1

CHAPTER 1

1 ORIENTATION TO THE STUDY

11 Introduction

This research study comes at a time when the Sindebele speaking communities campaign

ldquoto get their mother tongue officially recognized as an independent languagerdquo (Wilkes

2001310) After South Africa became a democracy in 1994 indigenous languages were

promoted and this is having an adverse effect on Sindebele The promotion of Sepedi

one of the indigenous languages has led to the domination and suffocation on Sindebele

which can eventually lead to language shift This is supported by Wilkes (2001310)

when stating that linguists believed that the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele) language

had for all practical purposes ceased to exist as its speakers had rejected it in favour of

Sepedi the dominant language of the surrounding tribes

That Sindebele has ldquoceased to existrdquo (Wilkes 2001 310) is not true because at the

present moment Sindebele is widely spoken in different communities It forms absolute

majority in almost all of the communities where they presently live The researcher feels

that Sindebele is still spoken as a primary language by over 1 million people in South

Africa especially parts of the Limpopo Province As an ethnolinguistic group the

communities are still alive and active

Sindebele is not spoken anywhere else in the world except at Mokopane Mapankula

Kalkspruit Wasbank GaMashashane Zebediela GaLedwaba Marble Hall Rathoke

Matlerekeng GaSeleka Maganagobushwa western parts of GaMatlala and GaNkiditlana

in the Limpopo Province Hammanskraal Majaneng Surimane and Makapanskrans in

the North West Province few places in the Mpumalanga Province and in some places in

the Gauteng Province

The inhabitants are interested in reviving their language and many of them want to read

and write it The problem with reading and writing is that the language is not yet

standardized The researcher says Sindebele is non-standardized because there are only

two published materials on the language (Prof Ziervogelrsquos Grammar of Northern

Ndebele and Prof Wilkesrsquo Northern Ndebele Grammar and spelling Rules) Examples of

2

unpublished literature on the language are GP Kekanarsquos Sidla Sindebele (Grammar) Dr

P Macgarersquos Khula NesiNdebele (Grammar) Babulele Noni (Folklore) Mma Umbutile

(Novel) Sondondolo (Drama) and LWH Molomorsquos Vulani Masango YesiNdebele

These were written primarily for participation in the literary competitions that were

organized from time to time by the Northern Province Provincial Language Committee ndash

which is now defunct

For a language to be standardized its orthography should first be well developed and

Sindebele orthography is not yet well established For Sindebele to be a fully fledged

language it needs to be selected and accepted by the Ndebele community to agree about

what should be and included in it and what should not Its grammar spelling books and

dictionaries need to be developed also These functions must be expanded that is once

accepted as a language Sindebele can be used in all the functions associated with formal

settings Training of teachers in the language is also necessary Since Sindebele is neither

codified nor elaborated it cannot be used in formal domains such as education

Parliament and the media Once Sindebele is standardized it will become possible to be

taught and learned and its prestige will be acquired

According to the Government Gazette (1999) it is generally accepted that the best way

for language development to occur is for the language to be used Conversely Sindebele

has unfortunately been discouraged from use and is in grave danger of extinction

The researcherrsquos primary interest in this study is the use of Sindebele within the

environment of Sepedi in the region of Mokopane Mokopane is a region situated in the

western part of the Limpopo Province of South Africa Almost all the regionrsquos present

inhabitants ndash Ndebele and Pedi moved to this area Although the area is predominantly a

Sindebele territory it is presided over by the Pedi and Tsonga groups There are four

chieftaincies namely Langa (Mapela) Langa (Bakenburg) Kekana (Moshate) and

Lebelo (Grasvlei) The region was supposed to be called GaMugombhane (Ndebele

name) as the original name of the king was ldquoMugombhanerdquo but not Mokopane

Today the region is multilingual due to its proximity to the town where people of

different languages work The inhabitants speak different languages namely English

isiXhosa isiZulu Sesotho Setswana and the so-called ldquodialectrdquo of the region Sindebele

Some of these languages have few speakers whereas others have many speakers

3

Sindebele needs recognition as some of its speakers have concluded that it is pointless to

spend time on the language that is fading from private and primary domains

Sindebele unlike other indigenous languages of the country is not recognized It is

therefore neither a provincial nor a national language It is a regional language used

insignificantly In this case it has acquired a negative social meaning and became

stigmatized This has led other speakers to lose faith in the language regarding it as

worthless and no good for significant functions like learning or finding employment

Sepedi on the other hand is both a provincial and a national language that is it is used in

formal domains such as education and the media

The communities of Mokopane use Sepedi and Sindebele interchangeably even though

Sepedi has become the home language of most of the families there including some

Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by some families as their home

language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the dominant language of the

area

The researcher participated in some occasions as an observer at Mokopane and found

that in the communities of Mokopane not only Sepedi is spoken widely but also

Sindebele The researcher attended induna Kgobudirsquos funeral at Mosesetjane village

Even though the programme was written in Sepedi the speakers were employing

Sindebele On 13 September 2008 the researcher attended a wedding at Mahwelereng

the dominant language was Sindebele although Sepedi English Setswana and isiZulu

were used On 14 September 2008 the researcher went to the Catholic Church at Mapela

village the service was in Sepedi but the announcements were done in Sindebele On 20

September 2008 the researcher attended a funeral at Magongoa village Sepedi is the

home language of the bereaved family Most speakers on the programme were

employing Sindebele including ldquomoemedi wa kgorordquo (induna representative)

In some cases mixing of both languages is common among the communities of

Mokopane The following examples are typical

(i) Ndoda ya Nkgadikgadi gu nka ja mo nka nona gt Nkgadikgadirsquos husband loves

women

4

(ii) Tikxomo taka Kxhosana bateyebe ka moka gt the whole herd of Kxhosanarsquos cattle

has been stolen

This mixing usually occurs when the speaker identifies himselfherself At Mokopane

most inhabitants speak Sindebele and those who are proficient in Sindebele and Sepedi

mix both in a way that marks them as more or less bilingual This lack of a solid ldquolumprdquo

of speakers of Sindebele creates a linguistic problem whose origin is traced under

problem statement

12 Problem Statement

According to Leedy and Ormrod (200143)

ldquothe heart of every research project is the (research)

problem It is paramount in importance to the success

of the research effort To see the problem with

unwavering clarity and to state it in precise and

unmistakable terms is the first requirement in the

research processrdquo

The researcher elucidates the above statement by stating the core problem that is faced by

Sindebele ndash the regional language in Mokopane and other areas where it is spoken

Even if Mokopane is multilingual the population uses mostly two languages that is

Sepedi and Sindebele These two languages have long been spoken here The

complicating issue is that Sindebele is spoken within the environment of Sepedi Sepedi

is given recognition by the government hence it is used for radio broadcasting editorials

in newspapers like Seipone and literature whereas Sindebele is not recognized and it is

therefore employed in casual conversations within family and social groups This

situation creates tensions and conflict potential among speakers of these languages

especially Sindebele speakers and very little has been done about these problems

Sindebele has long been undermined by the government system In 1961 the Republic of

South Africa was established and some indigenous languages were recognised but

Sindebele was excluded In 1968 when the homelands started the government

recognised Sepedi in Lebowa Xitsonga in Gazankulu Tshivenda in Venda Siswati in

5

Kangwane isiNdebele in Kwa-Ndebele isiZulu in Kwazulu isiXhosa in Transkei and

Ciskei Sesotho in Qwaqwa and Setswana in Bophuthatswana still Sindebele was

excluded When a democratic government was elected the constitution was drafted and

eleven languages were recognised and promoted as official but Sindebele was not

recognised as a language

There is a controversy among linguists that Sindebele is isiNdebele This issue is denied

by Sindebele speakers as they claim that the two are not variants of the same language

but two different languages By the same token Wilkes (2001312) maintains that

Sindebele differs substantially from its counterpart

An attempt was made by Northern Amandebele National Organisation (NANO) a group

of Sindebele speakers who strived for the promotion and recognition of Sindebele but

they failed From time immemorial authors like Dr M J Madiba who was a Sindebele

speaker could not do their writings in Sindebele instead they used Sindebele terms in

their Sepedi writings for example

ldquolewardquo (Sepedi) ldquodliwardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquoeatenrdquo

ldquolefelardquo (Sepedi) ldquosiphilardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquomaizerdquo

ldquolebitšo (Sepedi) ldquolibitordquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquonamerdquo

One objective of the National Language Policy Framework (200211) is to ldquoenhance

people-centeredness in addressing the interests needs and aspirations of a wide range of

language communities through ongoing dialogue and debaterdquo This quotation addresses

issues similar to that of Sindebele at Mokopane when groups were formed to debate the

recognition of Sindebele the most appropriate orthography (spelling system) for it and

the development of appropriate forms of writing for this language but these groups

dissolved They attempted many a time to have their language standardized but failed

This problem demoralizes them They feel that their culture and self-identity are

undermined

The Sindebele speakers of Mokopane have fear of language shift and ultimately language

death ldquoLanguage shift occurs where speakers adopt the language of the majority or of

prestigerdquo (Comrie et al 200330) On the same note Webb and Kembo-Sure (2001)

indicate that language shift is a process whereby members of a speech community

6

abandon the use of one language for certain functions and adapt another the former is

often a home language Language death on the other hand occurs ldquowhen all the

speakers of a language have totally shifted their language behaviour so that there are no

persons left who will still speak the original language as a first or primary languagerdquo

(Webb and Kembo-Sure 200113) Unless attempts are made to preserve the language

Sindebele will face the danger of being wiped away If Sindebele dies then it will be

difficult to identify its speakers

Another problem is that Sindebele speakers are discriminated against Speakers of other

languages discriminate them because of the language they speak Their language is

regarded as having lower status These speakers of other languages do not take

cognizance of the fact that language and culture are intimately linked that when a

language dies culture dies also

On this note one can deduce that if one kills Sindebele one kills an indigenous species

In the same spirit Grenoble and Whaley (1998235) advocate that language loss threatens

the survival of culture in the sense that indigenous knowledge perceptions and strategies

that are encoded in the language are lost This idea is supported by Krauss (as cited by

Grenoble and Whaley 1998235) when he warns that the loss of a language entails a loss

of social identity or of culture

It is therefore of vital importance for a community to preserve its culture language and

attire Language and culture are closely related therefore such community should be

made aware that the occurrence of linguistic shift may lead to cultural shift These

communities should take into cognizance the fact that when there is a cultural shift then

a society seems to lose direction and becomes victim to the twin evils of poverty and

crime Such community should not allow itself to be isolated and segregated by speakers

of other languages

All these events are symptomatic of the need for thorough investigation that will

convince the reader that Sindebele is an independent language

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

2

unpublished literature on the language are GP Kekanarsquos Sidla Sindebele (Grammar) Dr

P Macgarersquos Khula NesiNdebele (Grammar) Babulele Noni (Folklore) Mma Umbutile

(Novel) Sondondolo (Drama) and LWH Molomorsquos Vulani Masango YesiNdebele

These were written primarily for participation in the literary competitions that were

organized from time to time by the Northern Province Provincial Language Committee ndash

which is now defunct

For a language to be standardized its orthography should first be well developed and

