CAIR/CAN review 2004 - pointdebasculecanada.ca · The Canadian Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-CAN) is a national organization with a grassroots membership that empowers

No. 1cair-can annual review 2003 - 2004

MESSAGE FROM THE CHAIR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

OUR HISTORY IN BRIEF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 - 4

PUBLICATIONS & KITS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

WORKSHOPS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

MEDIA ENGAGEMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 - 8

FIGHTING DISCRIMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

PUBLIC ADVOCACY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0

NATIONAL LIBRARY PROJECT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1

ACADEMIC COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2

OPINION PIECES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3

MAHER ARAR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 4

OP-ED PORTFOLIO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 - 62

INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 3

CAIR CANCanadian Council on American-Islamic Relations

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www.caircan.ca 1-866-524-0004

Your Voice. Your Future.

CONTENTS

“More than ever, it is clear that Canadian Muslims must create

strong and vibrant institutions to allow us to defend our legal rights

and fully participate in the fabric of Canadian life. CAIR-CAN's

activism is professional, timely and essential.”

- Dr. Jamal Badawi

INTRODUCTIONS: Who are we?From humble beginnings to national representation...

“More than ever, it is clear that Canadian Muslims must create strong and vibrant

institutions to allow us to defend our legal rights and fully participate in the fabric

of Canadian life. CAIR-CAN's activism is professional, timely and essential.”

-Dr. Jamal Badawi

The Canadian Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-CAN) is a national

organization with a grassroots membership that empowers Canadian Muslims

through community education, media engagement, anti-discrimination efforts

and public advocacy. CAIR-CAN attempts to foster an accurate understanding

and fuller appreciation of Islam in Canadian society.

CAIR-CAN is distinct from its sister organization, the Washington, D.C.-based CAIR,

although the two coordinate on areas of mutual concern.

NATIONAL HEADQUARTERSServing you from the nation’s capital...

CAIR-CAN’s national headquarters are located in the nation’s capital, Ottawa.

The office includes a reception, a waiting room, three offices and a boardroom.

CAIR-CAN’S WEBSITE: www.caircan.caKeeping you connected...

CAIR-CAN’s website serves as a comprehensive resource for news affecting

Canadian Muslims and allows for easy online reporting of discrimination, racial

profiling and hate crimes. The website features a complete archive of CAIR-CAN’s

work, press releases, action alerts and opinion pieces – and also contains a

regularly updated list of articles relevant to Canadian Muslims.

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MESSAGEAssalaamu’alaykum wa rahmatullahi wa barakaatuh,Peace be upon you and the mercy and blessings of Allah.

Dear Reader:

I pray that this message reaches you in the best of health and spirits.

It is my pleasure to present to you CAIR-CAN’s first Annual Review, 2003-2004.

This portfolio contains a comprehensive overview of CAIR-CAN’s recent record of

activism in the areas of media engagement, anti-discrimination and public advocacy.

The work presented here is the result of the tireless effort and sacrifice of many

individuals, volunteers and generous donors.

As a young organization we have, Alhamdulillah (to God belongs all praise), made

significant strides in attaining our goal of becoming an established and professional

national grassroots organization that represents the concerns of Canadian Muslims.

Our activism has been, Alhamdulillah, diligent, dedicated and daring. With Allah’s help,

we have raised the bar in defending and promoting the interests of Canadian Muslims.

I invite you to review this publication and join us in meeting the challenges that we

face as a community. Together, let us work for a secure and prosperous Canada.

It’s your voice and your future.

Wasalaamu’alaykum wa rahmatullah,

Peace be with you and the mercy of Allah.

Sheema Khan, Ph.D

CAIR-CAN, Chair

FROM THE CHAIR OF CAIR-CAN

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The CAIR-CAN shurah (consultative

board) is an integral part of the

CAIR-CAN family and includes a

diverse group of Canadian Muslim

academics and activists based in

Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary,

Winnipeg, Toronto, London, Ottawa,

Montreal and Halifax.

Dr. Wael HaddaraWael Haddara, a pharmacist and doctor who

resides in London, Ontario, is a well known

Canadian Muslim academic, activist and speaker.

Wael is a graduate of Queen's University's

Faculty of Medicine. His particular strengths

include strategic media and political engagement.

Aftab Sabir, MBAAftab Sabir, CAIR-CAN's representative in

Calgary, Alberta, is one of the founding members

of the organization. He specializes in financial

and organizational development and is a

manager for Salam Financial. He obtained

his MBA from Schulich School of Business,

York University.

AbdulBasit Khan, LLBAbdul-Basit Khan is a graduate of McGill

University's Faculty of Law and practices

labour and employment law with Blake,

Cassels & Graydon LLP in Toronto. Abdul-Basit

competed his undergraduate studies at the

University of Toronto and obtained an M.A.

in Political Science from McGill.

Latif AhmedA founding member of CAIR-CAN, Latif

Ahmed, who lives in Ottawa, Ontario, is an

engineer by profession. CAIR-CAN regularly

draws on Latif for his considerable technical

and fundraising expertise.

Elmuradi began work in 2003; and Human Rights

Coordinator and Toronto representative Ibrahim

Danial, also a lawyer, commenced work in 2004.

In addition, CAIR-CAN has an impressive

board of directors:

Chair: Dr. Sheema KhanSheema Khan completed her undergraduate

studies at McGill prior to obtaining her Ph.D

in Chemical Physics from Harvard University.

Residing in Ottawa, she is a longtime activist

and speaker and has been the Chair of CAIR-

CAN since its inception. She is a regular

columnist for the Globe and Mail and works

as an intellectual property consultant.

Dr. Jamal BadawiJamal Badawi, one of North America's most

renowned Islamic scholars, is a professor at

Saint Mary's University in Halifax, Nova Scotia,

where he is currently a cross-appointed faculty

member in the Departments of Religious Studies

and Management. Often called upon to com-

ment on issues relevant to Canadian Muslims,

he has also produced publications on gender

equity and an impressive collection of audio

materials introducing Islam.

Khadija HaffajeeKhadija Haffajee, a retired schoolteacher who

lives in Ottawa, Ontario, is a regular speaker

on issues affecting the Muslim community

both in Canada and internationally. She has

worked with organizations in the fields of inter-

faith dialogue, women's empowerment, spiritual

counselling and civil society development.

Faisal Kutty, LLB Lawyer, writer and entrepreneur Faisal Kutty is

well recognized for his media and social activism.

Faisal is a graduate of the University of

Ottawa's Faculty of Law. Residing in Toronto,

Ontario, his firm, Baksh & Kutty, is the largest

predominantly Muslim law firm in Canada.

He is also senior counsel for the CMCLA, the

Canadian Muslim Civil Liberties Association.

Shahina SiddiquiFreelance writer and counsellor Shahina

Siddiqui resides in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Her

articles are frequently published in the local

and national media and she has pioneered

projects in spiritual counselling and social

work. She is the President of ISSA, the Islamic

Social Services Association.

Dr. Moustafa Fahmy Moustapha Fahmy resides in Kingston,

Ontario, and is Professor Emeritus of Electrical

Engineering at Queen's University. He is a

frequent speaker on Islam to schools, church-

es and other organizations both in Kingston

and surrounding areas.

OUR HISTORY In 1996, a group of concerned Canadian Muslims

started an informal network to work in Canada with

CAIR, an organization well known among Canadian

Muslims since 1994. In the spring of 1997, CAIR-

Montreal was officially formed with endorsement

from CAIR. Soon after, CAIR-Ottawa replaced CAIR-

Montreal. CAIR-CAN was incorporated in 2000.

Currently, CAIR-CAN has 4 employees. Executive

Director and lawyer, Riad Saloojee, was hired in 2001;

Director of Operations Naeem Saloojee joined

in 2002; Community Relations Coordinator Ikram

WORKSHOPSEducating our community...

CAIR-CAN has offered seminars and workshops to many Canadian organizations such

as the CRTC, Heritage Canada, the Ottawa Police, the Canadian Police College and

schools to educate them about Islamic practices and issues of religious accommodation.

“On behalf of the Canadian Police College, and all those who were fortunate enough

to hear your talk, I would like to express our thanks for making the seminar on Islam

such a success. [Y]our discussion, I am sure, dispelled many myths and gave many

in the audience their first informed look at Islam.”

- Tonita Murray, Director General, Canadian Police College

In addition, CAIR-CAN has delivered over 25 workshops to Muslim communities

and leaders across Canada in Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary, Winnipeg, Kingston,

London, Windsor, Ottawa, Toronto, Montreal, St. Catherines, St. John’s and Halifax

to provide them with the essential knowledge and tools for effective media relations

and human rights advocacy.

"Thanks to CAIR-CAN's professional advice, commitment and support, we were able

to clarify misconceptions and provide more accurate information of Islam

and Muslims. Thank you CAIR-CAN for your dedication

and remarkable work!"

- Najah Barrada, Workshop given at

an elementary school in Ottawa

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PUBLICATIONS AND KITSHelping you present Islam...

CAIR-CAN’s publications include the following: “A Journalist’s Guide to Islam,”

“An Employer’s Guide to Islamic Religious Practices,” “An Educator’s Guide to

Islamic Religious Practices,” “A Health Care Provider’s Guide to Islamic Religious

Practices,” as well as a succinct "Know Your Rights" pocket guide. These publications

are regularly requested by government departments, local and national media,

police services, hospitals, school, private firms and various non-profit groups.

Publications have been requested and ordered by government agencies such as

the Canadian Human Rights Commission, Arts Canada, Canadian Heritage, the

Department of National Defense, Citizenship and Immigration Canada; media

organizations such as CTV and CBC; private companies such as UPS, Client Logic and

Convergys; police services such as the RCMP, the Canadian Police College and others.

CAIR-CAN’s detailed and practical community media kits on Ramadaan and Hajj

are essential resources in the toolbox of any Muslim media activist.

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"CAIR-CAN is a valuable resource for

writers, reporters, producers and editors.

Riad Saloojee is a true professional and

a solid contact for journalists. He is

articulate, patient and explains complex

issues dealing with Islam in an honest

and open manner.”

- Karlene Nation, Diversity Reporter/Producer, CFTO/CTV

“Whether it's the issuing of a'good news' alert, providing anoverview of media coverage onan issue of specific pertinenceto Canadian Muslims, or analyz-ing the effects of anti-Muslimdiscrimination and harassment,CAIR-CAN provides an importantservice to all Canadians.”- Lois Sweet, Assistant Professor, School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University

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MEDIA ENGAGEMENTYour experienced and articulate voice...

Whether it is straight-up commentary, one-on-one interviews, live broadcasts, radio

and television talk-ins, informative panel discussion or heated debate, CAIR-CAN

provides experienced and articulate representation for Canadian Muslims.

CAIR-CAN’s media portfolio in print, radio and television is unparalleled in its depth

and breadth. When it comes to commentary on issues affecting Canadian Muslims,

CAIR-CAN is sought-after by media outlets across the country. Our representatives

comment regularly on CTV National and its local affiliates, Canada AM, Question

Period, CBC National, CBC Newsworld, CBC Radio, Global TV, OMNI, Macleans,

CPAC, the Globe and Mail and most city dailies.

Over the past several years, CAIR-CAN has spoken to issues such as the deportation

of Maher Arar; the detention and torture of Canadians abroad; racial profiling; the

erosion of civil liberties and the rule of law; hate crimes and discrimination; rising

Islamophobia; multiculturalism; accommodation issues such as hijab (Islamic headscarf),

daily prayer and Friday prayer; Islamic rites such as fasting and Hajj (pilgrimage);

anti-terrorism legislation; and Canadian foreign policy.

PUBLIC ADVOCACYDefending your rights and liberties...

Protecting the legal and political interests of Canadian Muslims requires vigilance

and sustained government advocacy. CAIR-CAN has been at the forefront of

Muslim organizations in defending basic Canadian rights and liberties.

CAIR-CAN has organized press conferences and offered written and oral testimony

before parliamentary committees on legislation related to charitable fundraising

and terrorism, and the omnibus anti-terrorism legislation. Moreover, CAIR-CAN

has testified on Canada’s relations with the Muslim world before the Foreign Affairs

Committee, on the Canadian media before a special Senate Committee and submitted

a legal brief to defend the broadcast of Al-Jazeera in Canada.

"CAIR-CAN plays a valuable role empowering Canadian Muslims, with a deeper

understanding of their rights as citizens. By addressing issues of particular interest

to and impact on Muslims, as individuals and as community, in an insightful and

educated manner, CAIR-CAN has helped foster greater understanding and dialogue

among all Canadians."

- Alexa McDonough, MP Halifax and NDP Foreign Affairs Critic

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FIGHTING DISCRIMINATIONSupporting you with principled resolution...

The tragic events of September 11th have led to increased suspicion and discrimination

against Canadian Muslims. Through effective grassroots documentation, surveys

and research, CAIR-CAN fights for full and inclusive citizenship for Canadian Muslims.

Cases that CAIR-CAN has resolved have included accommodation issues such as

the observance of Friday prayers, prayer facilities at work and university, hijab

(Islamic headscarf), Eid (Islamic festivals) holidays, Islamophobic comments by

members of Parliament, police misconduct, harassment by security agencies and

racial profiling.

“CAIR-CAN’s experience and practical advocacy led to a very successful resolution

of our prayer accommodation issue with the university.”

- Ahmed Alqadri, MSA present, Carleton University

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ACADEMIC COMMENTARYPresenting our faith to readers and writers...

CAIR-CAN has assembled a growing portfolio of critical commentary in prestigious

Canadian academic journals.

Articles include a detailed and authoritative rebuttal of Irshad Manji’s The Trouble

with Islam in the Canadian Literary Review, an essay on Muslims and citizenship in

Canadian Diversity; and a review of media representation on Islam post-9/11 in Voices.

“Sheema Khan's lengthy and well-written review for us of "The Trouble with Islam"

by Irshad Manji was an authoritative antidote not only to Manji's own highly personal

take on Islam but also to the media frenzy that had built up around the book. Khan

knows how to use her scholarship in a calm and accessible fashion that can help

outsiders a great deal in understanding the Muslim community in Canada.”

- Bronwyn Drainie, Editor, Literary Review of Canada

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NATIONAL LIBRARY PROJECTEducating our friends and neighbours...

As a proactive measure in dispelling the misinformation and misconceptions about

Islam, CAIR-CAN established a national library project entitled, “Explore Islamic

Civilization and Culture.” The project encourages Canadian Muslims to sponsor a

13-item package consisting of books, tapes and multimedia material to their local

and public libraries.

“I am especially impressed by the resources you selected, which are excellent choices

to help make Islam accessible and understandable to everyone in the community.”

- Kae Elgie, Manager of Information Services, Waterloo Regional Library

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MAHER ARAROur service in the path of justice...

CAIR-CAN was instrumental in obtaining the release of Maher Arar, a Canadian

citizen who was detained in the United States on route to Canada and deported to

Syria where he was tortured. After spending more than a year in a Syrian prison,

Maher Arar returned to Canada.

CAIR-CAN’s efforts were critical in securing Maher’s release. CAIR-CAN assisted

Maher’s wife, Dr. Monia Mazigh, in her campaign to secure her husband’s release,

played a key role in the Maher Arar Support Committee, met with Foreign Affairs

and the US embassy, wrote opinion pieces, issued action alerts and gave frequent

media commentary.

