CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Different researchers have conducted studies on

working and non-working women. Some have related it to role

perception, role playing, employment, education and other areas.

Locke and Mack (1949) conducted a study on marital

adjustment and employed wife and found that there was no

significance of difference between the marital adjustment of

working women engaged in full time employment and non-working

women engaged in full time home making.

- 2 0 -

Kala (1986) conducted a study on personality

development and adjustment of pre-adolescent children born to

working and non-working women and found that the girls of

working women were better adjusted at home than those of non­

working group.

Sharma (1986) conducted a study on the children of

the working and non-working mothers. The results revealed that

the children of non-working mothers were excited, tender-hearted,

sensitive, dependent and more protected.

Sabhavathmma (1989) conducted a study on

educated working women and found that due to dual responsibility

married working women expressed that they faced difficulties in

meeting demands of both profession and family. There was a

clash of personal interests between the spouses, which had been

experienced by a majority of the respondents.

Hot Jujats (1990) conducted study on working

women’s perception on their self and environment in relation to

job and life satisfaction and found that women in skilled labour

-21 -

were found satisfied than women in semi-skilled and unskilled

jobs.

Vasti (1990) conducted a study on attitudes of women

towards women’s education and found that women of different

occupations, income groups, and age level had a favourable

attitude towards women’s education.

Dua (1991) conducted a study on adjustment familial role

expectations, and modernization of working and non-working

women and found that working women yielded significantly higher

mean values as compared to their non-working counter parts on

the variables of emotional adjustment.

Upmanyn Kalpana (1991) conducted a study of marital

adjustment of working and non-working women in relation to

certain socio-psychological variables and found that women in

Rajasthan had a more favourable attitude towards marriage as

compared to women of Uttar Pradesh.

Das, et. al (1992) conducted a study on need achievement

as related to type A/B behaviour patterns among working and

non-working women and found that there is no significant

- 2 2 -

difference between type “A” behaviour pattern of working and non­

working women.

Over the past decade, an increasing number of women

have started working outside their homes. A number of studies

have considered several aspects of women workers: their

activities (i.e. Buttner, 2001 )3; career selection (Matthews and

Moser4, 1996; Scherer, Brodzinski and Weibe5, 1990); work-

’ Buttner, E. and D. Moore: 2001, Women's organizational exodus

to entrepreneurship: Self reported motivations and correlates with

success. Journal of Small Business Management, 35(1): 34-46.

Matthews, C. and S. Moser 1996. A Longitudinal Investigation

of the Impact of Family Background and Gender on Interest in Small

Firm Ownership. Journal of Small Business Management 34(2): 29-43.

' Scherer, R., J. Brodzinski and E. Wiebe. 1990. Entrepreneurship

Career Selection and Gender: A Socialization Approach. Journal of

Small Business Management 28(2), 37-44.

- 23 -

home, role conflict (Stoner, Hartman and Arora6, 1990); gender

and ownership patterns (Rosa and Hamilton7, 1994);

entrepreneurial attitudes and skills (Sexton and Bowman-Upton8,

1990); perceptions about work (Hisrich, Koiranen and Hyrski9,

' Stoner, C., R. Hartman and R. Arora. 1990. Work- home Role

Conflict in Female Owners of Small Businesses: An Exploratory Study.

Journal of Small Business Management 28(1), 30-38.

Rosa, P. and D. Hamilton. 1994. Gender and Ownership in UK

Small Firms. Entrepreneurship Theory & Practice 18(3), 11-28.

' Sexton, D. and N. Bowman-Upton. 1990. Female and Male

Entrepreneurs: Psychological Characteristics and Their Role in Gender-

related Discrimination. Journal of Business Venturing 5: 29-36.

'J Hisrich, R., M. Koiranen and K. Hyrsky. 1996. A Comparison of

Men and Women Entrepreneurs: A Cross-national Exploratory Study. In

P. Reynolds, S. Birley, P Davidsson, J. Butler, W Gartner, W Bygrave

and P. McDougall (eds.), Frontiers of Entrepreneurship Research

(Babson College, Wellesley, MA), pp. 104-105.

- 2 4 -

1996); education (Dolinsky, Caputo, Parsumarty and Quazi10,

1993; Hisrich and Brush11, 1983); and networking patterns

(Aldrich, Reese and Dubini12, 1989; Andre13, 1992; Carsrud,

10 Dolinsky, A., R. Caputo, K. Parsumarty and H. Quazi. 1993.

The Effects of Education on Business Ownership: A Longitudinal Study

of Women, Entrepreneurship Theory & Practice 18(1): 43-54.

11 Hisrich, R. and C. Brush. 1983. The Woman Entrepreneur:

Implications of Family, Educational, and Occupational Experience, in J.

Hornaday, J. Timmons and K. Vesper (eds.), Frontiers of

Entrepreneurship Research (Babson College, Wellesley, MA), pp. 255-

270.

12 Aldrich, H., P Reese and P. Dubini. 1989, Women on the verge

of a breakthrough: Networking among entrepreneurs in the United

States and Italy. Entrepreneurship and Regional Development 1: 339-

356.

h Andre, R. 1992. Women's participation in networks of business

leaders. Journal of Small Business Management, 30(1): 66-73.

- 25 -

Gaglio and Olin14, 1986; Cromie and Birley15, 1992). The majority

of these studies compared male and female workers. While these

studies show the differences between working and non working

women, collectively they fail to clarify the unique dimensions of

women workers. The studies reviewed in this chapter are as

under:

14 Carsrud, A., C. Gaglio and K. Olm. 1986. Entrepreneurs -

Mentors, Networks, and Successful New Venture Development: An

Exploratory Study, in R. Ronstadt, J. Hornaday, R. Peterson and K.

Vesper (eds.), Frontiers of Entrepreneurship Research (Babson College,

Wellesley, MA), pp. 229-235.

11 Cromie, S. and S. Birley. 1992. Networking by Female Business

Owners in Northern Ireland, Journal of Business Venturing 7: 237-251.

- 2 6 -

Lingam16 (2005) reviewed working and non-working women

over the past one and half decades with a focus on different

continents and different communities in diverse societies. The

literature showed a broad consensus regarding the determinants

of women's work, increase in women's public domain work as a

strategy for survival of households, the mutual accommodation of

markets and gender ideology in service of each other. The

stubbornness, with which gender division of work and gender

relations within households remains unchanging, is demonstrated

in most studies. A woman as resource for globalizing capital which

simultaneously incorporates women's work but also undermines

its significance was apparent through the literature.

When women began to make inroads into the

managerial and professional ranks in the mid-1960s, conventional

wisdom held that career success would bring with it a host of

16 Lingam . L. 2005. Structural Adjustment, Gender and

Household Survival Strategies: Review of Evidences and Concerns,

Center for the Education of Women, The University of Michigan, 330 E.

