apart from
this, no special measures were taken to prevent infant and
child mortality. Besides, there was no safer drinking water and
no sanitary and sewage disposal facilities. For these reasons.
44.Govt.of Sri Lanka, Depat. of Health. Sri Lanka Demographic and Health Suryey 1993 (Sri Lanka: 1995), pp.4.
28
by 1993 the infant mortality rate went as high as to 61 infant
deaths per 1000 live births, as compared to other sectors; in 45
urban and rural areas it was 21 and 24 respectively.
The crude death rate indicates that the mortality in Sri
Lanka durinQ 1900-1945 was generally hiQh, fluctuating between
36.5 (in 1935) and 18.1 (in 1942). The most significant fea-
ture of the mortality trends in Sri Lanka is the dramatic fall
in death rates in the immediate post-world war years. Between
1948 and 1949, the crude death rate decreased from 19.8 to
12.4, the infant mortality rate decreased from 141 to 87, and 46
the maternal mortality rate from 15.5 to 6.5 These unprece-
dented advances have been attributed mainly to the eradication
of malaria, extension of health services in the rural areas and
improved nutrition.
The mortality in Sri Lanka continued to decline durinQ the
last five decades, althouQh the pace of the decline has slowed
down. The current level of crude death rate, infant mortality
and maternal mortality remain at 5.8, 17.2 and 8.4 respective-
ly. With the deoline in mortality the aver&Qe life expectancy
had increased to an averaae 72 years in 1991 from that of 43
years in 1946. Another important feature of mortality in Sri
Lanka is its sex differential. Until the early sixties, Sri
45.Ibid., pp.l-5.
46.Ibid., p.SS.
29
Lanka was one of the few countries where life expectancy at
birth was higher for males than for females; however, improve-
ments in living conditions turned to the advantaie of females,
creating a difference of life expectancy between males and
females to about 3 years in 1971, 4 years in 1981 and 5 years 47
in 1991.
The graphic shows that the ten-year infant mortality rate
for the estates is 81 per 1000 live births which is more than
double the rate of 24 per 1000 live births in rural areas. The
child and under five mortality rates for the estates are also
very much higher than in other sectors. Similarly, child and
under five mortality rates of child and under five mortality
rates of children born to mothers with no education are seven
and three times higher than the corresponding rates of children 48
born to mothers with more than secondary education.
47.Ibid., p.S.
48.Ibid., pp.110-112.
30
---------------------------------
10
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
· INFANT MORTALITY RATES BY BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS
Par 1000 live births
61
No Primary Secondary education
Sector Education
More than sec.
Note: Figures sre for the TO year period preceding the survey.
•rl ~
tl)
~ 0·
+' > ()) 0 '())
C!)..C::..-1 +'
•• H ...
~~j ~:X: :I OIH
(/) 0
The Table 7 shows a tremendous improvement in infant mor-
tality, for every 100 live births 18 infants died within their
first year of life in 1900, whereas the corresponding death
rate in 1988 was only 2. This decline in infant mortality is
reflected in both male and female babies while female mortality
has been always lower than that of male. Differences in infant
mortality is seen between the ethnic groups, with Indian Tamils
recording a much higher rate of mortality in the context of the 49
national figure.
--------------------49 . Dept. of Census and Statistics Ministry of Finance and Planning 1891-1991Cbaogiog Role of Women in Sri Lanka (Sri Lanka : 1997),p.81.
31
TJble-7 INFJI.NT lvi(!RTP.LITY R.".TE BY ETHit.fiCfrY
4----.--- ... ,. ... ------- .. - ... ---- .............. --- ......... ·----------- -----------Ethnic Group/Gender 1976 1979
---- ... --------------------------------- .. ---1982 1985 1988
;;! ~~~-1~;.~--------;;;i~--------------~-~.-;-----; ~-;-- ---;·; ·;, ----- -~ -~-.·,;----------- ----------------/ 18.:5
Boys 46 6 40.8 33.8 21.7
Sinhalese Girls Boys
35.5 40.0
31.3 36.6
25.9 32.5
20.4 24.6
17 2 20.4
Sri Lmk::n T::~mil Giris Boys
30.8 35.3
25.2 31.7
20.7 26.4
17.5 18.9
17.3 19.7
Indian Tamil Girls Boys
101.0 84.3 58.5 50.9 44.3
Moor
Malay
Girls Boys
Girls Boys
117.2 100.3 72.4
35.9 30.0 25.9 42.2 33.1 29.2
19.4 18.7 9.7 31.8 24.2 29.4
64.9 49.6
16.3 14.0 19.4 173
10.0 17.3 10.3 3,8
Burgh ;or Girls Boys
32.1 271 163 16 9 9.1
Others Girls Boys
37.7 44.1 24.2
67.0 41.9 19.0 88.8 62.3 27,1
29.5 9.0
241.7 81.1 191.3 76.9
The main reason for the high level of infant mortality rate
in the estate sector has been low income level of people.