In the words of Maher:

“The future of Muslims in Canada depends on organizations like CAIR-CAN and

others. CAIR-CAN was the first organization to support my wife and her efforts

to bring justice to me.

“Since its creation three years ago, CAIR-CAN has been active in the important areas

of media relations, anti-discrimination and political advocacy. These areas have been

traditionally neglected by other Muslim organizations. From conducting Islamic

awareness courses to writing op-eds for major Canadian newspapers, CAIR-CAN has

been successful in changing misconceptions about Islam in the minds of non-Muslims.

“The mission undertaken [by] CAIR-CAN is a noble one and

I urge all Muslims to support its activities financially and in

any other way possible. Let’s put our faith into action.”

OPINION PIECESTaking your voice across the country...

Opinion pieces are arguably the most powerful and effective way to articulate a

perspective on important issues of the day.

CAIR-CAN has an unprecedented rate of opinion piece success. We have published, as

of March 2004, more than 40 opinion pieces in major Canadian dailies such as the

Globe and Mail, the Toronto Star, the Ottawa Citizen, the Montreal Gazette, the Calgary

Herald, the Edmonton Journal, the Winnipeg Free Press and the Cape Breton Post.

“CAIR-CAN is providing a most timely and essential service for the cause of Islam and

Muslims; they have a reputation for professionalism, efficiency, commitment and

integrity which in my mind are the most valuable assets of any Islamic organization

worthy of the name.”

- Shaikh Ahmed Kutty

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Don’t misread the Koran. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 1 7

Banning hijab: The new colonialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 1 9

Deliver us from suspicion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 2 1

Public inquiry needed for Arar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 2 3

The head-scratching of civilizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 2 5

Can there be Islamic democracy? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 2 7

City's battered Muslims wounded by baseless allegations . . . p 2 9

Canadian civil rights under siege . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 3 1

For the children's sake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 3 3

The soul in science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 3 5

The friendship card . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 3 7

Why Muslims are angry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 3 9

Columbia loss no joy to true Muslims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 4 1

How long must Muslims apologize . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 4 3

This way forward for Muslims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 4 5

Poppy: a perfect symbol in a 'disenchanted world' . . . . . . . p 4 7

The Arar case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 4 9

Shafted by the eagle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 5 1

Testing tolerance in Quebec schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 5 3

Don't shackle us to 9/11 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 5 5

Dismantling oppressive strictures takes guts. . . . . . . . . . . p 5 7

Why we must say no to profiling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 5 9

Israel's myth machine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p 6 1

OP-ED TITLES

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CAIR CANCanadian Council on American-Islamic Relations

OP-ED PORTFOLIO

P U B L I C AT I O N T O P I C

No. 1cair-can annual review

2003 - 2004

DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________www.caircan.ca

“Whether it's the issuing of a 'good news' alert, providing an

overview of media coverage on an issue of specific pertinence

to Canadian Muslims, or analyzing the effects of anti-

Muslim discrimination and harassment, CAIR-CAN provides

an important service to all Canadians.”

- Lois Sweet, Assistant Professor,

School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University

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He had written a book,Women in Islam, thatincluded advice for Muslim men on how tobeat their wives. He argued in his defence thathe was merely repeating opinions of medievalscholars.Yet Muslim experts testified that theimam's approach misinterpreted both the spir-it and letter of Islamic teaching. Muslim groupsagreed with the ruling against the man.

Such small steps forward are necessary tocounter regressive forces, some of whichapply narrow, hateful interpretations to the(Arabic) text of the Koran. Islamic scholar-ship demands a comprehensive examinationof all Koranic verses, with ProphetMohammed's interpretation serving as thesublime example.To read the Koranic sura,or chapter, on women as condoning the beat-ing of one's wife is to see it through the lensof one's own prejudices -- as a feeble attemptto justify one's misbehaviour.

We cannot discount the influence of religiousfigures in shaping attitudes toward women:The Taliban practice of banning female edu-cation was supported by scholars of theregion. And the practice in some countries of female genital mutilation, which predatesIslam, is often defended by those who wouldlink it outrageously with the Koran. A 1995documentary on the subject featured aSomali man declaring: "Of course we do it.It is in the Koran." Of course it is not! Butfalse attribution is comforting to those whostubbornly cling to vile cultural practices.

Others have no hesitation in commenting on the nature of woman as being deficient in intellect or a temptress to weaken malecharacter, or both.Thankfully, there areenlightened women and men who are workingtirelessly to promote gender equity within an Islamic paradigm, confronting misogynyhead-on. Canada's own Ingrid Mattson,professor at the Hartford Seminary inConnecticut, and Jamal Badawi, director of the Halifax-based Islamic Information

Foundation, are world-renowned in thisfield.They espouse Koranic teachings that awoman is a moral agent, fully accountablefor her moral choices, and responsible forbuilding a strong civil society in co-operationwith her male counterpart.

In turn, many Muslim women have soughtdeeper personal study of their faith, andquestioned unjust cultural traditions preva-lent in their societies. For example, manynow demand the right to education, to vote,to initiate divorce and to decline marriageproposals -- by invoking principles laid down1,400 years ago. Examples of women in early Islamic history are effectively beingused to abolish the misperception that a good Muslim woman is a silent doormat,subservient to her husband, with few independent aspirations.

Again, the Prophet Mohammed serves as the bestexample. His first wife, Khadija, was a businesswoman for whom Mohammed first worked, andwith whom he later became a partner.

In North America, the dividends of thisapproach are evident as Muslim women takeleadership roles in university, communityand national associations. Admittedly, there is a sizable disconnect between the ideals ofthe faith and cultural practice in many partsof the Muslim world.Those seeking reformwithin an Islamic framework are attacked as feminists (or worse) by those resistant tochange, and as apologists (or worse) by thosewho see Islam as the problem.

These attacks should stiffen reformers'resolve to educate an uninformed publicabout Islamic principles, and to work tire-lessly to improve social conditions, whereverthey are.The key is faith in God as the foun-dation of self-empowerment.That may seempeculiar to a secular mind, but it has helpedto propel many women, including Leila, tochange their lives for the better.

Don’t misread the Koran

By Sheema Khan (Chair of CAIR-CAN)


o1.cair-can annual review .. 2003 - 2004

op-ed portfolio .. media engagement .. pg 17

DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________February 14th 2004

I met "Leila" 10 years ago. She was 19,maybe 20. She had left family and friends tojoin her new husband in Montreal.The mar-riage had soured; she bore the brunt of hisfrustrations.When she became pregnant, hedemanded an abortion.When she refused, hepunched her in the abdomen.The violencegrew worse after the child was born. Leilafinally called the police when he stabbed herin the hand. She was ready to start a newlife, with infant in tow, at a shelter for bat-tered immigrant women. Despite her ordeal,she maintained a sparkle in her eyes andflashed an infectious smile.

She was also trying to reconnect with herfaith, Islam, and the Muslim community. Allthe more astounding, given that her husbandhad told her that Islam gave him the right toinflict violence on his wife Yet Leila knewwith implacable certainty that his actionswere anathema to her faith. She could easilyseparate his actions from his perverse inter-pretations. I, on the other hand, had a hardertime, having heard too many stories like Leila's.

I related these incidents to Ridwan Yusuf, awonderful soft-spoken imam from Nigeria,who listened patiently to my tirade at theimpotence of our community leaders tospeak out against conjugal violence: "Wife-

beaters are absolving themselves of responsi-bility by saying that Islam gives them theright to do this, when clearly it does not.Who is teaching this to them? Why are notthe men in our community speaking outagainst it? We scream indignation at theoppression of Muslims by others, but weremain silent about oppression from within."

Clearly moved, he pledged to co-operatewith community leaders to assist vulnerablewomen and children.Volunteers came for-ward to offer moral and financial support,ready to learn more about the roots, symp-toms and treatment of a social blight that cutsacross all societies. Ridwan Yusuf had thecourage to address the issue head-on at thelargest community gathering of the year, theEid prayer. He systematically stripped awaythe mantle of Islamic legitimacy given by vio-lence-prone husbands, followed by exhorta-tions toward building a marriage foundationbased on love, mercy, and respect.

Prophet Mohammed never once laid a fingeron any of his wives, denounced those whodid and asserted that those best in characterare those who are best to their wives.

Last month, a Spanish court sentenced animam for inciting violence against women.

way to ban it altogether for governmentemployees. In Italy, a local court upheld acomplaint (brought by a Muslim) to forbidthe display of a school crucifix, much to thehorror of most Italians, including the localMuslim community. All of these policies are on a collision course with article nine of the European Convention on HumanRights, which guarantees the right to freedom of religion.

Given the history of religion and state inEurope, it is not surprising that issues offaith cause so much consternation.Throw ina few centuries of colonial rule and formersubjects who now demand rights to theirreligious identity as citizens of the mother-land. How then do societies balance therights and interests of various groups? Whilethere is no pat answer, the best policy is onethat is attuned to the changing dynamics ofthe population. As long as there is give andtake, there is hope for all to live togetherwith mutual respect. Absolute decrees onlyserve to alienate.

Indeed, the rejectionists on both sides of thedebate are happy with the French ruling.Those trying to improve relations betweenWest and East, trying to convince Muslimsthat the West is not their enemy, will nowhave an uphill battle.

The situation in France will have repercus-sions in Quebec. In 1994, the first Muslimschoolgirl was expelled for wearing thehijab. At the time, the arguments presentedby those who would ban the hijab mirroredthose in France.The fear of the bloodyAlgerian civil war spilling onto the shores ofMarseilles, suddenly translated into funda-mentalism on the shores of the Saint-Lawrence.

Then, as now, the hijab was seen as a sym-bol of women's oppression, militant Islamand a threat to secularism in Quebec

schools. Some voiced the opinion that new-comers should check their identity at theborder, forgetting the behaviour of theirown ancestors towards aboriginal commu-nities, not to mention the Charter ofRights. At one point, a few schools request-ed able-bodied Muslim students not toobserve the fast of Ramadan.

While the Quebec Human RightsCommission ruled that discriminationagainst the hijab was contrary to the provin-cial charter, it did not stop the province'slargest teachers union calling for a ban onthe wearing of skullcaps, hijabs and turban'sin Quebec's public schools in 1995.Whilethe vote was not enforced, militant secularvoices remain strong in the province's edu-cation system.

Since then, the QHRC has helped to resolvemore incidents of schools demanding thatMuslim schoolgirls choose between educa-tion and their hijab.Their recurrence indi-cates that tensions continue to exist. Giventhe developments in France, there will berenewed calls in la belle province to ban allreligious symbols, using the same argu-ments of la Republique Française.Thosewho believe in building bridges of mutualrespect, accommodation and understandingwill have to step forward.

A few years ago, I attended a lecture wherea man complained to an Islamic scholarabout discrimination: "They kick our girlsout from school.They do not hire womenwith hijabs.They do not respect our beliefs.What should we do?" The scholar, aCanadian convert, answered, "No one saidthis faith would be easy.You have to fight forwhat you believe in, within the system.Thiscountry has rules and laws that permit youto observe your faith.You have to work hardto educate people. Don't expect everythingto be handed to you so easily.This test ispart of your faith.

Banning hijab: Thenew colonialism





DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________January 1st 2004

The land of liberté, egalité et fraternité hastaken a decidedly selective definition ofthese ideals.The banning of all forms of vis-ible religious symbols in state schools(except for discrete pendants) is ostensiblybased on France's secular foundations. Someview it as secular orthodoxy, a mirror imageof religious extremism that the nation pur-ports to curtail.

Yet, it seems clear to me that the target of the ban is the hijab, a visible symbol ofFrance's five-million strong Muslim com-munity. And the arguments presented byFrench officialdom essentially present aBushian choice: you are either with us,or against us.

There is even the patronizing arrogance of Bernard Stasi, head of the commission on secularism in French society, who hasequated the banning of the hijab as "achance for Islam to save itself."

France – having once colonized the peopleof Algeria,Tunisia, Morocco, Syria andLebanon – will now attempt the same on itsown shores.The French model of coloniza-tion was to strip away the indigenous identi-ties of its subjects, replacing language andculture with that of the motherland. It

never succeeded, however, in turning peopleaway from Islam.

The most vocal opponents of the hijab havebeen so-called feminists who have decided,that the Muslim headscarf is a symbol ofwomen's oppression and subjugation.

Apparently irrelevant is the voice of Muslimwomen themselves who choose to abide by the precepts of modesty of their faith.Feminism, which is about the empower-ment of women to make their own choices,now falls prey to the very dictates it oncebattled.Within certain extreme Muslim circles, a Muslim woman's voice is never to be heard in public, while her intellect isdeemed deficient. Ironically French femi-nists seem to agree with these views, havingdecided how a woman in France must dress, without any respect for the diversityof women's own thoughts on the matter.Call it imperial feminism.

The debate also centres on the role of religion in the public sphere.

France has decided to take the path of strictseparation between church and state.Germany is also grappling with the growingpresence of the hijab, with battles under

In Mr. Arar's case, it's clear that transcriptsof his "confession" found their way back to CSIS in Canada, with portions leaked by "anonymous" government sources.Attempting to smear Mr. Arar, they claimedthat he had "spilled the beans" on some of the Muslim immigrants imprisoned onsecret evidence under Canada's securitycertificate. Does the Crown's "evidence"include torture-based confessions -- evi-dence that would be rejected under normalrules? Remember:The defendant is notallowed to cross-examine, let alone see theevidence presented against him.

Currently five people are imprisoned herein Canada without charge: MuhammadMahjoub (since June, 2000); MahmoudJaballah (August, 2001); Hassan Almrei(October, 2001); Mohamed Harkat(December, 2002); and Adil Charkaoui(May, 2003).

Even presiding judges find the Kafkaesquescenario deeply troubling.The judge in theJaballah case has called the process "invidi-ous," describing the detention as Canada'sversion of Guantanamo Bay. Federal CourtJustice James K. Hugesson, speaking onbehalf of his colleagues, said: "We hate it.We do not like this process of having to sitalone hearing only one party and looking atthe materials produced by only one partyand trying to figure out for ourselves whatis wrong with the case. Good cross-exami-nation requires really careful preparationand a good knowledge of your case. And bydefinition, judges do not do that. . . . Isometimes feel a little bit like a fig leaf."

Our immigration department, stingingfrom American criticism of being too soft,

decided to show just how tough it was bypublicizing its handling of 19 Pakistani ille-gal immigrants.The muscle-flexing wasmeant for the audience due south. Even jus-tice officials here said there was no evidenceof a terrorist conspiracy -- just your garden-variety immigration scam.Yet the publicitycast a smear on the lives of these men, andsent a chill through the local Pakistani com-munity.Those deported back to Pakistanhave been interrogated about the alleged al-Qaeda link. Our immigration departmentrefuses to admit error or issue an apology.

These are a few of the more public exam-ples of Muslims caught in the dragnet ofsecurity zeal.While there have been no ter-rorist attacks in North America since 9/11,many innocent lives have been ruined. Attime of difficulty, Muslims are remindedthat "God does not burden any soul beyondwhat it can bear." Rather than sink into vic-timhood, they should stand tall and demandfair treatment, following the examples of thestruggle by Canada's other ethnic groups.

