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BullsEye The newsmagazine of European Democrat Students Sep’14 / 52nd year / No. 57 / ISSN 2033-7809 Youth creates chances for Europe

Bullseye No. 57 ''Youth creates chances for Europe

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Page 1: Bullseye No. 57 ''Youth creates chances for Europe

BullsEyeThe newsmagazine of European Democrat Students

Sep’14 / 52nd year / No. 57 / ISSN 2033-7809

Youth creates chances for Europe

Page 2: Bullseye No. 57 ''Youth creates chances for Europe

Welcome to the First Council Meeting of the EDS Working Year in Chisinau! Welcome to a new Executive Bureau and new Editorial team for BullsEye that we proudly present!

Between the elections for a new bureau and now, we as Executive Board gathered and discussed about the topics and policies we want to pursue for you, and together with you! During my first travel to Chisinau in November last year, I learnt one thing about the young generation in Moldova: it truly believes into the European idea, identifies itself with all the possibilities arising from our Union and is willing to actively strive for its future in the European Union. It is a generation that doesn’t wait for the elders to give way to new ideas or new people – instead, the young generation believes into what it is capable of doing: by itself and for itself. And this is exactly why we chose Moldova as the place for our Council Meeting. We believe that our generation is in charge of its own fate. We look at successful models. How can youth create opportunities in the political sphere for fresh ideas, how can it shape businesses ideas and how can we as student organisation influence the European Union and win them for us?In Moldova, we want to examine this especially for the sphere of youth politics in relation to the future of our Union and foreign affairs. What was the contribution of the Youth to make Europe grow together as a continent this far and what can be our mission as EDS for the future? We believe that we are better together. In Europe, we need a deep integration not just of our economies and our beliefs. We need a common approach to unite and bring together the best talents so as to ex-change views, learn from each other and consequently develop best practices, knowledge and all the chances we need to succeed!

Join our efforts and stay tuned with BullsEye about the topics we’re discussing!

Eva Majewski, Chairwoman

With best regards from the entire Bureau,

CH

AIR

MA

N’S

LETTER

Current Affairs04 Quo vadis, Moldova?

05 Forward or back

06 Nothing new in the Middle East?

08 No fear of the west

09 Ukraine in Struggle for Peace

Theme10 Make it or Brexit

12 Likeable Patriotism

14 Ban Buying Sex

16 The Role of Youth in Foreign Affairs

Universities20 Crowd funding: An alternative option for

study financing?

22 Studying with a disability or

chronic condition

23 The Bologna Process Mobility

Reports24 From A to Z

25 The European Pupils Association

26 Portraits

Council of Europe28 65 years of Parliamentary Assembly

29 The Editorial Team

29 The EDS Bureau

The newsmagazine of European Democrat Students

BULLSEYE

EDITORIAL CONTENT

Dear Readers,

Welcome to the first edition of BullsEye for the 2014/2015 working year. It is my pleasure to be taking over from Henry Hill, who edited BullsEye for the past two years. I hope that we can bring fresh air into BullsEye and shape this magazine just as our predecessors did. We are also pleased to present a host of new writers from across the EU and beyond. This issue is titled “Youth Creates Chances for Europe”. Europe is not a closed, consistent and well-defined structure; it is an open political project, a process of Europeanisation. The European Union is growing, becoming more diverse and colourful - it changes its face with every newly added country. It should be noted that about one-third of Europe’s population are between 15 and 25 years old. The youth plays an important role within the EU. In this context, I am delighted that Sebastian Kurz of Austria, as the world’s youngest minister for foreign affairs and as a key player of the younger generation, has contributed to this issue.I would like to finish this editorial with an invitation for you to get involved. BullsEye is a platform to spread your ideas. In this context, we would appreciate if you could support our magazine with your contributions. Here you have the chance to present your current national issues, you can express your opinion on certain topics and you have the possibility to report on events. Take this chance. I look forward to hearing from you.

Please, enjoy the read.

Silvie Rohr EDS Editor-in-chief

Dear Readers,

I would like to thank everyone within EDS for their fruitful work.We are lucky we live in times of great change and opportunities.European Democrat Students makes invaluable and thought provoking contributions to the for-mation of youth politics. In giving young people a chance of development our organisation bears a potential that helps to stem difficulties and shape a successful future of any country in Europe. EDS teaches us to project young voices for freedom, human rights and equal opportunities. We believe that the evolution of every nation depends on the input of youth to its development.This issue of BullsEye will focus on the chances that youth creates for Europe. It was not an ac-cident that Moldova, which has taking successful steps towards European integration and the development of its student movement, was chosen as the host country of the Council Meeting. I wish the new Bureau as well as the Editorial team all the success in carrying out groundbreak-ing and effective work with exciting goals.

Sincerely yours,

Anna Masna EDS Vice-Chairwoman

Publication supported by: European Youth Foundation of the Council of Europe

ISSN: Print: 2033-7809, Online: 2033-7817 Editor-in-chief: Silvie Rohr, Editorial team: Mindaugas Liutvinskas, Stefanie Mayrhofer, Julien Sassel, Dietmar Schulmeister and David Vaculik, Contributions: Silvie Rohr, Mihaela Spataru, Dr. Michael Borchard, Georg Dege, Elina Foinska, Tim Arnold, Dimitar Keranov, Sr. Dr. Lea Ackermann, Mindaugas Liutvinskas, Benjamin Daniel Thomas, Stefanie Mayrhofer, Nils-Oliver Freimuth, Pascal Scheller and Ivan Burazin, Photos: Balázs Szecsődi, Rachel Otterway, SOLWODI, private archives and Shutterstock, Design: Creacion.si, Publisher: European Democrat Students, B-1000 Brussels, Rue du Commerce 10, Tel: +32 2 2854-150, Fax: +32 2 2854-141, Email: [email protected], Website: edsnet.eu

Articles and opinions published in this magazine are not nessessarily reflecting the position of EDS, EDS Bureau or the Editorial team.

Dear friends of EDS!

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CURRENT AFFAIRS CURRENT AFFAIRS

Quo vadis, Moldova?

Forwards or backwards The Elections in Moldova from the perspective of the younger generation

The Republic of Moldova is a landlocked country in Eastern Europe lo-cated between Romania and Ukraine. Moldova declared its independ-ence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and currently has a population of 3.5 million. Moldovan politics today has been most shaped by the War of Transnistria which broke out in 1990 and the Constitutional Crisis of 2009-2012. These issues have been exacerbated by the mass emigra-tion of the population as well.

In November 2010, after parliamentary elections, a pro-European coalition came to power in Moldova with the Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova being the senior part-ner in the governing coalition. The parties were given a mandate by the people to fur-ther the country’s European integration. This year Moldova became the first country in the Eastern Partnership to enter the visa liberalisation regime and the Association Agreement with the European Union. It is a country already known for assuming and accomplishing its European engagements despite internal and external pressures.

Silvie Rohr Mihaela Spataru

TRANSNISTRIAN CONFLICTTransnistria is an ethnically Russian republic which has no international recognition. In 1992 Transnistria de-clared its de facto independence from Moldova. One of the reasons for this conflict was the replacement of the Cyrillic Russian Language with Latinized Moldovan as the official state language. This affair led to an armed conflict supported and protected by the Russian Army on the Transnistrian Side. In August 2008 the conflict was given increasing attention again because Trans-nistria had frozen all contacts with the government in Chisinau for political reasons.

CONSTITUTIONAL CRISISThe Republic of Moldova gives a large level of authority to its parliament. In the 2001 elections the Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) achieved more then 50% of votes but, due to the electoral threshold of 6%, they received 71 seats out of the 101 available. The Communists were able to return to power and Vladimir Voronin was elected President. It was a shock that the country returned the Communists to power through free elections and even gave them a supermajority.However, the Communist Party lost more and more power over the following years. After the elections in 2009, no presidential candidate could combine the nec-essary three-fifths majority in the Moldovan Parliament.

