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Cascade Blindness 1 The Policy Consequences of Cascade Blindness Adam Elga Princeton University Department of Philosophy Daniel M. Oppenheimer Carnegie Mellon University Departments of Psychology and Social and Decision Sciences Forthcoming in Behavioural Public Policy Address correspondence to: Adam Elga Department of Philosophy, 1879 Hall Princeton University Princeton, NJ 08544-1006

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Page 1: Cascade Blindness 1 The Policy Consequences of Cascade ...adame/papers/cascade/...Dobson et al., 2005; Nedic et al., 2006). What makes pooled systems dangerous is that they create

Cascade Blindness 1

The Policy Consequences of Cascade Blindness

Adam Elga Princeton University Department of Philosophy

Daniel M. OppenheimerCarnegie Mellon University

Departments of Psychology and Social and Decision Sciences

Forthcoming in Behavioural Public Policy

Address correspondence to:

Adam Elga

Department of Philosophy, 1879 Hall

Princeton University

Princeton, NJ 08544-1006

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Cascade Blindness 2

The Policy Consequences of Cascade Blindness

Abstract

One way to reduce waste and to make a system more robust is to allow its components to pool

resources. For example, banks might insure each other or share a common capital reserve.

Systems whose resources have been pooled in this way are highly prevalent in such diverse

domains as finance, infrastructure, health care, emergency response, and engineering. However,

these systems have a combination of characteristics that leave them vulnerable to poor decision

making: non-linearity of risk, obvious rewards combined with hidden costs, and political and

market incentives that encourage inadequate safety margins. Three studies demonstrate a

tendency for managers of such systems to underestimate the probability of cascading failures.

We describe a series of behaviorally based policy interventions to mitigate the resulting hazards.

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Cascade Blindness 3

Introduction

On any given day fire stations don’t know exactly how many firefighters will be needed,

power plant operators don’t know exactly what the demand for power will be, and banks don’t

know exactly how much liquid capital they should have in reserve. In such systems, formally

known as threshold systems, when demand exceeds capacity, the consequences can be dire –

such as unchecked fires, power outages, or short selling non-liquid assets to acquire emergency

capital (for each of the above examples, respectively). To avoid this, managers of such systems

need to create safety margins by setting the capacities of their systems near the upper-end of the

distribution of possible demand. That leads to underutilized capacity most of the time, (e.g. idle

firefighters, wasted power-generation capacity, and underinvested assets) but prevents system

failures caused by spikes in demand.

Another way to make a system more robust is to allow its components to pool resources to a

greater degree. For example, firefighters may be allowed to call in reinforcements from

neighboring precincts, failing or failed power plants might be allowed to shift demand to

neighboring plants, or banks might insure each other or share a common capital reserve.

We call such a modification pooling the system. In pooled systems, small failures are less

damaging because pooling reduces the impact of failures of a system's most vulnerable

components. However, a side effect of introducing pooling is to increase the coupling of system

components (c.f. Perrow 1999). In particular, when one component fails, that imposes an

additional cost on the other components, which strains their capacity and may cause further

failures. This cascade of failures can continue until all components in the coupled system are no

longer working. As a result, coupled systems can be susceptible to rare but large cascading

failures in which a chain reaction of failures brings down the entire system. Simulations and

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Cascade Blindness 4

analytic results have shown that a small amount of coupling is often enough to convert what

would have been a small failure into a large chain of failures (Granovetter, 1978; Watts, 2002;

Dobson et al., 2005; Nedic et al., 2006).

What makes pooled systems dangerous is that they create a decision environment where the

risks involved are largely hidden from system operators, undermining their ability to accurately

gauge the extent to which reducing capacity threatens the system. Pooled systems hide risks

because they tend to produce initial records of operation in which few failures occur. That can

motivate operators to cut costs by reducing safety margins. For example, managers might reduce

the capacities of components of an electrical system, or financial regulators might reduce capital

reserve requirements for banks. Such changes can increase the probability of large cascading

failures.

Furthermore, the benefits of increased pooling are highly visible (for example, less wasted

capacity and reduced frequency or impact of small failures, depending on the specific

instantiation of the pooling). In contrast, the cost of increased pooling (increased risk of large

failures as safety margins are reduced) is typically invisible—at least until a large failure occurs

(by which point it’s too late).

Highly pooled systems have another dangerous feature: since the likelihood of failure of each

node is conditionally dependent upon the failure of other nodes in the system, the system as a

whole can shift rapidly from no failures to total failure. There is good reason to believe that

people do not recognize non-linearity in these sorts of systems, and therefore can exhibit

preferences that lead to catastrophic failures.