On the eve of her husband's return fromSyria, Monia Mazigh graciously called hisrelease "a victory for Canadian values."Given what we now know, this characteriza-tion was premature.There will be no victoryuntil there is a full accounting of the role ofgovernment agencies in the suspension of con-stitutional rights of many Muslims and Arabs.

In the past, Canadians have resolved to rightthe wrongs inflicted on members of ourmosaic. Let's take this challenge, O Canada,to stand on guard for thee.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________November 24th 2003

For Muslims, the month of Ramadan is aspecial time to purify the spirit throughfasting, charity and extra prayers.We reflectdeeply upon the Koran, expressing grati-tude for the many blessings we often takefor granted.Whether the favours are tangi-ble (e.g. health, food, shelter) or intangible(peace, personal security), the heartfelt sen-timent is best captured by the phrase:"There but for the grace of God go I."

Earlier this month, I was waiting in a doc-tor's office with two flu-ridden children. Itwas Nov. 11 and, at 11 a.m., the busy staffstopped all work and stood respectfully to asolemn rendition of O Canada broadcast onCBC Radio. One silver-haired patient sangwith deep conviction. My beautiful country,I thought. A beacon of light in a world filledwith so much darkness. One of the few placeswhere a worried mother can get promptmedical attention for her sick children,despite our current health-care concerns.

As we observed two minutes of silence, my six-year-old son asked what was happening. I triedto explain the significance of remembering theefforts of those who had died in conflict.

But it's also important to remember thatwhile Canadian soldiers were fighting tyran-

ny overseas, many were battling the tyrannyof discrimination here in Canada. Duringboth world wars, various ethnic groupsfaced suspicion, even internment, under thepretext of national security.Their treatmentwas often enshrined in law, later repealedby the efforts of those who found the mis-carriage of justice unconscionable. Albertansuffragette Nellie McClung fought on behalfof Japanese Canadians and Jewish refugeesduring the Second World War. Such struggleshave helped the cause of justice right here.

In the post-9/11 era, Canadian Muslims and Arabs find themselves a minority undersuspicion, based on the pretext of nationalsecurity.The harrowing tale of Maher Ararhas evoked collective outrage -- more so,given the signs of complicity on the part of Canadian security services.

Yet, at least three more Canadians remain inMiddle East prisons: Ahmad Abou El Maatiin Egypt, and Abdullah Almalki and Arwadal-Bouchi in Syria. According to familymembers, all three were under surveillanceby CSIS and the RCMP. Does Canada haveits own unofficial "rendition" policy -- ask-ing unsavory regimes to pick up Canadiancitizens travelling abroad, and subject themto torture to break their will?

Deliver us fromsuspicion


about Arar to American authorities. At onepoint, US authorities presented Arar withan apartment lease from 1997 and Arar wasquestioned in detail about people he knewor met in Canada.

Moreover, Arar's testimony revealsextremely disturbing information about theinvolvement of CSIS. It appears that therewas an open communication channelbetween CSIS and the Syrians. CSIS agentsmade two visits to Syria during Arar'simprisonment. And, shockingly, the Syriansgave CSIS the interrogation transcripts andArar's torture extracted confessions.

Here, then, is the "reliable source" for thegovernment leaks: A confession extractedby torture and used with impunity as anincontrovertible fact.The follow-up ques-tions are equally horrific. Is this howCanadian intelligence agencies typicallygather evidence? Are there any quality con-trols to such foreign intelligence, much ofwhich is politicized and unreliable - andmost of which is likely obtained by torture?Is evidence like this used to implicate non-citizens currently held in Canada undersecurity certificates?

All this begs another question: Are Canadiansecurity agencies subcontracting tortureagainst Canadian citizens? As LorneWaldman, Arar's lawyer, put it: "This is thefirst time my government is implicated ininflicting torture on another person. Itappears that our Canadian security servicesare prepared to use rogue states like Syriato do what they are legally barred to do inCanada - torture in order to extract infor-mation and confessions."

Waldman's thesis may be quite credible ifone assumes that Canadian intelligence hadforeknowledge of the US practice of"extraordinary rendition," where suspectsare tuned over to foreign intelligence

services and face likely torture. Admissionsby US officials, recently quoted in theWashington Post, indicate that the Arar casefits the profile of covert CIA "extraordinaryrendition."

The Post quoted a senior US intelligenceofficial who noted that there have been "alot of rendition activities" since 9/11 andthat, "We are doing a number of them, andthey have been very productive." "The temp-tation," noted other officials, "is to have thesefolks in other hands because they have differ-ent standards." "Someone might be able toget information we can't from detainees."

Arar also spoke about the case of anotherCanadian, Abdullah alMalki, who has report-edly been severely tortured in Syria, deniedhis basic rights, not charged, detained for ayear and a half and denied consular access.What, one wonders, was the RCMP andCSIS involvement in his case and in the casesof other Canadians detained abroad?

If Canada wants to retain its stature as acountry that respects human rights and fun-damental freedoms, it must come clean aboutthe involvement of the RCMP and CSIS inthe year-long suffering of Maher Arar.

Perhaps nothing can give Maher Arar his lifeback and perhaps nothing will be able toheal the wounds, physical and emotional,that he suffered over the last year. ButCanada has a moral duty to Maher Arar toprovide him with answers and a duty to allCanadians to ensure that this nightmare isnot inflicted on anyone else.

The best hope, for Arar and for all Canadians,continues to be an independent publicinquiry. Nothing short of such an inquiryshould be acceptable.Arar described his cellof 10 months as a "grave." Lets hope thatCanada does not seal his chance to live againby denying him the answers he so needs.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________November 5th 2003

It was heart-wrenching, yes, but refreshingto hear Maher Arar finally speak in his ownwords and not through a series of garbledCanadian government leaks.

It has now been 13 months since Mr. Arar, aCanadian citizen born in Syria but travelingon his Canadian passport, was detained andarrested at New York's Kennedy Airport onSeptember 26, 2002, and then deported,first to Jordan and then to Syria.

In what many have stated was a cloak-and-dagger smear campaign against Arar overthe last few weeks, anonymous Canadiangovernment officials leaked that Arar hadtraveled and trained in Afghanistan and thathe was not tortured in Syria.

Yesterday, Arar stated unequivocally that hehas never traveled to Afghanistan.

And, regarding the issue of torture, Ararspoke of being locked up in what was liter-ally a "grave" for ten months in Syria - aroom with no sunlight, three feet wide, sixfeet deep and seven feet high - frequentedby rats and sprinkled by animal urinethrough ceiling vents. He was beatenrepeatedly over his body with a shreddedelectrical cable; threatened with electrocu-

tion and with being stuffed into a tire andbeaten on the soles of his feet; and fre-quently punched, kicked and slapped. And,in what he describes as perhaps the mostpainful punishment, he was deliberatelylocked for days in a waiting room, where heheard the screaming and wailing of otherprisoners being tortured.

Physically and mentally devastated, Araragreed to confess to whatever his captorswanted him to.They wanted him to say he hadbeen to Afghanistan. He confessed and signeddocuments under the threat of physical harm.

As for the American role in his nightmare,Arar stated that the Americans repeatedlydenied his request for a lawyer, interrogatedhim to exhaustion, vaccinated him againsthis will, and deported him to Syria over hisrepeated objections and concerns that theSyrians would torture him. It is a cruel ironythat the Americans deported him to a placethey themselves consider a rogue state.

But who would have thought that Canada'sown security agencies played a central rolein Arar's nightmare.

It is now appears to be beyond question thatthe RCMP passed on detailed information

Special to Canadian Muslim news media.

A revised version was published in

the Daily News and the Cape Breton Post

Public inquiry needed for Arar:

Is Canada subcontracting torture?By Riad Saloojee (Executive Director of CAIR-CAN)

Disappointingly, however, the congressionalreport advises no change -- not even reflec-tion on change -- for U.S. foreign policy.

American support of undemocratic regimesin the Arab and Muslim world promptsmany to believe that the U.S. wants free-dom and democracy only for itself. And thereport acknowledges that America isambivalent about democracy if it benefits(i.e. elects) extremists. But this attitudeimplies that Muslims cannot be trusted tochoose their form of government, whilejustifying outside intervention in the inter-nal affairs of sovereign nations. It also hintsthat the only acceptable democracy is onewith an American hue.

Most of the report recommends ways tocounteract anti-American propagandaspewed by extremists.The goal -- to edu-cate Muslims about true American values,thereby "changing minds, winning peace" --is laudable. But Muslims know too well thedisconnect between American ideals andAmerican actions abroad. Reinforcing theformer without rectifying the latter can havethe unintended effect of sharpening this contradiction -- playing into the hands ofOsama bin Laden.We in the West, attunedonly to his violence, are oblivious to theremainder of his message that speaks force-fully to the pent-up anger felt by Muslimsabout U.S. interference in their affairs.

Consider the startling Pew survey result:Significant populations in Indonesia (58 percent), Jordan (55 per cent), Morocco (49per cent), Pakistan (45 per cent) and thePalestinian National Authority (71 per cent)

expressed confidence in Mr. bin Laden to"do the right thing regarding world affairs."Some may dismiss this as a Robin Hoodphenomenon -- the cheering of an outlawwho tweaks the hegemon's nose. But it isworrisome to see the moral compassskewed again, pointing to Mr. Gadhafi yes-terday, Mr. bin Laden today.

The most puzzling aspect of the report is itsabrupt dismissal of the popular opinion "Welike Americans but not what the Americansare doing." The report's authors state, "Thisdistinction is unrealistic, since Americanselect their government and broadly supportits foreign policy." But most Americanselect their governments for domestic rea-sons; they're ignorant of U.S. foreign policyand its effect on the lives of non-Americans.

All of this is relevant to Canadians because aCommons committee is completing a simi-lar study. Canada's peacekeeping efforts andinternational developmental projects haveearned respect abroad, as has our standagainst the invasion of Iraq.We are in anexcellent position to help bridge theMuslim-American divide. Do we take thisresponsibility seriously?




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________November 1st 2003

While attending a wedding in Lahore,Pakistan, a while back, I got into a heateddiscussion with a cousin about the dysfunc-tion of so many Muslim countries. I pointedto Lahore's Gadhafi Stadium as an exampleof our skewed moral compass. "How canPakistan name a stadium after someone whohas wreaked so much havoc on so many?"My cousin replied with emotion,"Moammar Gadhafi came for an officialvisit.We honoured him. He's done a lot forhis people. Besides, he is the only Muslimleader who stands up to the United States!In our eyes, he is a hero."

My cousin was a medical student, not partic-ularly religious. I couldn't reconcile his angertowards America on one hand, with his effu-sive appreciation for the Harvard medicalschool polo shirt I had brought him as a gift -- he hated America, yet loved her schools.

This love-hate relationship is finally beingtaken seriously by the American govern-ment. On Oct. 1, Congress unveiled an 85-page report, "Changing Minds,WinningPeace" -- the culmination of a five-monthstudy of opinions in the Muslim world. Anearlier poll by the Pew Center for Researchhad shown that "the bottom has fallen outof Arab and Muslim support for the United

States." The inquiry aimed to find out why,what to do about it, and how to marginalizethe appeal of extremists.

Muslims in the Middle East, North Africa,Europe, Pakistan and Indonesia expressed adesire for social justice, a fair judiciary, hon-est multiparty elections, and freedom of thepress, of religion and of expression.Theyadmired American entrepreneurship, itsdemocratic and educational institutions andits adherence to the rule of law. If theseresults seem surprising, that's only becauseof our media's focus on extremist rhetoricand actions of autocratic governments --neither of which represents the wider aspi-rations of Muslims.

The report marked the first time a genuineeffort has been made by the West to listento the public mood: "We have failed to lis-ten and failed to persuade. . ..We have notbothered to help them understand us,"states the report.The world can no longerafford such miscommunication.

Why the anger against America? Muslimsare angry at Washington's support of Israelat the expense of the Palestinians; the bom-bardment of Afghanistan; and a decade ofwar, sanctions and occupation of Iraq.

The head-scratching of civilizations


When asked about what kind of leadershipthey would trust, most of those surveyed pre-ferred a democratic government to a strongautocratic leader (the exceptions were Jordan,Uzbekistan and Nigeria).The Uzbekistan viewthat a strong central authority is the best formof governance was in line with other post-Soviet-bloc nations (Russia and Ukraine).

But for those who favoured democracy, thequestion remains:What kind of democracy?The Pew pollsters didn't probe the particu-lars, but did ask Muslims what they thoughtof American-style democracy.The result: Solidmajorities in Turkey, Indonesia, Pakistan andJordan expressed dislike of the latter.

That's not a contradiction, even if some U.S.observers interpret it that way.The fact is,democracy comes in many forms. But thepractical question remains: How can Muslimscombine democratic ideals with the strongpresence of their faith? In secular democra-cies that strictly separate church and state,this may seem impossible. But if you lookback at Islamic governance over 14 centuries,you find a system akin to constitutionaldemocracy serving as the foundation of cer-tain states.The norms of the Koran and thesunnah (the authentic traditions of the ProphetMohammed) served as the constitution, whilebodies of independent scholars provided rul-ings in light of these texts.

The principle of public participation wasenshrined by the institution of shurah (consul-tation), but such consultation could not con-tradict the constitution. Moreover, the consti-tution required that the laws be applied equal-ly to both the ruling class and the ruled. Onoccasion, the ruler would disregard the schol-ars' rulings; at times, courageous scholarswould choose prison over bending to tyranny.

Canadians should recognize aspects of such ademocracy.We have a constitutional democra-cy, in that the democratic will (represented by

Parliament) is subject to the Constitution asinterpreted by the courts, whose rulings arebinding on the government (the latter mayopt out by invoking the notwithstandingclause, but even that exceptional step isenshrined in the Constitution).

Today, it's a challenge to find one Muslimnation that abides by an Islamic model of con-stitutional democracy. Most are dysfunctional,with power concentrated in the hands of a few;little accountability of government leaders; andno checks and balances to set things right.

And here's another problem turned up by thePew poll:While Muslims favour democraticelements in political life, Muslim majorities in10 of the nations surveyed rejected the ideathat Islam should tolerate diverse interpreta-tions.Yet the view that there should be onlyone true interpretation of Islam is supportedneither by authentic Islamic texts, nor by his-tory.The concept of haj (pilgrimage to Mecca)has made the Muslim community somethingof a global village for more than 14 centuries.Writing seven centuries ago, Ibn Battutadescribed the richness of thought in the Islamicempire in his travels from North Africa toChina.The fact that four major schools ofIslamic jurisprudence have evolved is yetanother sign of the diversity of interpretation.

This survey result is thus all the more per-plexing. Does this mean that Muslims arelooking for a central body of qualified schol-ars to provide one uniform interpretation ofthe religion? Whose interpretation will betaken as "true"? Will there be intolerance fordiffering interpretations? More importantly,does this imply that Muslim publics are sus-ceptible to a demagogue who espouses rheto-ric in the name of "one, true" interpretation?