This year, at the end of November, Moldova will face another important challenge. This time the people will choose either to continue on the European path of the current government or return to the previous situ-ation. Contrary to other European countries, where all political forces attained a consensus regarding Euro-pean integration, Moldova is polarised. When it comes to choices and elections, voting is more geopolitical than political. The big battle this year, as always, will be between pro-European parties and pro-Russian ones. Two pro-European parties have a real chance to get into

The opposition parties argued that the Communists had manipulated the election and boycotted elections for a new president. According to the Moldovan Constitution President Voronin was forced to dissolve Parliament and organise new elections. Another crucial factor was foreign policy. Although the Communists had in the past spoken favourably of closer cooperation with the European Union they were now campaigning for closer ties with Russia, while the opposition parties stood for a clear Western course. In the election in July 2009 the opposition parties PLDM, PL, PDM and AMN obtained a majority of votes and agreed on the formation of a government with a programme for economic reform and a rapprochement with the EU and NATO. Due to the disagreement between the Communists and the governing coalition, the election of the President by Par-liament failed on several attempts.The constitutional crisis ended in 2012 with the elec-tion of Nicolae Timofti, an independent, after the posi-tion was formally vacant for two and a half years. His election sent out signals of stability to the international community for a short period but, due to a vote of no confidence, Prime Minister Vlad Filat was forced to resign in March 2013. This showed that the political divisions in the country remain significant and the will-ingness for political compromise is still low. Although improvements have come with, for example, respect

for freedom of speech and the fight against corruption, major challenges remain such as the significant lack of public trust in political institutions and political leaders. However, President Timofti has almost no political man-date and little political capital with which to face them.The parliamentary elections set for November 2014 could give direction to a future political course associ-ated with opportunities and risks. They could break the impasse and furnish Timofti with a more pliable legisla-tive mandate. Alternatively, a victory for the Communist Party could portend Timofti’s removal since the Com-munists boycotted his election as well as all legislative action during his time in office. With 42% of the seats in Parliament the Communist Party is still the largest politi-cal force in the country. It is also conceivable that this election will set forth a new constitutional crisis. This would probably be the worst scenario.

MASS EMIGRATIONBefore its independence, Moldova was one of the wealthiest Soviet republics. Since 1992 the economic situation has deteriorated dramatically, partly due to the unresolved conflict in Transnistria. Moldova is cur-rently the poorest country in Europe, with a GDP of approximately $2,000 per capita. As a result almost a quarter of the population has gone abroad and Moldo-va faces the structural problems of mass emigration and a brain drain. Migration is not a new problem but it is an urgent issue in Moldova. Most emigrants leave for economic reasons. The migration process has a huge, mostly negative, impact on the socio-economic and demographic situation in Moldova. The loss of young, educated and enterprising professionals has become a serious obstacle to the further progressive development of the nation’s economy as well as for business growth initiatives. Most young people leave for Romania which provides ample annual educational quotas for residents of Moldova. Popular places to study also include Turkey, the Czech Republic, Slova-kia, Greece, Bulgaria, Poland and several other Euro-pean countries.It will be exciting which direction Moldova goes in the November parliamentary elections. The desire for a pro-European course is strong. Nevertheless, this political issue is overshadowed by many other issues and prob-lems. The big challenge is to regain the confidence of citizens and to start with a clear political mandate for the new working year.

Parliament: the Liberal Democrats, led by the ex-prime minister Vlad Filat, and the Liberals, known for their con-troversial leader, the ex-acting president Mihai Ghimpu. The other two parties that have a chance of gaining seats in Parliament are the so called “undecided” ones. Even if they are part of the governmental coalition, the Democrat Party’s declarations and moves make us un-certain about what direction they will take in their effort to make a balancing act between East and West. On the other hand, the leader of the Communist Party, Vlad-imir Voronin, declared last month that Moldova should “benefit” both from relations with the European Union and with the Eurasian Customs Union, an non-existent project intensely promoted by some small pro-Russian

parties which are multiplying each day as Mol-dova gets closer to election time.

GENERATION EUROPEFor the younger generation these elections will be his-torical and decisive. They will

determine Moldova’s direction not only for the coming year but

for history: either we progress towards de-velopment, human rights protection, decent education,

proper infra-

structure, investment in the economy and safety, or we go back to a time when young people’s computers were seized for comments they made online, mass-media was persecuted and Moldova was an isolated country. In a not so distant past, in 2009, young people in Moldova were brutally beaten in police stations after the 7 April protests. We cannot let this happen again. The younger generation will not let the country go to the dustbin of history. The younger generation is writing and will continue to write history in Moldova. The “Generation Europe” is the younger generation that has already made its mark and is clearly pro-European. This generation is different: it is much more technologically savvy, open to change and reform, speaks foreign languages, and is much more resistant to pro-Russian propaganda. The Liberal Democratic Youth of Moldova launched a new project at the beginning of the year, Generation Eu-rope. Its aim is to gather together all young people with pro-European views, all over the country and abroad, in order to send the message that young people choose Europe. In every district of the country young people will come together to convince undecided voters that the European path is worth pursuing. Young people are now sending the message to the older generation that in November, when the votes are cast, they should keep in mind the interests of the new generation for which European values and liberties represent the core of their world view.

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CURRENT AFFAIRS CURRENT AFFAIRS

Nothing new in the Middle East?Nothing new in the Middle East? The third war/operation in Gaza within six years? At first glance, this might look like Bill Murray’s hor-rible and relentless experience in the movie “Groundhog day”, in which the protagonist of the story relives the same day over and over again. But the Groundhog-day-experience might be over: this war in Gaza already has a historic dimension. It is the longest war that has ever been fought by Israel and many observers doubt that it is over yet. However, the reasons for the conflict are somewhat different to those that occurred previously in this battered region. The following months could herald a watershed for the future not only of Israel and the Palestin-ian Territories but maybe for the whole Middle Eastern region.

to a safer and more stable environment for the people of Gaza. In Hebrew there is a dazzling word for chaos: Balagan This word covers a variety of mean-ings - including the disorder in your kids’ room! This Gaza-war shows a common experience of parents: there is too much “balagan” for Israelis and Palestinians to clean up on their own. Never before has it been so important to create an inter-national framework of support, diplomatic pres-sure and substantial assistance. There will be no sustainable solution without the help of Egypt, the United States and (last but not least) the European Union. The fact that these international players have not covered themselves with glory during this Gaza-war, does not necessarily fill one with confidance.

Dr. Michael Borchard, Head of the KAS Office in Israel

What is new? First and foremost, the level of destruction is far greater than the last two Gaza-wars. The UNRWA , in its report “Gaza 2020”, that Gaza is no longer a “livable place”. This was in 2012. Now the situation is much worse. “Be-yond compare” said UN-Official Robert Serry. Re-construction will take years, reconciliation, if that is possible at all, even longer. This means that any kind of peace-process in the Middle East, if that word can be used at all, needs to include Gaza. Without Gaza, there will be no solution. There is a rather drastic and sarcastic metaphor, which is sometimes used in political circles in Israel to describe the main goal of all Israeli ac-tions in Gaza up to now: mowing the grass! The thought behind this is that, like grass, Hamas will never disappear, but from time to time, it can be cut down to a minor size. If this war brings any kind of new insight, then it must be that there is no military solution. One cannot “handle” Gaza like a common “management-problem”. It is high time for a sustainable solution which guaran-tees economic development and stability for the people living in this narrow and densely populated strip of land, but that also meets the security needs of Israel.Does all this mean that Israel is to be blamed for taking action against Hamas in Gaza? No, not at all. One can and should ask critical questions about the proportionality of the actions of the Is-raeli Defence Forces in Gaza. But there should be no doubt that Israel did act in self defence. Those who are living near Gaza, in cities like Sderot or

Ashkelon have been living for years in a constant state of fear. It is a simple fact that the numerous rocket and mortars strikes started as a reaction against actions taken by the IDF after the abduc-tion of the three teenagers. Moreover, Hamas proved again in this war, how dehumanized their actions and intentions have become. Not only did they deliberately target Israeli civilians, they put their own people at risk by intentionally situating their missile-launchers, their fighters and their munitions in the middle of civilian areas, including schools, private houses, UN-Institutions, hospi-tals and even mosques. One of the key priorities will therefore be to re-lease the people in Gaza from their captivity at the hands of the Hamas, freeing them from the clutches of terrorism and thus bringing the isola-tion of the Gaza-Strip to an end. Besides all the rhetoric of victory, besides the rallying around the flag during the war and its direct aftermath, it is questionable whether the last few months really boosted and renewed the strength of this terrorist group. In the medium term the outlook for Hamas might not be so rosy. The alienation of formerly major sponsors like Iran and Syria might have been interrupted during the war, but it can be ex-pected, especially because of the loss of support from Egypt due to the weakening of the Muslim Brothers, that the regional isolation of Hamas will continue. Thus Israel and its allies should deter-mine to deepen the schism between moderates within Hamas and the radical military wing of the group. If you cannot mow the grass successfully,

you should persuade the grass to grow in a more decent way. One can of course have serious doubts about the integrity of Fatah and the PA, but it seems almost a miracle that Mahmoud Abbas and his govern-ment have been successful so far in preventing a wildfire developing across the whole of the West Bank. Neither a third intifada started nor have there been massive attacks against settlements in the West Bank. Concerning Gaza, there seems to be a simple formula: if there is progress in Gaza, if there will be job-opportunities. If infrastructure in Gaza is improved the PA will most likely gain the political profit from this development. If there is poverty, if there is despair, if there is a lack of perspective, this will be playing into the hands of Hamas. If Israel takes a reasonable stand in nego-tiations, which allows Gaza to open its borders, trade routes and commercial channels and en-ables Fatah and the PA to take responsibility in the Gaza-Strip, it will serve its own security-interest. So far it seems that the Israeli government does support such a scenario.Optimism seems to be a scarce resource in the Middle East. At times, the saying “every crisis offers an opportunity” might sound trite in this corner of the world. However, this lastest round of hostilities has led to a change of mind, espe-cially and surprisingly within some communities close to the Gaza Strip. There is a feeling that the situation is not sustainable any longer and that there needs to be a fundamental change in the political strategy. The hope is that this will lead