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Cascade Blindness 5

Indeed, people’s ability to reason about non-linear systems is systematically flawed (e.g. De

Bock, et al., 2002; Van Duren, et al., 2003; Zhao, 2016). People tend to assume that systems are

linear, and adjusting away from this assumption is effortful, requiring both numeracy skills and

available working memory capacity (Thompson & Oppenheimer, 2016). As the deviation from

linearity is even more extreme in coupled threshold systems than more commonly studied non-

linear systems (such as those involving exponential or quadratic dependencies), there is ample

reason to believe that people will struggle to make accurate judgments in such systems.

In sum, theory predicts that coupled threshold systems will be difficult to safely manage

because they involve (1) a hidden risk of cascading failure and (2) a highly nonlinear dependence

of failure probability on size of safety margin. Given this, there is surprisingly little empirical

research demonstrating failures in managing such systems or investigating how to prevent such

failures.

This is troubling because coupled threshold systems are highly prevalent in domains as

diverse as finance, infrastructure, health care, emergency response, and engineering. Moreover,

political and market forces can accentuate the danger. When one simultaneously increases

pooling in a threshold system and reduces its safety margins, one reduces resource wastage due

to unused capacity. One also reduces the frequency of small system failures. The net effect is to

reduce the (short-term) cost of operating the system while increasing its apparent reliability. So

politicians and firms have significant incentive to increase pooling and reduce safety margins

(Boin et al., 2003, p. 546; Elga 2012).

One might hope that existing regulation and procedures would compensate for the above

incentives to prevent cascading failures. But in fact, cascading failures contributed to the 2003

Northeast blackout (affecting 15 million customers) (Perrow, 2007, pp. 211-3), the 1996 Western

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Cascade Blindness 6

US blackout (affecting 7.5 million customers), the 1984 Western US blackout (affecting 3

million customers) (Hines et al., 2009, p. 26), a number of fires such as the 2007 and 2014 San

Diego wildfires and the 2018 North Bay wildfires (Lagos et al., 2018), and a large range of

financial panics and crises, including the 2008 financial crisis (Brunnermeier, 2009; Gorton &

Metrick, 2010; Kindleberger & Aliber, 2005; Metrick, 2010; Sachs, 2009; Yellen, 2013).

In several studies, we investigated whether coupled threshold systems are indeed as

dangerous as theory would predict. Participants played an experimental game in which they were

placed into the role of a power company executive, and asked to choose safety margins for either

coupled or uncoupled systems. To foreshadow results: as predicted by the aforementioned

theory, participants in the coupled system condition failed to provide adequate safety margins.

As a result, participants in the coupled system condition performed worse than those in the

uncoupled system condition.

Study 1

Participants. 46 participants were recruited through Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk

platform (for a discussion on the validity of results from this platform, see Paolacci, Chandler, &

Ipeirotis, 2010) and participated in the study for monetary compensation.

Design and procedure. Participants were placed in the role of a power company CEO and

were tasked with determining how much power to produce in each of 10 cities with the aim of

maximizing profits. The cost of producing power was $5 per Megawatt hour, and power was

sold at $7 per Megawatt hour. Thus every sold unit generated a $2 profit and every unsold unit

generated a $5 loss. If demand exceeded supply, the power plant would “crash”, meaning that i)

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Cascade Blindness 7

no income could be generated ii) all expenses (production of power) remained and iii) a $5000

penalty was applied (see SI Materials and Methods for wording of instructions).

Half of the participants were randomly assigned to be in an independent-plants condition and

were informed:

If you happen to underestimate demand in a particular city, and as a result the powerdistributor in that city crashes, your remaining functional power plants will becompletely unaffected. Although you will not earn any income from cities where thepower distributors have crashed, the remaining functional power plants will still providepower to their own cities, and you can potentially make enough profits in those othercities to offset some of the losses from failed power plants.

The remaining participants were assigned to a coupled-plants condition, and were informed:

If you happen to underestimate demand in a particular city, and as a result the powerdistributor in that city crashes, your remaining functioning power plants will pick upsome of the unfilled demand. 20 percent of the demand from any crashed power plantwill be reallocated to the functioning power plants from other cities (each of thefunctioning plants will take an equal share of that demand). This will increase thedemand at all of your other plants, allowing you to sell power that would otherwise gounused – assuming those other plants have enough capacity to handle this increaseddemand. However if the functioning power plants do not have the capacity to handle theincreased demand, they too will crash. In such a situation, the Coupling Distributorwould then reallocate 20 percent of the demand from those (newly crashed) plants to theremaining functioning plants. This process will continue until no additional functioningplants crash from the added load.

Participants in both conditions were given a fictional back-story to increase their motivation

and interest in the game (See SI materials and methods for wording).