One hopes not. Islamic thought has sustainedand nourished a rich world of scholarly opin-ion. Muslims today must remember that.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________September 12th 2003

Some in the West say Islam and democracycannot co-exist. Some Muslims feel the sameway. But people like Osama bin Laden don'toffer alternate visions of governance; they'renot interested in building states, but destroy-ing them. Meanwhile, hundreds of years ofIslamic culture say that democracy and Islamare compatible -- provided democracy is root-ed in Islamic values.

Developing such a democracy is also thevision of Noah Feldman, a New YorkUniversity law professor and author of AfterJihad: America and the Struggle for IslamicDemocracy, currently an adviser appointed bythe Bush administration to help set up theinterim Iraqi governing council. Prof.Feldman points out that Judaism and democ-racy co-exist in the state of Israel; true, thereare tensions, but they are creative tensions.

Muslim scholars and intellectuals of diversebackgrounds agree that Islam emphasizes cer-tain fundamentals of governance -- justice,human dignity and equality, the rule of law,the role of people in selecting their leaders,the obligation of consultative government,and the value of pluralism. Clearly, these ele-ments are lacking in many Muslim countries.But a sweeping new international poll showsthat a majority of Muslims believe that their

political institutions must become more demo-cratic, even as they find a greater role for reli-gious leaders.

From April 28 to May 15, the Pew ResearchCenter for the People and the Press surveyedthe political, social and religious attitudes ofMuslims in 14 countries -- Mali, Indonesia,Pakistan,Turkey, Bangladesh, Lebanon, Jordan,Uzbekistan, Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda,Tanzania,Senegal, and the Ivory Coast. Interestingly, theEgyptian government did not permit surveyquestions pertaining to democracy.

Majorities of Muslims in nine countries wantIslam to play a large role in politics, while aslim majority favours the opposite in Lebanon,Turkey, Senegal and Uzbek-istan.

In countries where Muslims support a greaterrole for Islam in politics, people also toldpollsters that they valued freedom of speech,freedom of the press and free elections.Majorities also place high importance on thefreedom to openly criticize the government,judicial systems that treat everyone the same,and honest multiparty electoral systems --ideals that are in harmony with Islamic values.(Jordan, a monarchy with a limited parlia-ment, is an exception; less than one-thirdexpressed support for such freedoms.)

Can there beIslamic democracy?


that Edmonton’s Muslim community wasbaffled and disappointed to read in theJournal about defamatory statements madeby the Toronto-based Mackenzie Institutethat alleged the Al-Rashid mosque has linksto extremism.

The so-called "proof": the Al-Rashidmosque is listed in the index of all CanadianIslamic centers on the Canadian website ofthe Muslim World League. After reading thearticle, anyone with access to the Internetcould quickly see that there is no claim ofaffiliation between the hundreds of listedorganizations and the website hosts. EvenCanadian government departments are listed.

The Mackenzie Institute did not make itsreport available to the public and hasrefused to provide a copy to officials of Al-Rashid mosque who were faced with a seri-ous allegation suddenly being printed city-wide, based on nothing more than a list onthe Internet. Given the vast and uncon-trolled nature of the Internet, the emptinessof this claim is self-evident. Nonetheless,the fact that it was printed inevitably hasreal consequences for ordinary CanadianMuslims, calling into question our reputa-tion and integrity.

Khalid Tarabain, the mosque’s president, hascategorically denied any such links.Unfortunately, mud is easier to sling than itis to wash off.The Muslim community inthis city can only hope that our long lineagein Edmonton and our contributions herespeak louder than baseless allegations com-ing from Toronto.

The doors of the Al-Rashid mosque, as wellthe other mosques citywide, remain open toour Edmontonian friends and neighbours tospread peace, tolerance and understanding.Together, we need to nurture the trust,goodwill and harmonious relations amongstall members of the Edmonton community.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________August 27th 2003

The Muslim community in Edmonton datesback over a century to early Lebaneseimmigrants who landed here.While grow-ing in size and ethnic diversity, EdmontonMuslims have integrated into the web ofAlbertan society, contributing farmers,teachers, doctors as well as members ofParliament. Bill Smith, Ralph Klein and JeanChrétien have recently recognized their col-lective achievements over the past 100 years.

Edmonton’s Muslim community takes pridein the fact that it was on 101st street and108th avenue of Alberta’s capital city, thatthe first mosque in North America wasestablished in 1938.The Al-Rashid mosque has since moved, and grown to become one of the largest Islamic centers in WesternCanada, housing not only a prayer area, butalso a school, a youth centre and a gymnasium.

It was in this gymnasium that I found myselfon the night of September 11th 2001 sittingat a round table with over 50 other sad-dened, scared and confused faces fromacross the city.While barely having enoughtime to digest the tragedy that unfolded thatmorning, the community was bracing itselffor being held collectively responsible forthe vicious attacks in New York City.It was in part due to the long roots that

Muslims have in this city that led to anunexpected reaction by Edmontonians.Instead of being blamed for the attacks,overwhelmingly the initial response post-September 11th was an outpouring of sup-port. Letters and phone calls came in to allof the Islamic organizations across the cityoffering understanding and a desire tostrengthen relationships.

Unfortunately, as the days and weeks woreon, and as the bombardment of negativeimages of Islam and Muslims flooded thenewspapers and televisions, the backlashthat was felt across the United States andCanada eventually reached Edmonton.Threatening phone calls and emails that hadbeen initially rare became more frequentwhile racist comments and acts of vandalismwere reported citywide.

It has taken two years of open houses, infor-mation sessions, public dinners, press releasesand interviews explaining Islam and condemn-ing terrorism to simply attempt to regain ourinnocence for a crime we did not commit.

Allegations and suspicions made in the pub-lic arena are very difficult to undo and moredifficult to overcome - regardless of thepoverty of their basis. It is for this reason

City's battered Muslims wounded bybaseless allegations

By Tim Weiss (Edmonton member of CAIR-CAN’s advisory board)

run as high as 90 per cent. It stands to rea-son that complaints made against the mus-cular agents of the state would be similarlyunder-reported. For a variety of reasons,including issues of confidentiality, safespace, and a previous political culture ofnon-reporting, individuals will not comeforward.

Most of our incidents have come fromgrassroots reporting at community eventsor workshops on legal rights. And the tenorof the reports, especially when they con-cern the RCMP or CSIS, tend to demon-strate a rather troublesome pattern.

Some tactics are violations of the Charter ofRights: individuals told that there are anumber of unanswered questions aboutthem and that they "ought to come in" butthat officers won't speak to them if theybring a lawyer.

Some tactics are sly and subtle: individualsvisited by plainclothes (though clearly per-ceived by co-workers to be security offi-cers) at work. One individual, for example,was visited at his school; another seniorgovernment engineer was visited at hisplace of work.Yet other tactics are misrep-resentations of the law: Individuals hesitantabout answering questions are told they canbe "hauled in" without a reason or that theycan be "forced to speak" under the new leg-islation.

In all cases, however, the perception, espe-cially among the Canadian Arab and Muslimcommunity, is the existence of a consciouslyapplied double standard of racial profiling.

Much that occurs in the shade of the lawtakes advantage of legal illiteracy, the anxi-ety of being stigmatized after such a securi-ty visitation, or plain old fear. And the fearfactor is very real.

Immigrants and refugees are usually petri-fied that when CSIS gives them a call, it isto become informants or suffer the conse-quences of an all-too-slow applicationprocess or a threat of a contrived problemwith their security status.

The warning that sounds is not only thatliberties taken are liberties lost, but thatsuch misuse of the law is starting to gener-ate a gnawing civic cynicism amongCanadian Arabs and Muslims.

Networks of trust, so intimately construct-ed by day-to-day dealings, can be easilyfrayed and irreparably damaged. And, in anenvironment where security and safety havebecome basic public goods, trust betweenthe citizenry and those sworn to protectthem, is — and this is our newsecurity/liberty paradox — becomingmore and more essential to good policing.

Canadian civil rights under siege

By Riad Saloojee (Executive Director of CAIR-CAN)




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________August 1st 2003

Solicitor General Wayne Easter recentlyadmitted that he is unable to discount thepossibility that elements in the RCMPpassed on information to the Americans thatled to the deportation of Canadian citizenMaher Arar to Syria and the correspondingdeprivation of many of his legal rights.

We are learning the hard way that statepower is not benign.

Modern political thought has seen an evolu-tion from Hobbes' leviathan-state, whereindividuals give over their liberties forsocial order, to a constitutional state, wherecertain rights and freedoms are not on thetable or up for grabs.

The great balancing act is to keep the staterobust enough to protect and serve, but alsoto keep it from infringing on the rights ofits citizens — to feed it, but not surrenderto its gluttony.The state is a greedy beast:"Power concedes nothing without ademand. It never did, and it never will."

And so we are finding out.The RCMP'scivilian watchdog, Shirley Heafey, says shehas no way of knowing whether the RCMPis misusing its new anti-terrorism powers.Recall that after Sept. 11, 2001, Parliament

approved sweeping new powers for theRCMP, allowing officers to search homeswithout warrants, arrest suspects withoutcharges and gain access to a wider range ofpersonal information.

In the haze of political haste, we were toldthat there were oversight measures. Ottawa,for example, would produce a report onhow it is using its new powers. JusticeCanada's tardy report, tabled in early May,provides little discussion of the new law andhas the imprimatur of "all is well."

But all's not well. Heafey claims that heroffice has received five formal complaintsabout the RCMP's anti-terrorism activitiesand that many other Canadians have toldher they have been harassed but fear theattention of public complaint.

"We can't (investigate) unless there's a com-plaint, and even if there is a complaint ...we can't see the information," she said. "Sofor all practical purposes, there's no civilianoversight."

Heafey's certainly correct about reportingproblems. Experts in hate crimes, for exam-ple, estimate that the incidence of non-reporting — called the dark figures — can

been detained in the adult camp, where,according to the Times report, conditionsare harsher than solitary confinement.Notably, the Canadian government has not protested the treatment of this pair of Canadian citizens too loudly.

While all prisoners are reported to haveaccess to health care, nutrition and full rightto religious practice, the American adminis-tration has chosen not to designate thesecombatants as prisoners of war, thereby fore-going application of the Geneva Conventions.

Most troublesome is the condition of thejuvenile "enemy combatants." The UNConvention on the Rights of the Child (theCRC) specifies that detained juveniles shallhave the right to legal assistance and to acourt's prompt decision on their detention.

Instead, the United States has decided to keepthese child prisoners in limbo -- indefiniteimprisonment without access to a lawyer.

The 2001 UN Secretary-General's report,We the Children, highlighted the need topromote legislation and inclusion of childprotection provisions in the statutes andrules of war crimes tribunals and courts.This recommendation was part of a largerlist of implementations to assist young vic-tims of war.War Child, a network of inde-pendent organizations working across theworld to help children affected by war, hascompiled mind-numbing statistics. In thelast decade alone, 1.5 million children havedied in wars, four million have been dis-abled and a further 10 million traumatized.

The poet William Wordsworth observedthat the "child is the father to the man,"implying that childhood experiences willshape attitudes of the adult.What does thefuture hold when we see a generation oftraumatized children in so many parts of theworld? In order to counteract fear and hateengendered by conflict, we must surely beguardians for children caught in the crossfire.

Ideally, this is the purpose of a covenantsuch as the CRC.When nations fail to exer-cise their responsibility, individuals can andmust step in.

In this respect, one Canadian's initiative isworth noting.Twelve-year-old Iraqi AliAbbas lost his entire family and both hisarms in a U.S. missile attack in April.Thephoto of Ali, lying in a hospital bed withbandaged stumps is seared in the minds ofmany. Dr. Falath Hafuth, a father of threebased in Cambridge, Ont., has decided tosponsor Ali and his guardian as refugees toCanada. Dr. Hafuth speaks daily to the boywho, not surprisingly, is angry with theAmericans.Yet, Dr. Hafuth's vision is tonurture the child with the many benefits wesometimes take for granted: "My goal is justto educate him and have continuity of healthcare for him. I don't want that boy to growup with hate. I want him to be an ambassa-dor of peace."

Such powerful individual gestures are all themore urgent -- for the sake of the world'schildren.

For the children's sake





DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________July 28th 2003

Roberto Benigni courted controversy in his1997 Academy Award-winning film La Vitae Bella (Life is Beautiful) -- a poignant com-edy about fascism and the Holocaust inItaly. Mr. Benigni plays Guido, an ItalianJew, who seeks to protect his son from theunspeakable horrors of a concentrationcamp by using imagination, humour and wit.In particular, Mr. Benigni's remarkable facialexpressions conveyed deep and wide-rang-ing emotions.Who can forget the sparkle inhis eyes, the infectious smile, all of whichexuded eternal optimism -- even as hemarched to his execution.The charade wasfor the sake of a son, who never once under-stood the tragedy unfolding around him.And what father would not do the same?

Yet one can only wonder at the anguish feltby an Iraqi prisoner of war whose son isforbidden from seeing his face.The imagewas published early on in the conflict -- achild being held by his father whose head iscovered by a hideous black hood. Both arein a PoW camp behind barbed wire.Presumably, the child can hear his father'svoice, but is denied the intimacy of readinginto his eyes, or sharing a smile. And onecan only imagine what the child thinks, wit-nessing a symbol of authority, respect andlove brought low before his very eyes.Why

add to the humiliation of detention by forc-ing the detainee to wear a hood in the pres-ence of his son? What hope can be conveyedin such circumstances? While the GenevaConventions stipulate that near relativesshould not be separated in PoW camps,surely the spirit of the conventions impliesthat the parent-child relationship should beaccorded dignity and respect.

International covenants regarding the treat-ment of children at times of conflict seemto have been put aside during the currentwar on terrorism. Last week, many rejoicedwhen Saddam Hussein's sons Uday andQusay, were killed by U.S. missiles firedinto a villa where they were hiding. Butanother person in the house, believed to beQusay's teenage son Mustafa, was shot todeath by troops storming the house.

Last month,The New York Times Magazinereported on the condition of juveniledetainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.Thesedetainees include a 16-year old Canadianwho is alleged to have killed a U.S. marinein Afghanistan with a grenade.Three childsoldiers, between the ages of 13 and 15, areimprisoned in Camp Iguana; the adults arein Camp Delta. But the Canadian youth,along with his 17-year-old brother, have

learn from other civilizations, and to collectand translate works of the Greeks, Persiansand Chinese. For 1,000 years, Muslimsreviewed and refined prior thought, and --remaining within the guidelines of Islamicprinciples -- established new frontiers inmedicine, mathematics, astronomy andgeography.The Muslim world was filledwith universities, observatories, and hospi-tals, while Europe remained in the DarkAges.Within Islam's moral framework,ethics and social responsibility intertwinedwith scientific inquiry.

As the empire waned, scientific progressshifted to the West.Today, Muslim countriesare home to 1.3 billion people and three-quarters of the world's fuel reserves.Yettheir combined GNP is less than half that ofGermany; illiteracy levels are among theworld's highest; and science spending is ameager 0.2 per cent of GNP. At a recentmeeting of research ministers and academ-ics in Trieste, delegates searched for the rea-sons. Some blamed governments that spenton arms rather than education. Otherswarned of excessive dogma.Yet others citedthe lack of free expression and creativethinking in authoritarian regimes.