Liberty St. Ann Arbor, Ml 48104-2289, 734/998-7080,

http://www. cew. umich.edu

- 27 -

work-related health problems. Job stress, it maintained, would

leave women as ravaged by high blood pressure and heart

attacks as men. A new finding appears to put such concerns to

rest. North Carolina researchers have found no overall increase in

women’s blood pressure to go along with their increased presence

in the workplace. In fact, professional women enjoy lower blood

pressure than women who stay at home. “Basically, the theory

that job stress will make women as susceptible to cardiovascular

disease as men doesn’t bear out,” says study author Kathryn

Rose of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of

Public Health. Rose and her colleagues used data from the

National Health Examination Survey of 1960 and the National

Health and Nutrition Examination Survey of 1976 to 1980. In the

1960 study, 64 percent of the 2,500 women surveyed listed their

occupation as homemaker. Working white women filled

predominantly sales and clerical positions. Black women, who

reported higher employment rates, had largely domestic jobs.

Sixteen years later, 54 percent of the 3,800 women surveyed

worked, about one-quarter of them as managers and

professionals. This dramatic difference in employment patterns

led Rose’s team to compare blood pressure readings for the two

sets of women. In the 1960 survey, the researchers saw only a

- 2 8 -

very small trend toward higher blood pressure in working women.

In comparison, women in the later survey had lower overall blood

pressure, regardless of employment status. However, as Rose

reported at the annual meeting of the Society for Epidemiologic

Research in Snowbird, Utah, last week, the decrease was more

pronounced, at 23 percent, among working women than

nonworking women, who experienced a 4 percent decrease.

“Overall, the working women had lower blood pressures than

those who were not employed," says Rose. Seventeen percent

fewer working women suffered high blood pressure than women

who stayed at home.

Mubarak et. al (1991 )17 conducted a cross-sectional case-

control study comparing working women employed by the

Women's Work Centres of the Orangi Pilot Project with non­

working matched controls. Differences in the knowledge, attitude

and practice of several variables were elicited. Working women's

h Mubarak, K. et.al .1991. Health, attitudes and beliefs of

working women, Soc Sci Med. PM ID: 2255961 [PubMed - indexed for

MEDLINE];31(9):1029-33.

- 2 9 -

families had significantly higher immunization rates, 73 per cent vs

55 per cent, and shorter duration of illness, 5.9 days vs 8.8 days,

compared to controls. More working than non-working women

supported contraception, 100 per cent vs 74 per cent, desired

equal education for sons and daughters (P less than 0.005), and

had a dominant role in family health decision-making, 48 per cent

vs 12 per cent. The study concluded that these working women in

Orangi had a different set of beliefs and practices than non­

working women and this may be one important factor responsible

for the lower morbidity in their children.

Seachrist (1995)18 separated the women into two age

groups, 25 to 44 and 45 to 64. Among the older group, working

and nonworking women in the later survey registered lower blood

pressure than women in the earlier one. Looking at the younger

groups, the prevalence of hypertension had increased for stay-at-

home women in the second survey, High blood pressure

increased by 15.3 percent among young, nonworking black

women and by 1.7 percent among young, nonworking white

18 Seachrist. 1995. Blood pressure lower for working women.

Science News, July 1, Vol. 148 No. 1 p. 6A ! U . ' i o ! - ! ! j n r a r

women. The researcher questioned link between hypertension

and employment. The condition is far more closely related to

weight, high-sodium diets, and alcohol. Other studies show that

workers are healthier than non-workers. The study agrees that

higher blood pressure among the stay-at-home women may result

in part from the healthy worker effect—that is, health problems

may keep these women out of the workplace.

Rabbani (1999)19 proven through his study that risk and

benefits of having multiple roles, the emotional problems and

complaints of housewives are understandable. Their anxiety and

other emotional problems could be related to their monotonous

life, lack of independence and social support, a sense of insecurity

regarding marital life, etc. The most common contributory factors

which may lead to mental distress in non-working women are low

family income, dispute among spouses, verbal abuse by in-laws

and too many children. The objective of this study was to observe

the presence of anxiety in working and non-working women with

reference to their education, family system and the number of

their children.

19 Rabbani F. 1999. Views about women’ mental health: study in

squatter settlement of Karachi. J Pak Med /Assoc ; 49(6): 139-42.

- 31 -

Mukhopadhyay (2000)20 observed that the problems and

difficulties of working women are multidimensional and may be

broadly classified into three types - environmental, social and

psychological.

Ahmad (2002)21 analyzed research on the impact of work on

mothers' health in Tehran (Iran) within a role analytic framework.

A survey was conducted CTla representative sample of working

and non-working mothers in Tehran in 1998 (N = 1065, 710

working mothers, and 355 non-working mothers). Three main

explanatory factors were examined (socio-demographic, work and

work-related, and social-life context variables) alongside a range

of mental and physical health outcome variables. Unlike in the

West, where women's paid work was generally associated with

better health, statistically significant differences between working

and non-working women were not found in Tehran. It was argued

20 Mukhopadhyay S. 2000. Working status and stress of middle

class women of Calcutta. J Biosoc Sci ;(21):109-14.

21 Ahmad, N.S.2002. Women's work and health in Iran: a

comparison of working and non-working mothers, Soc Sci Med. PMID:

11999491 [PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE], Mar;54(5):753-65.

- 32 -

that this was a result of the counter-balance of the positive and

negative factors associated with paid work, such as increased

stress on one hand and self-esteem on the other. Iranian society's

particular socio-cultural climate had contributed to this finding,

with its dominant gender-role ideology; the priority and extra

weight placed on women's traditional roles as wives and mothers,

and the remarkably influential impact of husbands' attitudes on

women's health.

Lim, et.al. (2002)22 identified socio-demographic, work, living

arrangement and lifestyle factors associated with morbidity of

electronics women workers in selected factories in Selangor,

Malaysia. The research design was a cross-sectional

questionnaire-based survey. Most of the 401 respondents were

young single Malay women. Morbidity was high than non-working

women, as 85.5 per cent of the women reported experiencing at

22 Lim, H. M. et.al. 2002. Work and lifestyle factors associated

with morbidity of electronic women workers in Selangor, Malaysia, Asia

Pac J Public Health. PMID: 12862411 [PubMed - indexed for

MEDLINE];14(2):75-84.

-33 -

least one chronic health problem, and 25.7 per cent said that an

illness or injury prevented them from carrying out normal activities

within the last two weeks. Major acute illness symptoms were the

common cold, backache, and diarrhoea while chronic health

problems such as persistent headache, eye problems, menstrual

problems, and persistent backache were also reported. After

logistic regression, chronic health problems /V£L?Csignificantly

associated with room sharing; while illness that prevented normal

activities within the last two weeks was significantly associated

with overtime work and exercise.

Helmy and Ahmad (2002)23 presented self report measures

of health promotion activities and demographic variables of

working women and housewives. A sample of 516 female clients

(283 of housewives and 233 of working women) were chosen

from nine different out patient clinics offering health services to

■?J Helmy, F.E and Ahmad, M.H. 2002. Health promotion activities

among working and non-working adult women, J Egypt Public Health

Assoc. PMID: 17216971 [PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE]; 77(3-4):429-

49.