Participants were then given a comprehension quiz testing their understanding of the setup

and the within-game compensation scheme consisting of questions such as: “If you create 1000

Megawatt hours of power, and the demand is 200 Megawatt hours, how much money will you

gain or lose?” If participants missed a question, they were required to re-read the experimental

directions until they achieved a perfect score on the quiz.

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At the start of each trial, participants were shown their current cumulative cash balance

(starting at $150,000), a reminder of the cost of producing power, and an array of pictures

representing 10 power plants (See Figure 1 for screenshot). Cumulative cash balances were

allowed to go negative.

An expected demand distribution was randomly generated for each city such that midpoint

of each city's demand distribution was independently sampled from a normal distribution with a

mean of 1600 Megawatt Hours and standard deviation of 100 Megawatt Hours. Each city was

labeled with the expected demand range, which participants had been informed represented the

width of a roughly bell-shaped distribution for power demand in that city.

Participants entered into text boxes the amount of power that they wished to produce in each

city. Actual demand was then determined based on the distributions that participants had been

provided. In the independent-plants condition, if a plant's power supply was at least as great as

its city's demand, then the plant succeeded and supplied that amount of power. Otherwise the

plant failed and supplied no power.

Each participant’s simulation was entirely independent from that of other participants. Thus

each participant faced a series of single-person decision problems, and (multi-person) game-

theoretic considerations such as free riding or collective optimality played no role.

In the coupled-plants condition, plant failures were determined by the following algorithm:

1. Set each plant's available capacity to the amount selected by the participant.

2. Set each plant's load to equal the power demanded by its associated city.

3. Any plant whose load exceeds its available capacity fails and supplies no power.

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4. 20 percent of the total demand from cities associated with newly failed plants is divided

equally among unfailed plants, adding to their load.

5. Steps 3 and 4 are repeated until no additional plants fail.

A results screen then showed overall income and expenses for that day, the actual demand

for power in each city, and whether the power plant in each city could supply all the power that

was asked of it. In the coupled-demand condition, power plant failures were animated, allowing

participants to see when failures of some power plants caused further failures.

Participants completed 15 trials. After trials 2, 5, 8, 11, and 13, participants were shown

snippets of storyline text intended to increase their engagement in the game.

Results. The data for five participants were excluded from the analysis: one participant due to

a computer recording error, two for providing invalid input, and two for failing to complete the

study.

Participants in the coupled condition fared much worse than those in the independent

condition. Participants in the independent condition earned an average total of $262,454, while

participants in the coupled condition lost an average of $69,865 (t(40) = 2.241, p = .031)1.

Part of the reason for this is that participants had fewer plants fail on average in the

independent condition (x = .91) than in the coupled condition (x= 2.1) although this difference

did not reach conventional levels of significance (t(40) = 1.9, p = .064). Importantly, total system

failure happened 73 times in the coupled conditions, but only twice in the independent condition

(chisquare(1, n = 75) = 67.21, p < . 001). In contrast, mid-range failures (i.e. 3 to 6 failures)

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Cascade Blindness 10

happened 34 times in the independent condition, but never in the coupled condition (see Figure

2).

Discussion. One reason participants performed better in the independent condition was that in

that condition, they experienced isolated failures; single plant failures were more than three times

as likely in the independent condition as in the coupled condition. These small failures may have

acted as early “danger signals,” leading participants to adopt more conservative safety margins--

a safer strategy. In contrast, participants in the coupled condition, in the absence of isolated

failures to indicate that risk was increasing, lowered safety margins (to increase profits) until the

entire system crashed. Total system failures were more than 35 times as likely to occur in the

coupled than independent condition.

Introducing coupling into a system changes the probability distribution of outcomes. In

particular, it can make moderately bad outcomes (low-impact minor failures) less likely while

making extremely bad outcomes (high-impact total system failures) more likely. Whether such a

tradeoff is reasonable for a participant depends on the details of her risk preferences. In

particular, it depends how much the participant values small but significant risks of large losses.

So it is possible that participants earned less money in the coupled condition not because of error

(as outlined in the introduction), but rather because their true risk preferences in the coupled

condition favored choices with lower expected monetary values.

To test for this possibility, Study 2 was designed so that 1/3rd of the participants were given

live previews of the expected distribution of plant failures across their possible choices, 1/3rd

were given live previews of the expected profits (and losses) across their possible choices (cf.

Sterman et al., 2011), and 1/3rd were provided no distribution information (as in Study 1). If in

Study 1 participants were correctly assessing the risk profiles produced by their choices then it

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Cascade Blindness 11

would be expected that informing participants about those risk profiles would make little

difference to their performance. On the other hand, if participants in the cascading condition

were systematically underestimating the risks of large failures, then informing them of those

risks would be expected to improve their performance.

Study 2

Participants. 307 participants were recruited through Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk platform

and participated in the study for monetary compensation.