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CURRENT AFFAIRS CURRENT AFFAIRS

Ukraine: The struggle for peace

Euromaidan, the Revolution of Dignity, the Heavenly Hundred, the abrupt change of power, the sei-zure of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea by Russia, rebellions in the east of Ukraine, a dirty informa-tion war against Ukraine, military invasion of Donbas, thousands of refugees from Donbas all over Ukraine, hundreds of deaths, a humanitarian catastrophe, an anti-terrorist operation, destroyed cities and lives, war – who would have thought such developments could happen in Ukraine, the biggest country in Europe, in the twenty-first century?

No fear of the West

Russian media widely covers the Ukrainian crisis. The Western sanctions against Russia and the Russian against

the West are highly controversial to young Russians.

In order to find possible Conflict solutions Putin is go-ing to meet Poroshenko in the Belarusian capital, Minsk but many experts see this meeting rather sceptical. The political opinions of these political adversaries are to ir-reconcilable and mutually.A possible solution to the Ukrainian crisis is to stop economic sanctions and stop military actions by the pro-Russian forces in eastern Ukraine. In contrast, the Ukrainian side recognizes the Crimean accession to Russia where the Ukrainian President Petr Poroshenko, has support from the extreme right-wing party “Svo-boda” (Freedom) and the nationalist organization “Pra-vyj sector” (right sector). Both parties are anti-Russian organisations. Both political camps have sent soldiers into the war in eastern Ukraine. Without these forces Poroshenko and the Government of Arseniy Yatsenyuk would not be in power.The longer the conflict continues, the more likely it is that the mutual penalties can be enforced. Therefore it can be assumed that recessions reach Russia as well as the EU.

That is the reality we live in every day, the real-ity which has united the whole country and fuelled a surge of patriotism among Ukrainians - whatever their origin, region, language, religion, social strata, income or occupation. The reality is the struggle for peace and the fight to keep the country intact. The feelings of unity and identity are provoked by a sense of fragility, a national consciousness, steeped in the love of one’s own land and the quest for survival. The challenge just to stay whole is as acute today as ever. The current situation in the country could not just have erupted suddenly – the whole operation for the seizure of Ukraine has been well planed and prepared: first of all ideologically through a mas-sive information propaganda campaign and myths about economic dependence on Donbas, then tough economic stagnation in the country, the authoritar-ian regime of Yanukovych & Co who simply robbed from the whole country, unprecedented corruption, the artificial division of Ukraine on territorial, ethnic and language principles, the disorganisation of the Ukrainian army, police and judiciary, the selling of the country’s interests to its northern neighbour, damn-ing “reforms”, the terrible stagnation of education and culture, and the despair of a population driven

to the poverty line and which has lost any hope of a better future. Special groups of people were cer-tainly prepared in advance to swing the pendulum of conflict to the point of no return. Who should be blamed for this all? The blame, in fact, rests solely with us. We kept silent and simply watched these things develop. This is Ukraine today: a newly elected president, a newly prime minister and a technocratic govern-ment (of course we should not idealise them but for the first time in my life I am not ashamed of them representing my country), a clear European course for the country, still the old parliament, the old bu-reaucratic system, a renewed but already profes-sional Ukrainian Army and a newly formed National Guard which has shown its capability to protect the territory of Ukraine and its citizens despite ev-erything, a mature civil society which has accepted its responsibility, and a mighty volunteer movement taking care of those fighting for us in Donbas (it is incredible how much people can do themselves) – there is plenty of work ahead, but we know for sure that Ukraine cannot be conquered so simply.The critical stage of the conflict in the east of Ukraine will be over one day, at a great price with terrible losses. Ukraine will never be the same. For the people who have seen war in their own home-land: how should they go on? And what about the separatists: will society forgive them? Will they just simply keep living among us? Crimea, which Ukraine seems to have lost for now, and the fight for the Donbas region which has taken so many Ukrainian lives – how to deal with it all?“Slava Ukraini - Heroyam Slava”, or “Glory to Ukraine - Glory to its Heroes,” has been adopted for a new purpose: a need to protect our identity and home. And then of course that emotion needs to be trans-lated into laws, institutions, a decent court system and police, politicians serving their country rather than themselves, a developed civil society, the fight against corruption and lustration. Otherwise the Ukrainian state might once again cease to exist and all the sacrifices and efforts of these modern heroes would have been taken in vain.Patriotism is the first sign of a civilised person, a quality that differentiates an individual from a slave. Democracy fails when citizens do not believe their country is worth fighting for.

Many peers in Russia support the policies of Rus-sian President Vladimir Putin, although peers also have concerns regards to the consequences of food short-ages as a result of economic sanctions. But the all-Rus-sian euphoria after the inclusion of the Crimean penin-sula in the Russian Federation exceeds any concerns.Putin is widely known by the Russian youth. For de-cades, the former KGB employee plays a significant role in shaping the world’s, largest country. For many young people, Russia has become superpower, after the Crimean inclusion. Putin’s popularity ratings has largely increased and reached the pinnacle since the events in the Ukraine. The predominantly Russian population welcomes Putin’s solution to economic sanctions- whereby Russia promotes underdeveloped domestic production and creates new jobs.But there is also another opinion, which can be faintly heard in the Russian society only. It is intensely debated in the Internet and can be seen in the largest Russian social network “vkontakte.ru” (VK) in particularly. This opinion is against the policy of Putin in the Eastern Ukraine and the Crimea accession to Russia. Mainly young Russians from large cities such as Moscow and St. Petersburg spread it. The Internet opposition is violently attacked by the mainstream, so that we can speak of a war of Information on the Russian Internet.A further development is difficult to predict because it depends on all circumstances already described, and primarily on the actions of the big players in the crisis, Russia on one side and the U.S.A., the EU and Ukraine on the other side.For Putin, it is important to save Russia’s reputation. Every concession he makes is evaluated by the Russian people as a weakness and is unacceptable for Putin. It is likely the USA will have limited interest in the Ukrai-nian crisis, given the intense combat ISIS militias in Iraq and Syria. The EU, so-called soft power, is unable to intervene without the hard power of the U.S.A. against the strongly positioned Russia. EU are forced to rely on the diplomacy. The German Chancellor Angela Merkel has underlined this fact during her visit to Kiev have in late August 2014.