- 34 -

women in Tanta city. Three structured questionnaire sheets were

used, namely: (1) Health promoting life style questionnaire

(HPLQ), (2) Health value scale (HVS), and (3) self-efficacy. The

results showed that a minority of housewives and working women

groups correctly tended to practice more'^health promotion

activities. However, the total mean scores of working women were

slightly higher (362.03 +/- 33.55 out of 522) than that among

housewives group (332.77 +/- 31.18). Multiple regression analysis

indicated a significant correlation between women scores

regarding most of the studied items related to self reported health

promotion activities and demographic variables. Higher education

(p = 0.004), family income (p = 0.005), and duration of marriage (p

= 0.031) were associated significantly with working women who

sought more health promotion activities, while education (p =

0.003) and family income (p = 0.028) were associated significantly

with housewives group. Finally, the present study proved that

work of women (p = 0.000) significantly related to the practice of

health promotion behaviours.

- 35 -

Thoits (2002)24 reported that traditional role theories suggest

that women who are trying to maintain several roles would be

expected to experience negative stressful feelings. In contrast,

more recent theories suggest that individuals may profit from

enacting multiple roles. Performing several roles may increase

individual’s privileges and resources in their social environment,

assist in establishing social and economic status and security, act

as a buffer for problems or families in any single life domain, and

enhance feelings of self-worth. Recent studies of the risk and

benefits of having multiple roles indicate that people who had

more social roles experience less psychological distress and

mental illness.

Linville (2003)25 observed that joining the business life

outside home is an extra burden for women who have already

z4 Thoits PA. 2002. Multiple identies and psychological well­

being: A reformulation and test of the social isolation hypothesis. Am

Sociological Rev; 48:174-87.

2' Linville PW. 2003. Affective consequences of complexity

regarding the self and others. In MS Clark & ST Fiske (Eds.), Affect and

cognition: The seventeenth annual carnegie symposium on cognition

(pp 79-109), Hillsdale, NJ; Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

- 36 -

been responsible for baby-sitting (child rearing) and other

household chores. From this aspect, working women are

expected to have more psychological symptoms. However, the

studies carried out in various countries show that it is not the

case. Working has a positive psychological influence on women

especially those from the lower socioeconomic class. In a

comparison of working and non-working women, the study

showed a positive statistically significant relationship between the

‘health score’ and ‘anxiety score’.

Harpham (2004)26 observed that majority of housewives

presented with anxiety had low education. Researchers have

already established the role of formal education in developing

psychiatric disorders. It has been observed that lack of formal

education is a major risk factor for developing psychiatric

disorders as it is felt that education provides coping mechanisms

in more than one way. It raises self-efficacy, makes us feel less

sensitively in situations and gives a greater sense of control over

2fi Harpham T. 2004. "Urbanization and mental health in

developing countries: a research role for social scientists, public health

professionals and social psychiatrists. Soc Sci Med; 39: 223-45.

- 37 -

environment. It is concluded from the study that non-working

women suffer more from anxiety as compared to working women.

The main contributory factors could be their low education, their

involvement in less number of roles, and their familial and social

status in general. It is suggested that women should be

encouraged to concentrate on enhancing their formal educational

level and should participate in more social roles to avoid the risk

of developing anxiety.

Iqbal et al. (2004)27 studies the presence of anxiety in

working and non-working women with reference to their

education, family system and the number of their children. A

purposive sample of 50 working women and 50 non-working

women was taken. Both groups were matched on their age,

education, occupation and socioeconomic background. Taylor

Manifest Anxiety Scale was administered on all women to assess

their anxiety. They were also interviewed to record the

Iqba, et. al. 2004. Anxiety In Non-Working Women With

Reference To Their Education, Family System And Number Of Children,

Pakistan Medical Journal of Sciences, Quarterly, Pak J Med Sci., 20(4),

Oct.-Dec., Professional Medical Publications 345-348.

- 38 -

demographic information. Anxiety was observed in 57 per cent of

sampled women; 74 per cent of non-working women and 36 per

cent of working women had anxiety. A statistically significant

association between anxiety in women and education and number

of their children was found. No significant association was

observed between women’ anxiety and their family system. It was

concluded that all non-working women should be supported

morally and socially to spare some time for their entertainment

and pleasurable activities outside homes to distract the monotony

of routine work.

Kekker, et. al (2007)28 studied the variation of the

menopause rating scale (MRS) scores with age, working/non­

working and educated/uneducated status in a cohort of north-

Indian subpopulation and to look for the possible reasons for the

incurred variations. MRS is a well-known and validated instrument

' Kekker . K. et.al. 2007. Assessment of the variation in

menopausal symptoms with age, education and working/non-working

status in north-lndian sub population using menopause rating scale

(MRS), Maturitas. PMID: 17408889 [PubMed - as supplied by publisher],

Apr 2.

- 3 9 -

for assessing the frequency and intensity of menopausal

symptoms. A menopause clinic was organized in collaboration

with a primary care centre (under the guidance of a

gynaecologist). A random sample of 208 women aged 35-65

years participated in the study. The MRS scale, a self­

administered standardized questionnaire was applied with

additional patient related information (age at menopause, level of

education, working/non-working and exercising or not). The

results were evaluated for psychological (P), somatic (S), and

urogenital (U) symptoms. The average age at which menopause

set in, in the cohort was found to be 48.7+/-2.3 years (46.4-51

years). Based on the average age at the menopause, the cohort

was divided into p ^ (35-45), menopausal/early menopause (46-

SI) and the postmenopausal (52-65) groups. A significantly higher

per cent of pj^.menopausal women (36 per cent) showed a P

score of >1=1 \ while a higher per cent of postmenopausal showed

S score and U score >1=7 (>40 per cent; p</=0.001). Working

women seem to suffer more from psychological symptoms

whereas non-working women showed a greater incidence of

somatic symptoms. Educated women showed a lower incidence

of psychological and somatic symptoms. The study indicated that

age, level of education and working/non-working status (in a

group of women with same socio-cultural background) may also

contribute to significant variations in menopausal symptoms.

Adjustments among Working and Non-

working Women

Collier (1990)29, Haddad (1991 )30, Palmer (1991 )31 and

Horton et al., (1991)32 studied working and non-working in relation

29 Collier, P., 1990, .The impact of adjustment on women., Chapter 8

of Social Dimensions of Adjustment: A Framework for Analysis, World

Bank.

30 Haddad, L., 1991, .Gender and adjustment: theory and

evidence to date., paper presented at the workshop on The Effects of

Policies and Programmes on Women, 16 January, 1992, International

Food Policy Research Institute.

31 Palmer, I., 1991, .Gender and population in the adjustment of

African economies: planning for change., Women, Work and

Development Series No 19, ILO.

32 Horton, S., Kanbur, R. and Mazumdar, D., 1991, .Labour

markets in an era of adjustment: an overview., Policy, Research and

-41 -

to their adjustment approaches. These studies did not view the

impact of adjustment on working women as necessarily negative.