Design and procedure. Study 2 closely mimicked the design of Study 1, with two main

differences: (1) 1/3rd of the participants were given live previews of the expected distribution of

plant failures across their possible choices, 1/3rd were given live previews of the expected profits

(and losses) across their possible choices and 1/3rd were provided no distribution information (as

in Study 1; see Figure 3 for screenshots of the different conditions) and (2) to allow for real-time

feedback, participants were asked to choose a single capacity level to be applied to all power

plants on a given game day (trial).

Participants were randomly assigned to a condition in a 2 (independent vs. coupled) x 3 (no-

graph, failure-graph, money graph) design. Each subject completed 10 trials. For simplicity, on

each trial each city's power demand was drawn from the same normal distribution with standard

deviation 1,000. To ensure that participants continued to respond to expected demand ranges, the

mean of the distribution for power demand changed between trials, varying between 8,000 and

12,000.

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Cascade Blindness 12

Capacity was set by moving an on-screen slider to positions that represented different levels

of power generation. As participants in failure-graph conditions moved the slider, they were

shown a histogram representing the probability distribution for the number of expected plant

failures given the currently selected capacity. Participants in money-graph conditions were

shown a histogram representing the probability distribution for expected net profits (or losses).

Participants in no-graph conditions were not given any distributional information, and thus were

forced to determine the likely outcome themselves (as in Study 1). Participants in graph

conditions were given explanations in advance of how to read the graphs (see SI materials and

methods for exact wording).

The algorithm for determining plant failures was the same as Study 1 except that in coupled

conditions, 12 percent rather than 20 percent of the total unfilled demand from failed plants was

reallocated. This compensated for the fact that in a given trial, the expected demands between

cities were more highly correlated in Study 2 than in Study 1, since in each Study 2 trial every

city's demand was drawn from the same distribution. The overall result was that the algorithm in

Study 2 produced cascades qualitatively similar to those in Study 1. Nevertheless, because of the

parameter value change, Study 2 included a replication of the cascading vs independent

comparison from Study 1 using the new parameter value.

No motivational snippets were displayed between rounds.

Results. Five participants were removed for failing to complete the experiment. An additional

five participants were removed as outliers for having a rate of failure falling at least eight

standard deviations from the mean (these participants did not understand how to move the slider

to change capacity).

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Cascade Blindness 13

As an absolute benchmark for performance in the game, we used Monte-Carlo sampling to

estimate the strategy for each condition that maximized expected total monetary gain. In

particular, for each game situation and approximate choice of power capacity, we averaged the

monetary returns in 107 sample runs to estimate the expected return produced by that choice.

This allowed us to estimate the choice for each game situation that maximized expected gain.

We summed those gains to estimate the maximum possible expected gain for each experimental

condition. For the independent condition, the maximal expected gain was approximately

$829,000. For the coupled condition it was approximately $830,000. These estimates also apply

to Study 3, below.

Replicating the findings from Study 1, participants performed significantly better in the

independent condition than the coupled condition. This was the case even though a player who

maximized expected gain would do at least as well in the coupled condition as she would in the

independent condition. Within the no-graph condition, participants in the coupled condition

earned less over the course of the ten trials (x = $205,968) than participants in the independent

condition (x = $628,962) and this difference was statistically significant (t(96) = 3.6, p < 01).

Although participants across the board performed better in the failure graph condition,

participants still earned less in the coupled condition (x = $563,323) than in the independent

condition (x = $766,134) and this difference was also statistically reliable (t(97) = 2.1, p < .05).

Participants performed even better in the money graph condition, and here the significant

difference between the independent condition (x = $819,886) and the coupled condition (x =

$802,155) disappeared (t(97) = .21, p > .8). Notably, monetary gains in both money graph

conditions were near optimal --- within 4% of gains achieved by optimal play.

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Cascade Blindness 14

To make sense of this pattern, we ran a 2 (Coupling Level: Coupled vs. independent) x 3

(Graph Type: No graph vs. Failure Graph vs. Money Graph) ANOVA. There was a significant

main effect for graph type (F(2,291) = 15.6, p < .001) a main effect of coupling level (F(1, 291)

= 13.7, p < .001) and these main effects were qualified by a graph type x coupling level

interaction (F(2, 291) = 4.1, p < .05). (See Figure 4).