Yet in environments that prize hard workand ingenuity, Muslim scientists thrive. It'sno surprise that a Muslim woman, Dr.Tyseer Aboulnasr, is dean of engineering atthe University of Ottawa, or that Egyptian-born Ahmed Zewail, now of StanfordUniversity, won the 1999 Nobel Prize inChemistry.

London-based intellectual Ziauddin Sardarhas formulated a paradigm of Islamic sci-

ence in which God-consciousness leads toaccountability for one's scientific activities.The scientist strives to use knowledge topromote social justice and public interest,and to avoid pursuits that lead to one's owndestruction and that of the environment.

Such a model has implications for emergingtechnologies such as stem-cell research.Pending Canadian legislation forbids thecreation of embryos expressly for researchpurposes. Only extra embryos discarded atfertility clinics can be used.The coupleinvolved must give full consent; and nomoney can be exchanged for the creation oruse of the embryos.The embryo can devel-op for a maximum of 14 days before use.

Islamic scholars issued an almost identicalruling one year earlier, based on Islamicjurisprudence and consultation with leadingscientists.The additional requirement ofmarriage between the couple safeguards thefamily unit, while a two to three-day limitfor embryo development has roots in theo-logical texts.

This example suggests further explorationof common ground.The West can assistwith technological transfer to Muslim coun-tries; Muslim scientists can in turn help fos-ter a holistic paradigm in which socialresponsibility and ethics are integrated intoscience policy. Perhaps scientists can worktowards a much-needed symbiosis, ratherthan clash, of civilizations.

The soul in science



10.cair-can annual review .. 2003 - 2004


DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________June 9th 2003

Last November, while the world's attentionwas focused on Iraq, thieves stole a rarefirst edition of Isaac Newton's PhilosophiaeNaturalis Principia Mathematica from theRussian National Library in St. Petersburg.A few weeks later, police announced itsrecovery to an uninterested world.Principia, first published in 1687, is a keywork in modern science. In it, Newton pro-posed the three laws of motion and the lawof universal gravitation, foundations ofphysical sciences and engineering.

Less well-known is Principia's final chapter,in which Newton expounded on his beliefs:"This most beautiful system of the sun,planets and comets could only proceedfrom the counsel and dominion of an intelli-gent and powerful Being, . . . eternal andinfinite, omnipotent and omniscient. . . . Hegoverns all things, and knows all things thatare, or can be done. . . .We adore Him asHis servants."

While Newton's science propagated throughtime and space, his harmonization of faithand scientific inquiry did not. Instead, bat-tles between Newton's persecuted contem-poraries and the Roman Catholic Churchleft an indelible mark on Western thought,causing a dichotomy between science and

faith that prevails today.

Reconciling the two has never been an issuein Islamic thought.The Koran invites con-templation of the natural world, pointing tosigns of a wise Creator. Nothing is left tofuzzy uncertainty, or in the words of AlbertEinstein: "I shall never believe that Godplays with dice with the world." The studyof the world is a means to attain faith, asexemplified by the Prophet Abraham.

As a boy, Abraham observed the rising andsetting of a star, the moon and finally thesun, each object more dazzling than itspredecessor. He realized, like Newton, thatno matter how awe-inspiring, each objecthad no inherent power but was subject to afar greater power. Empirical research anddeductive reasoning paved his way towardsbelief in God. He also understood that itwas useless to worship objects createdthrough human agency, inanimate creationsthat could not respond to the innate spiritu-al calling of the heart. Some would arguethat the West's infatuation with technicalachievements is akin to the idol worship ofAbraham's time.

The exhortation towards God-consciousnessimpelled the nascent Islamic empire to

doctrine.Vietnam for one. Cuba, another.

The idea of a friendship or allegiance thatwould self-servingly justify a war that lacksboth international and moral legitimacy isnot only fallacious (a teen would call it"peer pressure") but perverse.Worse still,is to frame opposition to the war as a sullyingof the Canadian élan or to lambaste thosewith legitimate objections to the war with,another logical fallacy, anti-Americanism.

Can true friendship stand the litmus test ofknowing that the military campaign of yourfriend extends to a country where half of the inhabitants - some twelve million - arechildren? And that, no matter what sanitizedmilitary briefings tell us, the smart bombs,laser bombs, and other bombs cannot possi-bly distinguish on a ratio of one to two.

As if Iraqi children have not sufferedenough. UNICEF estimates that some600,000 children, 4,500 every month, havedied because of sanctions.

War is hell. And indeed it is. For the childout there, whose humanity is made so dis-tant by a profane discourse of "collateraldeath," could well be mine or yours.

Real friendship comes from moral maturity."Help your brother, if he is the oppressedor the oppressor," said Muhammed once.The audience immediately responded: "Weunderstand how to help someone who isoppressed. But how do we help our brotherif he is the oppressor?" "Stop him fromoppressing," Muhammed replied.

The text is significant and has universal res-onance because it elevates that most noblesocial virtue — justice — beyond any con-fining identity. Justice, and justice alone, ismost deserving of our allegiance. Securing aworld of peace deserves no less.

Modernity is shrinking our world in timeand space. A citizen of this new world doesnot only see his or her neighbour downSouth, but also the neighbour out East. Aswar surgeon Chris Giannou reminds us:Home is not a physical space; it is a moralboundary.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________March 31st 2003

Among the tired rationales for the waragainst Iraq, none is so grating than theargument that some Canadian public offi-cials and notables have been trotting outrecently: we should support the Americansbecause they are our friends or because, asour traditional allies, we have typically sup-ported them.

The most recent statement comes fromOntario Premier Ernie Eves, who has writ-ten to U.S. Ambassador Paul Cellucci sayinghe and his cabinet are America's friends,even if Prime Minister Jean Chrétien is not.

Following Mr. Eves closely in this regard areOpposition Leader Stephen Harper andAlberta Premier Ralph Klein, who havecondemned the Liberals for abandoning along-time ally. And rounding out the list isthe chief advocate of a 'jump! how high?'approach, former prime minister BrianMulroney.

Without doubt, the fear of economic reprisalfrom the United States has provided theimpetus for much of the current apologetics.

Comments have been coming fast and quickin the face of American angst regardingCanada's stand. U.S. Ambassador Paul

Cellucci told a Toronto business audiencelast Tuesday the United States is "disap-pointed and upset that Canada is not fullysupporting us now" and said if the shoewere on the other foot the U.S. would bethere for Canada.

Former prime minister Pierre Trudeau oncelikened living next door to the UnitedStates to sleeping with an elephant. No mat-ter how friendly the elephant is, you can'thelp feeling its every twitch and grunt.Canada's dependence on the United States— 86 per cent of our exports are destinedthere — places us in a precarious positionand makes dissent very difficult.

But, as author Naomi Klein reminds us,"All empires, no matter how mighty, arealso weak: Awesome power disguises rapa-cious need....We're not just needy butneeded." Canada and Mexico, both consci-entious dissenters in this war, together rep-resent 36 per cent of America's export market- and 36 per cent of its net energy importsand 26 per cent of its net oil imports.

We're not as insignificant as we think weare.Tightly bound together, we have moreleverage that we think we have. And Canadahas broken, now and then, with official U.S.

The friendship card


homeland by successive Israeli governments,with full military and financial backing byWashington.

Many see double standards in the Americanjustification for war on Iraq. If the goal is dis-armament, what about North Korea, a nationwith far more dangerous capabilities? If it isthe flouting of United Nations resolutions,what about Israel, which has ignored some 64resolutions (and counting) with U.S. approval?

The latest American case for war is to spreaddemocracy.There is no doubt the people ofthe Middle East would welcome democracy,but most have been denied it by regimesmany of which are backed by the U.S. Andthe people know their exercise of democracyis acceptable to Washington only as long as thepeople's choice agrees with that of Uncle Sam-- remember Algeria's 1991 election whenWashington supported military interventionafter an Islamic party was poised to take office?

Muslims' distrust of American intentions isstrengthened when they learn that strategiesfor extending U.S. influence in the PersianGulf were in the works well before 9/11. Apaper prepared by the neo-conservative think-tank Project for the New American Centuryfor the incoming Bush administration stated:"The United States has for decades sought toplay a more permanent role in Gulf regionalsecurity.While the unresolved conflict withIraq provides the immediate justification, theneed for substantial American force presencein the Gulf transcends the issue of the regimeof Saddam Hussein."

There is widespread sentiment in the Muslimworld that this war is for the strengthening ofIsrael, as part of George W. Bush's plan toremake the Middle East. Consider that, lastmonth,The New Yorker reported on a policypaper circling amongst U.S. hawks, called "AClean Break: A New Strategy for Securing theRealm," written in 1996 by U.S. foreign policy

analysts as advice for then Israeli prime minis-ter Benjamin Netanyahu.The title refers to aforeign policy for Israel that would de-empha-size the peace process between Israelis andPalestinians and move "to a traditional conceptof strategy based on balance of power." Onekey item in the strategy, the paper implies,would be toppling Saddam Hussein.

But the real heart of the anger felt byMuslims is the violence that has been, andwill be, meted out to the Iraqi people.Theequating of Islam with violence by Westernpundits is seen as the pinnacle of hypocrisywhen you consider that 90,000 tons of bombs-- the equivalent of 71/2 Hiroshima bombs --were dropped on the people of Iraq in the 43days of the 1991 gulf war, and that UN sanc-tions contributed to the death of hundreds ofthousands of Iraqis afterward.

As images of Iraqi casualties mount during thecoming conflict, the resentment can onlyincrease.With the current talk of regimechange and occupation of Iraq, Muslimsworldwide are reminded of the consequencesthe last time a superpower invaded and occu-pied Muslim land: the Soviet Union's 1979invasion of Afghanistan. After 13 years of bit-ter fighting and one million Afghan dead, theoccupiers left when the cost became too high.

Many view the impending war on Iraq as awar against Islam. Last fall, a group of morethan 200 prominent Muslims accused theUnited States of leading a crusade against Islamand warned that an assault on Iraq could pro-voke revenge attacks against Western targets.

"There is a feeling that we are powerless,"says Tariq Ramadan, a highly respected Swiss-based Islamic scholar who has written exten-sively on finding common ground betweenMuslims and the West. "We can't speak abouta 'clash of civilizations' yet, but the ingredi-ents are there and, after an attack on Iraq,they will be stronger."




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________March 12th 2003

'A History of Terrorism," the title of a currentexhibit at Harvard's Lamont Library, providesmuch food for thought. Probing the maxim"one man's terrorist is another man's freedomfighter," it asks viewers to consider why rela-tively small-scale terrorist attacks are stronglycondemned, while acts such as the SecondWorld War firebombing of Dresden and theuse of the atomic bomb against Hiroshima andNagasaki are often considered justified.

It also reveals a strategy for future Americanforeign policy, based on a declassified 1948document that was premised on the fact thatthe United States has half the world's wealthand only 6.3 per cent of its population. "Wecannot fail to be the object of envy andresentment," the document reads. "Our realtask in the coming period is to devise a pat-tern of relationships that will permit us tomaintain this position of disparity withoutpositive detriment to our nation's security."

Given the growth in that disparity since 1948,this strategy is key to understanding U.S. for-eign policy during the past half a century.Among Muslim nations, the impending inva-sion of Iraq is seen in this light, as the first steptoward increased American hegemony in theregion, fuelled, Muslims believe, by the motiveof controlling oil supply.There is further con-

cern that American policy -- both domesticand international -- has religious overtones.

Since 9/11, Muslims worldwide have heardinfluential American Christian evangelicalleaders demean Islam and the ProphetMohammed, with nary a disclaimer from theWhite House. Analysts attributed the silenceto the Republican Party's need to secure the"religious right" vote during midterm elec-tions last November. Indeed, after electoralvictory, the White House issued a publicrebuke against religious anti-Islamic diatribeto show Muslims that the U.S. was not at warwith Islam. But Muslims also are keenly awareof the security crackdown in the U.S. that hastargeted their community with secretive deten-tions, summary deportations and the profiling ofnationals from predominately Muslim countries.

They have also seen the death of thousands offellow Muslims in the aftermath of the U.S.bombardment of Afghanistan, along with theimposition of a U.S.-backed leader for themaintenance of American interests in theregion -- namely, regional security and theconstruction of an oil pipeline through theimpoverished nation.

And, for the past 35 years, Muslims have wit-nessed the brutal occupation of the Palestinian

Why Muslims are angry:The impending invasion of Iraq isseen as a crusade against Islam


While I can only applaud her call to buildbonds with people from different nationsand cultures and respect diverse religiousbeliefs, her words make it difficult to liveup to this ideal by perpetuating such hurtfuland defamatory stereotypes of Arabs andMuslims.

Rejoicing in the calamities of others is for-bidden in Islam, and it is deeply disturbingthat even isolated Muslim voices wouldreact in this way. However, it is neither fairnor truthful to accuse all Arab Muslims ofthis and worse. Many Arab Muslims weresincerely saddened and expressed their sym-pathy upon hearing of the shuttle's loss.

In Jerusalem, columnist Margaret Wentewas talking with Palestinians in the MuslimQuarter of the Old City when they heardthe news about Columbia. In her words,"the Palestinians looked shocked and sad,and said what a terrible thing it was," as didPalestinian students at an elementary schoolin Ramallah.

Cairo coffee shop owner Yehia MohammedAli told the Associated Press the accidentwas "a loss for all humanity because thesepeople served all the human beings by theirscience irrespective of which countries theycame from." The governments of Egypt,Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait offeredcondolences, as did individual Iraqi politi-cians and the Palestinian Authority.

Muslims have always looked to the heavensand recognized in the stars a sign of God.The familiar patterns of the constellationsreassure the believer that tragedy is not

meaningless when there is divine order, andthat this too is in accordance with God'swill. Many stars today still bear the Arabicnames given to them long ago by Muslimastronomers who developed navigational techniques that guided humani-ty for centuries.

In more modern times, Egyptian-bornMuslim scientist Dr. Farouk El-Baz taughtthe Apollo astronauts about lunar geology,and a Muslim astronaut, Sultan SalmanAbdulaziz Al-Saud, flew aboard theDiscovery in 1985. Past and present,Muslims too embrace the spirit of the questfor the heavens that claimed Columbia andher crew.

Columbia loss no joy to true Muslims

By Laura Zajchowski

a member of CAIR-CAN's Advisory Board




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________February 21st 2003

"Oh no . . ."

As the words left my lips, I realized theywere probably being uttered by countlessothers also mesmerized by the images ofColumbia's final tragic descent.

As realization dawned that the fiery fallingstar represented the deaths of seven intelli-gent and dedicated men and womenengaged in a noble but perilous quest forknowledge, I murmured a verse from theQur'an that Muslims recite upon hearing ofsomeone's death, "To God we belong, andto God we shall return." My thoughtsturned to the pain of the astronauts' familyand friends, and I prayed that God wouldbring them comfort and guidance.

In the wake of tragedy it is natural for us toturn to our faith for solace. Around theworld, worshippers in churches, syna-gogues, mosques and temples gathered toreflect and remember. For most, it has beena time to express sympathy and honourthose who died, regardless of faith or eth-nicity. Muslims find the best example in theProphet Mohammed, who stood out ofrespect when the funeral procession of aJewish man passed.Turning to his compan-ions he explained, "Is it not a human soul?"