Sindebele orthography is not yet well established For Sindebele to be a fully fledged

language it needs to be selected and accepted by the Ndebele community to agree about

what should be and included in it and what should not Its grammar spelling books and

dictionaries need to be developed also These functions must be expanded that is once

accepted as a language Sindebele can be used in all the functions associated with formal

settings Training of teachers in the language is also necessary Since Sindebele is neither

codified nor elaborated it cannot be used in formal domains such as education

Parliament and the media Once Sindebele is standardized it will become possible to be

taught and learned and its prestige will be acquired

According to the Government Gazette (1999) it is generally accepted that the best way

for language development to occur is for the language to be used Conversely Sindebele

has unfortunately been discouraged from use and is in grave danger of extinction

The researcherrsquos primary interest in this study is the use of Sindebele within the

environment of Sepedi in the region of Mokopane Mokopane is a region situated in the

western part of the Limpopo Province of South Africa Almost all the regionrsquos present

inhabitants ndash Ndebele and Pedi moved to this area Although the area is predominantly a

Sindebele territory it is presided over by the Pedi and Tsonga groups There are four

chieftaincies namely Langa (Mapela) Langa (Bakenburg) Kekana (Moshate) and

Lebelo (Grasvlei) The region was supposed to be called GaMugombhane (Ndebele

name) as the original name of the king was ldquoMugombhanerdquo but not Mokopane

Today the region is multilingual due to its proximity to the town where people of

different languages work The inhabitants speak different languages namely English

isiXhosa isiZulu Sesotho Setswana and the so-called ldquodialectrdquo of the region Sindebele

Some of these languages have few speakers whereas others have many speakers

3

Sindebele needs recognition as some of its speakers have concluded that it is pointless to

spend time on the language that is fading from private and primary domains

Sindebele unlike other indigenous languages of the country is not recognized It is

therefore neither a provincial nor a national language It is a regional language used

insignificantly In this case it has acquired a negative social meaning and became

stigmatized This has led other speakers to lose faith in the language regarding it as

worthless and no good for significant functions like learning or finding employment

Sepedi on the other hand is both a provincial and a national language that is it is used in

formal domains such as education and the media

The communities of Mokopane use Sepedi and Sindebele interchangeably even though

Sepedi has become the home language of most of the families there including some

Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by some families as their home

language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the dominant language of the

area

The researcher participated in some occasions as an observer at Mokopane and found

that in the communities of Mokopane not only Sepedi is spoken widely but also

Sindebele The researcher attended induna Kgobudirsquos funeral at Mosesetjane village

Even though the programme was written in Sepedi the speakers were employing

Sindebele On 13 September 2008 the researcher attended a wedding at Mahwelereng

the dominant language was Sindebele although Sepedi English Setswana and isiZulu

were used On 14 September 2008 the researcher went to the Catholic Church at Mapela

village the service was in Sepedi but the announcements were done in Sindebele On 20

September 2008 the researcher attended a funeral at Magongoa village Sepedi is the

home language of the bereaved family Most speakers on the programme were

employing Sindebele including ldquomoemedi wa kgorordquo (induna representative)

In some cases mixing of both languages is common among the communities of

Mokopane The following examples are typical

(i) Ndoda ya Nkgadikgadi gu nka ja mo nka nona gt Nkgadikgadirsquos husband loves

women

4

(ii) Tikxomo taka Kxhosana bateyebe ka moka gt the whole herd of Kxhosanarsquos cattle

has been stolen

This mixing usually occurs when the speaker identifies himselfherself At Mokopane

most inhabitants speak Sindebele and those who are proficient in Sindebele and Sepedi

mix both in a way that marks them as more or less bilingual This lack of a solid ldquolumprdquo

of speakers of Sindebele creates a linguistic problem whose origin is traced under

problem statement

12 Problem Statement

According to Leedy and Ormrod (200143)

ldquothe heart of every research project is the (research)

problem It is paramount in importance to the success

of the research effort To see the problem with

unwavering clarity and to state it in precise and

unmistakable terms is the first requirement in the

research processrdquo

The researcher elucidates the above statement by stating the core problem that is faced by

Sindebele ndash the regional language in Mokopane and other areas where it is spoken

Even if Mokopane is multilingual the population uses mostly two languages that is

Sepedi and Sindebele These two languages have long been spoken here The

complicating issue is that Sindebele is spoken within the environment of Sepedi Sepedi

is given recognition by the government hence it is used for radio broadcasting editorials

in newspapers like Seipone and literature whereas Sindebele is not recognized and it is

therefore employed in casual conversations within family and social groups This

situation creates tensions and conflict potential among speakers of these languages

especially Sindebele speakers and very little has been done about these problems

Sindebele has long been undermined by the government system In 1961 the Republic of

South Africa was established and some indigenous languages were recognised but

Sindebele was excluded In 1968 when the homelands started the government

recognised Sepedi in Lebowa Xitsonga in Gazankulu Tshivenda in Venda Siswati in

5

Kangwane isiNdebele in Kwa-Ndebele isiZulu in Kwazulu isiXhosa in Transkei and

Ciskei Sesotho in Qwaqwa and Setswana in Bophuthatswana still Sindebele was

excluded When a democratic government was elected the constitution was drafted and

eleven languages were recognised and promoted as official but Sindebele was not

recognised as a language

There is a controversy among linguists that Sindebele is isiNdebele This issue is denied

by Sindebele speakers as they claim that the two are not variants of the same language

but two different languages By the same token Wilkes (2001312) maintains that

Sindebele differs substantially from its counterpart

An attempt was made by Northern Amandebele National Organisation (NANO) a group

of Sindebele speakers who strived for the promotion and recognition of Sindebele but

they failed From time immemorial authors like Dr M J Madiba who was a Sindebele

speaker could not do their writings in Sindebele instead they used Sindebele terms in

their Sepedi writings for example

ldquolewardquo (Sepedi) ldquodliwardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquoeatenrdquo

ldquolefelardquo (Sepedi) ldquosiphilardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquomaizerdquo

ldquolebitšo (Sepedi) ldquolibitordquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquonamerdquo

One objective of the National Language Policy Framework (200211) is to ldquoenhance

people-centeredness in addressing the interests needs and aspirations of a wide range of

language communities through ongoing dialogue and debaterdquo This quotation addresses

issues similar to that of Sindebele at Mokopane when groups were formed to debate the

recognition of Sindebele the most appropriate orthography (spelling system) for it and

the development of appropriate forms of writing for this language but these groups

dissolved They attempted many a time to have their language standardized but failed

This problem demoralizes them They feel that their culture and self-identity are

undermined

The Sindebele speakers of Mokopane have fear of language shift and ultimately language

death ldquoLanguage shift occurs where speakers adopt the language of the majority or of

prestigerdquo (Comrie et al 200330) On the same note Webb and Kembo-Sure (2001)

indicate that language shift is a process whereby members of a speech community

6

abandon the use of one language for certain functions and adapt another the former is

often a home language Language death on the other hand occurs ldquowhen all the

speakers of a language have totally shifted their language behaviour so that there are no

persons left who will still speak the original language as a first or primary languagerdquo

(Webb and Kembo-Sure 200113) Unless attempts are made to preserve the language

Sindebele will face the danger of being wiped away If Sindebele dies then it will be

difficult to identify its speakers

Another problem is that Sindebele speakers are discriminated against Speakers of other

languages discriminate them because of the language they speak Their language is

regarded as having lower status These speakers of other languages do not take

cognizance of the fact that language and culture are intimately linked that when a

language dies culture dies also

On this note one can deduce that if one kills Sindebele one kills an indigenous species

In the same spirit Grenoble and Whaley (1998235) advocate that language loss threatens

the survival of culture in the sense that indigenous knowledge perceptions and strategies

that are encoded in the language are lost This idea is supported by Krauss (as cited by

Grenoble and Whaley 1998235) when he warns that the loss of a language entails a loss

of social identity or of culture

It is therefore of vital importance for a community to preserve its culture language and

attire Language and culture are closely related therefore such community should be

made aware that the occurrence of linguistic shift may lead to cultural shift These

communities should take into cognizance the fact that when there is a cultural shift then

a society seems to lose direction and becomes victim to the twin evils of poverty and

crime Such community should not allow itself to be isolated and segregated by speakers

of other languages

All these events are symptomatic of the need for thorough investigation that will

convince the reader that Sindebele is an independent language

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

3

Sindebele needs recognition as some of its speakers have concluded that it is pointless to

spend time on the language that is fading from private and primary domains

Sindebele unlike other indigenous languages of the country is not recognized It is

therefore neither a provincial nor a national language It is a regional language used

insignificantly In this case it has acquired a negative social meaning and became

stigmatized This has led other speakers to lose faith in the language regarding it as

worthless and no good for significant functions like learning or finding employment

Sepedi on the other hand is both a provincial and a national language that is it is used in

formal domains such as education and the media

The communities of Mokopane use Sepedi and Sindebele interchangeably even though

Sepedi has become the home language of most of the families there including some

Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by some families as their home

language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the dominant language of the

area

The researcher participated in some occasions as an observer at Mokopane and found

that in the communities of Mokopane not only Sepedi is spoken widely but also

Sindebele The researcher attended induna Kgobudirsquos funeral at Mosesetjane village

Even though the programme was written in Sepedi the speakers were employing

Sindebele On 13 September 2008 the researcher attended a wedding at Mahwelereng

the dominant language was Sindebele although Sepedi English Setswana and isiZulu

were used On 14 September 2008 the researcher went to the Catholic Church at Mapela

village the service was in Sepedi but the announcements were done in Sindebele On 20

September 2008 the researcher attended a funeral at Magongoa village Sepedi is the

home language of the bereaved family Most speakers on the programme were

employing Sindebele including ldquomoemedi wa kgorordquo (induna representative)

In some cases mixing of both languages is common among the communities of

Mokopane The following examples are typical

(i) Ndoda ya Nkgadikgadi gu nka ja mo nka nona gt Nkgadikgadirsquos husband loves

women

4

(ii) Tikxomo taka Kxhosana bateyebe ka moka gt the whole herd of Kxhosanarsquos cattle

has been stolen

This mixing usually occurs when the speaker identifies himselfherself At Mokopane

most inhabitants speak Sindebele and those who are proficient in Sindebele and Sepedi

mix both in a way that marks them as more or less bilingual This lack of a solid ldquolumprdquo

of speakers of Sindebele creates a linguistic problem whose origin is traced under

problem statement

12 Problem Statement

According to Leedy and Ormrod (200143)

ldquothe heart of every research project is the (research)

problem It is paramount in importance to the success

of the research effort To see the problem with

unwavering clarity and to state it in precise and

unmistakable terms is the first requirement in the

research processrdquo

The researcher elucidates the above statement by stating the core problem that is faced by

Sindebele ndash the regional language in Mokopane and other areas where it is spoken

Even if Mokopane is multilingual the population uses mostly two languages that is

Sepedi and Sindebele These two languages have long been spoken here The

complicating issue is that Sindebele is spoken within the environment of Sepedi Sepedi

is given recognition by the government hence it is used for radio broadcasting editorials

in newspapers like Seipone and literature whereas Sindebele is not recognized and it is

therefore employed in casual conversations within family and social groups This

situation creates tensions and conflict potential among speakers of these languages

especially Sindebele speakers and very little has been done about these problems

Sindebele has long been undermined by the government system In 1961 the Republic of