Georg Dege Elina Foinska

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Make it or BrexitDavid Cameron is playing vabanque on Britain’s potential exit from the European Union

When Margret Thatcher embarked on her epic journey as Britain’s most successful post-war Prime Minister, standing on the steps of No. 10 Downing Street, she famously paraphrased a quote attributed to Francis of Assisi: “Where there is discord, may we bring

harmony. Where there is doubt, may we bring faith.” She might as well have said: “Where there is timidity, may we bring courage. Where there is hesitation, may we bring leadership.” In her three terms in government, she restored free markets, individual responsibility and

choice, and self-esteem to a nation previously dubbed the sick man of Europe. Moreover, she won a war and helped bring down the iron curtain. At the time, Brit-ish civil servants in the European Commission played an important role in promoting the ideas of free trade

and security policy, and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Lady Catherine Ashton’s hapless term as High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy has been derided by disenchanted Europhiles as yet another British opt-out in its own right. The project of a European constitution is dead by all accounts. In 2009, the Tories spectacularly left the European People’s Party (EPP) at a time when the centre-right dominated both the European Parliament and the European Council. Both are still the case today, but the Tories now oper-ate within their own parliamentary group, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR). Here the Tories have teamed up, among others, with Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) which aspires to become a right-wing challenger to Angela Merkel’s CDU. While Ms Merkel went out of her way to salvage German-British cooperation on Europe, addressing both Houses of Parliament in London during the run-up of the Euro-pean elections of 2014, David Cameron’s leadership has remained under constant threat by his Euroscep-tic opponents inside his party and by the nationalist UK Independency Party (UKIP) across the aisle. UKIP gained 27% of the popular vote and 24 members of the European Parliament, thus inflicting a crushing defeat on the Tories. Moreover, London mayor Boris Johnson is preparing his return to the House of Commons, taking a slightly more Eurosceptic stance than his party leader and presenting his credentials as a potential successor. This may have been the moment to draw a red line and to stand firm on principle, to confront nationalism and to provide courage and leadership where there is timid-ity and hesitation. After all, there are plenty of issues which require a good dose of conservative thinking and political leadership on a European if not global scale: trans-Atlantic free trade, defence and armament, the threat of Islamist fundamentalism, economic develop-ment in Africa, research in areas such as biotechology, renewable energies and space, to name but a few. However, all these important and complex issues are overshadowed by lengthy constitutional and structural debates in which David Cameron wants to give the people a say: the referendum on Scottish independence in 2014, and the referendum on British membership of the EU in 2017, provided he manages to be re-elected in 2015 and to re-negotiate the terms of membership once again. Sadly, his credibility as a strong negotia-tor in Europe has suffered severe blows over the last twelve months. His crushing defeats on the EU bud-get, the banking union and, most importantly, on the nomination of the new president of the European Com-mission, were largely self-inflicted. He was not able to underpin his public and popular demands with the right mixture of credible threats and soft power which might have increased his authority over time. Instead, his actions seemed to betray moments of panic and dead-end tactics. Much has been said about the economic pros and cons of European integration. There is no doubt that Europe accounts for the lion’s share of British exports and in-ward foreign investment and that Britain remains a net

contributor to the EU budget. However, it is very difficult to ascertain the benefits of the Single Market on national wealth because there is no counterfactual. The growth record of the EU and the UK alike has been moderate, to say the least. Nevertheless, British business remains largely in favour of EU membership whereas the gener-al public is almost evenly split on the issue. There is no lack of economic studies, statistics and projections on British EU membership, but most of these surprisingly come to the conclusion that a “Brexit” under Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon would not change very much. The Centre for European Reform, in its study “The eco-nomic consequences of leaving the EU”, argues that “the high degree of economic integration between the UK and the EU will always require some system of shared governance. Britain will not be able to leave the EU and remain in the single market, unless it is willing to sign up to EU rules that it did not help to write.” On the other hand, Iain Mansfield, who won the “Brexit Prize” of the Institute of Economic Affairs earlier this year, concludes that “the total long-term impact [of Brexit] is estimated to be between -2.6% and +1.1% of GDP, with a best estimate of +0.1%.” One may wonder if years of negotiations on membership terms, Brexit and new bilateral agreements would be worth the effort. Both the national debates on devolution and EU mem-bership have taken the UK down a slippery slope. Successive governments have failed to contain these debates and to strengthen the centripetal dynamics within the country. Instead, they have tried to win time and popular support by making concessions which have progressively undermined the constitutional order of the UK and may ultimately lead to its break-up. David Cameron is playing vabanque with his European part-ners and his own electorate, without a plan B, haunted by the spirits that he summoned himself. In 2017, it will be all or nothing, in or out, unless the British become tired of this never-ending story and opt for their own plan B at the ballot box. It would be an unforgivable defeat not just for the Tories but for the entire European centre-right. As Latin-loving Boris Johnson might put it: Quidquid agis, prudenter agas et respice finem.

and deregulation which culminated in the Single Mar-ket agenda. 35 years later, the Tories are back in power, leading a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats. Britain has a vibrant and diversified economy leading the way in financial services, creative industries, de-fence, tertiary education, to name but a few. The 2012 Olympic Games portrayed the Britain as a globalised, multi-cultural, future-oriented country, rich in heritage and proud of its traditions. After all, she gave us par-liamentary democracy, industrialisation, many of our favourite sports, the BBC, and modern airports which look like shopping malls. As a result of former imperial greatness, English is now the new lingua franca of the world and provides a strong bond between the UK and the United States as well as the Commonwealth na-tions. You might expect such a country to firmly grasp the steering wheel of the European Union. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Winston Churchill’s famous Zurich speech of 1946, in which he demanded “a kind of United States of Europe”, has taken roots in the folklore of European integration but not in British politics. Instead, the relationship between the UK and its continental partners has always been marked by hesitation, indecision and ambiguity. When the European Economic Community (EEC) was formed under the Treaty of Rome in 1957, Britain preferred to remain a bystander. When a Conservative Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, finally submitted an appli-cation for membership in 1961, he failed to persuade his French counterpart Charles de Gaulle. As a result, France vetoed British membership twice, in 1963 and in 1967. Another Conservative Prime Minster, Edward Heath, eventually managed to take Britain into the EEC in 1973.Labour Prime Minster Harold Wilson returned to power on a manifesto pledge to renegotiate the terms of membership and to call a referendum on the issue. In 1975, the British voted in favour of membership with a sound two-thirds majority. What might have settled the issue forever was in fact the onset of a long history of political divisions in London and cumbersome opt-outs in Brussels. The most famous one was the British budget rebate, negotiated by Margret Thatcher in 1984 in opposition to absurd levels of agricultural subsidies in the EEC. The most consequential one was the Brit-ish opt-out from the single currency secured by another Conservative Prime Minster, John Major, in 1991. This was the heyday of British leadership within the Euro-pean institutions. With hindsight, the currency opt-out was a historic achievement of British diplomacy which has saved the UK from most of the fiscal repercus-sions of the euro crisis. At the time, the complexity of the deal was not much appreciated at home and led to deep rifts within the Conservative Party. The Tories have been bitterly divided on European integration ever since. After years of haggling, the list of British opt-outs is now disturbingly long. Most importantly, Britain stays out of the Schengen Agreement, the common justice

THEME THEME

Tim Arnold, EDS Chairman 1993/94

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Likeable PatriotismPatriotism by definition means a ’love for or devotion for one’s country‘ . In that sense everyone loves his or her country more or less. However, patriotism as an occurrence has been put to the test and questioned many times because this definition is not the only one possible. Patriotism is often linked to nationalism in the meaning of something negative and is viewed by some as a threat. As a term it can also mean putting one country’s language, culture and heritage above those of others. In the context of the European Union and European integration as a whole, as well as the general globalisa-tion of the world, many people are making the point that they feel themselves citizens of the world, making patriotism obsolete.

ebrations on the 4th of July and singing the national anthem on the main square, then so be it. If for others patriotism means not buying German cars, but rather French, in order to support their national manufacturer, then so be it. No harm in that. But the moment patrio-tism gets used as an excuse to start wars for the sake of the person’s own nation, or the moment it begins to become extreme nationalism, then it is a problem. Beating people up for their ethnic heritage is not patrio-tism. You are not a patriot for doing that, you are just an ordinary criminal. But sitting at the roundtable during a political debate and defending your country’s interests, in a peaceful way of course, or going to the stadium and supporting your team – well, that is not a crime. Some people express their patriotism in public ways – displaying their nation’s flag, celebrating their national

holidays, singing their national anthem, cheering a candidate – and they usually expect everyone else to do some flag waving. Other people are more private and may think of such actions as superficial, childish or pretentious. If they are law-abiding citizens, pay their taxes and contribute to their community – if, for example, they occasionally donate blood – they may think they are patriotic enough. Much of the divisive-ness comes not so much from patriotism itself but from its abuse. Patriotism should not be a club to beat others into conformity with a political view or be used as a tool of emotional manipulation. It shouldn’t be a means to justify bad policies or condone evil acts.In the end, patriotism means what we want it to mean.