Other reasons were that the estate women's health status was
very poor, mainly due to their nature of work which included
harvesting of tea leaves (an important operation was mainly
done by women), walking long distances from their home to work
place, and spending full day working in hill places. Besides,
32
they lived in overcrowded single rooms with poor sanitary
conditions, lack of water supply, and lack of open space. Also,
women illiteracy was high. More often, womeds food intake was
inadequate in calories. They often used temporary family plan-
ning methods. Socio-cultural factors also played a negative
role. There is no adequate awareness regarding early marriage,
continue child bearing, gap between two children, family size,
etc as well as considerations of race, class and gender that
restrict people's access. Moreover, factors such as levels of ..
maternal skills and personal hygiene are the main reasons for
poor health status in estate sectors.
The life expectancy figure is considered as the most sensi-
tive indicator reflecting the level of development and import-
ant changes in the socio-economic and health conditions of a
community. The life expectancy in Sri Lanka, as table 8, the
has recorded marked improvement among both men and women. In
1946 the female life expectancy rate was 41.6 while the rate of
male life expectancy was 43.8. By 1981 the life span had risen
to 71.7 years for females and 67.8 years for males; the average 50
of both females and males in 1985 stood at 70 years But the
chanae between the up-country figures and the national averages
was greater. In 1991 the life expectancy in Sri Lanka was
69.5 years for males and 74.2 years for females. As such, since
10.Ibid., p.62.
33
1971, the female life expectancy rate has recorded a marked
improvement as compared to males.
Table-8 THE LIFE EXPECTANCY FIGURES FOR HALES AND FEMALES IN LOW-COUNTRY AND UP-COUNTRY ESTATES ARE AS FOLLOWS:
Hale Female
Low country 66.6 68.4
Up-country 59.7 63.0
Source:Annual Health Bulletin, Sri Lanka, 1987, p.2.
In the post-independence period. Indian Tamils recorded
high level of crude death rate, compare to other ethnic groups.
For example, during 1952-1961, the annual death rate in the
whole of the island was 8.8 per thousand , while the figure for
the Indian Tamils was 13.2 (as against 8.1 for the Sinhalese 51
and 11 for the Sri Lankan Tamils).
In 1874, the variation was much higher. While the national
average was 8.4, the rate for the Indian Tamils was 20.5. At
the same time, the death rates for Sinhalese (8.2) and the Sri 52
Lankan Tamils (8.6) were less than the national average.
This was due to severe food shortages and the rise in the price
11.Sri Lanka. RePort of the Registrar-General of Ceylon on Vital :tatistics for 1962,(Colombo:1966), Table II,p.73.
,z.Sri Lanka Department of Census and Statistics-UNICEF, Vital :tatistics 1967~1980. 1987, vol.l, Table 30, p.161.
34
Table-9
EXPECTATION OF LIFE AT BIRTH BY SEX AND DISTRICT - 1971
District
Colombo Kalutara Kandy Matale Nuwara Bliya Galle Matara Hambantota Jaffna Mannar Vavuniya Battioaloa Amparai Trinoomalee Kurunegala Puttalam Anuradhapura Polonnaruwa Badulla Moneraaala
Male
62.5 67.6 60.6 63.4 56.6 67.3 68.3· 67.1 66.0 83.7 64.9 59.5 63.8 65.1 68.4 64.2 65.2 67.0 81.2 87.9
Female
67.9 70.8 82.2 64.2 55.1 70.7 71.4 69.3 87.1 83.2 86.0 60.4 68.6 85.4 88.3 88.3 88.6 69.1 81.9 69.4
Source: Sri Lanka, Ministry of Plan Implementation, Department of Census and Statistics, Sogio-Bconopio Indicators of Sri Lanka (Colombo, 1983), Table 42.2, p.171.
of essential commodities which left the non-food producina 53
plantation sector in a semi-famine condition. In 1980, the
national average death rate was 7.2 per thousand, but this was 54
8.1 per thousand amon1 the Indian Tamil community.
53.Kumari Jayawardena, "Basic Needs Workers' Organisations and Labour Policies in the Plantation Sector", p.9.
54.Vital Statistics 1967-87, n.44, p.39.