South Africa was established and some indigenous languages were recognised but

Sindebele was excluded In 1968 when the homelands started the government

recognised Sepedi in Lebowa Xitsonga in Gazankulu Tshivenda in Venda Siswati in

5

Kangwane isiNdebele in Kwa-Ndebele isiZulu in Kwazulu isiXhosa in Transkei and

Ciskei Sesotho in Qwaqwa and Setswana in Bophuthatswana still Sindebele was

excluded When a democratic government was elected the constitution was drafted and

eleven languages were recognised and promoted as official but Sindebele was not

recognised as a language

There is a controversy among linguists that Sindebele is isiNdebele This issue is denied

by Sindebele speakers as they claim that the two are not variants of the same language

but two different languages By the same token Wilkes (2001312) maintains that

Sindebele differs substantially from its counterpart

An attempt was made by Northern Amandebele National Organisation (NANO) a group

of Sindebele speakers who strived for the promotion and recognition of Sindebele but

they failed From time immemorial authors like Dr M J Madiba who was a Sindebele

speaker could not do their writings in Sindebele instead they used Sindebele terms in

their Sepedi writings for example

ldquolewardquo (Sepedi) ldquodliwardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquoeatenrdquo

ldquolefelardquo (Sepedi) ldquosiphilardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquomaizerdquo

ldquolebitšo (Sepedi) ldquolibitordquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquonamerdquo

One objective of the National Language Policy Framework (200211) is to ldquoenhance

people-centeredness in addressing the interests needs and aspirations of a wide range of

language communities through ongoing dialogue and debaterdquo This quotation addresses

issues similar to that of Sindebele at Mokopane when groups were formed to debate the

recognition of Sindebele the most appropriate orthography (spelling system) for it and

the development of appropriate forms of writing for this language but these groups

dissolved They attempted many a time to have their language standardized but failed

This problem demoralizes them They feel that their culture and self-identity are

undermined

The Sindebele speakers of Mokopane have fear of language shift and ultimately language

death ldquoLanguage shift occurs where speakers adopt the language of the majority or of

prestigerdquo (Comrie et al 200330) On the same note Webb and Kembo-Sure (2001)

indicate that language shift is a process whereby members of a speech community

6

abandon the use of one language for certain functions and adapt another the former is

often a home language Language death on the other hand occurs ldquowhen all the

speakers of a language have totally shifted their language behaviour so that there are no

persons left who will still speak the original language as a first or primary languagerdquo

(Webb and Kembo-Sure 200113) Unless attempts are made to preserve the language

Sindebele will face the danger of being wiped away If Sindebele dies then it will be

difficult to identify its speakers

Another problem is that Sindebele speakers are discriminated against Speakers of other

languages discriminate them because of the language they speak Their language is

regarded as having lower status These speakers of other languages do not take

cognizance of the fact that language and culture are intimately linked that when a

language dies culture dies also

On this note one can deduce that if one kills Sindebele one kills an indigenous species

In the same spirit Grenoble and Whaley (1998235) advocate that language loss threatens

the survival of culture in the sense that indigenous knowledge perceptions and strategies

that are encoded in the language are lost This idea is supported by Krauss (as cited by

Grenoble and Whaley 1998235) when he warns that the loss of a language entails a loss

of social identity or of culture

It is therefore of vital importance for a community to preserve its culture language and

attire Language and culture are closely related therefore such community should be

made aware that the occurrence of linguistic shift may lead to cultural shift These

communities should take into cognizance the fact that when there is a cultural shift then

a society seems to lose direction and becomes victim to the twin evils of poverty and

crime Such community should not allow itself to be isolated and segregated by speakers

of other languages

All these events are symptomatic of the need for thorough investigation that will

convince the reader that Sindebele is an independent language

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

4

(ii) Tikxomo taka Kxhosana bateyebe ka moka gt the whole herd of Kxhosanarsquos cattle

has been stolen

This mixing usually occurs when the speaker identifies himselfherself At Mokopane

most inhabitants speak Sindebele and those who are proficient in Sindebele and Sepedi

mix both in a way that marks them as more or less bilingual This lack of a solid ldquolumprdquo

of speakers of Sindebele creates a linguistic problem whose origin is traced under

problem statement

12 Problem Statement

According to Leedy and Ormrod (200143)

ldquothe heart of every research project is the (research)

problem It is paramount in importance to the success

of the research effort To see the problem with

unwavering clarity and to state it in precise and

unmistakable terms is the first requirement in the

research processrdquo

The researcher elucidates the above statement by stating the core problem that is faced by

Sindebele ndash the regional language in Mokopane and other areas where it is spoken

Even if Mokopane is multilingual the population uses mostly two languages that is

Sepedi and Sindebele These two languages have long been spoken here The

complicating issue is that Sindebele is spoken within the environment of Sepedi Sepedi

is given recognition by the government hence it is used for radio broadcasting editorials

in newspapers like Seipone and literature whereas Sindebele is not recognized and it is

therefore employed in casual conversations within family and social groups This

situation creates tensions and conflict potential among speakers of these languages

especially Sindebele speakers and very little has been done about these problems

Sindebele has long been undermined by the government system In 1961 the Republic of

South Africa was established and some indigenous languages were recognised but

Sindebele was excluded In 1968 when the homelands started the government

recognised Sepedi in Lebowa Xitsonga in Gazankulu Tshivenda in Venda Siswati in

5

Kangwane isiNdebele in Kwa-Ndebele isiZulu in Kwazulu isiXhosa in Transkei and

Ciskei Sesotho in Qwaqwa and Setswana in Bophuthatswana still Sindebele was

excluded When a democratic government was elected the constitution was drafted and

eleven languages were recognised and promoted as official but Sindebele was not

recognised as a language

There is a controversy among linguists that Sindebele is isiNdebele This issue is denied

by Sindebele speakers as they claim that the two are not variants of the same language

but two different languages By the same token Wilkes (2001312) maintains that

Sindebele differs substantially from its counterpart

An attempt was made by Northern Amandebele National Organisation (NANO) a group

of Sindebele speakers who strived for the promotion and recognition of Sindebele but

they failed From time immemorial authors like Dr M J Madiba who was a Sindebele

speaker could not do their writings in Sindebele instead they used Sindebele terms in

their Sepedi writings for example

ldquolewardquo (Sepedi) ldquodliwardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquoeatenrdquo

ldquolefelardquo (Sepedi) ldquosiphilardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquomaizerdquo

ldquolebitšo (Sepedi) ldquolibitordquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquonamerdquo

One objective of the National Language Policy Framework (200211) is to ldquoenhance

people-centeredness in addressing the interests needs and aspirations of a wide range of

language communities through ongoing dialogue and debaterdquo This quotation addresses

issues similar to that of Sindebele at Mokopane when groups were formed to debate the

recognition of Sindebele the most appropriate orthography (spelling system) for it and

the development of appropriate forms of writing for this language but these groups

dissolved They attempted many a time to have their language standardized but failed

This problem demoralizes them They feel that their culture and self-identity are

undermined

The Sindebele speakers of Mokopane have fear of language shift and ultimately language

death ldquoLanguage shift occurs where speakers adopt the language of the majority or of

prestigerdquo (Comrie et al 200330) On the same note Webb and Kembo-Sure (2001)

indicate that language shift is a process whereby members of a speech community

6

abandon the use of one language for certain functions and adapt another the former is

often a home language Language death on the other hand occurs ldquowhen all the

speakers of a language have totally shifted their language behaviour so that there are no

persons left who will still speak the original language as a first or primary languagerdquo

(Webb and Kembo-Sure 200113) Unless attempts are made to preserve the language

Sindebele will face the danger of being wiped away If Sindebele dies then it will be

difficult to identify its speakers

Another problem is that Sindebele speakers are discriminated against Speakers of other

languages discriminate them because of the language they speak Their language is

regarded as having lower status These speakers of other languages do not take

cognizance of the fact that language and culture are intimately linked that when a

language dies culture dies also

On this note one can deduce that if one kills Sindebele one kills an indigenous species

In the same spirit Grenoble and Whaley (1998235) advocate that language loss threatens

the survival of culture in the sense that indigenous knowledge perceptions and strategies

that are encoded in the language are lost This idea is supported by Krauss (as cited by

Grenoble and Whaley 1998235) when he warns that the loss of a language entails a loss

of social identity or of culture

It is therefore of vital importance for a community to preserve its culture language and

attire Language and culture are closely related therefore such community should be

made aware that the occurrence of linguistic shift may lead to cultural shift These

communities should take into cognizance the fact that when there is a cultural shift then

a society seems to lose direction and becomes victim to the twin evils of poverty and

crime Such community should not allow itself to be isolated and segregated by speakers

of other languages

All these events are symptomatic of the need for thorough investigation that will

convince the reader that Sindebele is an independent language

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

5

Kangwane isiNdebele in Kwa-Ndebele isiZulu in Kwazulu isiXhosa in Transkei and

Ciskei Sesotho in Qwaqwa and Setswana in Bophuthatswana still Sindebele was

excluded When a democratic government was elected the constitution was drafted and

eleven languages were recognised and promoted as official but Sindebele was not

recognised as a language

There is a controversy among linguists that Sindebele is isiNdebele This issue is denied

by Sindebele speakers as they claim that the two are not variants of the same language

but two different languages By the same token Wilkes (2001312) maintains that

Sindebele differs substantially from its counterpart

An attempt was made by Northern Amandebele National Organisation (NANO) a group

of Sindebele speakers who strived for the promotion and recognition of Sindebele but

they failed From time immemorial authors like Dr M J Madiba who was a Sindebele

speaker could not do their writings in Sindebele instead they used Sindebele terms in

their Sepedi writings for example

ldquolewardquo (Sepedi) ldquodliwardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquoeatenrdquo

ldquolefelardquo (Sepedi) ldquosiphilardquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquomaizerdquo

ldquolebitšo (Sepedi) ldquolibitordquo (Sindebele) meaning ldquonamerdquo

One objective of the National Language Policy Framework (200211) is to ldquoenhance

people-centeredness in addressing the interests needs and aspirations of a wide range of

language communities through ongoing dialogue and debaterdquo This quotation addresses

issues similar to that of Sindebele at Mokopane when groups were formed to debate the

recognition of Sindebele the most appropriate orthography (spelling system) for it and

the development of appropriate forms of writing for this language but these groups

dissolved They attempted many a time to have their language standardized but failed

This problem demoralizes them They feel that their culture and self-identity are

undermined

The Sindebele speakers of Mokopane have fear of language shift and ultimately language

death ldquoLanguage shift occurs where speakers adopt the language of the majority or of

prestigerdquo (Comrie et al 200330) On the same note Webb and Kembo-Sure (2001)

indicate that language shift is a process whereby members of a speech community

6

abandon the use of one language for certain functions and adapt another the former is

often a home language Language death on the other hand occurs ldquowhen all the

speakers of a language have totally shifted their language behaviour so that there are no

persons left who will still speak the original language as a first or primary languagerdquo

(Webb and Kembo-Sure 200113) Unless attempts are made to preserve the language

Sindebele will face the danger of being wiped away If Sindebele dies then it will be

difficult to identify its speakers

Another problem is that Sindebele speakers are discriminated against Speakers of other

languages discriminate them because of the language they speak Their language is

regarded as having lower status These speakers of other languages do not take

cognizance of the fact that language and culture are intimately linked that when a

language dies culture dies also

On this note one can deduce that if one kills Sindebele one kills an indigenous species

In the same spirit Grenoble and Whaley (1998235) advocate that language loss threatens

the survival of culture in the sense that indigenous knowledge perceptions and strategies

that are encoded in the language are lost This idea is supported by Krauss (as cited by

Grenoble and Whaley 1998235) when he warns that the loss of a language entails a loss

of social identity or of culture

It is therefore of vital importance for a community to preserve its culture language and

attire Language and culture are closely related therefore such community should be

made aware that the occurrence of linguistic shift may lead to cultural shift These

communities should take into cognizance the fact that when there is a cultural shift then

a society seems to lose direction and becomes victim to the twin evils of poverty and

crime Such community should not allow itself to be isolated and segregated by speakers

of other languages

All these events are symptomatic of the need for thorough investigation that will

convince the reader that Sindebele is an independent language

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

6

abandon the use of one language for certain functions and adapt another the former is

often a home language Language death on the other hand occurs ldquowhen all the

speakers of a language have totally shifted their language behaviour so that there are no

persons left who will still speak the original language as a first or primary languagerdquo