1 http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/patriotism

THEME

Dimitar Keranov

THEME

While we tend to think of a patriot as a person who puts his country first in opposition to another coun-try, originally the term meant one who supported the rights of the “country” or “land” against the King and his court. In other words, a patriot stood for the rights of local self-government and was opposed to tyrannical rule – even by his own king. Thus, true patriotism is, or at least was, the impulse to defend one’s land, country or way of life against unjust governmental oppression.It is not all that simple to define patriotism exactly. Where does it start and where does it end? Is wav-ing the national flag and singing the anthem patriotism? Is going to war for your country patriotism? It largely would depend on one’s perceptions. Nowadays, pa-triotism is viewed as something rather dangerous. It can hinder the unity of the European Union, one might

say, because citizens are always going to put their own country’s interests ahead of others’. But if patriotism didn’t exist, different countries, cultures and languages wouldn’t exist as well. No nations would exist. No patri-otism means one global, united community. The world isn’t ready for that. Communism’s original concept for example was, roughly speaking, going to the shop and taking only what you need, not more. No crime, no stealing, etc. Which of course is impossible and utopic, that’s why what people got was dictatorship masked as some sort of deranged ‘Communism’.Patriotism may scare some and be an inspiration for others. For example, celebrating Germany’s football victory in Brazil, waving the flag and singing the anthem is patriotism. In this form it is not a threat or something negative. One could certainly argue that patriotism is

what led to many wars because it blinds people and makes them believe in a national idea which they are willing kill for, based on national pride. However, as long as patriotism isn’t used for some ideology, which then wouldn’t be patriotism but rather nationalism instead, which is patriotism’s aggressive expression, a little bit of healthy patriotism won’t harm anyone.Patriotism can’t be blamed for wars, it’s people who make wars. Patriotism as a term has been altered so many times throughout the course of history, with each nation attributing some new spin on it, using it for dif-ferent purposes, that it is really hard to describe what it is and whether it is something negative or positive. Only one thing matters in the end – how people choose to interpret it and act according to their interpretations. If for one person patriotism means going to the cel-

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THEME THEME

Ban Buying Sex!How to reduce human trafficking in Europe

The promise of a new life inside the EU makes them easy prey for human traffickers.Oftentimes human traffickers are organised into gangs. They lure victims from their home countries with heav-enly promises and then rely on a network of facilitators and dealers to bring them into the countries of desti-nation. Once here, victims are subject to intimidation, violence and often threats to their families if they don’t cooperate, and are forced into prostitution. There are numerous human rights violations inflicted on victims of human trafficking: violations of the right to freedom, equality, dignity, security to name just a few. The victims are often traumatized by physical and psy-chological violence. Even if they do escape the perpe-trators, victims often deeply traumatised.This also happened to Elena. “They groped me every-where, some wanted more than just normal sex. I had no choice but to give in,”says Elena from Russia. Her whole body was covered with bruises, not to mention the scars on her soul, the deep injuries to her dignity. “If I had not done it, I would have not gotten anything to eat and I would have been beaten.”Elena grew up in Russia, in a family with financial prob-lems. A friend told her about the beautiful life in rich Germany. “You can work there as an au-pair, live a great life and support your family at home financially!” She was thrilled. But when she arrived in Germany, she was not brought to a family, but passed on to a group of men. Very soon Elena realized that her vision of herself taking care of small children and a household was ter-ribly wrong. Instead she was taken to a brothel in order to work there. When she refused, she was beaten and raped. Then she was passed from brothel to brothel, soon losing track of where she was. This more liberal Prostitution Law in Germany, enacted in 2002, is based on the assumption that prostitution is a job like any other, characterized by self-determination and exercised voluntarily. But for most women in pros-titution that is far from reality. Instead the law made women in prostitution more vulnerable. It is not the women who benefit from this law, but the pimps and traffickers making exorbitant profits at their expense. It is alarming, that more and more victims turning to or brought to SOLWODI for help are very, very young, sometimes substantially younger than 18 years. These are young girls who have suffered unimaginable things in their short lifes. For a country like Germany, generally known for its rule of law, this situation is a especially troubling. SOLWODI therefore calls to finally draw a line and to prohibit the purchase of sexual services, because women are not a commodity and sex is not a service. This crime that happens in our midst and spreads more every year must be stopped. A serious and comprehensive review of the Prostitution Act of 2002 – promised just a year ago after the elections – would be a start. However, the political discussions at the moment do not go far enough according to SOLWODI. SOLWODI’s long-term goal is a general ban on buying sex i.e. the Swedish model and it was even recommended by the European

Commission for all EU member countries in February this year. That is what SOLWODI fights for. Not only because SOLWODI is convinced that this would help the women, but also because a ban on buying sex is a symbol, a symbol that human beings are not a trading good, a symbol that human beings deserve dignity.Only 600 to 1200 cases of human trafficking are uncov-ered in Germany every year. Human trafficking is mostly detected through police raids and in times when police departments and staff are being reduced, these are less likely to happen. SOLWODI helps police uncover human trafficking by educating the public and raising awareness, visiting women in prostitution on the street and building relationships so these women know who to turn to when looking for help.Unfortunately, fewer and fewer women dare to testify. The threats from traffickers have intensified and the are becoming even more sophisticated. In addition, the women are often threatened with detention in case they have entered the country illegally, which is often the case with victims of human trafficking. There is then a high risk of them falling back into the hands of the traffickers after being deported. What is needed to pro-vide a means for these women to tell their stories and help secure convictions, but most women need a lot of time and psychological support to develop the courage to testify. SOLWODI advocates that those who have been trafficked are given this time and that the German government grant them a resident permit regardless of their willingness to testify. SOLWODI has 16 counseling centers for victims of trafficking to help these women and young girls return to a normal life. In our own shelters SOLWODI offers women an intensive programme of all-round support and psychological help. Elena was lucky. In a police raid in the red light district her faked papers were suspicious. Because she was so young at the time, she was registered at the Youth Welfare Office and later transferred to SOLWODI. SOL-WODI brought Elena to one of its special women’s shelters. With SOLWODI’s help, Elena attended a Ger-man course and has now finished school. “After school I want to learn to be a tailor”, Elena says. “Then I finally will be able to afford a home of my own and even sup-port my family in Russia at last. “

They are young, they want to live and work in Eu-rope and they are hoping for a better life. Sadly, this makes them the perfect targets for human traffickers and pimps. In 2013 the human rights organisation SOLWODI (Solidarity with Women in Distress) worked with more than 300 women who were victims of hu-man trafficking and forced prostitution. SOLWODI’s experience clearly demonstrates that the liberalization of prostitution in 2002 has made Germany a much more attractive destination for human traffickers. That becomes even more obvious when looking at Sweden, which chose a very different path at around the same time. Since 1999 buying sex is prohibited in Sweden and everyone who pays for sex is subject to prosecu-tion. The key point is, that it is not the women in pros-titution who are criminalized, but those who pay for it. When Sweden evaluated the law ten years later the re-sults were convincing: street prostitution today is now half what it was in 1999 and there is substantially less human trafficking than in other countries. The criminali-sation of buying sex has made Sweden less attractive for traffickers and pimps. That is definitely contrary to the experience of the Eu-ropean Union as a whole. An EU study has shown that human trafficking has increased dramatically in recent years. In 2008, EU nations reported 6,000 cases of hu-man trafficking. In 2010 , this had risen to 9,500, an increase of 20 percent. SOLWODI is convinced that this development is due in a substantial part to increasingly liberal prostitution laws in a number of countries, such as Germany itself, the Netherlands, Denmark and for until recently also France, which decided to follow the Swedish Model just last year.Why do so many young women become victims of human trafficking? In a word: money. The commercial sexual exploitation of human beings generates profits of $99 billion every year.Victims of human trafficking in Germany come from a huge number of countries, including Bulgaria, Ukraine, Russia, Romania and several African countries. Traffick-ing of human beings is by definition borderless. Often-times victims have no job perspectives in their home countries, coming from societies with patriarchal social structures where women are not held in high esteem.

Sr. Dr. Lea Ackermann, Founder of SOLWODI

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SEBASTIAN KURZ

MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTEGRATION OF AUSTRIA

INTERVIEWINTERVIEW

The Role of Youth in Foreign Affairs

GIVEN YOU ARE THE WORLD’S YOUNGEST MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, HAVE YOU ASKED YOURSELF IF YOU ARE TOO YOUNG FOR THE JOB AND WHAT ARE THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES?It is obvious that I am younger than most of my col-leagues, but I bring a lot of energy, interest and curios-ity. Integration has been the main focus of my work in the last year as my role as State Secretary. It is im-portant to offer content related advice, co-operate and

offer support in Austria. My age was never an issue for me, but I learned that it takes good will, conviction and hard work to be able to work in this field. Moreover, my team was really important for me and they have a good mixture of expertise, openness, will to work hard and experience. This is the way it can work, if you are willing to work hard.