This difference in performance by condition appeared to once again be driven by the

number of plant failures. In the no graph condition, participants had more failures per trial in the

coupled condition (x = 1.24) than in the independent condition (x = .81) and this difference was

statistically significant (t(96) = 2.3, p < .05). In the failure graph condition, participants also had

more failures in the coupled condition (x = .79) than in the independent condition (x = .51)

which was marginally significant (t(96) = 1.7, p = .092). In the money graph condition

participants had similar numbers of failures in the coupled (x = .45) and in the independent (.49)

conditions (t(96) = .30, p > .7). Unsurprisingly given this pattern, when we ran a 2 (Coupling

level: coupled vs. independent) x 3 (Graph type: no graph vs. failure graph vs. money graph)

ANOVA, we found a main effect for coupling (F(1,291) = 5.5, p < .05), and a main effect for

graph type (F(2,291) = 12.0, p < .001), although the interaction was not statistically reliable

(F(2,291) = 2.1, p = .12). Indeed, participants’ allocation policies looked remarkably similar in

both of the money-graph conditions, suggesting that the failures in the coupled condition were

due to cognitive error in determining the risks of coupled systems, rather than a true reflection of

participants’ risk preferences.

Discussion. Once again, participants had considerably worse outcomes in coupled than

independent systems. However, when participants were given distributions of the possible

outcomes of a given allocation policy, this performance deficit disappeared. This suggests that

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Cascade Blindness 15

participants struggle to recognize the dangers of cascades in coupled systems when setting

allocation policies; when they are alerted to the risks of having too-small safety margins,

participants increase capacity and reduce the frequency of cascading failures.

The first two studies were not incentive compatible: participants earned fictional dollars, but

success and failure in the context of the game had no real-world consequences. Thus, it is

possible that participants were not sufficiently motivated to take the task seriously and optimize

their outcomes. Moreover, the individual trials were not independent, which raises the possibility

of strategic gameplay1. Indeed, having a catastrophic failure in earlier trials may actually

encourage people to play in riskier ways. After experiencing one catastrophic failure, there is

not much downside to adopting an extremely risky policy -- as one is going to go bankrupt

anyway, additional failures have limited downside, but one might get lucky and pull oneself out

of debt. While to some degree this is a feature that mimics real world environments, it limits the

inferential power of the preliminary studies by reducing the number of independent observations

of the phenomenon, and it may lead to inflated estimates of the prevalence of catastrophic

failure.

To rectify these shortcomings, a third study mimicked the “no graphs” condition of Study 2

while adding an incentive compatible compensation scheme.

Study 3

Participants. 119 participants were recruited through Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk

platform and participated in the study for monetary compensation.

Design and procedure. Study 3 game play proceeded as in the independent no-graph and

coupled no-graph conditions from Study 2, except that an incentive-compatible compensation

scheme was introduced. The back story of the game was changed to make the “days” within the

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game independent, and no cumulative balances were reported. Participants began the game with

$10. One of 10 trials was randomly selected and participants gained or lost 1 cent for every 1,000

game dollars that they gained or lost in that trial. Overall compensation was bounded so that

participants could not earn less than $3 or more than $17. Participants were informed in advance

of the compensation scheme.

Results. One participant dropped out of the study after the first simulated day, but since

each trial was an independent observation, we were able to include that participant’s partial data

in the analyses. Removing that data point does not qualitatively affect the results.

Study 3 replicated our previous findings. Participants in the independent condition earned

an average of $42,203 (in game money) per trial, while those in the coupled condition lost an

average of $21,715 (in game money) per trial. A mixed model GLM with trial as a within-subject

variable and condition as a between-subject variable showed this difference to be statistically

reliable (F(1,1181) = 6.3, p < .05). This difference was driven by the number of plant failures,

with participants in the coupled condition experiencing, on average, nearly twice as many

failures (x = 1.7) as those in the independent condition (x = .83). As with earnings, a mixed

model GLM with trial as a within subject variable and condition as a between subject variable

revealed this difference to be statistically reliable (F(1,1181) = 274.7, p < .001).

Breaking down those failures, in the coupled condition there were 82 trials in which total

system failure occurred (roughly 14% of trials) while in the independent condition total system

failure never happened (chisquare (1, n = 82, p < .001). In contrast, mid-range failures (i.e. 3 to 6

failures) happened 65 times in the independent condition (roughly 11% of trials), but only 14

times in the coupled condition (roughly 2.5% of trials; chisquare(1, n = 79) = 32.9, p < .001).

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There was also evidence that participants learned how to better manage coupled systems over

the course of the experiment. While the correlation between trial number and earnings was not

statistically reliable in the independent condition (r = .298, p > .05), that relationship in the

coupled condition is significantly positive (r = .841, p < .01). These differences were driven by

reductions in the number of plant failures over the course of the experiment.

To put this in perspective, on Trial 1, participants in the coupled condition suffered an

average of 4.3 failures, and lost $184,748 (in game money) while those in the independent

condition suffered an average of 1.3 failures and earned $15,235 (in game money;

ttrial_1_failures(117) = 4.37, p < .001; ttrial_1_earnings(117) = 4.468, p < .001). However, by Trial 10,

participants in the coupled condition suffered an average of only .569 failures, and earned an

average of $73,467 (in game money) while those in the independent condition suffered an

average of .567 failures and earned an average of $77,080 (in game money; ttrial_10_failures(116) = .