(Webb and Kembo-Sure 200113) Unless attempts are made to preserve the language

Sindebele will face the danger of being wiped away If Sindebele dies then it will be

difficult to identify its speakers

Another problem is that Sindebele speakers are discriminated against Speakers of other

languages discriminate them because of the language they speak Their language is

regarded as having lower status These speakers of other languages do not take

cognizance of the fact that language and culture are intimately linked that when a

language dies culture dies also

On this note one can deduce that if one kills Sindebele one kills an indigenous species

In the same spirit Grenoble and Whaley (1998235) advocate that language loss threatens

the survival of culture in the sense that indigenous knowledge perceptions and strategies

that are encoded in the language are lost This idea is supported by Krauss (as cited by

Grenoble and Whaley 1998235) when he warns that the loss of a language entails a loss

of social identity or of culture

It is therefore of vital importance for a community to preserve its culture language and

attire Language and culture are closely related therefore such community should be

made aware that the occurrence of linguistic shift may lead to cultural shift These

communities should take into cognizance the fact that when there is a cultural shift then

a society seems to lose direction and becomes victim to the twin evils of poverty and

crime Such community should not allow itself to be isolated and segregated by speakers

of other languages

All these events are symptomatic of the need for thorough investigation that will

convince the reader that Sindebele is an independent language

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

7

The researcher has traced the origin of the problem she will therefore state the problem

under investigation

121 What is the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele

122 What must the first language speakers do to ensure the survival of Sindebele

123 Which factors influence the speakers of Sindebele to use their language within the

environment of Sepedi and to what extent do these factors influence them

124 What must the authorities do on the fate of the marginalized languages

The section on Aims of the study will share more light on the problem under

investigation

13 Aims of the study

The study intended

to analyse the linguistic situation and to understand the sociopolitical situation at

Mokopane

to show the attitude of Sindebele speakers towards their language and its status

to show the comparison between Sindebele and IsiNdebele

the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi as well as to examine the influence of

Sepedi upon Sindebele

14 Scope and delimitation of the study

The research focused specifically on two languages that is Sepedi and Sindebele The

area of focus is Mokopane in the Limpopo Province of South Africa

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

8

15 Significance of the study

The study is significant in the sense that

It will help to expose the language situation at Mokopane and to account for the

negligence of one variety of speech ndash Sindebele

It will further add to the existing body of knowledge in the politics of language

and sociolinguistics

It will further inform Language Planners about the communicative and cultural

importance of minority language speakers whose ldquolanguagesrdquo are not classified as

lsquolanguagesrsquo

Linguists Language Planners and the government may reconsider the status of

Sindebele

It will provide the Sindebele speakers with a positive self-esteem and pride in

their own indigenous mother tongue as a carrier of their culture and heritage

Researching such a complex problem discussed in 12 requires the use of carefully

chosen research methods

16 Research Methodology

This section describes the design of the study including the collection of data and

number of participants and how they were selected

The researcher has chosen the qualitative research method to collect different forms of

data This research method was used in this research with the aim of achieving the goal

of this study

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

9

In qualitative research we must dig deep to get a

complete understanding of the phenomenon we are

studying We collect numerous forms of data and

examine them from various angles to construct a

rich and meaning picture of a complex multifaceted

situation (Leedy and Ormrod 2005133)

Furthermore qualitative researchers are primarily concerned with collecting data using

observation note taking and interviewing On the same note qualitative research should

indicate the nature of evidence that will be collected and how it will be collected (eg

observed field notes taken during funerals church services and a wedding the researcher

attended) In addition ldquoqualitative researchers also tend to collect their data through

sustained contact with people in setting where subjects normally spend their timerdquo

(Mbalati 200655)

It is interesting to note that the qualitative researcher uses multi-method strategies for

example structured and semi-structured (informal) open-ended interviews participantrsquos

observation questionnaires as well as grounded theory to gather data

ldquoData are collected by interacting with research participants in their natural settingsrdquo

(Hoberg 199976) For the purpose of this research structured interviews were

conducted with the male and female adults from five different villages educators and

learners from five different schools

In this research study the researcher used the qualitative research method simply

ldquobecause it uses different methods which are concerned with life as it is lived things as

they happen situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day moment-to-moment

course of eventsrdquo (Mbalati 200656)

A careful collection of data is also of special significance in this research method

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

10

161 Collection of Data

According to Lecompte Milroy and Pressle (199219-29) as cited by Mbalati (2006) lsquothe

range of data gathering techniques employed in qualitative research can be subsumed

under three categories of activity as follows

- watchingobservingexperiencing

- askinginterviewinginquiring

- reviewingdocument analysisarchivalresearchexaminingrsquo

To be able to answer the research question the researcher needs to be well trained in

observation techniques interview strategies and other methods of collecting data

Different methods were used in the process of collecting data in this research study

1611 Primary Research Method

For the researcher to obtain the required sample structured interviews were conducted

which entail direct personal contact with the participants who were requested to answer

questions (See addendum)

The researcher can ask questions related to any of the following Silverman (1993) as

cited by Leedy and Ormrod (2005 146)

rarr Motives rarr Facts (eg biographical information)

rarr Present and Past behaviours rarr Peoplersquos beliefs and perspectives about the

facts

rarr Standards for behaviours rarr Feelings

1612 Secondary Research Method

In addition to interviews the secondary research method was employed This method is

of vital importance to complement the data set obtained from the responses to interviews

For the purpose of this study the researcher used this method to utilize data already

provided in the works of experts and other researchers (ie data from the internet

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

11

literature academic articles government articles the Constitution of the Republic of

South Africa 1996 as well as journals)

1613 SubjectsPopulation

Haines (1996471) as cited by Mbalati (200657) defines subjects as someone or

something that is talked about written about etc while McMillan and Schumacher

(1993161) indicate that the individuals who participate in the investigation or a research

study it is from them that data is collected

Mbalati (200657-58) states that as a group subjects are usually referred to as sample

On the other hand the sample consists of individuals selected from a larger group of

persons called the population

The study targeted the following population

105 participants were classified as follows

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sindebele (from each village)

- Three male and three female adults who speak Sepedi (from each village)

This sample was taken from five different villages at Mokopane where Sepedi and

Sindebele are spoken The villages included inter alia

Moshate (Vaaltyn) ndash where the paramount chief lives

Mahwelereng ndash residents are from different speech communities

Tshamahansi ndash Xitsonga is the dominant language but there are Sepedi

and Sindebele speakers

Mosesetjane - mostly Sindebele speaking only

Ga-Seleka - residents speak Sindebele with some influence of

Setswana

- Six Grade 12 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Six Grade 7 learners (3 Sepedi and 3 Sindebele speakers from each school)

- Three educators from each school whose home language is Sindebele

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

12

The sample is also taken from five different schools in the Mokopane area The schools

included Mmadikana High Nonchimudi Primary Seritarita High Nkgodi-Siphungo

Primary and Sepedi Primary

For the purpose of this research male and female respondents were chosen for gender

equality purposes On the other hand adults and children were chosen for the purpose of

proficiency in the language they speak The educators were also chosen to highlight the

researcher about the situation at schools with regard to Ndebele learners

162 Data analysis

A note book was employed to capture discoveries

17 Literature Review

Mbalati (200614) states that before a researcher undertakes a project of any study it is

essential to review literature relevant to the topic under investigation

According to Struwig and Stead (200138) in Mbalati (200614) no research work has to

be seen as an entity into itself but as a continuation of already completed research of the

same type of related research On the same note Mouton (200187) emphasizes that the

researcher ensures that nobody else has already performed what is essentially the same

research Literature review saves time and avoids duplication and unnecessary

duplication

On the other hand De Vos A S Strydom H Fouche C B and Delport C S L

(2002127) state that the researcher may identify a gap in previous research and that the

proposed study will meet a proven need In relation to this Neuman (2000446) states

that literature review shows the path and prior research and how the current project is

linked to the former It also provides the framework of the research and identifies the

area of knowledge that the study is intended to expand

Leedy and Ormrod (200170) support De Vos et al (2002) as well as Neuman (2000)

when they state that the review describes theoretical perspectives and previous research

findings related to the topic at hand They further indicate that the function of literature

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying

13

review is to lsquolook againrsquo at what others have done in areas that are similar though not

necessarily identical to onersquos own area of investigation

It is evident that studies have already been conducted on Sepedi and Sindebele but not

specifically on the use of Sindebele in the midst of Sepedi All literature on this topic is

based on a case for Sindebele the minority language in the region of Mokopane

Ziervogel (1959) compiled a grammar of the Northern (Transvaal) Ndebele (the Northern

AmaNdebele people prefer to use the name Sindebele) provided an historical account of

the development of Sindebele but did not write anything about Sindebele spoken in the

environment of Sepedi which is the focal point of the researcher This is a problem

among the Northern Amandebele people because they fear that their language which is

in contact with Sepedi the dominant language of the area may result in language shift

Setumo (2005) gave an account of the migration of the Ndebele people but silent about

Sindebele as a minority language facing extinction However the researcher focused on

the relationship between Sepedi and Sindebele which led to the borrowing of Sepedi

vocabulary

Calteaux (1987) wrote an article on a Status Quo Report on Northern Ndebele (now

Sindebele) but did not say anything about Sindebele spoken with Sepedi

Wilkes (1999-2000) researched about Northern and Southern Ndebele ndash why

harmonization wonrsquot work but did not provide anything on the case for Sindebele

Wilkes (2000) wrote about Northern Ndebele as different from Southern Ndebele based

on preliminary research conducted in the Mashashane area but not specifically in the

Mokopane area In his dissertation on Foreign Influences in the sound grammatical and

lexical system of Southern Ndebele Skhosana (1998) included also the origin and

distribution of the linguistic differences between Southern Ndebele and Northern

Ndebele but did not say anything about the influence of Sepedi on Sindebele

In the light of the above account one may say that not a comprehensive research was

conducted about this variety as it is an example of a minority language oppressed and

suppressed by some majority languages Few conducted formal studies about this variety

14

and those who wrote about it have their materials unpublished The next chapter gives an

account of the history of the Ndebele people

15

CHAPTER 2

2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE NDEBELE PEOPLE

21 Introduction

This chapter gives an historical account of the Ndebele people It further glimpses at the

relationship between the Ndebele and Pedi people As the chapter progresses it deals

mainly with the origin and migration of the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele

speaking communities) as well as the history of their chiefs This will ultimately lead us

to the fact that Sindebele speakers are an independent tribe with a different language and

culture The history of the Ndebele people (Southern and Northern) will be dealt with

first

22 The History of the Ndebele people

The Ndebele tribes are divided into two main groups

221 The Southern Ndebele (now isiNdebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Manala (abakaManala)

(b) the Ndzundza (abaka Ndzundza)

(c) the Hwaduba (baHwaduba)

It is indicated that ldquothe Hwaduba are also of Natal origin it is Sothoized and

linguistically it is claimed that it belongs to the Kgatlardquo (Ziervogel 19593)

222 The Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) comprising

(a) the Muledlane (basemuLedlane ndash in Sepedi (baMoletlane) who are divided

into

(i) bakaSibidiela (Sepedi baSebitiela ndash around Zebediela)