In the same prophetic spirit of respect andcompassion, Imam Zaid Malik recently toldstudents at an Islamic school in Florida thatthey should be inspired by the Columbiaastronauts who "gave their lives in pursuitof endeavors that benefit all of humanity.Their death is a tremendous loss for thehuman family."

Sadly, not all reactions to the loss of theColumbia are so laudable. Abu Hamza al-Masri, the infamous (and now former)Imam of the Finsbury Park mosque inLondon, was condemned by Muslims andnon-Muslims alike when he told reportersthat the incident was "God's punishment"because it carried a "trinity of evil" in the form of American, Israeli and Hinduastronauts.

In the Herald last week, similar commentsby Hezbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah,and "various Palestinians" promptedMichelle Stirling-Anosh to argue that "thehate-filled Arab Muslim street" was delight-ed with the Columbia's destruction.

She went on to say the Islamic world and is characterized by violence, rabid intoler-ance of non-Muslims and the subjugation of women.

asserted that the dissociation was not trueor authentic.

Rather, it was peremptory, even obligatory.Damned if you do, damned if you don't.

The bar of culpability seems fixed rigidly toguilt by religious association.

The blame game continues. Even now, withevery new attack, pundits sit in ivory towersof self-righteousness and demand fresh newcondemnations from innocent bystanders.

Many requests are so harsh, so venomous,that no amount of condemnation will eversuffice.We are witnessing, instead, the poli-tics of ethical one-upmanship that asserts aquota on morality but, in reality, corners themarket when it comes to moral chauvinism.

Rarely, for example, is the U.S. brought totask for creating the Bin LadenFrankenstein, supporting and arming him tothe teeth.

Nor is Russia asked to apologize for invad-ing Afghanistan, brutalizing it for a decade,and creating a climate of internecine war-fare and extremism.

Or, for that matter, is Israel called on torectify its brutal and morally unjustifiableoccupation that provides fuel to these twist-ed conflagrations of hatred. Indeed, onedetects through these omissions that theapportioning of blame to Muslims en massehas an ugly racial face.

When, for example, was world Jewry calledto account for Israel's flagrant violation of

international law and, just recently, accord-ing to Amnesty International, its war crimesin refugee camps?

No matter what the future holds, Muslimsmust continue to dissociate themselves fromAl Qaeda. For bad and worse, their silenceis presumed to be consent.

Still, an appeal ought to be made for moralsymmetry.

It is often forgotten that hundreds ofMuslims perished in the attacks as well.Theattackers were not interested in filtering outbeliever from non-believer.

And their actions ought to speak louderthan our words of denial and dissociation.

We — that's right, we — were all the sameto them.

How long mustMuslims apologizeBy Riad Saloojee (Executive Director of CAIR-CAN)




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________December 6th 2002

As Al Qaeda's spree of senseless slaughterthreatens to continue unabated, Muslimseverywhere find themselves bound to anunending logic of denial and dissociation.

Precisely because Osama bin Laden speaksin the name of Islam, Muslim communitieshave been galvanized into action.

If Muslims do not provide their own livednarrative of Islam, their faith will continueto be hijacked by a band of violent, narrow-minded bigots. Even before the events ofSept. 11, Muslims bore a special responsi-bility to represent Islam truly. For what isnormative in Islam is, unlike the case withChristianity and Judaism, relativelyunknown in many Western societies.

Christians, for example, never had toexplain or apologize for the Christianity ofDavid Koresh,Timothy McVeigh, or eventhe Christianity-laden pretext of whiteSouth Africa's apartheid policy.

Islam, still seen by many to be foreign andexotic, is known mostly through the prismof catastrophic events.

As one journalist pointed out, we only learnof Islam when there is a bang-bang over-

seas, or when the tectonic plates in theMuslim world start to grate and shift. Islamthus tends to be understood through thenorm of the extreme.

The post-9/11 world has put a greater onuson Muslims.

Often, however, this has been a case formore than just great expectations.

Even though Canadian Muslims unequivo-cally condemned the killing of innocents inthe name of Islam — a fact that was prolifi-cally covered in the Canadian press fromcoast to coast — the charge of a complicitsilence was frequently levied against them.

Muslims, it was alleged, remained silent andsaid little. A corollary, and recurrent theme,was that Canadian Muslims were slow toprove their loyalty and patriotism.

In short, Muslims were held to a more rig-orous standard than their compatriots —and found to come up short.

They faced, as another commentator sug-gested, a "stiffer test of patriotism" thantheir fellow Canadians. And even with theprolific condemnation, it was at times

While some seek to blame external ele-ments, a corps of Muslim scholars andactivists look to the internal:The wretchedconditions faced by Muslims will not ceaseuntil there is a fundamental change fromwithin. If Muslims are to emerge from theirchronic instability, these scholars argue,faith in God must be strengthened. Self-defeating attitudes prevalent amongMuslims -- reliance on conspiracy theories,blaming the West, victimization, nostalgiafor a "golden age" of Islam, and the searchfor a saviour -- all reflect weakness in faithin God.While such an approach may seemarcane to the secular mind, the importanceof the Divine in Muslim thought should notbe underestimated.

Contemporary Muslim scholars have urgedMuslims to do away with conspiracy theo-ries. Echoing Iqbal, they point out that suchtheories serve to conveniently absolveMuslims of personal responsibility tochange their situation for the better. "Whybother trying when someone else controlsyour destiny?" is the pathetic refrain.

This outlook further places Muslims at apsychological disadvantage, for it makesone's adversaries seem more powerful thanis actually true.When one knows that allpower belongs to God, the fear of one'senemies diminishes.The renowned Muslimscholar Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi advisesthat Muslims will not solve homegrownproblems of corruption, illiteracy, and sec-tarianism by constantly blaming the West.

Malcolm X struggled through racism bytaking responsibility for his own shortcom-ings and finding the fortitude to face future

battles, all within the moral framework ofthe Koran. In particular, one cannot useracism as a perpetual cover for one's ownshortcomings. In today's post-Sept. 11 cli-mate, Muslims need to fortify from within,and then face the challenges of Islamophobia.

The Koran also encourages people to lookto history to see God's moral plan.Civilizations have come and gone; theirdestruction being a result of their own arro-gance and moral corruption. Muslims arenot immune to this paradigm; the goldenage of Islamic rule gradually came to an endfor the same reasons as the demise of otherempires.Today, some Muslims look back tothat age with longing, with little analysis ofwhat led to ascendancy, and what led todecline. Nostalgia, without a moral lesson,leads to intellectual paralysis.

Over the past few decades, Muslims havelooked toward autocratic leaders as savioursto lead them out of their current dilemma.Like the Tin Man, the Scarecrow, and theLion in The Wizard of Oz,they believe theonly way to improve their lot is to placehope in some larger-than-life figure -- anOsama bin Laden, for example. Inevitably,they are disappointed. Just as the Oz char-acters discover their own heart, intelligenceand courage, Muslims, too, need to uncovertheir own potential.

With the failure of pan-Arabism and com-munism, and the current antipathy towardthe United States, Muslim populations areturning to Islam as the indigenous solution.The future struggle will lie in how it isinterpreted and implemented.

This way forwardfor Muslims





DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________November 13th 2002

Crisis of the Muslim Mind. Ethics ofDisagreement in Islam.The IslamicAwakening: Between Extremism andRejectionism.These English translations ofArabic treatises are but a sampling of funda-mental issues that have emerged over thepast few decades as Muslim societies grapplewith intellectual malaise, internecine con-flict, and the dangers of extremism. Longbefore Sept. 11, Muslim scholars andactivists were asking, "What's wrong withthe Muslim world?" The consensus can bestbe summarized by the Koranic verse, "Goddoes not change the condition of people untilthey change what is within themselves."

Classical Muslim scholars explained thisverse to mean that God showers blessingsupon people, and only changes their condi-tion when they forget their humble begin-nings, substituting gratefulness with arro-gance.Thirteen centuries later, as Muslimpopulations emerged from colonialism,activists returned to this verse, albeit with adifferent take.Wretched conditions will notchange, they exhorted, until people take the initiative to change their own condition.It was, in essence, a call to recover thedynamic Islamic tenet of personal responsi-bility for one's actions before the Creator.One of the classical writings on this theme

was Shikwa-Jawab-e-Shikwa (Complaint andAnswer) written in 1912 by MuhammadIqbal, poet laureate of the Indian subconti-nent. In Shikwa,Muslims complain to Godabout their miserable conditions of poverty,illiteracy, and subjugation; all the while,they pray, fast, perform haj and recite theKoran. In Jawab-e-Shikwa (Response to theComplaint), they are told to look in themirror, to see how much they have fallenshort in living the essential features ofIslam, such as truthfulness, intelligentinquiry and mercy. Dogmatism, hair-split-ting, and hypocrisy are all condemned as attempts to replace substance with disingenuous form.

Iqbal's urgent call for reform seemed fornaught as the Muslim world experiencedtwo devastating losses during the 20th cen-tury: the dismantling of the OttomanCaliphate in 1924, and the loss of Jerusalemin 1967.The former represented an institu-tion of governance spanning 14 centuries,while the latter represented a spiritualnexus of worship, next only to Mecca andMedina.Today, many see the 1991 war inthe Persian Gulf, the brutal occupation ofPalestine, genocidal sanctions against theIraqi people, and the stationing of U.S. troopsin Saudi Arabia as further humiliations.

And the last tired rationale, that conflict isnecessary to preserve democracy, too, issuspect.The Center for International Policyestimates that around 80% of U.S. armsexports to the developing world go to non-democratic regimes.

History will teach us nothing, lamented onesocial critic. I'd hate to concur, but with sta-tistics so stark, I feel the disconnect of theemperor with no clothes.

Just next door, our mighty neighbour pre-pares the public for another war.Drumming up support for a renewedassault on Iraq, the Bush administrationexhausts every specious argument.TheWashington Post's Dana Milbank writesthat, for George W. Bush, "facts are mal-leable" and that statements on Iraq's mili-tary capability are "dubious, if not wrong."The CIA's former head of counterterrorismnotes with greater candour: "Basically,cooked information is working its way intohigh-level pronouncements."

We’re a stone’s throw from war, it seems.

Winter will continue its inexorable marchwith intermittent strides of slush and snow.By then the poppies would have disap-peared. But only from our lapels, I hope.Not from our hearts.

...continue from page 52

The group's U.S. advocacy director saidauthorities have used immigration chargesto make an "end run" around legal safe-guards. By holding suspects on immigrationcharges, authorities avoided having to givereasons for arresting them, bringing thembefore a judge within 48 hours and provid-ing court-appointed lawyers.

As constitutional challenges slowly maketheir way to the U.S. Supreme Court, manyinnocent lives are being destroyed. SinceWashington is not informing consular offi-cials of detained citizens, who knows howmany waste away in prison?

In the case of Maher Arar, our governmentneeds to press Syria for his safe return.Parliament needs to begin a substantialdebate on the violation of Canadian sover-eignty by the deportation of one its citizensby the United States, in a case where thecornerstones of transparency, accountabilityand presumption of innocence have beendiscarded.

We need to resist the erosion of basic humanrights in light of unilateral U.S. actions.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________November 10th 2002

As the white fluff descends upon us earlyfrom on high, red poppies sprout from thickovercoats. November, the season of thepoppy, might be a divine symbol of nationalCanadian resistance as we head into Winter.The poppy helps us bear the prospect of thegreat freeze-over: we remember life.

Most Canadians, of course, know all toowell the poppies' real significance.Weremember the brave men and women thatfought and lost their lives in World War Iand subsequent conflicts. Every year, theirmemory is honoured and rightly so.There isno more profound narrative for a nationthan remembering tragedies incurred in thefight for liberty and freedom.

Symbols are arguably more important nowthan ever.We are living in a ‘disenchantedworld,’ where horizons of ultimate meaninghave receded to a techno-material world-view. Consequently, the need to strive toresuscitate symbols that provide greatermeaning to individuals and collectivities.

But symbols can't simply ossify the past;they must provide meaning for new genera-tions in the present.That the poppy has itssymbolic referent to the first Great War is, Ithink, significant.War and peace are still

with us.The threat of war and conflict satu-rates our international political discourse.Realists argue that international interactionsare still based on fear.The arms race,notwithstanding the collapse of the SovietUnion, has continued unabated for the lasthalf of this century.

We've found conventional, chemical andnuclear methods of killing one another andelevated the security imperative high abovefundamental needs. Consider that half of theworld's governments spend more ondefense than health care. And that worldmilitary expenditures in 2001 topped $839billion, while an estimated 1.3 billion peo-ple survive on the equivalent of less thanU.S. $1 a day.

Still, the slick rationale for war insists thataggressors must be ousted. And what of theconsequences? The International Committeeof the Red Cross estimates that one out ofevery two casualties of “war” is a civilian,mostly women and children, caught in thecrossfire. Indeed, there are more landminesplanted in Cambodia than people. AndCambodia is just one of the 64 countriesaround the world littered with some 100million anti-personnel landmines, whichcause 500 deaths and injuries per week.

Poppy: a perfectsymbol in a

'disenchanted world'By Riad Saloojee (Executive Director of CAIR-CAN)

clinched by the case of Maher Arar, aCanadian who was deported by the UnitedStates to Jordan and who now finds himselfin a Syrian jail.

This case has generated a national outcry inCanada.That Mr. Arar was Arab and Muslimwas insignificant.The public outcry was notconfined to just those who share his faith orethnicity. Canadians' outrage stemmed fromthe fact that the United States broke a defin-ing feature of international human-rightslaw when it deported a citizen of anothercountry to the place of his birth, where hewould have faced foreseeable harm. Morespecifically, however, Canadians tookumbrage at how Mr. Arar was treated.

He was detained through a secretive andnon-transparent procedure. He was interro-gated without a lawyer present. His lawyersaid she was notified of his deportation andimmigration on a Sunday afternoon whenthe U.S. authorities knew she would beunable to attend. Mr. Arar was allowed tocall his family only after a full week hadelapsed since his detention. His where-abouts were, until very recently, a mystery,because U.S. authorities have been thor-oughly unco-operative about providingdetails of his deportation. In fact, at nopoint since his deportation did the UnitedStates ever admit that it sent him to Jordan.In what can only be described as callousindifference, if not the cruel conceit of ahegemonic state drunk with power, the U.S.allowed Canadians and Mr. Arar's family tolabour blindly over his whereabouts.

Canadians have, admirably, taken up thisissue seriously. If the popular media are a

gauge of public opinion, the response to Mr.Arar's predicament has been overwhelming:There have been several newspaper editori-als in support of Mr. Arar. And his wife,Mounia, herself a Canadian citizen, has beenthe eloquent and often-invited advocate ofher husband on television and radio.Thepressure continues to mount.This is not anissue of passing fancy.

And this, for me, appears to be a solid vin-dication of the ethic of multiculturalism.Although we can disagree about the practi-cal actualization of the policy, there is littledoubt in my mind that the Canadian reac-tion to the Arar case demonstrates an amaz-ing meeting of the minds. For as vast a vistaas Canada is, our shared sacred spacesinclude legal beliefs that emanate from thewellspring of a fundamental and near uni-versally accepted ethic: equality, the rule of law, procedural fairness, transparency,justice and compassion.