008, p > .99; ttrial_10_earnings(116) = .18, p > .85). (See Figures 5 and 6.)2

Discussion. As in Study 2, even though an optimal player would perform at least as well in the

coupled condition as in the independent condition, in fact participants performed significantly

worse in coupled than independent conditions. Even when trials are independent, and

performance is rewarded in an incentive compatible manner, participants initially set buffers too

low, leading to catastrophic failures. While participants appear to eventually learn how to

appropriately manage coupled system, that learning comes at the expense of massive failure that

would have significant deleterious effects in real world environments.

General Discussion

Over three studies, our investigations highlighted a distinct hidden danger of pooled

systems. Study 1 provided an initial demonstration that participants struggle to set appropriate

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capacity in pooled systems, and as a consequence have considerably worse outcomes. Study 2

replicated the findings of Study 1, further demonstrating that these findings are due to error

rather than a reflection of participants’ true risk preferences. Study 3 replicated these findings in

an incentive compatible framework, and demonstrated that people learn how to avoid the dangers

of coupled systems with experience, providing convergent evidence that underperformance in

coupled systems is not a reflection of true risk preferences.

Taken together, these studies show that pooled systems have a hidden risk. While such

systems are appealing on the surface because they reduce waste and the frequency of small

failures, they also obscure the likelihood of catastrophic failure. Pooled systems are perilous

because decision makers get misleading information and feedback that is not optimized for how

humans reason. While people can learn how to appropriately manage pooled systems given

sufficient experience, that experience comes in the form of highly costly catastrophic failures.

Caveats

In the studies, a number of parameters of the system were set arbitrarily. These include the

payoff for each unit of demand met, the cost of each unit of unused/wasted capacity, the penalty

associated with the failure of a node (i.e. a power plant crashing), and the number of nodes in the

system. It is important to note that while this is an existence proof of the dangers of coupled

threshold systems, it does not mean that all pooled systems will necessarily lead to cascading,

catastrophic failure. Future research will need to identify the boundary conditions and determine

if there exist pooled systems that don’t have the dangerous characteristics identified here.

Policy Advice

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There are two major viable policy responses to the challenges we have identified with pooled

threshold systems: 1) increasing safety margins and 2) reducing pooling.

Increasing Safety Margins

Pooling resources in threshold systems is actually helpful in reducing waste and increasing

robustness so long as safety margins are sufficiently large. However, as the benefits of reducing

safety margins are immediately obvious (less waste and consequently greater short-term profit)

while the drawbacks are hidden (increased risk of catastrophic failure in the long term), there are

strong pressures to reduce those margins to dangerous levels. Policies that encourage increased

safety margins would therefore substantially mitigate the risk of pooling threshold systems.

In a seminal chapter, Thaler, Sunstein, and Balz (2013) lay out a set of principles for effective

choice architecture, which apply to overcoming the challenges inherent in setting appropriate

capacities for pooled systems. We use this framework to organize recommendations for policy

makers on how to reduce the risk of the negative impact of coupled systems.

a) Give feedback: One reason that highly pooled systems are so dangerous is that decision

makers receive feedback that the system is working, right up until the moment of catastrophic

failure. Feedback systems need to be revised to inform policy makers not just as to whether the

system is robust in a current cycle, but also what would have happened with slightly greater

pressure on the system. It may also be important to have decoupled feedback, even when the

system itself is coupled. That is, even though the system as a whole is doing well, policy makers

should be informed when nodes would have failed had the coupling not been present (as seeing

that some nodes would have failed may encourage more conservative allocation policies).

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b) Understanding mappings: One challenge with coupled threshold systems is that decision

makers cannot easily calculate the likelihood of catastrophic outcomes for different capacity

levels. Because risk in these systems increases in a nonlinear manner, which is notoriously

difficult for humans to understand (c.f. Olsson et al., 2006), there is not a clear mapping from

choice to welfare. In Study 2 we provided decision makers with information on how different

levels of capacity relate to the likelihood of failures (including system-wide failures) and

distributions of overall earnings, to great effect. However, Study 2 also shows that the specific

nature of the mapping is important – information about the likely number of failures was less

effective than information about likely financial outcomes. This underscores the importance of

making sure the mappings are appropriately calibrated to the decision strategies that policy

makers are using.

c) Incentives: Explicitly incentivizing a larger safety margin—for example, by subsidizing the

system to reimburse the costs of unused/wasted capacity—may be able to reduce the danger of

coupled threshold systems. More standard incentive schemes, such as the one used in Study 3,

highlight the advantages of reducing buffers—notably it is immediately obvious to the decision

maker that there is excess capacity and that money could be saved (in the short run) by reducing

capacity. Of course, such risky strategies are penalized in the long run in the form of catastrophic

failure. But myopia prevents decision makers from taking account of those long term

consequences, which means that typical incentive schemes encourage dangerously low safety

margins. An incentive scheme that explicitly rewards the maintenance of larger safety margins

could offset the tendency to adopt risky strategies.