HOW WILL YOU REACT TO MEDIA EXPOSURE?The attention of the media has already helped in the

field of integration. We had many occasions to explain, our access on this subject and we were able to reach many people. The same is true as a minister for foreign affairs and integration- the attention of the media helps us to communicate topics that are of importance for us.

HOW DID YOU ENTER POLITICS?I was interested in politics from a very early age. At the age of 16, I started to work with the Young People’s Party of Austria. I worked as a delegate in the local government

of Vienna and later as the State Secretary for integration.

YOU HAVE STARTED YOUR LAW STUDIES IN 2005. DO YOU WANT TO FINISH YOUR STUDIES?Yes, I definitely want to finish my studies – there are only a few more exams left, but at the moment my main focus is my work in the ministry.

HOW IMPORTANT IS A PROFESSION BEFORE YOU START A POLITICAL CAREER?

There are multiple pathways into politics. It is impor-tant the interests of society are represented. Thus, it is important to have politicians from multiple and varied backgrounds.

AS JVP FUNCTIONARY YOU HAVE ACHIEVED ATTENTION WITH YOUR “SEXY” ADVERTISING CAMPAIGNS. HOW DID YOU EARN RESPECT AS A YOUNG POLITICIAN AND MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS?

It is a main task for young politics to attract attention and make courageous campaigns if it fits the topic. The main duty of a minister is different, but I feel confident that it takes real interest in the subject and hard work to earn respect.

WHAT ARE YOUR MAIN PRIORITIES IN YOUR NEW ROLE AT THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS?Austria has always enjoyed strong political, human, cul-

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tural and economic relations with its neighbours in the Western Balkans, a region in our immediate neighbour-hood and of great importance for us. Hence, we fully support the full integration of all Western Balkans coun-tries into the European Union. Among the EU Eastern Partnership countries we will further enhance our co-operation in particular with Armenia, Georgia and Mol-dova which are also focal countries of our development cooperation. We will also strive to continue to provide the best consular support possible for our citizens and companies abroad.Human rights have traditionally formed a very important pillar of Austria´s foreign policy. We will in particular strongly encourage support for ethnic and religious minorities that have increasingly become victims of terrorist militants, like in Iraq, Syria or Nigeria. Raising awareness of Europe in Austria is another priority.The on-going aim regarding integration is to increase awareness of the potential of migrants in Austria. With the establishment of a special State Secretariat three years ago and its initiative to promote “integration through performance” we managed to give the public the opportunity to discus integration in Austria . Trans-ferring Integration to the Foreign Ministry at the begin-ning of this year offers an excellent opportunity for the Ministry to focus on domestic and international issues.

WHICH SPECIFIC PROJECTS DO YOU WANT TO IMPLEMENT? This autumn we will organize a couple of conferences in Vienna. In September we have invited representa-tives of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s civil society to a Vienna-conference in order to find ways for a stronger political involvement of its citizens. A conference on the hu-manitarian consequences of nuclear weapons will also be hosted this December. This is part of an international process to focus on the unacceptable consequences and considerable risks of nuclear weapons, a process which has recently gained momentum. We also orga-nize an international conference of the so-called “land-locked countries” on improving development-coopera-tion this November.In the field of integration we are currently establishing a new initiative called “Welcome Culture”, encouraging those who want to live in Austria, to integrate themselves in Austria from the very beginning. This process starts in their home countries and goes on in Austria, with so-called “Welcome Desks” where people with migrant background can access useful information about job opportunities, schools, the social system, health and so on.With respect to bringing the EU closer to the Austrian citizens we will strengthen the current initiative “Think European, act local”. We intend to increase the num-ber of currently 700 focal points for EU communication among elected representatives at local municipal level (“European Union Municipal Councillors”).

IN YOUR SHORT TIME AS A MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS YOU ARE FACED WITH ONE OF THE BIGGEST CRISES IN EUROPE SINCE

THE END OF WORLD WAR II. WHAT IS YOUR POSITION ON THE CURRENT ISTUATION IN UKRAINE? ADDITIONALLY, WHO OFFERS ADVICE TO YOU? I am convinced that a military solution to the conflict in Ukraine is not possible. A long-lasting peaceful solu-tion can only be found through dialogue. Austria is do-ing its utmost to contribute to this aim via activities in the framework of its past presidency of the Council of Europe, providing expertise in the fields of justice and constitutional reform. We are also actively supporting the important role of the OSCE and its Special Moni-toring Mission, including the participation of 4 Austrian observers in Ukraine. We are also ready to host con-ferences and meetings which might help to achieve a peaceful settlement in Vienna whenever required.

AUSTRIA HELD THE PRESIDENCY OF THE COMMITTEE OF MINISTERS UNTIL MAY 2014. WHAT EFFECT HAS THIS HAD ON YOUR WORK? As foreign minister I personally chaired the Commit-tee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. The crisis in and around Ukraine dominated our chairmanship: I have therefore visited Ukraine twice, together with the Council of Europe’s Secretary General, Jagland. The Ukrainian crisis was also at the center of discussions at the Ministerial Conference in Vienna in May. 31 Minis-ters, including - for the first time since the beginning of the crisis - the Russian and Ukrainian foreign ministers set together at the same table to discuss this crisis.Apart from the crisis in Ukraine we managed to con-tinue to pursue our main priorities such as combatting trafficking of human beings - where I personally hosted a major conference in February in Vienna -, promoting the safety of journalists, and the protection of human rights in the internet.

WHY DID YOU TAKE THE INTEGRATION ISSUE TO THE FOREIGN OFFICE? WHAT’S YOUR INTEREST IN THE ABOVE ISSUE? Major progress has been achieved in the area of inte-gration since the start of the State Secretariat in 2011.With the Integration issues in the Foreign Ministry We are continuing our commitment to tackle integration-related issues by combining our domestic and foreign policy, both including support of the National Action Plan for Integration and our broad network of Austrian representations abroad.The work programme of the Austrian government is the first in the Austria’s history to contain a number mea-sures for the integration of migrants in terms of employ-ment, language and society.

KEYWORD “GENERATIONSCAN”: WHAT’S BEHIND THE TERM AND WHAT GOAL DO YOU WANT TO PURSUE?The scan of generations (‘Generationenscan’) was de-manded by the Young People’s Party and implemented in 2011. The party’s main aim is to examine long-term effects of laws and thus examine the effects for future generations.

WHICH POSITION IS THE YOUTH TAKING IN THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS? Young people have a significant interest in foreign af-fairs, given young people have grown up in a globally interconnected world. With regard to the EU, young people in Austria tend to express more positive views of the European integration project. It is therefore one of my priorities to reach out to secondary school stu-dents and to inform them about the European Union. A number of workshops, school events and public de-bates, which were organized in the run-up to the elec-tions to the European Parliament, targeted high school students. Introduction of the German language in the early stage of children’s education improves chances of integration of people from migrant backgrounds and help those people secure employment. These measures are im-portant given the rise of intolerance, discrimination, racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism during times of economic uncertainty. We have to continue fighting against these despicable attitudes and tendencies with young people being a major target group of our efforts. In this respect and in view of the changes in the Arab region, our Arab European Young Leaders Forum con-stitutes a unique opportunity to encourage young lead-ers from the region to become involved and share their ideas. Young people also regularly constitute the majority of the population in poor countries. The programmes and projects of the Austrian Development Cooperation are therefore aimed at strengthening the rights of children and take account of their needs.

KEYWORD “EU ENLARGEMENT”. IS IT POS-SIBLE THAT COUNTRIES LIKE SERBIA CAN BE-COME A MEMBER OF THE EUROPEAN UNION? WHICH KEY FACTORS ARE IMPORTANT TO EXAMINE? There is no doubt that the future of Serbia lies within the European Union. I am sympathetic to the pro-European and pro-reform interests of the current Ser-bian government. It is crucial Serbia implements much needed economic and judiciary reforms. Furthermore, increased engagement between Serbia and Kosovo will also be important. It is without doubt that we will continue to support Serbia like the other countries of the Western Balkans with respect to reforms and EU-integration.

INTERVIEW

Silvie Rohr

As the official think thank and political foundation of the European People’s Party, we support decision-makers and opinion leaders who

formulate new and effective policy options.

OUR GOALS: • To advance centre-right thought• To contribute to the formulation of EU and national

policies• To serve as a framework for national political

foundations and academics• To stimulate public debate about EU integration

and policies

WHAT WE DO: To achieve our goals, we bring together academics, policy experts and decision-makers from like-minded organisations across Europe and around the world. Our activities include research projects, international con-ferences, seminars and online outreach initiatives.