(ii) baka Gegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

(iii) bakaMugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane ndash Vaaltyn Makapans

location outside Potgietersrus ndash now Mokopane town)

16

(b) The Langa (bakaLanga ndash Sepedi baGaLaka) who are divided into

(i) the Mapela section

(ii) the Bakenberg section

(c) The Lidwaba (bakaLidwaba ndash or basemaUne Sepedi ndash ba GaLetwaba ndash

they live around Maune) who are divided into

(i) bakaMashashane

(ii) basemaUne (basemaWune)

(iii) the tribe of Eland Maraba

(iv) the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

There are different views regarding the Southern Ndebele group (now isiNdebele

speakers) and the Northern Ndebele group (now Sindebele speakers)

Some linguists claim that their first settlement area was at eMhlangeni in the vicinity of

Randfontein under chieftainship of Mafana who was succeeded by his son Mhlanga

Other linguists claim that both groups originated from the Nguni chiefdoms in Zululand-

Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal) and migrated through Zululand as part of the Nguni

migration process (late 16th

early 17th

century) According to Setumo (2005)ldquoon their

migration from Zululand they passed areas such as Matatiele Free State and Bethal until

they settled in the former Transvaalrdquo (Setumo 20054)

It is claimed that they were of Hlubi origin According to Bryant (1929) in Jackson

(20003) the Hlubi occupied a position near the Drankensberg mountains along the upper

reaches of the Mzinyathi (Buffalo River) before the rise to power of Shaka Zulu that is

before 1820 The source further indicates that the groups were an exceptionally large

tribe comprising many clans and sub-clans It is also indicated that at some stage they

parted from the Nguni groups and moved in a more northwesterly direction There they

settled at KwaMnyamane north of Pretoria (now Tshwane)

Setumo (2005) indicates that these Ndebele people are the descendants of a common

ancestral chief known as Musi who was succeeded by his son Manala It is said that the

chiefdom split due to a succession struggle between the six sons of Musi

17

The history of the tribal split of the Transvaal Ndebele centres around the area of

KwaMnyamana The succession struggle led the group to split into two sub-groups that

is the Southern Ndebele comprising the descendants of Ndzundza and Manala and the

Northern Ndebele comprising descendants of Mthombeni According to Setumo (2005)

the split resulted in the distinction between the present Kekana on the one hand and the

Manala and Mahlangu on the other

223 The Manala and Ndzundza live far apart

The Manala section went to the former KwaNdebele homeland (now Mpumalanga) in

areas such as Loding Libangeni Allemansdrft KwaMusi Verena Tweefontein and

Witbank and in Gauteng in the area of Soshanguve whereas the Ndzundza abandoned

their home and went to live in areas such as Stoffberg Middelburg Belfast Bethal

Hendrina Delmas Leandra and Standerton also in Monsterlus Saaiplus and Groblersdal

and in Gauteng around Pretoria (now Tshwane) and in some townships on the East Rand

It is the latter group (Ndzundza Ndebele) who settled amongst the Tswana and Pedi

They intermarried and pursued cultural exchange that is why they adopted their house-

paint strategies from a Pedi original This Ndzundza Ndebele group under chief

Nyabela fought with the Boers (armies of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek) in 1883

Finally they were held out in the caverns of Mapoch for more than eight months They

went out of their enclave due to lack of water and starvation The language of the

Southern tribes now enjoys official status and is being taught in schools

The second group that is the Northern Ndebele (now Sindebele speakers) settled in the

Limpopo Province (previously known as the Northern Province) around the towns of

Mokopane and Polokwane According to Skhosana (199814-15) the Northern Ndebele

are found in Limpopo and Gauteng Provinces mainly in Soshanguve and Mamelodi near

Pretoria (now Tshwane) Skhosana (1999) claims that the group comprises descendants

of Mthombeni who later became known as Gegana (Kekana) Mthombeni was one of

Manalarsquos sons who left with his group from their original settlement area at

KwaMnyamana (now Bon Accord) near Tshwane and moved northwards to settle in

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) A further split took place in this area resulting in a

number of Mthombenirsquos followers leaving the main group and moving away in the

18

easterly direction to Phalaborwa and from there northwards to Zimbabwe before turning

back home via Venda to their present home in the Mokopane area

According to Ziervogel (1959) the Northern Ndebele proper are the Gegana

Mugombhane and Lidwaba (Maraba) He further indicates that these tribes are not

originally from Natal but that they come from the north that is Zimbabwe An

indication is made that they were influenced by the Swazi and later by the Southern

Ndebele but are not related to the latter Their language is generally spoken amongst

people of the Ndebele culture and unlike isiNdebele Sindebele is not taught at any

school

As already indicated that the Ndzundza Ndebele settled amongst the Pedi a brief account

of both groups will be outlined

23 Brief account of the Ndzundza Ndebele in contact with the Pedi

According to James (199039) both the Southern Ndebele and the Northern Ndebele who

shared the same Nguni origins have lived close to Pedi influence for an equivalent

amount of time but the Northern Ndebele did not retain Nguni language or tradition in

any measure (Journal of Southern African Studies Volume 16 Number 1 March 1990)

The Ndzundza Ndebele and Pedi are the inhabintants of a village called Morotse which is

situated on the peripheries of the Pedi area in the Limpopo Province Both groups moved

to this village since the thirties from the white farms where they lived as tenants

Administratively the village which is part of the Limpopo Province was presided over

by an Ndzundza Ndebele chief Mphezulu Jack Mahlangu and is part of the Mahlangu

Tribal Area which takes its name from the chiefrsquos family

James (1990) says that among the people that settled here during the thirties was a group

of Ndzundza Ndebele under their chief a predecessor and grandfather of Jack Mahlangu

She further indicates that ldquoby the time an official head of the Tribal Authority in the area

came to be appointed in 1957 there had been no recognition by the South African

government of the Ndebele as a group to which land or political status would be allocated

within the Homeland systemrdquo (James 199036)

19

The leader of the Nebo-Ndebele as the group is often called taking this name from the

magisterial district came to occupy the position of the chief in the area As years passed

by the government designated a homeland for the Ndebele Unfortunately a split

developed between two Ndebele leaders There were those who opted to live in the new

territory of Mpumalanga and those of the Nebo-Ndebele who preferred to remain in the

Limpopo Province This group was adamant that they would never accept any Ndebele

area other than their original land which was known as Mapochs-gronde

A tense relationship arose between the Ndebele and Pedi that led to a special separation

of the village into Pedi and Ndebele sections Esoteric ritual especially that which is

associated with initiation ensured that each group found it difficult to understand each

other Pedi group undermined the Ndebele whereas the Ndebele on the other hand

thought the Pedi were likely to create trouble with any other form of authority The Pedi

were seen as a group that claimed to be Christians while the Ndebele were seen as rural

and primitive

James (199030) comments that there is a remarkable distinction between the two groups

He says the Southern Ndebele even though they were in close contact with Pedi people

ldquotheir language form of initiation and marriage rules appear to be typically Ngunirdquo rather

than Sotho traits Within the same village the Ndebele and Pedi groups lived totally

different life styles An indication is given that ldquoPedi are modern civilized educated and

Christianrdquo whereas Ndebele were primitive and disliked education and church and

favoured traditional ancestor worship (James 199039)

The Northern Ndebele on the other hand lived in close contact with the Pedi It was

indicated at the onset of this section that the Ndebele were also influenced by the Pedi

group as they lived together for a certain period It is this tribe (the Northern Ndebele)

that will form the subject of the following section of this study

20

24 Origin and History of the Northern Ndebele group

The group used to call themselves Matebele a Lebowa (now Limpopo Province) They

prefer to use the name Sindebele to refer to their language Today (2010) the Sindebele

speaking communities adopted elephant (tlou) in Sepedi and (ndlovhu) in Sindebele as

their totem and therefore their praise name is Ditlou This is an indication that they

were an independent entity with a unique identity

It is already mentioned in the previous section of this study that the Northern Ndebele

comprise

241 The Muledlane who are divided into

- bakaSibidiela (Sepedi ba Sebitiela)

- bakaGegana (Sepedi ba GaKekana)

- baka Mugombhane (Sepedi ba GaMokopane)

242 The Langa who are divided into

- the Mapela section

- the Bakenberg section

243 The Lidwaba who are divided into

- baka Mashashane

- basemaWune (Maune)

- the tribe of Eland

- the tribe of Ngidigidlana Maraba

241 The Muledlane section

It is noted by Ziervogel (1959) that the Kekana split into the Muledlane who remained at

Moletlane and the Kekana section who settled near Hammanskraal whereas the

Mugombhane tribe left for Mokopane

21

It is further indicated that both the Kekana and Mugombhane sections belong to the same

original tribe of which the Mugombhane is said to be an off-shoot The Gegana and

Muledlane are not related to the Manala-Ndzundza The Muledlane has another branch

by the name of Seleka tribe The tribe is completely Sothoized The Mugombhane tribe

live at Vaaltyn Makapanrsquos location just outside Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and the

tribe owns the farm Lisbon Their western neighbours are the Langa tribe

242 The Langa section

The Ndebele of Langa are not related to any other Ndebele tribe Their language is more

Nguni-like as compared to that of the Mugombhane and Maraba tribes They are said to

be of Zululand stock The Ndebele spoken at Langarsquos in former times was nearer to Zulu

than that of today for example They used to say nje nya nkhuluma (now when I

speak)

243 The Lidwaba section

The MaWune (Lidwaba) tribes live on the following farms Abrahmsfontein

Bultfontein Uitzicht Vlaklaagte Bergzicht Christina Cornelia Kalkspruit Uithoek

Uitrecht Waschbank Zandfontein and Zomerfontein The tribe of Felix Eland Lidwaba

occupies the Trust farms Gladdespruit Randjies Schuinsrand and Droogte The tribe of

Ngidigidlana Lidwaba lives on the Trust farms Weltevreden Sterkwater Slaapkraal

The tribes of the Eland and Ngidigidlana are the off-shoots of the Lidwaba section They

have become Sothoized Ziervogel (1959) says that the first ie Eland has completely

dispersed and the second ie Ngidigidlana speaks some form of Tlokwa

The source further indicates that the Mashashane and MaWune speak the same dialect

The Mugombhanes are different from the two groups

244 The Mashashane tribe

The Mashashane tribe occupies Machichaanrsquos Location also Mars Glen Ray

Waterplaats and Uitvlucht Doornfontein Diana and Doornspruit Their neighbours on

the west are the Matlala and to the north are the Maune and Moletjie

The following table shows the interrelationship between the Maune and Mashashane

tribes

22

23

It is said that Northern Ndebele is spoken in the Mugombhane Mashashane and Maune

territories as well as in large portions of the Springbok Flats north of Hammanskraal It

is also indicated that only a minority of old people speak the language and they prefer to

speak it at tribal and court meetings Other tribes who claim Ndebele origin speak

Sepedi School education is received through the medium of Sepedi

25 Historical evidence

Historically the Ndebele come from North of the Limpopo It is said that they were first

in contact with the Swazi hence the tekela t and substitution of e The following

vocabulary is of Swazi

sihlahla (tree)

livi (voice)

- thaba (be glad)

It is said that later they came into contact with the Ndebele of Mapoch The following

vocabulary is of Southern Ndebele -jama (stand)

-sela (drink)

munrwatana (girl)

The second version indicates that they (northern Ndebele) come from the East from the

country of Malaji They were referred to as Kalanga originally and their chief was

Nungu (Noko in Sepedi) Previously they adopted porcupine (noko) as their totem

Nungu lived at Phalaborwa and had two sons Malaji ndash the elder and Malajana ndash the

younger The two brothers quarrelled and Malajana fled with his group towards

Swaziland On their way to Swaziland they saw an elephant and killed it The aim of