35
1
Districts
Sri Lanka Nuwara Eliya Colombo Badulla Mat ale
Table-10 CRUDE DEATH RATE IN 1986 BY DISTRICTS
Percentage
6.~ 8.5 8.4 5.7 5.4
Source: Change Through Community Development in the ··up Country" Tea Estates of Sri Lanka, (Sri Lanka,1990) Table-24,p.17
The Table 10 shows, the highest crude death rates recorded
in 1986 were in Nuwara Eliya, Colombo and Kandy Districts.
Age-specific death rates among the estates women were more
common in comparison to the non-estate female population. Table
11 shows the district-wise data for maternal deaths per 1000
lives. The plantation districts recorded the highest maternal
mortality rate as compared to other districts.
The reasons for the higher maternal mortality rate in the
plantation sector were: around 30 per cent of births took place
in unhygienic conditions and without adequate medical super-
vision. In the rest of the country, only about 15 per cent of
births take place outside medical institutions. The other
36
Table-11
MATERNAL DEATHS PER 1~~0 LIVE BIRTHS BY DISTRICT 198~-85
District 198~
Sri Lanka ~.6
Colombo 0.5 Gampaha 0.3 Kalutara 0.5 Kandy 1.0 Matale 0.3 Nuwara Bliya 1.0 Galle 0.7 Matara 0.7 Hambantota 0.5 Jaffna 0.4 Kannar 0.5 Vavuniya Battioaloa 1.3 Amparai 1.0 Trinoomalee 0.3 Kurunegala 0.5 Puttalam 1.1 Anuradhapura 0.3 Polonnaruwa 0.3 Badulla 1.0 Koneragala 0.9 Ratnapura 0.8 Kegalle 0.3
1981
0.6
0.2 0.2 0.4 1.0 0.7 0.9 0.5 0.6 0.2 0.3 2.7 0.5 1.0 0.6 0.4 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.4 1.2 0.7 0.5 0.7
1982
0.6
0.5 0.3 0.5 0.8 1.0 1.2 0.6 0.9 0.8 0.1 0.9 0.3 1.3 0.6 0.7 0.6 0.3 0.2 0.4 0.8 0.6 0.7 0.6
1983
0.6
0.4 0.2 0.3 0.5 0.4 1.0 0.5 0.8 0.4 0.5
0.7 1.4 0.2 0.6 1.2 0.6 1.4 0.5 1.0 0.9 0.3
1984
0.4
0.3 0.2 0.3 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.3 0.7 0.4 0.6 1.2 0.4 0.6 0.3 0.7 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.5
1985
0.5
0.2 0.3 0.3 0.6 0.4 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.3 0.7
0.8 0.5 0.5 0.7 0.9 0.5 0.7 0.7 0.4 0.8 0.8
Source: Sri Lanka. Ministry of Policy Planning and Implementation, Department of Census and Statistics, Statistical Abstract of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (Colombo, 1991), Table 30, p.56.
causes include lack of awareness among mothers due to illitera-
cy, poor housing and sanitation, apart from the fact that the
37
55 estate mothers are under-nourished, anemic and over-worked.
The main problem affecting the plantation workers were
respiratory diseases caused by exposure to bad weather and low
temperature and working at high altitudes. They also suffer
from cold and cough caused by poor clothing, anemia, bacterial
diseases, and heart diseases. The poor health conditions of the
plantation workers are also reflected in the infant and matern-
al mortality rates.
It has been substantiated by various studies that the poor
socio-economic atmosphere always victimized the Indian Tamils,
specifically, women and the children. This community has
experienced untold miseries from the very beginning when the
plantation estates were established. All their problems have
been inter-linked; for example, the issue of statelessness
alienated then from the mainstream life, and they lived without
any reddressal for more than forty years. Similarly, their poor
wage system and stringent work atmosphere affected other as-
pects of their lives such as education, health, family welfare,
etc. The reasons for the high mortality rate and debility of
infants in estates were: the malnutrition of mothers and, poor
diets for infants as well as pre-school children. Added to
these were poor housing and sanitary conditions. One cannot
hope for a better health condition among plantation workers
55.Sahadevan, n.5, pp.107-109.
38
56 given their paltry remuneration
Housing
For nearly three decades after independence, estate housing
received only a minimal attention from the plantation manage-
ments. The management provided "1 ine rooms·· : barrack~ 1 ike
structures generally built out of stone with metallic roofing
similar to those constructed in other colonial plantation 57
estate. Generally, 8 to 12 small rooms were built in a row,
sometimes with a small verandah in front, commonly referred to
as "lines". They were poorly-lit and without ventilation and
toilet facilities. There was no source of even clean water.