This approach focused on women’s sectoral representation and

emphasised the constraints to women’s work. Constraints on

women’s flexibility hindered the success of adjustment in working

and non-working women. Typically, the constraints on women’s

work reallocation cited include labour market discrimination; lack

of education; limited access to credit or other inputs; and

reproductive responsibilities. Thus, the argument was that

countervailing policies are needed to facilitate the optimal

allocation of women’s work (from an efficiency perspective) under

adjustment

Demas (1990)33 identified diabetes as a source of

psychological stress among non-working women than working

women. Factors of stress were different for different occupations

and vary according to the women’s psychological maturity.

External Working Papers, No 694, Economic Development Institute, The

World Bank, Washington.

33 Demas, P. A. 1990. Diabetes as a source of stress. Diss. Abstr.

Int. B, 51(5): 2672.

- 4 2 -

Hirata and Humphrey (1990)34 found that economically

active women in Sao Paolo were three times as likely to be

unemployed as men (31 per cent versus 11 per cent), although

more skilled women were less likely to be unemployed. The

mean period of unemployment for women was also longer (11.6

months versus 8.2 or 8.8 months for men).

34 Hirata, H. and Humphrey, J., 1990, .Male and female workers

and economic recession in Brazil., (Version 3, July 1990), mimeo, paper

prepared for ICRW project: .Weathering economic crises: women’s

economic responses to recession in Latin America and the Caribbean.

- 43 -

Commonwealth Secretariat (199 1 35 and 199336)

disaggregated the impact of adjustment on women in terms of four

major roles (producers, mothers, household managers,

community organisers). Emphases on the pressures on women’s

time and energy, brought about under adjustment as they strive to

continue fulfilling these roles with reduced incomes and support.

Various strategies were detrimental to women or other household

members e.g. reduced feeding; withdrawal of girls from school,

and some were in the nature of collective self-help initiatives e.g.

communal kitchens; savings and loan associations, which were

deployed by women to deal with the effects of adjustment at

Commonwealth Secretariat, 1991, .Women and structural

adjustment: selected case studies commissioned for a Commonwealth

group of Experts, in Commonwealth Economic Papers No 22,

Commonwealth Secretariat, London.

36 Commonwealth Secretariat, 1993, .Mitigating the social costs of

adjustment: the vital role of transfers, safety nets and other social

provisions., paper for Commonwealth Secretariat Asian Regional

Seminar on Structural Adjustment, Economic Change and Women, 5-8

January.

- 4 4 -

household and community levels. Women’s involvement in

informal sector work increased, with a deterioration of the position

of women working in this sector. There was an increase in

women’s unpaid family labour in agriculture; and the small scale

of women’s independent operations (in agriculture and the

informal sector) limits their ability to take advantage of new

incentives. Joekes (1991a37, 1991b38 and 199339) found that the

female share of public service employment in developing

countries is stable or rising slowly. In Botswana, there was a

3/ Joekes, S., 1991a, .Kenya: report of an ILO exploratory

mission on women’s employment, with recommendations for follow up.,

September-October 1991, Policies and Programmes for Development

Branch, Employment and Development Department, International

Labour Office, Geneva

Jfl Joekes, S., 1991b, .Women and structural adjustment:

operational implications for the JCGP member agencies., (mimeo).

39 Joekes, S., 1993, .The influence of international trade

expansion on women’s work. Paper prepared for interdepartmental

project on equality for women in employment. International Labour

Organisation, Bridge Report No. 16, Sussex: BRIDGE. IDS.

- 45 -

dramatic rise in the share of female employment, although this

was probably one of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa least

affected by adjustment. Also, data from Kenya showed that

women’s share of public sector employment had increased

consistently over the period 1970-90, with a jump from 21 to 26

per cent between 1985 and 1990, whereas the female share of

private sector waged employment did not expand significantly

between 1985 and 1990 However, in Latin America, public sector

employment had only been affected by adjustment in the latter

half of the 1980s, and even in sub-Saharan Africa, retrenchment

(as opposed to freezes in recruitment or wages) had tended

to come later rather than earlier in the adjustment process.

Lockwood (1992)40 used data from 1960 to the early 1980s

to examine trends in female labour participation in manufacturing

and their association with adjustment patterns. He found that

developing countries which exported a rising proportion of their

manufacturing output to the North, tended to employ an increasing

40 Lockwood, M., 1992,. .Engendering adjustment or adjusting

gender: some new approaches to women and development in Africa.,

IDS Discussion Paper.

- 4 6 -

share of females in their manufacturing sectors. Of the 35

countries covered, over half increased the female intensity of their

manufacturing sectors in the period - although a number of

countries in Latin America showed falling female intensity in

manufacturing. He also found (although the association is

weaker) that countries with export-oriented manufacturing sectors

tended to have female intensive manufacturing sectors. These

findings cannot be directly related to the impact of adjustment,

although they would seem to suggest that, where increased

export-orientation follows devaluation and trade liberalization

under adjustment, it may lead to more female intensive

manufacturing.

Moser (1992)41 differentiated working and non-working

women’s responses to the pressures of adjustment within a low

income community in Guayaquil, Ecuador, and found that

factors such as the number of persons in the household in

productive work; the stage in the household life cycle and the

41 Moser, C., 1992, .Adjustment from below: low income women,

time and the triple role in Guayaquil, Ecuador, in Afshar and Dennis.

- 4 7 -

number of other females (particularly daughters) involved in

reproductive work, are important in determining which women

enter the work force. The study also reveal that women are

working longer hours than a decade previously in order to

maintain the same incomes, and beginning work earlier (in

relation to the age of their children).

Kanji and Jazdowska (1993)42 conducted a study on the

impact of adjustment on women in Zimbabwe in mid-1991 and

found that, in one particular district of Harare, the majority of

women surveyed were engaged in some form of informal sector

activity. Self-employment was also found to be highly gender

segregated, with men commonly working as taxi drivers,

whilst women worked mainly as seamstresses and knitters, and

selling agricultural produce. Gender differentials in earnings did

not appear to be particularly marked, with women’s earnings

averaging Z$740 compared to men’s of Z$760 per month;

however, most of the women who identified themselves as

housewives were in fact engaging in regular or irregular income-

42 Kanji, N. and Jazdowska, N., 1993, .Structural adjustment and

women in Zimbabwe, in Review of African Political Economy, No 56.

- 4 8 -

generating activities, with monthly incomes averaging Z$170

for regular activities and Z$44 for irregular ones. Six months later,

a small sample follow-up survey found that the incomes from

women’s cash generating activities had fallen, due to higher

outlay costs and lower demand; several women had given up their

activities because they could no longer afford the initial outlay.