Malajana was to change his clan name Indeed Malajana had the elephant as a totem and

no longer the porcupine That is why at the present moment the Ndebele still have

elephant as their totem

On their arrival in Swaziland they destroyed the Kalanga language and spoke Swazi

They intermarried and when Malajana saw that his tribe had been changed and that it was

good he left the place He then turned towards Mapochrsquos (Sindebele Mabhoxorsquos)

Mapoch permitted them to live in his country Malajana lived there until his death After

24

his death his son Bulongo remained at Maphochrsquos but he also died there His son

Sikhubana remained He also died and Kxabe was left Kxabe left Mapochrsquos and went to

live in Uba He died there and his son Madidzi remained Madidzi was blessed with two

sons Gegana and Lidwaba While at Uba they split into the Mandebele of Lidwaba and

of Gegana Lidwaba went to live in Maxashula and Gegana went to Muledlane

The Mandebele of Gegana together with those of Mugombhane (Makapan) went to

Muledlane At Muledlane (Moletlane) they too split and those of Mugombane went to

Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) and it is this tribe that is emphasized in this research The

history of the Northern Ndebele chiefs will shed more light on the origin of this tribe in

the next section of this study

26 History of the Northern Ndebele chiefs

Before any account of the Ndebele chiefs is given their genealogical tables will be

presented first

25

26

27

Since the Northern Ndebele are divided into the Muledlane Langa and Lidwaba

sections they have different chiefs each with his own group (following) An account of

these chiefs will be outlined as follows

261 The Matebele of Gegana (Kekana)

This is a subgroup under Muledlane section Like other Northern Ndebele groups they

were called bakaMuthombheni Mthombeni settled at Moletlane and established the

Kekana chiefdom The first branch established is that of Matebele of Kekana that settled

in the Hammanskraal area in the Gauteng Province This tribe was very unlucky with its

chiefs

Historically it was indicated that Nnomugebersquos (Mmamokebe-Sepedi) son was

Ramabele Ramabele bore a son Shikwane (Shigwane II) who had first married his

cousin Maria Mugombhane IIrsquos daughter and later he married Tjhita Nnomugebersquos

daughter that is Ramabelersquos sister They had no issue He then married from the

Masemola tribe and they had a son Sello Shikwane died and his brother Lesetja

(Cornelius) was not allowed to act as regent due to ill-health Seswai a brother from

another hut became regent He also became ill and Johannes his brother became regent

but died within a month and a month later Seswai also died Abel Lesetjarsquos son became

regent Later Sello became chief but he became ill and his brother Patrick took over the

reigns Sello died and Patrick was succeeded by Frans Kekana Johannes Sellorsquos son

became the chief designate

Matebele of Mugombhane is another branch of the Kekana that settled near Sefakaola

Hills at present day town of Mokopane (then Potgietersrus) This branch is commonly

known as those of Mokopane named after one of their chiefs During their stay at

Sefakaola Hills Kgopa (Kxumbha-Sindebele) and Kgaba (Kxhaba-Sindebele) became

their leaders as they did not have a chief Kgopa was their senior leader Kgaba was

chief Kgoparsquos (of the Kekana of Moletlane) younger brother Kgaba was then succeeded

by Tšhumana who was later succeeded by Mokopane

On the death of Chief Tšhumana grandson of Gegana (Kekana) his two sons Kgaba and

Kgopa fell out Kgaba was defeated and he then left with his group to Moordrif Kgaba

had two sons Tšhumana and Kwenane After the death of Kgaba Tšhumana was made

28

chief Tšhumana was the youngest but because Kwenane (the eldest) did not take care of

their mother she convinced the community to make Tšhumana chief Tšhumana bore a

son Mokopane (also known as Setšwamadi) Seeing that he was not recognized

Kwenane fled and lived in the Bapedi area

Tšhumanarsquos father Kgaba had two assistants Tlokwa and Manyelenyele Tlokwa was

Kgabarsquos main assistant and he took over the reigns of power As Tlokwa was ruling

Mokopane Tšhumanarsquos son was growing It was revealed to him that Tlokwa had

murdered Tšhumana Mokopanersquos father and took power by force Tlokwa was strangled

by bakgomana and Mokopane was then inaugurated as chief

It was believed that kgoši Mokopane was more like a prophet He married and had two

sons With his power of ldquoseeingrdquo kgoši Mokopane ldquosawrdquo that his elder son had ambition

to take over power from him This made him furious and then he killed his son with a

knobkerrie His youngest son Matsebe grew up and married Mokopane again with his

power of seeing ldquosawrdquo that Matsebe also wanted to take power from him Kgoši

Mokopane also killed him Matsebe had no child

As Kgoši Mokopane was ageing the community began to look for an heir to the throne

The problem arose of who will be their next chief as Kgoši Mokopane had killed his two

sons The community then urged the ageing kgoši Mokopane to sleep with Matsebersquos

wife his daughter-in-law in order to bear his successor He protested but the community

persuaded him until he succumbed Kgoši Mokopane with Matsebersquos wife had a son

Mokopane II Mokopane II was both Kgoši Mokopanersquos blood son and grandson as he

was born from Matsebersquos wife

After their clash with the Boers had subsided the Kekana went to GaMmachidi

(GanoChidi-Sindebele) around Mokopane to settle there Kgoši Mokopane who was old

then asked Magemi to go and look for Mokopane II who was captured by the Boers

Kgoši Mokopane wanted Mokopane II to come to be the new chief Kgoši Mokopane

told bakgomana that he saw Mokopane II in dreams Kgoši Mokopane died and Magemi

became regent

Mokopane II was then found by some Matebele migrant labourers who were looking

after a certain Boer farmerrsquos livestock around Brits They returned home to inform the

29

community Mokopane II then came back home Magemi took him to the circumcision

school and thereafter he took over the reigns

According to other informants at Mugombhane when Likxhobho (Vaaltyn) died his

brother Mashupya became regent Vaaltynrsquos son Bennet had no issue before he died

His brother Gwejela (Piet Makapan) became regent for Bennetrsquos son who was still a

baby The childrsquos name was also Vaaltyn

The Gegana community then married a wife (mmasetšhaba in Sepedi) for Vaaltyn in

order to produce an heir to the throne A baby girl was born Vaaltyn then begot

Kgatabela II with another wife Kgatabela II married mmasetšhaba who unfortunately

died while pregnant Kgatabela II died too and his uncle Gojela (Shikwane) acted on

behalf of Kgatabela IIrsquos son Alfred of the other wife Sedibu Naum Langa was then

married as mmasetšhaba and she gave birth to Vaaltyn Lesiba Kekana who is now the

present (2010) ruler of the Matebele of Mokopane Gegana and Lidwaba were two sons

of Kxabe After their split Gegana was left at Muledlane whereas Lidwaba left for

Maxashularsquos The Lidwaba tribe form part of the next section

262 The Matebele of Lidwaba

This tribe settled at Maxashularsquos around Maune At Maxashularsquos Lidwaba begot

Bhegedzana who begot Sekhwebetana Sekhwebetana begot Lidwaba and Milente

Milente was born from a small hut whereas Lidwaba was born of the great hut Lidwaba

and Milentersquos father had to choose his heir between these two children Milente (the

younger brother) was then chosen instead of Lidwaba who should have received the

chieftainship

Milente went to Mbhutasamarsquos with his following and died there After his death his

child Mathetha took over the reign Mathetha begot Nrimbha who begot Sibasa

Nrimbha died and the reign was taken by his son Sibasa After Sibasarsquos death the

chieftainship was taken by Maraba Maraba died also and the reign was taken by his

son Phatlhaphatlha Phatlhaphatlha died in a cave and his son Maraba II was still young

to take over the reign The brother of the father of Phatlhaphatlha took the chieftainship

and Maraba II took over the reign when he was a grown up Chief Maraba IIrsquos kraal was

30

on the east of the railway station called Marabastat south of the present day town of

Polokwane

The next section deals with the Matebele of Langa

263 The Matebele of Langa

Hans was the first Chief of the Mapela branch of the Ndebele of Langa The other

division was ruled by Hendrik Bakenberg Langa He (Hans) married twenty-nine wives

The first five were involved in the determination of the chiefs that followed after Hans

Their names and issue are as follows

1 Mallega Maria 1 Alfred Sedibu

(daughter of Matopa Langa) 2 Nkgalabe Johannes

3 Lydia Masempane

4 Salome Mmantutule

2 Raesetša Makanu 1 Nkopo Hendrik

(of the Mashashane Lidwaba 2 Helena

Chiefly family) 3 Mpelana Robert

4 Manyenyana

3 Ngwana Mogale - no issue

4 Matswinya 1 Ramadimetša (died as child)

(Ngwana Langa) 2 Difela

5 Madikana 1 Godwin Motape

(ngwana Mabusela) 2 Hendrik Madikwe

3 Mabina (died as child)

4 Motepana (died as child)

Chief Hans Langa was one of the two sons of Masebe III The Langa group lived at

Thaba Tšhweu hill south-east of the present day town of Polokwane The following

31

chiefs ruled and died at Thaba Tšhweu Masebe I Mapuso Podile (a Pedi name) and

Masebe II

Masebe II was succeeded by Seritarita at Thaba Tšhweu Seritarita departed with his

group and settled at Maleoko north of the present day town of Mokopane and west of the

present day town of Polokwane From Maleoko he moved to Moumong-wa-Motswake

He died there and was succeeded by Mapela his son by his third-ranking wife

In his old age Mapela moved to Fothane Hill and died there Mapelarsquos rightful heir was

Selaki but he died before he could rule Mapelarsquos next-ranking Masekamiša also died

His son Mankopane was supposed to rule but he was too young and therefore Maleya

the son of Mapelarsquos minor wife became regent He appeared to have been unpopular and

he was then ousted by Mankopane

Mankopane bore a son Masebe II He was designated to be heir to the Langa throne

Mankopane and his son had conflicts and Mankopane decided to kill Masebe Masebe

fled to chief Makapan at Mosetlha

After some years Mankopanersquos prodigal son Masebe returned Masebe proved to his

father that he has repented and he was forgiven because his father felt that Tokodi who

was an alternative heir was not suitable to lead the Langa Mankopanersquos problem with

Tokodi was that Tokodi was a weakling while Masebe had a stronger personality

Mankopane died a natural death

27 Chiefly succession

Like other tribes the Northern Ndebele (Sindebele speaking) group have rules to regulate

chiefly succession The principal wife is an important link in the chain of succession