OUR STRENGTHS: • Peer-reviewed research guided by the values of

the centre-right: besides the highest quality re-search standards, our research is always based on the guiding values of our political family

• International ranking: in 2013, we ranked 35th in the Top Think Tanks Worldwide and 18th among

think tanks with the most significant impact on public policy (University of Pennsylvania Global Think Tank Index)

• A wide European network, currently including 29 member foundations and numerous other part-ners, with whom we organise more than 100 events a year throughout Europe

• High media visibility: our past events have been covered by major international news outlets; we also have a strong network on the biggest social media channels

HOW CAN WE WORK TOGETHER? • Attend our events: they are great for getting up-

dated and shaping an informed opinion on the hottest topics on the agenda

• Read our research studies: we cover a wide range of topics, so you will most probably find something relevant to your work and interests

• Blog with us: looking for an outlet to voice your opinions on the ongoing processes in the EU? We always welcome a well-written piece with a per-sonal point of view

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UNIVERSITIES UNIVERSITIES

Crowd funding An alternative option for study financing?Many of our readers may not have heard about a phenomenon called “crowdfunding”. This relatively novel way of gathering money is gaining more and more public and media attention around the world. One of the reasons for this is its success stories. Emily-Rose Eastop, who recently raised £26,500 over a period of five weeks, spoke to us about her achieve-ment so that we could share her story with BullsEye readers.

Mindaugas Liutvinskas

For those not familiar with the concept of crowd-funding, it is a method of funding a project or an idea by raising monetary contributions from a large num-ber of people (both personal contacts and the public), typically via the internet. Crowdfunding brings together three sets of actors: the project initiator who proposes an idea to be funded, individuals or groups who sup-port the idea, and a moderating platform that brings the parties together. This financing option has not typically been used to gather funds for educational purposes. However, Emily-Rose’s case brought the potential of crowd funding into the sphere of higher education. She is the first person to have crowdfunded an entire degree (tuition fees and living costs, the equivalent of a full scholarship). A graduate of Magdalen College, Ox-ford, Emily-Rose did her bachelor’s degree in Human Sciences and is an aspiring scientist in the field of hu-man cognition and evolution. Describing herself as “a spokesperson for reason and science”, she is passion-ate about rationality, critical thinking, scepticism and science (see the popular Facebook page she runs with one other person: www.facebook.com/hatepseudosci-ence). But that is only one side of the coin as she is also an art-ist – a singer and a hoop-dancer. This colourful person-ality was accepted by Wadham College, Oxford, to read for an MSc in Cognitive and Evolutionary Anthropology. But having not won a scholarship, she found herself un-able to fund the degree. Emily-Rose faced a tough prospect – find a way to raise the money somehow or else abandon her dream of becoming a scientist. Not wanting to give up without a fight, she decided to try crowdfunding, and found “Hubbub”, a crowdfunding platform that specialises in education. She told us that starting a crowdfunding campaign wasn’t so much a choice as the last remain-ing option. She created an online profile using Hubbub’s platform, recorded some videos and that was the start of her crowdfunding experience. Though it may look like a simple way to raise money, she tells us that this was not the case. Creating a profile on the crowdfunding

platform was more of a way to present herself and her aims rather than the instrument with which to raise the sum needed. The principal way of raising money was contacting people individually via non-generic emails and handwritten letters. Writing personal, engaging and sincere messages to large numbers of people was a long-winded task requiring substantial effort and be-came “like a full-time job” for the whole five weeks. When asked to name her key to success, Emily-Rose stressed several elements, of which making lots of contact was probably the most important. She also said that she put lots of thought into presenting a com-pelling story to each potential donor. Personal diversity and dynamism should also not be put aside – being interested in dancing, singing and science meant that she could appeal to a range of people, expanding her chances of reaching her goal. Another essential aspect of the story is that Emily-Rose has promised donors that she will convert the knowledge she acquires at Oxford into an exclusive blog. The idea, she told us, is to teach people about her area of science through easily-digest-ible articles. Even though this is not exactly a material return, it did provide a real incentive to part with £1, with around 500 people now waiting for their first in-stalment, which they will be able to read in October, when Emily-Rose starts her course. Emily-Rose started her project with “tentative opti-mism” about the possibility of reaching her target, but progress slowed at the beginning of the final couple of weeks and although she had already raised over half of the money by this point, she doubted she would manage to raise the entire sum. Then the press got involved, after she appeared in her local newspaper, which she had contacted herself. The story of a girl raising money to go to Oxford was portrayed with a negative spin by the tabloids, and Emily-Rose tells us that she was misquoted numerous times. Looking back now, she says that though this was uncomfortable, it was a good exercise in thickening her skin and drawing confidence from knowing her own intentions. And ironi-cally, she explained, the bad press triggered the begin-

ning of the most successful part of the campaign, with donations now streaming in from complete strangers, especially after coverage in The Times, The Telegraph, The Independent and various other publications.Asked why she thought strangers were motivated to donate money to her campaign, Emily-Rose said that a genuine desire to help seemed to be the most im-portant factor – “There is something inherently lovely about being generous to somebody – it makes you feel good”. Many of these strangers told her that they had donated precisely because of the “trolling”, which they wanted to oppose and undermine. She also said that the blog seemed to be a real motivation too. It may even be said that the whole “Get ’ER to Oxford” story created a mini-community and people wanted to be a part of it, feeling that they had a stake in a successful and interesting academic journey.So, could crowdfunding be the next big thing in student funding? Emily-Rose believes that crowdfunding has huge potential, and that “in 10-15 years, it will be run-of-the-mill”. However, she stresses that crowdfunding is “still in its infancy”, and that she had been in a fairly unique position to make it work for her. Being a per-former, running her page online, and having been to Ox-ford once before, she has a lot of connections in varied circles – a resource often described as “social capital”. When asked for her top crowdfunding tip for fellow students around Europe, Emily-Rose said “contact as many people as possible and try to get across, in a light-hearted way, what makes you unique and interesting”. Emily-Rose’s success indicates that crowdfunding is at least theoretically an alternative funding option for students experiencing financial problems. In practice, however, it requires a lot of work, and luck. Emily-Rose says of the future of crowdfunding that “I foresee it ex-panding over the next decade and beyond, hopefully to the extent that it becomes internalised by people as a social institution, a bit like voting or tipping at res-taurants, neither of which can be explained in terms of utility. People vote and tip because they feel it is a part of their social identity, and one of their societal commitments. I envisage a time when people donate to crowdfunding projects for the same reasons, but a big shift in attitudes will need to take place first. I’m ex-cited to see how crowdfunding develops – a lot of pas-sionate people are working to make it happen.” From today’s perspective, this option, even though inspiring and attractive, remains more of a theoretical possibility rather than a real alternative, at least for most students.

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UNIVERSITIES UNIVERSITIES

Unfortunately, there exist in each German federal State and European countries quite different policies and for students moving between them this can be a challenge. To make it clearer, I will give an example: In Lower Saxony the local authorities are responsible, but in Baden-Württemberg it is the responsibility of health insurance providers. Therefore it’s necessary to think about hardship applications before applying to a place of study. This can result in the grade point aver-age will be considered differently in the authorization. As such, I believe I have demonstrated that applying to university can be difficult for those with disability or chronic illness. However, more challenges will occure while studying. But here, the old saying “Just speaking to people can provide help.” The colleges and universities are aware of the importance of inclusion and are already trying to do everything possible to improve student life. In this context, there are more and more service centers. Here you can get plenty of advice. This applies to both legal issues and organization and financing of support ser-vices for the study and everyday life. For example, you can get help with the application of technical aids or seek advice in dealing with personal problems and cri-sis situations. In addition, the universities strive to make the campus and the lecture rooms suitable for disabled guests. However, it is also important to ensure that the contact persons are aware of the different difficulties. For students who want to study abroad, there are some possibilities for funding. In Germany, the German Aca-

demic Exchange Service provides this.But traveling alone is a challenge in itself. Just recently, I toured Scandinavia alone in a wheelchair. In eight days, I visited three countries (Norway, Sweden, and Denmark) and seven cities. It was also the first flight of my life - a great adventure - and at 16 and three quarter hours, the longest train ride i’ve undertaken thus far. It was a great trip. I was able to meet many new people and I had a number of interesting conversations. But without a good travel agency and the support of the german railyway company this experience would not have been possible. Normally, you must register your plans to travel in a wheelchair a few days before the trip. In my case, I was able to organize a boarding aid in Sweden within 12 hours. Although spontaneous travel is very difficult, I discovered that all stakeholders are taking greater measures to improve the support they offer.Beside my studies and my work at the university, I ‘ve been working in politics for many years as well. At age of 13, I joined in the pupils union. By 17, I became a member of the CDU. After a few years in various roles, I have now focused my work on the Junge Union and the CDU. Currently I am the Chairman of the Junge Union in my hometown district of Essen and a member of the district Board of the Young Union. In addition, I am a sit with the CDU group on the Sport Committee Council of Essen. My interests include sports policy, but also health, social inclusion and equality. I am conviced that inclusion is one of the cross-cutting issues for the future

Studying with a disability or

chronic conditionStudying with a handicap is a challenge for many people.