Baden (1993)43 attempted to provide a framework for the

analysis of the impact of adjustment on women, including on their

paid and unpaid work. Overall, the assessment of these

studies was that the impact of adjustment on women,

particularly poor women, was negative. However, these paths

breaking works had tended to rely heavily on a priori arguments,

rather than rigorous empirical study. Moreover, little if any attempt

was made to distinguish the effects of recession or longer term

4j Baden, S. 1993. The impact of recession and structural

adjustment on women's work in selected developing countries, Report

prepared for the Interdepartmental Project on Equality for Women in

Employment, International Labour Office, Geneva, Institute of

Development Studies, Brighton.

- 4 9 -

trends from adjustment, overall assessments of the impact of

adjustment on women stress the intensification of the trade off

between women’s producer and non-producer roles, leading to a

squeeze on women’s time and energy, with women bearing the

hidden costs of adjustment. Other assessments focus on the

constraints to women’s labour mobility which may restrict their

ability to benefit from new opportunities. Adjustment policies

themselves may be worsening such constraints. Moreover, the

new opportunities were in reality very limited for the majority of

women.

Mostow (1995)44 compared housewives with a matched

group of working women and revealed some significant

differences in social functioning in relation to work roles. The

psychological benefits of outside employment have been widely

significant in relation to middle-class and upper-class women. This

44 Mastow, E. and Newberry, P. 1995. Work role and depression in

women: a comparison of workers and housewives in treatment, Am J

Orthopsychiatry. PMID: 1180337 [PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE],

Jul;45(4):538-48.

- 50 -

study indicates that, for women of lower socio-economic status,

work may also have a protective psychological effect. When a

working woman gets stressed out, many blame her job. But

women who stay at home are more likely to suffer anxiety and to

feel unhappy.

Florence (1996)45 stated that low income urban working

women in Nicaragua were constantly making adjustment to their

paid work as well as unpaid work in the home to absorb the

pressure of neo-liberal policies of the 1980s and 1990s. The

urban informal sector comprised of women who sold food, fruit,

vegetables, ice and drinks, run barbershops and carpenters’,

tailors’, and mechanics’ workshops often in the front parts of their

homes.

41 Florence, Babb E (1996): ‘After the Revolution: Neo-liberal

Policy and Gender in Nicaragua’; Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 23,

Issue 1, 1996, pp. 27-48.

- 51 -

Messias (1997)46 found that the engagement of non-working

women in less number of roles may also be a contributory factor

towards high adjustability in them, as they have to rely mainly on

their role as housewives for their identity and self-esteem.

Whereas, occupying multiple roles is thought to increase women’s

chances to learn, to develop self- efficacy and self-esteem, to

build social network and open access to informational,

instrumental and emotional support, and to buffer life’s stresses

and strains. Playing multiple roles also provides cognitive

cushioning and alternative sources of self-esteem and gratification

when things go poorly in one life domain.

Milkman (1997)47 investigated women’s paid and unpaid

work roles and the implications of this for their situation in the

current economic crisis and their adjustability. The widely

46 Messias Deanve K Hilfinger et at. 1997. "Defining and

redefining work: implications for women’s health. Gender and Society.

11:296.

47 Milkman. R. 1997. Women's Work and Economic Crisis: Some

Lessons of the Great Depression, Review of Radical Political

Economics, Vol. 8, No. 1, 71-97, DOI: 10.1177/048661347600800107

- 5 2 -

accepted notion that women form a "reserve army" which is

integrated into the labour market during periods of expansion and

expelled with contractions was criticized. While economic

expansion draws women into the labour force, it was argued, the

sexual segregation of occupations creates inflexibility in the labour

market which prevents their expulsion during a crisis of

contraction. Women's unpaid house hold work, however, is an

arena where they can be forced to "take up the slack" in the

economy during crises.

Mukhopodaya (1998)48 found that in India an increase in

female employment outside the home has occurred during the last

few decades, especially in urban areas. A working woman may

face difficulties in attempting to fulfil the demands of both worlds,

at home and outside, while a housewife may feel tired and irritated

with her household chores and financial dependence. All these

may cause stress for these groups of women. The present study

compares a group of working mothers with their non-working

4* Mukhopodaya, S. 1998. Working status and stress of middle

class women of Calcutta. PMID: 2925695 [PubMed - indexed for

MEDLINE], J Biosoc Sci. 1989 Jan;21(1):109-14.

- 53 -

counterparts with respect to their adjustability. The results show

that anxiety and health scores of the two groups of women are

similar. Further, the health score and anxiety score seem to be

correlated, more clearly among the working mothers.

Newberry, et. al. (1999)49 matched groups of working wives

and housewives drawn from a community sample which did not

differ on current and past adjustments and social functioning.

However, they did differ markedly on enjoyment in and

satisfaction from their work. The working women derived

considerably more satisfaction from their outside jobs than either

they or the housewives did from their work in the home.

49 Newberry. P. et.al. 1999. Working wives and housewives: do

they differ in mental status and social adjustment? Am J

Orthopsychiatry. PMID: 434122 [PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE],

Apr;49(2):282-91.

- 54 -

Griffin et.al. (2002)50 revealed that the main reasons of high

frequency of unadjustability in non-working women could be their

familial and social status, low control at home, low education and

their involvement in limited number of roles. Women in our society

have more household responsibilities, face domestic conflicts,

abusive relationships, and enjoy less privilege, less rights, less

social and economic freedom. They lack the ability to escape their

captors due to social and cultural pressures and rarely get an

opportunity for dissipating their stress. The fact, however, remains

that they face much-pronged problems stemming from socio­

cultural values and traditions, illiteracy, political instability and the

erroneous interpretation of religion. Their housework is typically

associated with unpaid, obligatory work. This along with the lack

of benefits and positive knowledge, may contribute to a decrease

in mental well-being and an increase in anxiety, stress and

depression. All these stresses may cause low control at home,

M Griffin JM, Fuhser R, Stansfeld SA, Marmot M. 2002. "The

importance of low control at work and home on depression and anxiety:

do these effects vary by gender and social class." Soc Sc/ Med; 54 (5):

783-98.

- 5 5 -

which usually result in high anxiety in non-working women, Griffin

JM, et. al have also reported increased risk of developing

depression and unadjustability in women having low control at

home.

UNIFEM (2002)51 conducted a short-term study, solely

based on secondary data sources. It aimed at. assessing the

impact of economic liberalization on the textiles and food

processing industries in India and whether women workers have

been able to reap the benefits. These two sectors were selected

due to the large proportion of women employed in these

industries and because both industries have experienced

substantial export-led growth in the post-liberalization period.

The study found that although both the textiles and food

processing industries have experienced substantial export and

Jl UNIFEM . 2002, Gender Impact of WTO on Women’s

Livelihood in India: Women Workers in the Textiles and Food

Processing Industries, The study commissioned by the United Nations

Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the United

Nations Children’s Fund (UNIFEM). Gender and Local Governance: It’s

Implications on Development. Centre for Social Research.