The principal wife is the one married by a chief with marriage cattle contributed by the

chiefdom as a whole on a representative basis She is the highest-ranking wife of a

chief Her function and duty is to give birth to the future chief The chief cannot be

succeeded by the son of a different wife This is not tolerated by members of the

chiefdom especially if the principal wife has a suitable son

32

The principal wife is known to the people as mohumagadi (woman of status) or

setimamollo (the fire extinguisher) This term (setimamollo) is usually used when the

principal wife is newly wed She can also be referred to as mmagosetšhaba (mother to

the chiefdom) or mmabatho (mother of the people) Mmagosetšhaba and mmabatho

express more clearly her very special meaning to the chiefdom as a whole It is

acceptable to marry the principal wife before or after her husband succeeds to the

chieftainship

271 Regencies and supporting wives

The Ndebele are also governed by certain rules If the chief dies while the principal wife

is still young but before she has sons the chiefrsquos brother or half-brother who is next in

line of succession should enter into a levirate relationship with her He should at the

same time succeed to the chieftainship in the capacity of regent for the unborn son of the

principal wife who is to be fathered by him The eldest son of the principal wife should

succeed to the chieftainship

However the group has remedies in case the principal wife is barren or has daughters

only or the ruling chief fails to marry a principal wife

The Ndebele of Langa and Mokopane will serve as examples

If the eldest son of the principal wife is too young to succeed when the chief dies they

consider the chiefrsquos brother who is next in seniority or his half-brother who is next in

rank This person is then regent during the minority of the heir This case happened

when Chief Hans died Alfred Sedibu the elder son of his principal wife was too young

to succeed Marcus Hansrsquo uterine brother succeeded as regent for Alfred On the other

hand when chief Mokopane died Mokopane II was still young then Magemi succeeded

as regent for Mokopane II

If the principal wife is unable to bear a son her younger sister or another female relative

will be attached to her household to bear the heir on her behalf This woman is referred

to as mmamolatelo (ancilliary wife)

33

Seritaritarsquos principal wife ngwana Mabusela did not have a son and another ngwana

Mabusela probably her sister was attached to her household She bore a son by the

name of Makgenene Mokgeta Makgoba the principal wife of Masebe III was unable to

bear a son her sister Sešwatla Makgoba became the ancillary wife She gave birth to

Malesela Hans In the case of Mokopane II Vaaltyn his son but not from his principal

wife was appointed to act because the principal wife had no son she only had Ntjatji the

daughter

If the chief dies before he marries a principal wife his brother or half-brother who is next

in line of succession succeeds and marries a principal wife on his behalf The chiefrsquos

brother is in the position of regent for the unborn son that he must father on behalf of his

late brother

Alfred Sedibu failed to marry a principal wife and he was therefore succeeded by his

uterine brother Nkgalabe Johannes Nkgalabe negotiated for the marriage of a principal

wife on behalf of his brother Alfred They selected Nana Langa who unfortunately died

prematurely Nkgalabe also died Hendrik Madikwe their half-brother succeeded to the

chieftainship and married Atalia Thabantši Langa as principal wife for the late Alfred

He became regent for Ataliarsquos son ndash the son that he fathered on behalf of Alfred

If a principal wife was not obtained in the previous generation to bear an heir a daughter-

in-law is married as a principal wife to bear the imaginary son the chief who failed in this

respect The ruling chief who marries her in order to raise this high-ranking household is

in the position of a regent who must father the heir for whom he is acting as regent

Seritaritarsquos principal wife failed to bear an heir but her ancillary wife did have a son

Makgenene unfortunately he left the chiefdom with his group Selaki Mapelarsquos high-

ranking son died before marrying a principal wife A generation later chief Mankopane

married a daughter-in-law for Selaki as principal wife for Selakirsquos imaginary son by his

imaginary principal wife The resultant heir was therefore Tokodi

The Mokopane issue is different from that of Langa in that chief Mokopane had killed all

his two sons then he was persuaded to sleep with his daughter-in-law in order to bear his

successor With his sonrsquos wife chief Mokopane begot a son Mokopane II

34

28 War between the Voortrekkers and Matebele

There was a brewing tension between the Voortrekker and Matebele when Hermanus

Potgieter the younger brother to Andries Hendrik Potgieter (Commandant-General of

Zoutpansberg Division of the ZAR) killed kgoši Mokopanersquos youngest brother for

allegedly having killed a buffalo calf It is also said that he angered the Langa when he

killed a snake which the Matebele believed accommodated the spirit of their late chief

The Matebele of Kekana of chief Mokopane together with the Matebele of Langa of

chief Mankopane killed about twenty-eight Boers including Hermanus Potgieter About

fourteen of those Boers were murdered by chief Mankopanersquos people at Fothane Hill

whereas the other fourteen were killed by the Matebele of chief Mokopane along the

Mogalakwena River

Hermanus Potgieter was well known as Nterekana among the Matebele His brother was

called Ntereke Hermanus Potgieter was notorious among the Matebele for his short

temper and violent slave raids in which he used to murder people in cold blood The

Matebele and the Boers could not avoid their conflicts because they were both interested

in resources such as land grazing labour ivory game and skins Another conflict was

that of their technique to acquire much-needed Black labour

281 Mankopane attacked Hermanus Potgieter

Hermanus and his group stopped at Mankopanersquos capital Fothane Hill to acquire ivory

Mankopane became wise sent a party of men who were armed with assegais which they

broke to make them shorter They hid their assegais under their clothes so that their

rivals could not see them The other men carried a huge elephant tusk When they were

a distance shorter they put the tusk down and called Potgieter and his group to inspect it

Potgieter and his men left their rifles at the wagons and went to inspect the tusk

Mankopane then attacked them and Potgieter was skinned alive and his skin was used for

rituals

35

282 The revenge of the Boers

Piet Potgieter succeeded his father Andries Hendrik Potgieter as a Commandant-General

of Zoutpansberg He gathered a commando in order to punish those who murdered

Hermanus Potgieter and his party after hearing the massacres of his people by the

Matebele Commandant Pretorius also gathered a commando which joined that of Piet

Potgieter

After the Kekana of Mokopane were besieged in a cave a commando was sent to attack

Mankopanersquos Matebele of Langa The commando found an empty hill as Mankopane

had moved his people to a high flat-topped mountain with steep cliffs called

Magagamatala

Seeing that Mankopane their opponent could not be defeated the Boers withdrew The

Boers did not forget about the massacre so they needed a revenge against the Matebele

of Mankopane for what they did in 1854 Stephanus Schoeman who had succeeded Piet

Potgieter as Commandant-General led the attack against Mankopane at Magagamatala

Schoeman was accompanied by Paul Kruger and Barend Vorster On their arrival at

Magagamatala they strategised the attack with Schoeman attacking from the front with

mounted forces while Kruger and Vorster were attacking from other sides with foot

soldiers During that night of thunderstorm a violent war erupted and both parties lost

life This war is still known among the Matebele as the war of Nterekana because it

resulted out of the massacre of Hermanus Potgieter and his party

29 The Cave

Piet Potgieter together with Pretorius gathered a commando about 500 men and they

besieged chief Mokopanersquos people into a huge cave on the farm of Makapansgat Many

lives were lost during the siege The Matebele lost 2000 members of their tribes The

Matebele shot Piet Potgieter and he fell from the roof of the cave while he was trying to

position himself so as to shoot into the cave He died at the spot and Paul Kruger

recovered his body Later the town of Potgietersrus (now Mokopane) was established

and was named after him as it was where he was laid to rest It was formerly called Piet

Potgieterrsquos rust ndash PP Rust

36

While the Matebele were still trapped in the cave chief Mokopane instructed that the

children be taken out of the cave Mokopane II was among those children who went out

of the cave Most of the Matebele went out through openings

The Matebelersquos flight into the cave was not a new experience at all They had been into

the cave on at least three occasions before 1854 The reason being that Chief Mokopanersquos

grandfather Kgaba the younger brother to chief Kgomba of the Kekana of Moletlane

(Zebediela) broke away to establish his own chiefdom The Kekana rulers at Moletlane

were jealous of his independence They asked the Pedi to bring Kgabarsquos people back to

the fold This action took place after Kgaba had been succeeded by Tšhumana and

Tšhumana by Mokopane

Chief Mokopane refused to budge and fled time and again into the cave where on each

occasion many of his people died It was because of this that the Pedi nicknamed him

Setšwamadi (the one who bleeds) Mokopane did not die in the cave but he poisoned

himself and died shortly afterwards

210 CONCLUSION

There is evidence that the Ndebele of Langa and those of Mokopane lived side by side

but originally they were not related They speak the same language that is Sindebele

as opposed to other group of Ndebeles namely Southern Ndebele whose language is

isiNdebele

According to history Bulongo is said to be founder of the Northern Ndebele tribe This

tribe speaks its own language Sindebele They have their own linguistic peculiarities

that belong to their origin in the north

Like other languages Sindebele has dialects The Mashashane and MaWune speak the

same dialect at Mugombhanersquos the difference is unmistakable The language spoken at

Muledlane does not differ from that of Mugombhane Basically the Northern tribe speak

Sindebele the language whose people today (2010) want its recognition as an official

language It was evident that this variety is still heard in many parts of the country

starting from Gauteng province until Limpopo province

37

CHAPTER 3

SINDEBELE AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE

31 Introduction

The focus of this chapter is on Sindebele as an endangered language An endangered

language is ldquoa language headed for extinction a language without monolingual speakers

a language spoken by a majority of people in the nation and for that reason is held in low

esteem causing its speakers to avoid using it or passing it on their children (Your

Dictionary com 2001)

Spolsky (1998137) refers to an endangered language as a language that is no longer

being passed on to children as a native language but is spoken by a contracting and aging

group of adults Ziervogel (19597) supports Spolsky (1988) when he says the most that

may be said is that the older generation still occasionally employ the language namely

Northern Ndebele now referred to as Sindebele

Adelaar (in Spolsky 1998138) states that other languages in Mexico which are in danger

of dying out are Chocho and some of the Huave dialects which are no longer being

learned by children The children hear the language but they cannot speak it

Sindebele is a clear example of an endangered language because it is ldquono longer

generally usedrdquo (Ziervogel 19597) The fact that it is not recognised as a language or

lifted to the status of being official may cause its extinction On the other hand linguists

and language planners seem not to pay any attention to it or to its speakers

South Africa has non-official languages andor dialects which are on the brink of

extinction These varieties need to be resuscitated otherwise they will be wiped away and

cease to exist Examples of these languages are the previously marginalized languages

such as the Khoe Nama San and Indian minority languages

The government has established a Pan South African Language Board that must

ldquopromote and create conditions for the development and use of languages promote and

ensure respect for them (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 19964)

38

ldquoFor a language to survive it must be used in a wide range of functions otherwise it

begins to wither and die Should the government have allowed higher status functions to

be limited to English and Afrikaans only the other languages of the country eventually

would begin to wither and die When a language dies very often a whole body of

knowledge dies with it It is of the utmost importance to encourage the use of the official

languages as well as other languages in a country in a wider range of contexts and for an

increasing range of purposesrdquo (Government Gazette vol 407 no 2009828 May 1999)

Below the researcher shall explore the issues pertaining to endangered languages factors

that contribute to the endangerment of languages some possibilities of Sindebele

becoming endangered and views on how to prevent languages from becoming

endangered language shift reviving endangered languages The identification of

endangered languages will be attended to first

32 How endangered languages are identified

The following factors help to identify endangered languages

33 Factors that contribute to a language becoming endangered

- death of all speakers

- number of languages in existence

- speakers of the language grouped by age

- upbringing of pre-school children

- location of the ethnic groups

- teaching through the medium of instruction

- whether or not children are using the language

- differences between rural and urban settings

- feeling of ethnic identify

(Your Dictionary com 1996-2001)

39

331 Death of all speakers

According to Dixon (1997) when the speakers of a language die it may be due to ldquoan

epidemic or earthquake or by slaughterrdquo (Dixon 1997231) Dixon (1997) gives an

example of volcanic eruption on the island of Sumbawa in 1815 that caused the death of

all speakers of the Tamboran language Other disasters may be ldquoviolent acts such as

warfare and genocide natural catastrophes such as extreme droughts causing disastrous

famines or heavy floodsrdquo (Wurm in Robins and Uhlenbeck 19911)