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Of course, such reward structures could create perverse incentives towards waste. An

organization that is paid for generating excess capacity might be inclined to generate more

excess capacity than necessary. Therefore it is important to be mindful of undesirable

motivational effects when implementing such an incentive scheme.

d) Expect error: Knowing that decision makers tend to reduce safety margins to dangerous

levels, it may be worthwhile to design systems that are more robust to such errors. For example,

to the extent that it is possible in a particular domain, it might be helpful to create a metaphorical

(or literal) circuit breaker. The aim is that once a certain number of nodes in the system have

failed, the breaker mechanism would disengage the remainder of the system before the entire

system crashes. In the power grid case this might involve a load-shedding scheme in which

failing power components are deactivated without redirecting demand to their neighbors when

the system as a whole is in a vulnerable state. While this sometimes produces local power

shortages, it reduces the risk of total system failure (Hines et al., 2009, pp. 25-6; Perrow, 2007,

pp. 215-220; Wei et al., 2018). More generally the idea is to construct systems so that when the

decision maker sets safety margins too low, there is a failsafe in place.

e) Defaults: While our specific studies cannot speak to the effectiveness of default choices in

encouraging decision makers to maintain more responsible buffers, there is a large literature

demonstrating that people often stick with a default (e.g. Dinner, Johnson, Goldstein & Liu,

2011). Certainly, it seems unlikely that a default choice of a high safety margin would

discourage high safety margins, so to the extent that it might help, there seems only upside

potential of such an intervention. One difficulty that arises when attempting to adopt this

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approach is identifying the appropriate default, as whoever is setting the default would likely be

subject to the same challenges in identifying appropriate choices as the person setting safety-

margin policy. Still, there may be fewer pressures/incentives toward reducing capacity for the

person setting the default, which might help somewhat overcome the biases observed in this

paper.

f) Structuring complex choices: The final element of Thaler et al.’s (2013) framework seems less

relevant to the present issue, as in our study the choice options were already well structured (see

screenshots); the challenge wasn’t the complexity of choices but the failure to understand the

consequence of those choices. However, it may be the case that in some coupled threshold

systems the choices are not structured effectively, which might only exacerbate the problem.

Across all of the nudges based on Thaler et al.’s (2013) framework described above, the

specifics will vary by context. While the deep structural problem of cascading failures is

evidenced across most coupled threshold systems, there are obviously differences in the logistics

of implementing policy in power systems as opposed to financial systems or first response

systems.

While we have described a nudge-based set of interventions above, another option is to

mandate high safety margins, such as is often done with banks and capital reserve. Such

mandates have costs: they can be politically difficult to implement, require resources to enforce,

and may limit flexibility and creativity in managing systems. However, in some pooled systems,

the consequences of catastrophic failure may be great enough to outweigh those costs.

Another sort of policy intervention is to limit the degree to which the system in question pools

its resources, and hence to reduce the degree to which its components are coupled. This might

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be implemented by encouraging or enforcing limits on the resources that a failing component can

draw from other components. It might also be implemented by partitioning the system into

zones and allowing pooling only within each zone.

The appropriate limits to pooling in a given case depend on the relative importance of

increased safety and increased efficiency. As a result, no domain-neutral guidelines apply. But

it is worth noting that one result seems to be fairly robust across models: when the coupling in a

system is below a critical value, cascades of failures tend to die out quickly. When the coupling

exceeds that value, however, cascades tend to continue until a large fraction of the units have

failed (cf. Dobson, 2007). While it will typically not be feasible to effectively calculate the

critical level of coupling for a large real-world system, policy-makers should keep in mind that

there is a great gain in safety when the level of coupling is sub-critical.

Conclusions

Increasing interconnectivity and globalization has led to a rapid rise in coupled threshold

systems across many domains. In addition to the finance, infrastructure, and emergency

response examples described above, these systems are prevalent in health care (e.g. whether or

not pharmacies and hospitals stock sufficient medications for rare but highly contagious

conditions), flood control (e.g. whether or not municipalities maintain sufficient levees and

floodplains), food supply planning (e.g. how much crop diversity is required to achieve a prudent

level of food security), and hybrid systems in which failures in one domain put stresses on

another (e.g. disease outbreaks or terrorist attacks that simultaneously stress medical resources,

physical infrastructure, and financial systems) (Sheppard, 2014). A better understanding of our

cognitive deficits in managing coupled threshold systems, and empirically tested interventions to

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improve such management, could prevent catastrophic system failure in a number of important

domains.