Bravo, Canada.

The Arar case has shown that Canadians can lookbeyond race and religion when

basic rights are at stakeBy Riad Saloojee (Executive Director of CAIR-CAN)




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________November 4th 2002

Multiculturalism has always been an obses-sive feature of our navel-gazing asCanadians. As an official policy, it has gar-nered much praise and scorn.To some, it isa landmark, indicative of a collective will toboth celebrate and transcend difference, acommon commitment to growing oldertogether.To others, it is a divisive socialcentrifuge that leads to a ghetto mentality.From time to time, the essential debate atthe heart of multiculturalism --togethernessthrough difference -- ignites anew. How canwe chart a future that criss-crosses betweendivergent collective identities, pollinates thebest of interaction and transcends, withgrace, the worst?

Ironically, as today's world brings us closertogether, we've never been further apart.Racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism andIslamophobia are all a familiar, inescapablefixture of our post-modern identity. Hateactivity against Arabs, Muslims and otherminorities after Sept. 11 was, in manycases, an actualization of a pre-existingxenophobia.

In September, I attended the Metropolisconference in Oslo, Norway, which gath-ered participants from government agenciesand diverse national and international com-

munity organizations across Europe to dis-cuss "togetherness through difference." Thevigorous debate on multiculturalism made itclear that countries the world over aregrappling with the politics of difference.Despite the chagrin of some naysayers,Canada's secretary of state for multicultur-alism, Jean Augustine, insisted that multicul-turalism has worked in Canada, apart froma number of hate incidents after Sept. 11…

Critics of multiculturalism point to the factthat celebrating difference makes it difficultto forge common values. For some com-mentators,West is best and is synonymouswith universalism.This analysis is not onlysimplistic, but mired in a form of culturalimperialism.The same, of course, holdstrue for those who hold the competingposition.This camp eschews all self-exami-nation, decrying Euro-centrism. Here, too,is a cultural imperialism, though more sub-tle and usually legitimized by claims to vic-timhood. Notwithstanding both theseextremes, how does one forge commoncommunities and, therefore, interactionbeyond race, religion and culture?

Almost two months after the conference,the debate still surges afresh in my mind.The final conclusion, however, has been

The next day, without a trial, access to alawyer or presentation of evidence, Mr.Arar was deported to Syria due to an immi-gration violation.

While the most severe penalty for immigra-tion violation under U.S. law is deporta-tion, international human-rights laws stipu-late that the deportee must be returned toeither his country of citizenship or origin of travel. In this case, Mr. Arar should havebeen deported to Canada or Zurich.

There have been other disturbing cases ofCanadian citizens being held without chargein the post-9/11 U.S. justice system.

Unsir Hafeez and Reza Zazai (originallyfrom Pakistan and Afghanistan,respectively) were arrested Sept. 10 onimmigration charges and held for suspectedterrorist links, which have not yet beenproved. Mr. Zazai's lawyer indicated thatthis case involves serious constitutional vio-lations of the rights of a Canadian citizen,and while the INS has the right to chargehim with an immigration violation, it doesnot have the right to engage in preventivedetention.The U.S. government has yet toproduce evidence to link Mr. Zazai to ter-rorism. Like Mr. Arar, the two were goingabout their lives until they were detained bythe Americans. Unlike Mr. Arar, the twowere fortunate to have access to a lawyer.

This summer, Shakir Baloch, a Pakistan-born doctor with Canadian citizenship, wasreturned to Canada after a enduring a six-month nightmare. Caught in the post-9/11immigration sweep, he was held in a maxi-mum security prison for four months with-out charge and barred from contacting hiswife in Toronto.The INS refused to honoura deportation order issued the day after hisarrest. Mr. Baloch was confined to his cell23 hours a day; during the other hour, hewas allowed to exercise while shackled. As

with Mr. Arar, Canadian officials weretipped when family members asked forhelp, rather than being informed by U.S.authorities. Despite diplomatic protests,Mr. Baloch was held without charge andreleased only after receiving clearance bythe FBI.

Then there is the case of student MohammedJabarah, a 20-year-old Canadian citizen whotook a brief trip across the border (at thebehest of CSIS) to help U.S. officials investi-gate an alleged terrorist plot. He waspromptly jailed without charge.

Most troublesome was how the Canadiangovernment, through CSIS, facilitated thetransfer of Mr. Jabarah. First detained inOman, he returned to Canada accompaniedby CSIS officials and was questioned herebefore being moved to the United States.None of the powers of the government'snew antiterrorism legislation, includingpreventive arrest and compulsory testimo-ny, were used against him. Instead, CSISabetted an arrangement that left a Canadiancitizen in a foreign jail, out of the reach ofhis family and outside the protection of hisown government.

On Aug. 15, Human Rights Watch, a privateNew York-based human-rights monitor,issued a scathing report charging that U.S.authorities deliberately trampled constitu-tional rights after Sept. 11 in a crackdownthat saw immigrants jailed without cause,tried in secret and, in some cases, physicallyabused. It accused the Bush administrationof displaying "a stunning disregard for thedemocratic principles of public transparen-cy and accountability" in its response to theterrorist attacks. "The country has wit-nessed a persistent, deliberate and unwar-ranted erosion of basic rights against abusivegovernmental power."

...continued on page 48

Shafted by the eagle





DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________October 16th 2002

Maher Arar is, by all accounts, a Canadiansuccess story. Born in Syria, he came to thiscountry 15 years ago, finished a master'sdegree and is considered an expert in thefield of communication engineering. He hastwo young children, and his wife, also aMuslim, has a PhD in mathematics fromMcGill. Since 1998, he has made businesstrips to the United States without any bor-der problems.This summer, the family visit-ed Tunisia. Mr. Arar planned to return thisfall to attend to business. His family wassupposed to join him later.

On Sept. 26, en route to Montreal fromZurich, Mr. Arar was pulled aside whilewaiting to change planes at New York'sKennedy International Airport. Unaware ofrecent U.S. regulations requiring all aliensborn in Syria (among other countries) to beprofiled, Mr. Arar was fingerprinted andphotographed by the Immigration andNaturalization Service.The INS questionedhim for nine hours, without the presence ofa lawyer, and accused him of knowing sus-pected "terrorists" in Canada, which hedenied. It threatened to deport him toSyria, where he had missed military serviceand was thus in danger of imprisonment. Asa Canadian citizen, he asked to be returnedto Canada.The INS kept him in an airport

jail, then transferred him the next day toBrooklyn's Metropolitan Detention Center,where he was kept in solitary confinement.

On Oct. 1, Mr. Arar was given permissionto make a phone call; he contacted relativesin Ottawa and asked them to find a lawyerfor him. Until Oct. 1, Mr. Arar's relativeshad no idea of his whereabouts.They con-tacted the Canadian government, which, inturn, queried U.S. authorities, whoinformed the Canadian consulate in NewYork of Mr. Arar's imprisonment.To itscredit, the consulate filed an official protestwith the U.S. government for its failure toimmediately inform Canadian officials ofthe detention of a Canadian citizen, inapparent violation of the Vienna Conventionon Consular Relations.

Canadian officials visited Mr. Arar on Oct.3, and reported that his emotional state wasfragile.The previous day, Mr. Arar had beencharged with three counts of immigrationviolations, and one count of belonging to aterrorist organization. He adamantly deniedthe latter.

On Oct. 9, the INS moved Mr. Arar to anundisclosed location, without notifyingCanadian officials.

Bali faced the same ultimatum at her privateschool where she had been a straight-A student.

Other female students were subject tointerrogations by school administratorsabout their motives for wearing the hijab.Modesty in dress became the target of aninquisition. By early 1995, some Muslimparents were getting letters from schoolofficials requesting that their able-bodiedchildren not observe the Ramadan fast.Throughout this, the PQ governmentremained curiously silent.

Following these incidents, the QuebecHuman Rights Commission issued a state-ment in February 1995, titled ReligiousPluralism in Quebec: A Social and EthicalChallenge. It emphasized that in the debateover the place of religion in public space,"special attention should be paid to the factthat tolerance and mutual respect are themost fundamental values in our society."The commission urged discussion anddebate "to name the sources of unease first,in order to get past them and identify theconditions of the 'desire to live together.'"

The Quebec government has decided toabandon both the spirit and the letter of thecommission's guidelines.This sends a dan-gerous message. For if a principal canimpose the decision that a kirpan is weapon,what is to prevent him from imposing thejudgment that a hijab is a hat that violatesschool policy for gang identification?

The most obvious contradiction of Quebec'seducation policy is that secularity isimposed on non Judeo-Christian traditions.One has yet to hear of a student being asked

to remove a crucifix or a yarmulke.Thisfurther implies a hierarchy of citizenship:observant Jews and Christians have fullrights to religious apparel, whereas obser-vant Muslims, Sikhs and others do not.

Before the rest of Canada gets too smugabout double standards in Quebec, it shouldremember that recently, Sikhs were forbid-den to enter Legion Halls with their tur-bans, and a Muslim chaplain was asked toremove his Islamic cap (kufi) in an Ontariocourtroom where yarmulkes had been per-mitted. Since 9/11, incidents of intoleranceagainst Muslims, Arabs and South Asianshave gone up.

Those involved in anti-racism efforts knowthat education is the key. It seems that pri-ority should be given to the education ofeducators.





Serious questions about the rights of reli-gious minorities in Quebec's public schoolsovershadow this fall's back-to-the-books rit-uals for some students and their parents.At issue is the Quebec government's deci-sion to appeal a recent court-mediatedcompromise permitting a Sikh boy, GurbajSingh, to wear his kirpan to school.TheMarguerite Bourgeoys School Board hasalso filed an appeal, in spite of the fact thatGurbaj has chosen to attend a private schoolthat allows him to wear his kirpan.

Ostensibly, the reason for seeking the ban issafety. About 40 Sikh students wear kirpansin Montreal area schools, and yet not a sin-gle incident of a Sikh using it as a weaponhas been reported. Recent judgments inOntario, Alberta and B.C., as well as in theU.S. and Europe have allowed kirpans. Inface of this evidence, are we to concludethat Quebec schools are more prone to vio-lence than those elsewhere? That the pre-cautions taken to sheath the kirpan areinsufficient here?

The heart of the matter has to do withQuebec's uncompromising secularist educa-tion policy.The fact that schools acrossCanada have welcomed children with kir-pans without incident isn't the point,

according to François Aquin, lawyer for theschool board. "Maybe we're more secularhere in Quebec in our approach to educa-tion," Aquin told reporters. "It's veryimportant to respect people's beliefs, butalso the beliefs of other people who wantschools to be secular.We can't have a ruleso important as no weapons in schoolsinterpreted in two ways - for some, yes, forothers, no."

The board and the PQ government havedecided to impose the view that the kirpanis most definitely a weapon - in spite ofattempts by Sikhs to educate officials other-wise.The message to students is chilling:education is not a means to explore diversi-ty and find ways of living together, butrather a tool to inculcate that which is truly"Québécois," and that which is not.

Quebec Muslims remember all too painfullysimilar attacks on their faith, and should beon the alert for a reversal of prior accom-modations. In the fall of 1994, 13-year-oldEmilie Ouimet was sent home from herpublic high school for wearing an Islamicheadscarf (hijab).The principal stated thatthe school forbade hats and any apparel thatsignified membership in an identifiablegroup or gang. A few months later, Dania

Testing tolerance in Quebec schools


The erosion of civil rights, particularly ofCanadians of the Muslim faith, also weighedheavily in the minds of a fearful community.High profile cases of Muslims in Canadaaccused of aiding and abetting al-Qaeda fur-ther added to the anxiety.

Trial by media, guilt by religious identity,seemed to be the norm as the Canadianpublic was treated to a spectacle of Muslimsparaded by the RCMP as "prime suspects":a Canadian NSERC nuclear engineer ofEgyptian origin whose alleged wrongdoingwas based on having a name similar to thatof lead hijacker Mohamed Atta; an Ottawaman originally from Somalia who managedwire transfers for Canadians sending moneyto support their families in Somalia; aToronto copy shop owner who was also theuncle of the infamous Nabil al-Marabh. Fullof sound and fury, these dramatic announce-ments were found later to signify nothing.Lives had been devastated by irresponsibleactions of the media and the RCMP.

Despite these glaring errors by intelligenceauthorities, Muslims have remained under acloud of suspicion.The latest results of anIPSOS-Reid poll indicate that 35 per cent ofCanadians are more suspicious of Arabs andMuslims from the Middle East, an 8-per-cent increase since the poll asked the samequestion on Sept. 21, 2001. And 48 percent of Canadians also indicate that theyfavour some form of racial profiling.

Perhaps the deepest offence, though, werethe attacks against Islam itself. A few com-mentators have relished the opportunity todisplay their ignorance by imputing 9/11 tothe Koran itself (even in the pages of TheGlobe and Mail, where William Johnsonreferred to verses of warfare as proof thatviolence is the foundation of Islam, andMargaret Wente branded the Egyptian mur-derer of El Al employees at Los Angeles air-port as a "devotee of the Koran." Call-in

radio shows provided a snapshot of themindset of a minority openly hostile to thefaith itself.

Given this, will Canada's unique multicul-tural foundation be eroded as opennessgives way to suspicion; inclusion replacedby enclaves of disaffected minorities; trans-parency of justice clouded by secret evi-dence and secret trials?

The events of the past year have forcedmany Muslims to explain their faith to thewider public.This is a responsibility that thecommunity should have borne long ago. Ithas also led to introspection, and in manyinstances to a strengthening of faith andidentity. And it has exposed fundamentaldifferences within the community regardinginterpretation of religious teachings and itsrole here in Canada.

Now, more than ever, Koranic words of sol-ace, inspiration, and divine care are helpingindividuals cope day to day, combatinguncertainty with unshakable faith, the cloudof suspicion with rays of divine light, andbetrayal of confidence in human beings withfirm reliance in the compassionate Almighty.

As Canadian Muslims look to the near past,they discover that many ethnic groups havegone through similar trials: Ukrainians andPoles during the First World War; Germans,Italians and Japanese during the SecondWorld War, and Jews during the first half ofthe past century. By fighting discrimination,each group emerged stronger, with its rolefurther entrenched in the Canadian mosaic.

Canadian Muslims must come to terms withthe reality that it is now their turn.Willthey fight discrimination and challenge vio-lations to civil rights, thus contributing

...continued on page 60

Don't shackle us to 9/11






Verily, with hardship, comes ease.Indeed, verily with hardship, comes ease.

Koran, Surah 94,Verses 5-6

These verses from the Koran are most aptto describe the reality of the past year forCanadian Muslims, and the guarded opti-mism of those with faith.

Since 9/11/01, many Canadian Muslimshave experienced what can best bedescribed as their annus horribilis.Theevents of that fateful day were traumaticenough -- defenseless civilians of everyfaith, age and race, mercilessly slaughteredwhile going about their daily routines in theheart of North America. Canadian Muslims,like everyone else, were horrified and fear-ful. However, the brief unity in grief soongave way to fearful isolation, once it becameknown that the perpetrators committed thisheinous act in the name of Islam.

Canadians of the Muslim faith instinctivelyknew that they would become the subject ofcollective guilt in their own country. Manytook precautions by keeping their childrenhome from school, staying out of the publiceye and contacting the police for protectionfor Muslim institutions.