Overcrowding was the common feature and since the workers had
no access to alternative accommodation, they were forced to
live under these inhuman conditions. A line room of this
nature, (measuring 10 feet x 12 feet) was often occupied by a
father, mother, adult sons and daughter, young children and
spouses of adult children. This affected much more than anyone
else.
While, regulations were passed as far back as in 1950,
stipulating the construction of double unit cottage type
56.A Research Study on the Health Status of Women Plantation Workers in Sri Lanka Congress Labour Foundation (Colombo:1989), p.5.
57.Rachel Kurian and Kumari Jayawardena., The ExPlotation of Women on the Plantations: Tamil Women Workers on the Tea Estates of Sri Lanka (Geneva:1982), pp.23-24.
39
blocks, the results of surveys and reports showed that line
room type of dwelling was prominent in the estate sector.
According to the Socio-Economic SurveY of 1969-7~. 225,72~ out
of 225,655 dwellings (i.e 99.96 per cent) were of the line room
type, and these housed 85 per cent of the resident estate 58
population. The 1973 Suryey of Consumer Finance, showed that
75 per cent houses in the estate sector were overcrowding. The
ratio for urban areas and rural areas were 35 per cent and 37
per cent respectively. The single room accommodations were
built only in the estate sector, while in the rural and urban 59
sectors majority of the housing units had two to three rooms.
In 1979 the Suryey of Consumer Finances found that 23 per cent
of the estate households lived in one room and 50 per cent in
two rooms, while the corresponding rural figures were 8.2 per 60
cent and 20.6 per cent respectively.
The Table-12 explains the housing situation in the planta-
tion sector in comparison with other sectors. It can be noted
58.Sunil Bastian, "The Tea Industry Since Nationalisation", (Colombo, 1981), p.39.
59. Economic Review, "Estate Labour", (Colombo, 1980), Quoted in Vol.5, no.12, March 1980,p.l5.
60.Kumari Jayawardena, "The Plantation Sector in Sri Lanka:Recent Changes in the Welfare of Childern and Women," World Development, Vol.12, no.13, March 1984, (Oxford, 1984), p.323.
40
61 that the estate sector hardly underwent any changes.
Table-12 SRI LANKA - HOUSING STOCK AND CHANGE 1971-81
Sector
Urban Rural Estate
1971
421.~~~ 1,558,8~~ 237,558
1981
5~9.4~~ 2,084,400
217,451
% Change
20.9 33.7
- 8.5
Source: Marga Institute, Housing in Sri Lanka, (Colombo, 1983) p.1~8
Although the housing conditions in the estate sector im-
proved in 1981, according to the Census of Population and Hous
ing of 1981, the proportion of one room houses was almost
double (56.8 per cent) the number in other sectors (the rural
and the urban sectors accounted for 28 per cent and 3~ per cent
respectively). Host of the three or more room houses were
staff quarters and the estate superintendents' bungalows. The
Census also revealed that there was structural shift in the
housing units between 1971 and 1981. The chanae was particu-
larly notable in the estate sector where the percentage of one
room units declined from 74.2 per cent in 1971 to 56.8 per cent
in 1981 and two room houses increased from 17.3 per cent in
1971 to 29.6 per cent in 1981.
However, in 1981 the average number of persons per room in
6l.Ceylon Workers Congress, "Workers Housing Estate Plantations: A strategy" (Colombo:1989), p.ll.
41
the estate houses recorded some improvement; they were 2.6 in
1981 as compared to 3.4 persons per room in 1971. However, it
was still higher as compared to 2.2 and 2.0 in urban and rural
houses respectively. In other words, the majority of the line
rooms were occupied by about three persons of the worker house-
holds. As such, according to the 1981 statistics, the percent-
age of overcrowded houses was also high (54.5 per cent as
against 68.3 per cent in 1971) in the estate sector, in compar-
ison to houses in urban (43.4 per cent) and rural (36.4 per 62
cent) sector.
Table-13
DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPIED HOUSING UNITS BY SECTOR PERCENTAGE
1953 1963 1971 1981 1994* Sector
X X X X X ---------------------------------------------------------------Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Urban 12.0 16.1 19.0 18.2 Rural 88.0 83.9 70.3 74.1 Estate 10.7 7.7
Note: 1971,1981 TC's are included under urban Note: Excludes Northern & Eastern Provinces
Source: Census of Population and Housing 1963,1971,1981. Demographic Survey 1994. Department of Census & Statistics.
2.Sahadevan,n.5,p.105.