- 5 6 -

employment growth in the post-liberalization period, this does

not necessarily mean that there has been an improvement in

women’s wages or working conditions in these industries. It

found that the increasing mechanization of the textiles sector

could pose a particular threat to women’s jobs because women

tend to be employed in greater numbers in the more labour-

intensive processes. The study found that many of the jobs

created in the food processing sector were very casual in nature

and that woman workers are over-represented in part-time work

and in the unorganized sector. The case study conducted on the

marine processing industry illustrated that in spite of many

indicators of improvements in the employment situation in this

industry, the conditions of women workers are still very poor.

The study found that although there have been various policies

initiated by the government to promote exports, not many steps

have been taken to ensure that women workers in the sector

also reap the benefits of growth. It was recommended that while

formulating policies, the Government of India should give more

attention to the welfare of women workers in the industry.

- 5 7 -

Murry, et. al (2003)52 conducted a study on adjustability of

working and nonx working women. The purpose of this study was

to assess the impact of unemployment on the adjustability of

women in the context of massive unemployed women.

Comparisons were made between the level of mental distress

experienced by unemployed and employed women, in two areas

of Newfoundland, Canada that were affected by the northern cod

moratorium. In addition, the relationships between women's

mental distress and a number of variables were explored.

Questionnaires were administered to 112 unemployed and 112

employed women three years after the moratorium began. The

unemployed women reported significantly poorer mental well­

being in the year prior to data collection. At the time of the study,

however, both groups of women were experiencing high levels of

distress. The moratorium, financial problems, and feelings of

uncertainty were identified as key stressors for all the women, but

12 Murry. C. L. et.al. 2003. A comparison of the mental health of

employed and unemployed women in the context of a massive layoff,

PMID: 12733553 [PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE, Women Health.

2003,37(2):55-72.

- 58 -

especially for those without work. Among the working women,

past experience with unemployment and level of education had

significant correlations with their mental well-being.

Blake (2004)53 put forth two ways to look at women and

work. One way supposes that women have a limited amount of

energy. Each role drains part of that energy, so the more women

do, the worse off women are. But the other way, which women’s

work supports, is that having more roles offers women more

opportunities to be challenged, to feel competent and to have their

work acknowledged. It also gives them more options, like having

more money to hire help, to lessen the burden of housework.

Filling more than one role also allows women to divide their

emotional eggs among several baskets. If something is going

poorly in one area, things are likely to be going better in another.

Stress doesn't seem to be related to how many roles a woman

takes on. Up to a point, the more roles, and the greater the self­

esteem. It is the family role that gives women the most stress.

53 Blake. L. 2004. The stress of staying home - nonworking

women, Psychology Today. July-August. Sussex Publishers, Inc. Gale

Group.

- 5 9 -

Work is clearly not the culprit. Planning, child care and day-to-day

support systems are an important part of being a successful wife,

mother and career woman. It takes more than hard work and high

hopes.

Kumthekar (2004)54 revealed that self-concept is an

important indicator of personality. The working woman, being an

earner in the family, is easily accepted and respected. Hence, it

was thought that working women would have a more positive self-

concept as compared to non-working women. To assess this, a Q-

sort technique developed by Butler and Haigh (1954) was used for

137 working and 99 non-working, all graduate, middle-class,

married women in the age range of 25 to 45 years. However, it is

amazing to note that no significant difference between working

and non-working women was found. All women had a devaluated

self-concept. The study was also aimed to note the differences

among women working at different occupational levels. There is

also no significant difference in their self-concept. However, in

~4 Kumthekar. M. 2004. Women's Self-concept and Mental Health,

Journal of Health Management, Vol. 6, No. 2, 163-175(2004) DOI:

10.1177/097206340400600207. SAGE Publications.

- 6 0 -

item-wise analysis, more confidence, ambition and assertiveness

were seen in the case of working women as compared to non­

working women.

Harshpinder and Aujla (2006)55 found that unfinished tasks,

compulsion of doing disliked activities, death of a close relative

and improper sleep were the common factors of stress in both

working and non working women. Working women were more

stressed due to factors viz. pleasing others, overburden of work

and non-allowance by family to take family decisions

independently. Non - working women were more stressed than

working women due to wrong working posture and her non­

involvement in decision making by family. On an average,

working-women were experiencing more physiological and

psychological factors of stress.

Harshpinder and Aujla. P. 2006. Physiological and

Psychological Stressors among Working and Non Working Women, J.

Hum. Ecol., 20(2): 121-123. Kamla-Raj

-61 -

Hymowitz (2007)56 reported that women often are told that

all they need to do to advance to the top of companies is acquire

experience and show their competence. The researcher found

that women have great difficulty following the same career path as

men. The survey conducted on 2,500 working and non-working

women revealed that most working women take some time off

work or intentionally avoid advancing for a while so they have time

to care for children and elderly relatives. Getting back on the fast

track is difficult for them. The growing number of jobs that require

workweeks of 60-plus hours and 24/7 attention to clients, is

leaving women farther behind and costing business valuable

talent.

’6 Hymowitz . C. 2007. Why More Women Aren't At the Top of

Companies, The Wall Street Journal Online. Dow Jones & Company.

Carer Journal, com

- 62 -

Aspirations among Working and Non-working

Women

Fox and Faver (1991 )57 considered both meaning and

mediation factors in the achievement-aspiration relationship. In a

sample of graduate women students ("academic-career

aspirants"), the achievement- aspiration relationship varied with

type of academic achievement and professional aspirations, and

as it was mediated by women’s perceptions of their professional

roles and their faculty's support. Women's achievement-aspiration

conversion was different from, but not necessarily lower than, non­

graduate non-working women. Rather, the strength and direction

of the relationship varied with aspiration type (traditional versus

alternative) and, to some extent, with specific types of academic

achievement. The mediators of the achievement-aspiration

relationship also vary by work conditions and aspiration type.

1 Fox.M. F. and Faver. C. A .1991. Achievement and Aspiration,

Patterns Among Male and Female Academic-Career Aspirants, Work

and Occupations, Vol. 8, No. 4, 439-463 (1981),

DOI:10.1177/073088848100800403, SAGE Publications.

-63 -

Women's aspirations for traditional career rewards were largely a

function of their perceptions of the structural availability of job

opportunity.

Carpenter and Western (1993)58 analysed working and non­

working women within the context of the restructuring of higher

education and possible changing perceptions about the benefits of

higher education among those involved, the impact of selected

structural and social psychological variables upon the transition of

a group of young working and non-working women from Year 12

of high school to higher education and/or the workforce. The data

revealed that the transition from high school to tertiary education

was dependent upon social origins, prior school achievements and

aspirations as well as on the processes of interpersonal

encouragement and academic self-assessment of women. Such

dependence differs between the working and non-working women.

Specifically where educational aspirations were constant, social

58 Carpenter, P. and Western, J.1993. The Facilitation of

Attainment Aspirations, Journal of Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 2, 305-318,

DOI: 10.1177/144078338301900210, Australian Sociological

Association.

- 6 4 -

background was more important for working women than non­

working women; while perceived encouragement from significant

others, academic self- assessment and academic achievement

were more important for women.