Community organizations, individuals, andimams, all condemned 9/11 in the strongestpossible terms as antithetical to Islam. Still,that did not stop those committed to ventingtheir blind anger.Taunts, threats, physicalassaults and vandalism against personal prop-erty and Muslim institutions were recordedby police units across the country within thefirst months after 9/11.

Last week, the Council on American-IslamicRelations Canada (CAIR-CAN) released theresults of a poll about how CanadianMuslims have fared in the year since thatfateful day. Of nearly 300 respondents, 60per cent indicated that they had been subjectto some form of discrimination or bias, while80 per cent indicated they knew of someoneelse who had been subject to the same.

As the spike in documented hate crimesfaded after two months, Canadian Muslimsfelt a more insidious form of discrimina-tion: that of a community under suspicion.A few media commentators brazenly cate-gorized Muslims as a "fifth column," hidingsleeper cells amongst their midst. Othersquestioned their loyalty as Canadian citi-zens. Bordering on hate literature, somecolumns and national editorials dehumanizedMuslims as a barbaric, murderous people.




DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________August 12th 2002

A CLASSIC 1985 South Asian film, MirchMasala, describes the heroic struggle of ayoung village woman, Sonbia, againstmisogyny and oppression in her society.

The main plot concerns the exploits of thelocal police chief, whose corruption andswagger hold sway over the equally corruptand spineless villagers.

Sonbia repeatedly rebuffs his crude sexualadvances. Unaccustomed to resistance, hethreatens to wreak havoc on the entire vil-lage. Not one man comes to her defence —except for an imam living on the outskirtsof town, who offers his mosque as a refugeto Sonbia and her supportive friends.

He further pledges to defend their lives andhonour. He fights valiantly, and dies. But notin vain, for his jihad allows the women tolaunch a counterattack, leading to victoryand vindication.

A testimonial to indigenous feminism, thiscinematic gem is even more anomalous forits portrayal of the imam: A devout Muslimwho stands up for justice risking his ownlife in the process. His is a rare, inspiringexample against cultural misogyny. Hisbravery, along with the courage of the

women, serves as a catalyst towards dispen-sation of justice.

Last month, truth proved to be morepoignant than fiction.

Abdul Razzaq is an imam in a remote south-ern Punjab village. He was the first personto voice public outrage over the local tribalcouncil's ruling to order the gang rape of alocal woman from the Gujar tribe by fourmales of the rival Matsoi tribe, as "compen-sation" for an alleged slight of tribal honour.

The New York Times reported on July 17that, at first, the 11-year-old brother of theGujar woman was kidnapped and sodom-ized by three Matsoi men, then left in alocked room. Police found him there in thepresence of an unmarried Matsoi woman.Her tribe accused him of dishonouring her.

The local Matsoi council, or panchayat,made successive demands from the Gujartribe as restitution, finally deciding on anapology by one of the boy's sisters on behalfof the Gujar tribe.

His eldest sister was chosen and draggedaway to a hut where she was gang-raped byfour Matsoi men with the panchayat's

Dismantling oppressive stric-tures takes guts


approval. Her father was held at gunpointduring the ordeal and his pleas went unheed-ed.The poor woman was left to walk homehalf-clothed, before a "cheering" crowd.

Following this brutality, her family wasintimidated, unwilling to file a police report.

The incident would have remained hidden,had it not been for the courage of ImamAbdul Razzak, who heard about the sordidepisode.The following Friday, during a ser-mon, he condemned the incident, at greatrisk to his own life, saying, "Such a barbaricand oppressive injustice has never been wit-nessed before."

Local media picked up the imam's commentsand the Pakistani government immediatelyinvestigated the incident. "A representative,consultative body, though illegal, sanctioneda gang rape," said Naeem Mirza, representa-tive of a women's rights group. "It hasshocked the entire conscience of a society."

This incident galvanized people to demandzero tolerance of tribal law by the govern-ment, which replied with uncharacteristi-cally swift action. Eighteen men werearrested, with six of them facing the deathpenalty in a trial currently underway.

To serve as a deterrent, the government haswidely publicized this case, sent armedguards to protect the Gujar woman and herfamily, offered $12,000 as compensationand promised to provide electricity, pavedroads, and a police outpost for the village.

More significantly, it will build a schoolnamed for the woman, who will also teach

there. Rather than ostracize the victim of abrutal rape, the government has placed theonus of shame where it belongs — on therapists and the council.This is a sea changein attitude.

This latest incident of collective soul-searching follows on the heels of anotheroutrage:The brutal murder of journalistDaniel Pearl.

Pakistanis from all segments of societyexpressed heartfelt condolences along withunequivocal anger, summarized by the fol-lowing excerpt from one letter-writer toPearl's father: "I am outraged, ashamed andhumiliated (by) this evil act.The peopleresponsible for your son's death might claimto be Muslims but they are actually beasts..."

Abdul Sattar Edhi, founder and president ofPakistan's highly respected humanitarianorganization, the Edhi Foundation, hasjoined the honorary board of The DanielPearl Foundation that aims to foster under-standing between cultures.

Dismantling oppressive strictures in societyare never easy. Nevertheless, unless individ-uals rise to the occasion and question injus-tice whenever it occurs, social transforma-tion will always be elusive.

We should encourage such steps, not with a"West knows Best" attitude, but with therecognition that we, too, have faced definingsoul-searching moments in the wake ofhuman depravity. Let us reach out withmutual respect and the willingness to sharein the common humanity that binds us all.

Why we must sayno to profiling





DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________June 10th 2002

Native people and blacks have long com-plained about racial profiling. However,such profiling has always, at least publicly,been considered a moral no-no. But thingsare changing - a sign of the times, perhaps,given the brutality of September 11th. Inthis new zeitgeist, profiling has beenendorsed by members of the security estab-lishment, academics, policy analysts andeven newspapers. All Canadians – Arabs andMuslims included – want a safer Canadaand vigorous law enforcement. But is profil-ing the answer?

Apologists caution us that profiling is sorely needed to prevent terrorist activity.However, the evidence presented rarely risesbeyond speculation.There is scant proof, forexample, that profiling would frustrate ter-rorist plots and profiling only works if youfit the profile. September 11th was, in part,a failure, not of profiling, but of intelligencegathering. Profiling does not translate intoacute and efficient security. And it would notnecessarily make us any safer.

Moreover, our historical legacy in the Westteaches that we should be wary of devolvingpower to State actors, and certainly notwithout robust checks and balances. In aneffort to limit state abuse, to restrict arbi-

trariness, to accord transparent rights andduties, the rule of law was born.This idea -of complete equality before the law – hasbeen a defining principle of our legal andsocial architecture. From it sprang procedur-al justice and the presumption of innocence.

If the State ever institutionalizes a policy ofprofiling or even tacitly accepts it - worsestill: be perceived to tacitly accept it – themessage that would percolate to civil socie-ty is that some people are more worthy ofbeing given a thorough once-over and lessworthy of being assumed to be innocent ofwrongdoing. Indeed, abandoning the spiritof equality in matters of security will soonsee its consequences bleed into the denial ofbasic equal opportunity for accommoda-tion, employment, and services. Just recent-ly, I was told by a landlord when I was look-ing to rent a home that I should understandif he feels reluctant to rent to me given thatI was Muslim.

After lining up for a random airport securi-ty check on the way to the U.S., a passen-ger in line turned to my friend and I andsaid (with a sly grin), "You guys are the'random' in the random check." We were.At least, my friend was, with his kufi, orheadcovering. I found some perverse humour

in the encounter. Still, being the random ele-ment was awkward and unnerving.

Imagine, then, the effects if profilingbecame pervasive. It would stigmatize anentire community.Those coming frompolitically repressive societies and, paradox-ically, finding refuge within Canada'sadmirable socio-legal tradition, will be dou-bly affected. Civic cynicism will creep in.Community and nation building willbecome ever more difficult when a group ofpeople feels they are second-tier citizens.

Testimonials in the U.S. suggest this is hap-pening.The U.S. has used profiling exten-sively since September 11th. More than1,000 people, primarily Muslims and Arabs,have been detained without reason, some5,000 legal Muslim visitors to the U.S. havebeen singled out for questioning based ontheir religion and national origins, and law-suits were recently initiated against 4 majorU.S. airlines for racial profiling.

Let’s hope profiling is not in Canada’sfuture. In a climate where Arab and Muslimhate attacks have been thoroughly docu-mented by police services, and where therehave been reported cases of profiling, it iscritical that we come up with our ownCanadian compromise that both vouchsafesour values and safeguards our security. Afterall, the slippery slope of racial profiling is notan abstraction; it's right around the corner.

...continue from page 56

toward the evolution of social justice inCanada? Will they consolidate their tremen-dous reservoir of talent and values intoinstruments of change for the benefit of all?Or will they retreat into ghettos, contribut-ing to the vicious cycle of mutual suspicionsbetween "civilizations"? On a more sobernote, what efforts will they make to forgeopportunities for their children?

Social harmony, however, is a two-waystreet. And the results of the CAIR-CANpoll provide optimism: More than 60 percent of Canadian Muslims report acts ofkindness and support by their fellow citi-zens in the wake of 9/11. Numerous inter-faith dialogues, town-hall meetings, andopen houses are evidence of the sponta-neous outreach extended by otherCanadians.

It is this wellspring of basic human goodnessthat must continue to flow for the preserva-tion of social cohesion.The media have atremendous responsibility in fosteringunderstanding between peoples, withoutcompromising their role as a forum toprobe sensitive issues.

The pillars of Canadian society -- tolerance,compassion and fairness -- will be tested inthe years to come, especially if there isanother attack in North America, God for-bid.Yet every Canadian must reflect seri-ously upon his or her role in shaping oursociety for the better, against those forceswho desire otherwise. Are we, individuallyand collectively, up to the challenge?

assassinations, the curfews, the collectivepunishments, the military abuse, the tortureand the dismantling of social and economicinstitutions.

I am also well aware of the steady export ofpropaganda to attain, maintain and retainillegitimate power. In an attempt to hold onto its illegally acquired territory and settle-ments, Israel has generated a steady diet ofmyths -- some so patently racist that theywould make Hendrick Verwoerd, perhapsthe foremost architect of apartheid, wince:that Palestinians use their children as"human shields"; that Palestinians, indeedall Arabs, have a pathological hatred forIsrael; that Yasser Arafat, held up in a brokenand battered headquarters without basicamenities, can quell all violence; and thatPalestinians spare no stones in their attemptto push "Jews into the sea," and even useambulances for violence.

This latter argument, the latest attempt tovictimize the victim, has been thoroughlydebunked: one by lack of evidence and,two, by the Israeli human rights groupB'Tselem. A March 14, 2002, report notedthat it is Israeli Defence Forces soldiers thathave fired at ambulances, killed on-dutyPalestinian medical personnel, woundedseveral others and prevented medical treat-ment to the sick and wounded -- even leav-ing people to bleed to death.

The screw of the occupation still turns. Butnow, it is a renewed occupation. SaysZbigniew Brzezinski, former U.S. nationalsecurity adviser: "The Israelis are becomingincreasingly like the white supremacistSouth Africans, viewing the Palestinians as a

lower form of life, not hesitating to kill agreat many of them." And the killing ofcivilians is just one part of the horrific equa-tion. Amnesty International offered atrenchant critique of Israel's "flagranthuman-rights violations" and cited the wan-ton destruction of houses, cars and build-ings; the deliberate denial of food, waterand medicine; the humiliating confinementand curfew of an entire population; arbi-trary arrests, torture and other degradingtreatment; and the closing of areas undersiege to journalists, aid workers and human-itarian organizations.

Remembering the picture, I think of myown father, a son of South Africa's occupa-tion, and how he left South Africa to givehis children a better future. I fear thatPalestinian children might grow into theiradulthood, the sons and daughters of arenewed and reinvigorated occupation. Andeven if we had the power to end the occu-pation here and now, it's not enough.History will never forgive what was done tothe Palestinians. And history will never for-give our role in it.

Israel's mythmachine





DAT E _______________________________________________________________________________________________April 10th 2002

One ought to be wary of pictures, a socialcommentator once noted, for they cannotconvey time or context. But sometimesthere is nothing like the simple clarity of animage -- especially now, besieged as we areby the relentless discourse of Israel's needto "fight terror" and its need for "safety andsecurity." (As if this newspeak is not itselfsufficient to reveal the inner workings of astate obsessed with hiding its abuse ofpower.When Israeli Prime Minister ArielSharon asserts that he intends to makePalestinians "beg for mercy," what otherconclusion is deducible?)

The picture: two very young Palestinianchildren in the foreground and behind themthe looming hulk of a tank.The picture isstark in all its allusions. It presents the cur-rent asymmetry of a conflict that has beensanitized in a million and one ways as a"war between equals" and never for what itis: a 35-year-long occupation against a civil-ian population by themost powerful military in the Middle East,the fourth-largest army in the world, andthe largest recipient of U.S. largesse,replete with its modern armoury of tanks,Apache helicopters and heavy artillery.

The word occupation has become taboo.

Hardly ever mentioned now, it has beenconfined to a memory hole. Listening to thepundits and self-styled experts, you wouldthink the occupation is irrelevant to Israel'scurrent predicament. But is it so unusual, soirrational, that a legacy of violence begetsmore violence -- that a cycle of violencesimply eats into itself? We don't live in aworld of disembodied reason but in a worldof real cause and effect, a world of socialconsequences, of history.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu observed duringa Christmas visit to Israel on Dec. 25, 1989:"I am a black South African, and if I were tochange the names, a description of what ishappening in the Gaza Strip and the WestBank could describe events in South Africa(under apartheid)."

This was the first intifada. Not much haschanged since.

Well, one thing has: Racist South Africa hasbeen dismantled, so Israel can't be its mili-tary and political ally anymore. And fromsomeone who was born in South Africa andwhose family lived there for three genera-tions, I am well aware of the logic of con-quest: the targeting of civilians, the check-points, the daily humiliation, the illegal

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Number of action alerts: 128

Staff’s favourite food: Chocolate

Favourite drink: Tea

Number of opinion pieces as of March 2004: 40

Number of opinion pieces published in 2003: 20

Worst newspaper: We’ll post it to our national list

Number of workshops delivered nation-wide: More than 25

Number of lawyers on our shurah: 4

Non-lawyers: Way more

Number of CAIR-CAN babies since the birth of CAIR-CAN: 9

Number of employees: 4

Dream vacation of choice: Makkah

Size of benefit package: Under construction

Total number of university years of staff: 23

Number of words in an average CAIR-CAN op-ed: 750-800

Number of address changes: 2

Staff’s pet peeve: E-mail spam

Average hate mail per month: 10

Name of hate mail folder: “Mean mail”

Most fearsome shurah member: Czar Abdul-Basit

Amount of money you’ve donated: Could always be more

CAIR-CAN: INDEX

p.o. box 13219, ottawa, on, k2k 1x4tel: 1-866-524-0004 fax: 613-254-9810 e-mail: [email protected]

www.caircan.ca

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CAIR/CAN review 2004 - pointdebasculecanada.ca · The Canadian Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-CAN) is a national organization with a grassroots membership that empowers