332 Number of languages in existence

According to Kibrik as quoted by Dixon (1997232) no one knows exactly how many

languages exist in the world today but best estimates place the figure around six

thousand eight hundred The source further states that roughly one thousand languages

are spoken in the America (15) two thousand four hundred in Africa (35) two

hundred in the Pacific (19) As regards Sindebele no exact figures are available of the

number of the Sindebele speakers in all the areas where it is spoken since it is confused

with isiNdebele Some politically Sindebele individuals classify themselves as Sepedi or

Tswana speakers

This study has already indicated at the outset that all figures including those given by

ML Molomo are therefore approximative Grenoble and Whaley (19983) suggest that

it is not easy in most cases to count the actual number of languages

Kibrik in Dixon (1997237) says that for many languages and ethnic groups reliable

statistics are missing and one must be guided by the approximations of specialists The

source mentions that ldquoone should bear in mind that in many cases no specific

sociolinguistic surveys on language proficiency have been made and that this makes it

hard to produce objective statistical datardquo He further states that ldquothe fewer people there

are who speak a given language the greater the threat to that languagersquos existence and

vice versardquo (Dixon 1997237)

Grenoble and Whaley (1998237) point out that ldquothe actual picture is obscured by the

reality of people who can speak the language but who choose not to and by the often

large category of people who understand the language but who cannot speak itrdquo

40

333 Speakers of the language grouped by age

Kibrik in Dixon (1997) emphasizes that it is extremely important to categorize speakers

by age group older generation (50 years and older) the middle generation (30-50 years)

young adults (20-30 years) adolescents (10-20 years) and children (up to 10 years) The

source indicates that this is ldquothe best diagnostic tool for forecasting the viability of the

languagerdquo (Dixon 1997238) He further asserts that if ldquothere are speakers from every

age group then the language will not die out for another 40-50 years but that if the

children and adolescents do not speak the language of their parents then it is unrealistic to

expect the language to survive into the near future without the intervention of

extraordinary measuresrdquo (Dixon 1997238)

As regards Sindebele it is mostly spoken by the older generation Ndebele children are

bilingual they learn the ancestral language (Sindebele) from their parents and the

dominant language (Sepedi) from the surrounding communities In some areas children

cannot communicate with their grandparents because they only know English and Sepedi

and their grandparents only Sindebele It is also clear that if Sindebele is not given any

recognition then in all the likelihood it may die especially if the young generation resists

to use it It is generally accepted that if parents cease to transmit the ancestral language

to their children if they begin to re-learn it in adulthood they will at best become second

language speakers

334 Upbringing of pre-school children

The place where children are raised plays a critical role It is significant however for

children to live together with their grandparents because these older generations are

fluent speakers of these ethnic languages and they will easily pass them to their

grandchildren Such children will have a good command of their ethnic languages unlike

those children who live in families where these ethnic languages are spoken

Sindebele might be in danger of dying because of the fact that the new generation mostly

speaks Sepedi as a first language Some Ndebele children are fluent in both Sindebele

and Sepedi whereas others know only Sepedi and have difficulty in speaking their own

variety Some parents have a tendency to encourage their children to speak and learn

Sepedi because they feel it will give them a better chance in the province The children

41

themselves become conscious of the fact that Sepedi is more useful that it is used by

more people or they may prefer it for the mere fact that it is simple and easy to learn

335 Location of the ethnic groups

According to Kibrik in Dixon (1997259) living in the native homeland is important for

preserving the languages of an ethnic group In addition to that where the population is

dense then there is a ldquoa better chance of preserving its language than a group of the same

size spread out over different territories and without regular language contactrdquo (Kibrik in

Dixon 1997259) The Sindebele speaking communities are not found in their native

region only they are scattered in different parts of the country that is Limpopo North

West Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces

336 Teaching through the medium of instruction

Teaching through the medium of instruction at school is of utmost importance because

children become proficient in their own native language rather than learning other

languages as their medium of education For learning to be most efficient and effective

depends on the mother tongue being used as a medium of instruction Calteaux (1987)

supports this idea when she says that continuing to teach Northern Ndebele-speaking

children through a medium other than their mother tongue is discriminatory promotes

inequality and is therefore in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitution and the Bill

of Rights NANO on the other hand was striving to have Sindebele taught at foundation

phase in schools in the Limpopo Province Because Sindebele is not promoted today

(2010) some Ndebele parents want their children to be taught through Sepedi or English

337 Whether or not children are using the language

According to Dixon (1997238) a language is abandoned by choice of its speakers -

either choice of parents or choice of children In many situations in Mokopane for

example parents encourage their children to speak Sepedi instead of Sindebele Some

children however depending on the situation at home use Sindebele on regular basis

except at school Dixon (1997338)) also says that the speakers of a non-prestige

language are likely always to use the prestige language in different situations than the

non-prestige one

42

338 Differences between rural and urban settings

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998163) rural communities are more likely than

urban communities to show more language maintenance They also indicate that most

people report that in their home communities the urban centers are undergoing shift but

that the outlying villages show few signs of shift yet This might be true in the case of

Sindebele in the sense that many Ndebele children in urban areas no longer speak

Sindebele as their first language

339 Feeling of ethnic identity

Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) indicate that one of the common ways of identifying a

person is by his or her language The Ndebele communities have the right to be

identified by their speech form like other communities whose languages are given official

status The Ndebele communities also need to be proud of their speech variety because it

gives them a sense of identity This is supported by Grenoble and Whaley (1998164)

when they say that the social group whose language you speak is an important identity

group for you

According to Grenoble and Whaley (1998164) ethnic identity is marked among other

things by food clothing and religion therefore if Sindebele dies the Ndebele

communities will lose the most They will be proud only if Sindebele like other

languages can one day be used for national or international communication government

trade as well as education

34 The Language situation at Mokopane

The most vital point is already mentioned in chapter 1 of this research that states that at

Mokopane Sindebele is used in the environment of Sepedi and therefore used for

informal conversations and daily use The speakers of this variety therefore prefer to

learn or speak Sepedi one of the official languages of the country which is used for

formal and written purposes Ndebele children learn Sepedi (the dominant language)

both at school and in the community

43

What prevails at Mokopane is that the communities have sound knowledge of both

Sepedi and Sindebele In class for example Ndebele teachers claim that they teach in

Sepedi and explain in Sindebele to make sure that the learners understand the subject

matter Ndebele children learn Sepedi at school and speak Sindebele at home

The whole situation shows that the two varieties are used interchangeably by the

communities of Mokopane Dixon (1997251) explains this language situation as follows

ldquoif someone knows two languages they tend to use them in different circumstancesrdquo He

further mentions that ldquothe local language will be employed in traditional activities -

ceremonies hunting trips and the like - and the prestige or contact language in wider

circumstances - in the workplace in churchrdquo

In the light of the above view Sindebele at Mokopane is used in different contexts such

as church social clubs and family gatherings whereas in the offices it is used casually

On the same note when the locals go to the community hall they speak Sindebele and

when they go to church the priest preaches in Sepedi This is evident that they know

both languages

When one looks at the language situation of Mokopane Dixonrsquos (1997251) claims also

apply to Sindebele the non-official language used in domains such as in songs at

weddings and at cultural festivals or circumcision schools whereas Sepedi is the

language of the educational system and has become the home language of most of the

families there including the Sindebele speaking families Even if Sindebele is used by

some families as their home language the truth is that it has been replaced by Sepedi the

dominant language of the area Traugott and Pratt 1980374) say that ldquohowever

extensive a personrsquos knowledge of both languages very rarely will the person use both

equally in all situationsrdquo

This is true of how the two languages Sepedi and Sindebele are used in the communities

of Mokopane as a whole Sepedi for example is used for writing whereas Sindebele is

used at home Sepedi is the official and most dominant language Sindebele the

language of intimacy Sendebele is also considered non-official and used in informal

gatherings As a tolerated language (not promoted and its existence is recognised but

ignored) Sindebele can become extinct as its speakers are absorbed by another culture

(Bapedi) that speaks a different language Traugott and Pratt (1980374) further say that

44

ldquothe use of one language over another on a given occasion will depend on the topic and

the contextrdquo

With time Sindebele may be in danger of disappearing because children who speak it are

taught in Sepedi English and Afrikaans at school These children are busy losing their

identity and culture This is unfair because ldquoculture and identity are intimately tied to

their varietyrdquo (Spolsky 1998105) The Ndebele children have the right to know their

culture and where they come from rather than to give up their variety and switch to

Sepedi which is not their home language It is also unfair to deny Ndebele speakers their

own heritage and cultural pride Dixon (1997) claims that language is the most efficient

means of transmitting a culture Should Sindebele therefore lose its native speakers it

will become extinct or die out In addition its history will also go unrecorded and its

songs religion and poetry will also die

35 How Sindebele can be endangered

More often than not Sindebele is associated with people of low-prestige who have

socially disfavoured identities Even some Sindebele speaking feel the same The

researcher had a personal communication with Shimane Khota (2006 pers Comm 14

Oct) who said that he distances himself from Sindebele and has adopted Sepedi as his

home language because he sometimes feels inferior especially at his workplace

Grenoble and Whaley (19983) assert that ldquoif the people who speak a language have

power and prestige the language they speak will enjoy high prestige as wellrdquo The

sources further state that ldquoif the people who speak a language have little power and low

prestige their language is unlikely to be well thought ofrdquo (Grenoble and Whaley

19983) This is the case with Sepedi (H variety) and Sindebele (L variety) which are not

given the same power by other speakers and the government

In the researcherrsquos personal communication with Joel Makgeta (GaMagongoa village)

the researcher came to realize that a Sindebele speaker Joel Makgeta was unaware that

the communityhis familyhis children have adapted to an environment where the use of

their speech form was no longer an advantage to them On the other hand Ramadimetja

Kekana (Mosesetjana village) believed that their variety had no strong basis and that it is

going nowhere when they compare it with other languages of the region

45

If Sindebele is not considered then there is this likelihood that it will disappear or face a

threat of being out of use in the days to come

Sindebele has become insignificant because it is politically marginalised Such languages

ought to be brought out of the periphery and be centralised to become known These

languages of the minority groups should be used Sindebele has been marginalised by the

missionaries in the past the apartheid government and Bantustans and presently by the

democratically elected government It is alleged that it is facing extinction ldquoin an era in

which politicians speak glibly about the African Renaissancerdquo (Fred Ledwaba personal

conversation with the researcher) Sindebele has no official status It is neither taught in

the schools nor used in public and private offices and the media Sebba (199781)

describes marginal languages as ldquothose that were often scarcely recognized as languages

at all being classified merely as broken or debased forms of proper languagesrdquo On the

other hand a marginalized language is any official language that is excluded from official

use or of which use is discouraged in formal settings (for example education health care)

lsquoMarginalizedrsquo implies the low status of the language and possibly the speakers for

example Xitsonga Tshivenda isiNdebele and Siswati were regarded as marginalized in

South Africa (httpenwikipediaorgwikiendangered languages) 20060926

The last possibility is that Sindebele can simply disappear altogether Here the researcher

is not referring to the natural fading away of Sindebele but rather to language Aitchison

(1995204) states that ldquoin language murder a socially prestigious language gets used in

more and more circumstances so that previously bilingual speakers have little

opportunity to practice the old languagerdquo In the case of Sindebele the murder will be

committed by the dominant language Sepedi as one can see that it gradually suppresses

and ousts Sindebele Sindebele then seems to commit suicide Should its speakers

continue to borrow words from Sepedi then it will slowly be demolished when they

bring more and more forms from Sepedi until at the end its own identity is destroyed

However it is possible to revive endangered languages as will be seen below

36 Reviving endangered languages

There are two basic steps that need to be considered in order to rescue the language that

is in danger of dying