Reyes, O. et. al. (1999)59 revealed that distribution of jobs

remains vastly disproportionate, especially among women minority

groups. Women continue to be overrepresented in traditionally

female occupied jobs and underrepresented in high-status, high-

paying occupations. Literature on gender distribution of careers

and factors affecting career choice remains sparse where ethnic

minority females are concerned. The present study attempted to

fill this gap and focuses on adolescent females from Mexican

American backgrounds. Descriptive findings indicate the general

male dominance of females’ career aspirations. Compared to

females aspiring to highly female-dominated careers, females

aspiring to highly male-dominated careers were more

59 Reyes, O. et.al. 1999. Career Aspirations of Urban, Mexican

American Adolescent Females, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral

Sciences, Vol. 21, No. 3, 366-382, DOI: 10.1177/0739986399213010,

SAGE Publications.

- 6 5 -

acculturated, earned higher grade point averages (GPAs) and

higher achievement scores in science and social studies, and held

higher educational aspirations and expectations, and a greater

number of this group evidenced a clear understanding of the steps

needed to achieve career goals.

Seginer (2002)60 tested a four-step model consisting of

family background, perceived parental support and

demandingness, educational aspirations, and academic

achievement. The model was estimated on data collected from

working and non-working women (N = 686) growing up in two

cultural settings: transition to modernity (Israeli Arabs) and

Western (Israeli Jews). The results showed that family background

had direct and indirect effects on the academic achievement of

Arab but not Jewish women. The indirect family background-

academic achievement path showed working and non-working

differences only for the Arab women via educational aspirations

60 Seginer, R. 2002. Family Environment, Educational Aspirations,

and Academic Achievement in Two Cultural Settings, Journal of Cross-

Cultural Psychology, Vol. 33, No. 6, 540-558, DOI:

10.1177/00220022102238268, SAGE Publications.

- 6 6 -

for girls and parental demandingness for boys, and parental

demandingness was directly related to academic achievement of

women. The study also explained ethnic and gender differences in

terms of demographic and socio-cultural conditions.

Behnke, et. al. (2004)61 conducted an in-depth interviews of

10 rural Latino family triads and investigated the educational and

occupational aspirations of working and non-working women, and

factors affecting those aspirations. Using a content analysis of the

interview scripts, several themes emerged that described their

families’ experiences. In some instances, Latino women

aspirations were found to transfer to their work. However, only one

half of the women were aware of their career’s aspirations. Non­

working women articulated several barriers to achieving higher

educational or occupational aspirations. Implications for

programmatic initiatives and research are delineated.

61 Behnke, A. et.al. 2004. Educational and Occupational

Aspirations of Latino Youth and Their Parents, Hispanic Journal of

Behavioural Sciences, Vol. 26, No. 1, 16-35 , DOI:

10.1177/0739986303262329, SAGE Publications.

- 6 7 -

Gasser. et. al (2004)62 examined how a different model of

personality beyond the Big Five and interest are predictive of an

important criterion variable, i.e. aspirations. This is the first study

to investigate personality-interest convergence by examining the

newly revised 2003 California Psychological Inventory with the

1994 Strong Interest Inventory. In general, the researchers found

that those personality scales and interest scales that were more

related or applicable to educational aspirations of working and

non-workingwomen, were moderately correlated with level of

educational aspirations. Also, hierarchical regression results show

that specific dimensions of personality and interests are related to

women’s plans for future work. The study found that components

of working and non-working women’s personality and interest may

relate to aspiring to higher levels of education.

62 Gasser. C, et.al. 2004. Contributions of Personality and

Interests to Explaining the Educational Aspirations of College Students,

Journal of Career Assessment, Vol. 12, No. 4, 347-365, DOI:

10.1177/1069072704266644, SAGE Publications.

- 68 -

McElroy et. al. (2005)63 used longitudinal data collected over

a twenty-year period to explore whether college-educated women

workers were different early in their lives from other women. Early

differences would offer evidence that woman workers are led to

self-employment by their inherent virtues or by their specific

talents or interests. Lack of early differences would lend credence

to the notion that woman workers are led to self-employment by

other factors. The study suggests that women’s status as workers

is at least as much the result of life circumstances as the

completion of long-term goals. Early in their careers, some women

appear to make career and self-employment decisions much as

men do. However, when children enter the picture, some women

begin to re-consider the balance between their commitment to

work ideals and their commitment to traditional gender roles when

making self-employment decisions. Even today, for many women,

family needs trump career aspirations, and the career paths they

follow are determined, at least while children remain at home, by

63 McElroy, et. Al. 2005. A Longitudinal Analysis Of College-

Educated Women's Self-Employment Decisions, Susquehanna

University's Sigmund Weis School of Business.

69-

practical considerations rather than ideology. Some would prefer

to be take tradition jobs because they offer more security, and

some who would prefer to be employees or choose self-

employment because it gives them the flexibility to continue

working and earning money while offering them more control. The

study provides useful insights regarding the employment choices

of women.

Lallukka, et. al. (2006)64 examined whether psychosocial

working conditions and aspirations are associated working and

non-working women. Data were derived from postal

questionnaires filled in by 40- to 60-year-old women employed by

the City of Helsinki, Finland, in 2000 to 2002 (n = 7093, response

rate 67 per cent). Aspiration symptoms were measured by the

Rose Questionnaire. Logistic regression analyses were carried

out. Independent variables consisted of Karasek’s job demands

and job control, work fatigue, working overtime, work-related

mental and physical strain, the work-home interface, and social

64 Lallukka. T. et. al. 2006. Associations Between Working

Conditions and Angina Pectoris Symptoms Among Employed Women,

Psychosomatic Medicine, American Psychosomatic Society 68:348-354.

- 7 0 -

support, adjusted for age. Confounding effects of socioeconomic

status, health behaviours (smoking, binge drinking, body mass

index), and menopause were also examined. Pregnant women

were excluded. High aspiration symptoms were reported by 6 per

cent of participants. Work fatigue was strongly associated with

aspiration. In addition, working overtime, low job control, and high

physical strain at work were associated with aspiration. The

associations between psychosocial working conditions and

aspiration were unaffected by health behaviours, socioeconomic

status, or menopause.

Marital Relations and Children’s Care by

Working and Non-working Women

Mubarak, et. al. (1990)65 conducted a cross-sectional case-

control study comparing working women employed by the

Women’s Work Centres of the Orangi Pilot Project with non­

working matched controls. Differences in the knowledge, attitude

and practice of several variables were elicited. Working women's

r':' Mubarak.K. et.al. 1990. Health, attitudes and beliefs of working

women, PubMed, Soc Sci Med. Ohio State University, Columbus ,

1990,31 (9):1029-33.

- 71 -

families had significantly higher immunization rates, 73 per cent vs

55 per cent, and shorter duration of illness, 5.9 days vs 8.8 days,

compared to controls. More working than non-working women

supported contraception, 100 per cent vs 74 per cent, desired

equal education for sons and daughters (P less than 0.005), and

had a dominant role in family health decision-making, 48 per cent

vs 12 per cent. We conclude that these working women in Orangi

have a different set of beliefs and practices than non-working

women and this may be one important factor responsible for the

lower morbidity in their children.