42
100.0 13.6 86.4 86.4
Table-14
PERCENTAGE OF OCCUPIED HOUSING UNITS BY TENURE --------------------------------------------------------------Year Sector Total Owned Rented or Leased Other
1963 Total 100.0 62.2 15.3 22.5 Urban 100.0 40.3 49.3 10.6 Rural 100.0 66.5 8.7 24.4
1971 Total 100.0 63.3 12.4 24.4 Urban 100.0 47.7 41.0 11.2 Rural 100.0 76.9 6.2 16.9 Estate 100.0 2.0 1.7 96.3
1981 Total 100.0 69.5 10.2 20.2 Urban 100.0 58.0 29.1 12.9 Rural 100.0 79.5 6.5 14.0 Estate 100.0 1.3 1.3 97.4
1994* Total 100.0 79.3 5.8 14.9
Note: Excludes Northern & Eastern Provinces
Source: Census of Population and Housing 1963,1971,1981. Demographic Survey 1994. Department of Census & Statistics.
The Table 14 shows that the number of houses increased
faster than the population-- more than double between 1953 and
1994--bringing down the average occupancy rate to 4.7 persons
per housing unit in 1994 from 5.3 in 1953. The housing stock
for 1994 excludes Northern and Eastern provinces.
The above figures show that there has been a relative
improvement in the housing facilities of the estate workers
over the years, especially after the nationalization of es-
tates. During the Pre-nationalization period, it was the
43
responsibility of the estate management to provide housing
facilities to the workers. But the management, even during the
period of boom in tea prices, always kept the expenditure for
housing and welfare of the workers at a very low level so as to
minimize the cost of production. The other reason was the
threat of nationalization of estates that deferred the manage
ment from spending on housing. After nationalization, though
housing is more or less under the purview of the estate corpo
rations, the government's involvement in the promotion of
housing conditions has been significant. However, even after
several measures undertaken to improve the estates housing, the
sectoral variation remains considerable.
Conclusion
This chapter provided an historical background and the
socio-economic profile of the Indian Tamil community in Sri
Lanka. It focused on the factors which caused for the Indian
Tamil community's immigration from Southern part of India to
the Island country.
The chapter also tried to show the existing wider socio
economic gap between the Indian Tamil community and rest of the
Sri Lankan ethnic communities. Since the latter part of the
1970's measures were taken at different levels by the govern
ment to narrow down gap between the socio-economic status of
the local communities, particularly after the nationalisation
of estates, which has changed the situation, thereby improving
44
the lives of the plantation workers. The plantation sector has
been brought under direct control of the Sri Lankan government.
As such the welfare of the labourers has become the respon-
sibility of the state. '"The main motivation of the government
in making improvements in the estate sector during the post-
Land Reform period was probably to make estate labour less
unattractive to an increasing number of recruits of Sinhalese
workers and that the distribution of the improvements were
skewed in favor of the majority ethnic group in the country.
The improvements were therefore flawed by the intrusion of a
discriminatory racial factor which did not exist on the planta-63
tions managed by the Britishers.
Though the living conditions on the plantations began to
improve in the recent years (though not totally) because of the
conscious efforts of the Sri Lankan government, realizing its
legitimate duty to upgrade the life of its citizens, various
international organisations and agencies like the World Bank,
UNICEF, and SIDA etc., as also some countries like Netherlands,
Japan and New Zealand have given massive financial assistance
to improve the status of Indian Tamil community in Sri Lanka.
Further, from 1975 onwards, a large number of Trade Unions,
Church groups and other voluntary organisations have also
extended their activities in the estates in term of educative
63.Quoted Sahadevan, n.5, p.lll.
45
propaganda as well as providing monetary help to the plantation
workers.
However, despite the noticable improvements in the living
conditions of the plantation workers their soci-economic condi
tions remain poor as compared to other communities. The wider
sectoral disparities still remain formidable. This has hap
pened because of lack of effective government programme and
policies for the development of the estate workers. Moreover,
being stateless/non-citizen the Indian Tamils had not been
getting fair representation in the Parliament. Consequently,
they were unable to voice their problem in legitimate forums.
The geographical isolation and denial of socio-economic and
educational opportunity has further alienated them, preventing
their mobility in all spheres of life.
Poor income, socio-cultural attidutes, the inadequate
facilities and denial of opportunity have affected the Indian
Tamils' education. With the growing trend of child labour in
tea estates. girls have become victims of social maladies. As
in India, the Hindu patriarchy and cultural norms discriminated
and exploited them in Sri Lanka in almost all walks of life.
This was not so with regard to other ethnic groups in the
island.
The following chapters will analyse the issue of Indian
Tamil community's education, with a special reference to Indian
Tamil women's education.
46