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Acknowledgements

A. Elga gratefully acknowledges support from a 2014-15 Deutshe Bank Membership at the

Princeton Institute for Advanced Studies, the David A. Gardner '69 Magic project (through

Princeton University's Humanities council), and the PIIRs Research Community on Systemic

Risk. The authors wish to acknowledge RA Taimur Ahmed, programmers Helen Colby and Paul

Feitzinger, the Opp Lab, helpful discussions with Sanjeev Kulkarni, Ron Mandle, Nina Mazar,

Ida Momennejad, Nicole Oppenheimer, Emily Pronin, Luis Rayo, Eldar Shafir, Savitar Sundare-

san, Nassim Taleb, Jiaying Zap, and audiences at the University of Pennsylvania, the Cognitive

Group of the UCLA psychology department, the Corridor reading group, Harvard Law School,

the Princeton Social Psychology Research Seminar, the International Conference on Thinking,

and the World Bank. Special thanks are owed to Daniel Cloud for conversations that provided

the initial inspiration for the project.

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Figures and Tables

Figure 1

Figure 1. Section of screen shot from Study 1. Participants set safety margins for 10 individual power plants after being informed of the expected demand.

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Figure 2.

One failu

re

Two fa

ilure

s

Thre

e to si

x failu

res

Total s

yste

m fa

ilure

(10 fa

ilure

s)0

20406080

Number of Plant Failures

Isolated Coupled

Figure 2. Distribution of plant failures by condition. In the Independent condition, participants observed small failures with some regularity, but almost never had total system failure. In contrast in the Coupled condition, participants had few small failures, but were much more likelyto see total system failure. There were no instances of 7-9 failures in either condition.

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Figure 3a.

Figure 3a. Screen shot from Study 2 failure feedback condition. Participants chose safety margins for all power plants using an on-screen slider. As the slider was moved, participants could see a live-updating probability mass function for the expected number of plant failures for the currently selected safety margin.

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Figure 3b.

Figure 3b. Screen shots from Study 2 money feedback condition. Participants chose safety margins for all power plants using an on-screen slider. As the slider was moved, participants could see a live-updating histogram showing the probability mass function for expected monetary outcomes for the currently selected safety margin.

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Figure 4.

No Graph Failure Graph Money Graph0

100000

200000

300000

400000

500000

600000

700000

800000

900000

Total Earnings

Isolated Coupled

Figure 4. Average of total earnings (losses) in the independent vs. coupled conditions across the three graph conditions (No Graph, Failure Graph and Money Graph) in Study 2. In the No-Graph condition participants earned significantly more in the independent than coupled condition. When participants received failure graphs, their performance improved overall, but the discrepancy between the coupled and independent conditions decreased. In the Money-Graph condition, the difference between coupled and independent conditions disappeared.

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Figure 5.

Day 1 Day 2 Day 3 Day 4 Day 5 Day 6 Day 7 Day 8 Day 9 Day 10

-200000

-150000

-100000

-50000

0

50000

100000

Earnings by Trial

isolated coupled

Figure 5. Earnings by trial in the Isolated and Coupled conditions for Study 3. Participants in both conditions show improvement over the course of the experiment, but this improvement is much greater in the coupled condition. In trial 1 participants in the Coupled condition perform significantly worse than those in the Isolated condition. By trial 10 this difference has disappeared.

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Figure 6.

Day 1 Day 2 Day 3 Day 4 Day 5 Day 6 Day 7 Day 8 Day 9 Day 100

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

4.5

Failures By Trial

isolated coupled

Figure 6. Failures by trial in the Isolated and Coupled conditions for Study 3. While participants in the coupled condition suffered many more failures on trial 1 than those in the isolated condition, this difference had disappeared by trial 10.

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Footnotes

1) It is worth noting that although each participant completed multiple trials, the primary analyses were done on total earnings rather than on trial by trial earnings. Thus, independence assumptions were not violated for the primary analyses.

2) It is worth noting that there was also evidence for learning in Studies 1 and 2. In both of those studies, participants’ performance improved across trials in the coupled condition, although not tothe level of matching performance of the independent condition. However, unlike in Study 3, the trials in Studies 1 and 2 were not independent, which means that interpreting the trial by trial trends is problematic. As such, while those findings are suggestive of learning, they are not as conclusive as in Study 3.

Data note: the raw anonymized experimental data associated with this paper is publicly available at <https://osf.io/wtpx5>.