Chant (1994)66 identified the activities like income

generation by working women and domestic activities by non­

working women, as household survival strategies in the towns of

Mexico and Costa Rica. The study showed that working women

have to substitute for the lack of civic amenities and labour-saving

household gadgets with their own labour power. Very often,

66 Chant, Sylvia (1994): ‘Women and Poverty in Urban Latin

America: Mexican and Costa Rican Experiences' in Meer Fatima (ed.),

Poverty in the 1990s: The Responses of Urban Women, UNESCO and

International Social Science Council, Paris, pp 87-115.

- 72 -

undertaking income-generating work implies an added burden for

women. Outside work usually involved preparing and selling food

and food-related things and offering domestic services. For many

women home-based activity was their only option especially if

they have young children and no child care support.

Langermyre (1997)67 investigated the possible effects of

maternal employment on children. Whereas 30 years ago

especially behaviour disorders were found to be correlating, today

the situation is more differentiate. Results suggest that the effects

of maternal employment have changed the years. The effects

depend on the degree of the mother's satisfaction with her work,

the sex of the children, social class, children's age, residential

area, substitute care, the possibility to conciliate working and

67 Langermyre . A. 1997. Working mothers and their significance

for the children from the viewpoint of clinical psychology, Z Klin Psychol

Psychopathol Psych other. PMID: 3330372 [PubMed - indexed for

MEDLINE];35(4):334-43.

- 7 3 -

private needs as well as the attitude of society regarding working

mothers. The part of the father in this connection is controversial.

Lately unconscious motives of working (e.g. career drive resulting

from early familial conflicts, marriage problems) or non-working

(e.g. fear of occupational conflicts) mothers are regarded more

intensively. Correlations are especially found to sex role

understanding of the children, as well as to intellectual

development and emotional stability dependent on further factors.

Andrade, et. al (19 99)68 observed that in urban India,

working women were expected to continue to discharge their

traditional domestic duties; the likely result was compromised

well-being due to role strain. Husbands of working women may

also experience pressures and hence poorer well-being. Well­

being in working couples, particularly husbands, was little

researched in developing countries. The Subjective Well-Being

Inventory was administered to 46 'one-working, (only husband

employed) and 51 'both-working' (both spouses employed)

“ Andrade, C. et.al .1999. Influence of women's work status on

the well-being of Indian couples, Int J Soc Psychiatry. PM ID: 10443250

[PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE], Spring; 45(1):65-75.

- 74-

randomly selected urban, middle-class couples. In one-working as

well as both-working families, wives experienced less well-being

than their husbands. Working wives experienced more confidence

in coping than non-working wives. Husbands in both-working

families experienced better social support but less social contact,

less mental mastery, and poorer perceived health than husbands

in one-working families. Few or no socio-demographic variables

were associated with well-being. Employment may benefit women

but stress their husbands.

Hussain and Smith (1999)69 studied the relationship

between maternal work status, other socio-economic factors, and

incidence of diarrhoea among children using the Bangladesh

Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) 1994 data. This study

showed that 12.4 per cent of children had suffered from diarrhoea

in the two weeks preceding the survey. Of the women in the

sample, 12 per cent were working. Logistic regression analysis

69 Hussain, T. M., and Smith, J. F.1999. The relationship between

maternal work and other socioeconomic factors and child health in

Bangladesh, Public Health. PMID: 10637523 [PubMed - indexed for

MEDLINE], Nov;113(6):299-302.

- 75 -

revealed that children of working mothers were 65 per cent more

likely to have had diarrhoea than children of non-working mothers.

The study also found that children of women who work seasonally

were 8 per cent less likely to have had diarrhoea than children of

women who work all year. Women's higher education was found

to be one of the important determinants related to childhood

diarrhoea. Religion and ownership of land also appeared to be

important factors affecting the incidence of diarrhoea in early

childhood.

Nathawat and Mathur (1999)70 and Rani and Yadav (2000)71

put forth anecdotal evidence that housewives frequently complain

about the monotony of their lives. They feel that they have to look

after children and do the housework and they do not have time for

Nathawat S. S, Mathur A.1999. "Marital adjustment and

subjective well-being in Indian educated housewives and working

women." J Psychol; 127(3): 353-8.

71 Rani G & Yadav A. 2000. Anxiety level among working women.

Jour Personality & Clinical Studies, 16(1): 63-7.

- 76 -

themselves. Compared to the working women their social

environment is limited. Their husbands are the only ones to

appreciate their intense efforts they make for their homes. A

woman, for instance, with six children and a husband, and with no

help from others and no money for the most costly labour-saving

devices, simply can not organize her necessary duties so that she

will have leisure for pleasures and activities outside the daily

routine. In such a house the most modest requirements for food,

shelter, and clothing become a driving force that pushes aside

relentlessly any irrelevant longing. The working women, however,

have the chance of being appreciated by the society and behave

independently and earn money. On the other hand, many working

women find that children provide a common focus of interest for

them and their husbands and many of them feel that the time

devoted to children resulted in less sharing and companionship

and less spontaneity in marital relationship.

Nakahara et.al (2006)72 observed that in many developing

countries, poor women have multiple roles, and often their time

2 Nakahara, S. et.al, 2006. Availability of childcare support and

nutritional status of children of non-working and working mothers in

- 77 -

constraints are so severe that their participation in income-

generating activities results in reduced childcare time, which in

turn affects child health. The study investigated how childcare

support influences nutrition of children with working mothers'

based on comparisons with non-working mothers. However, non­

working mothers are not a homogeneous group, and we therefore

need to distinguish between those who need not work and those

who wish to but cannot, for example, due to a lack of substitute

caregivers. The researcher examined the association between

availability of childcare support and the nutritional status of

children of both non-working and working mothers in poor areas of

Pokhara, a sub-metropolitan city in Nepal. The sample comprised

150 children of age 10-24 months from the waiting lists of 17 day­

care centres and measured their weights and heights. Those with

height-for-age and weight-for-age Z scores of less than -2 were

defined as stunted and underweight, respectively. To collect

information on childcare practices and socioeconomic

characteristics, mothers were interviewed using a pre-tested

structured questionnaire. Unavailability of adult childcare support

urban Nepal, Am J Hum Biol. PMID: 16493631 [PubMed - indexed for

MEDLINE], Mar-Apr;18(2): 169-81

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height-for-age and weight-for-age Z scores of less than -2 were

defined as stunted and underweight, respectively. To collect

information on childcare practices and socioeconomic

characteristics, mothers were interviewed using a pre-tested

structured questionnaire. Unavailability of adult childcare support

was associated with increased risk of malnutrition among children

of both non-working and working mothers. Peer childcare was not

significantly associated with child malnutrition among children of

non-working mothers, but it was associated with an increased risk

of malnutrition among children of working mothers. The study

suggested that childcare support from adult substitute caregivers

is essential for children of non-working mothers with limited

resources.

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