Besides the choice of which subject to study, you also have to think about what assistance you might need and possibly

grants for disadvantages you may need. Therefore, it is always a good idea to coordinate with local contacts at the university.

In Germany however, it can be complicated. If your concern relates to something other than grants or bursaries (e.g. time extensions) you must send a request to another institution. In

North Rhine-Westphalia, the responsibility depends on the resi-dence. It may be the response of the Regional Association of the Rhineland or Westphalia-Lippe. But even here, the coordi-

nators at the universities can be helpful.

of our society and will only grow in importance in the coming years.Many people believe that inclusion is only an issue for schools, but that’s not true. Our education does not end with the school. Many people with a disability or chronic condition want to study. Therefore, it is impor-tant that we support them. Every person with a disabil-ity or chronic condition, who has completed his or her study, is a huge benefit to the society as a whole and of course for the labor market. It would be good if we can achieve in future uniform regulations in Germany and if it is possible in Europe as a whole, but those institutions responsible for funding as well as the contact persons must be clearly regulated and transparent. Importantly, people studying with a handicap must not be impeded by extra levels of bureaucracy. The current situation is, in my view, impeding the mobility of people with a handicap when it comes to choosing their field of study.

Benjamin Daniel Thomas

The Bologna Process Mobility Problems and opportunities

In 1999, 29 countries signed the Bologna declaration. It was de-signed to ensure comparability in the standard and quality of quali-fications, provide a European Credit Transfer System and eliminate the remaining obstacles to the mobility of students and teachers.

Stefanie Mayrhofer

The Bologna Process is an intergovernmental agreement, between both EU and non-EU countries. It does not have the status of EU legislation and is not a treaty or convention, therefore there are no legal obliga-tions for the signatory states.

THE MAIN GOALS OF THE PROCESS ARE:• To make it easier to move from one country to the

other within the European Higher Education Area for study or employment.

• To increase the attractiveness of European higher education so that people from non-European countries will also come to study and/or work in Europe.

• To provide Europe with a broad, high-quality and advanced knowledge base, and to ensure the fur-ther development of Europe as a stable, peaceful and tolerant community benefiting from a cutting-edge European Research Area.

In my opinion, the simplification and reinforcement of mobility is the main advantage. It’s now quite easy to complete your bachelor’s degree in the UK, your mas-ter’s degree in Germany and combine them with an ex-change term, internship or summer job in Poland, Spain or another European state.It’s a great opportunity for everyone to get to know new

people, experience new cultures and to come home with new ideas and knowledge. Also for the states and their respective economies, this mobility and the related exchange of knowledge extremely important to for future competitiveness, as “Old Europe” in particular needs well-educated young people from all over the world to help maintains its so-cial systems and economic growth. The attractiveness of universities is therefore a key factor in Europe’s ef-forts to build up the brainpower that it needs to secure its future.Did you know that Austria is the country with the third largest number of international students (about 23 % of all students are from foreign countries) and that only the UK and one other country have more?For small countries like Belgium or Austria, this in-creased mobility is a great opportunity as human capital is vital our economic future. However, it’s also a huge financial challenge. In Germany there are fewer university places due to longer periods of study and more young people wish to attend.As a result, more and more Germans have moved to other countries and due to a shared language and a lack of tuition fees, they often choose Austria. Belgium has experienced the same issues with French students. It’s good for Austria that we have attractive universities

where people from other countries wish to study, but in some fields of studies like psychology or engineering, especially in cities like Salzburg or Innsbruck near the German border, more than 50 % of the students are German.When they have graduated, they usually don’t stay in Austria, they move back to Germany or to other coun-tries and will never pay income tax in Austria.

A DEGREE COSTS AROUND:Business and economics EUR 45.000,00Music (like violin, piano) EUR 180.000,00Art EUR 220.000,00Veterinary medicine EUR 370.000,00

These are enormous costs to handle for a small country, even it’s a rich one like Austria. One way to deal with this problem, especially in medicine and to maintain the medical care in the future, is to introduce quotas in medicine. 75 % of the university places are reserved for Austrians (and people from South-Tyrol), 20 % for people from the European Union and 5 % for all others. It’s not clear how long will the European Union accept this special agreement. Because of these quotas, the situation in health-studies has improved but there are now subjects like Business and economics, law, architecture, journalism and the-atre science struggling with an increasing number of German students There are signals from the secretaries of education from various German states that they have to econo-mize and that they are thinking about cuts in their uni-versity budgets. As a result the number of study places will diminish until next year.That’s why it it’s now a good moment to think about how to handle this problem at the EU level. Maybe a common pot where every country from the European Union has to pay a fixed amount for every student who studies abroad is a solution. If the young people study in their home countries those countries would bare the cost, and this would make it easier for small countries because “only” 7.000 Austrians study in Germany but 23.000 German students are inscribed in Austria. I hope that the mobility of the young European people continues and that more and more of us will decide to move even further away to countries like Brazil, China and India.

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Page 13: Bullseye No. 57 ''Youth creates chances for Europe

REPORTS REPORTS

From A to Z European Pupils Association (EUPAS)

From the challenges presented by the founding of a company to day-to-day work

In Germany, and indeed throughout Europe, it is medium-sized and micro-businesses that provide the majority of jobs. They take decisions in accordance with the principles of the honest businessman and also invest regularly in new technologies and a healthy rate of growth. In this regard they are reliant on the fact that both the state and the European Union should create the framework conditions in which well-balanced en-trepreneurial decisions can be taken.The Young Economic Council sees itself as a platform for young high performers under the age of 35. Ideas for improvements are developed from one’s own everyday practical experiences and are presented to the politi-cal decision-makers in confidence. The target-oriented implementation of these improvements is achieved in the same manner. Moreover, the Council is committed to the acceptance in our society of the social market economy as defined by Ludwig Erhard.It has been established time and again that there is a lack of courage to set up a company among our popula-tion. Frequently, founders are at first ridiculed. Should the founding of a company then indeed not turn out as planned, everyone claims to have known from the start that it could not possibly have worked. In Germany one then soon becomes stigmatised. In contract, in Holland people say that only the third attempt truly succeeds. In the USA one pats the “failure” on the back and offers

him encouragement: “Congratulations for having tried – next time you’ll succeed!”Entrepreneurship officially begins with the setting up of the company, but the business idea originates before that. European countries apply different approaches towards the application process for a business permit. In Germany, the registration of a business costs around €20 in its simplest form. The question has to be asked, however, is why? After all, the location the company is registered is where, in the ideal case, the company in-tends to pay tax. So why do jurisdictions not encourage the establishment of businesses and waive this fee?Numerous forms need to be filled out for company reg-istration. They are filled out for the business registration office of the company’s location, the tax office, the em-ployment agency, the chamber (IHK (Chamber of Com-merce) or HWK (Chamber of Handicrafts)), the profes-sional association, the social insurance companies – all in all a good 100 pages in the case of the founding of a GmbH (limited company), including notarial fees and entry in the Commercial Register.An average of 15 working days elapses in Germany before these applications have all been processed. In Austria the wait is a mere six working days. In Estonia it is a matter of a few hours.In Germany, the regulatory offices and authorities are regrettably still not sufficiently interconnected with

each other. Here, communication by post is the only way. In Estonia everything is digitalised. The only time someone needs to appear in person is to provide their signature for the opening of a bank account, which is a prerequisite for the founding of a company in that coun-try. Everything else takes place online and is processed immediately. The rule is that the winner is not he who is bigger but he who is faster!

The question of the compatibility of family and profes-sional life is becoming increasingly important for both the self-employed and for salaried employees. So-called “soft location factors” are important: the avail-ability of nursery schools, primary schools, shopping and leisure opportunities. These need to be created by the respective communities. Short commutes from the home to workplace are also important. Only when these factors are provided can workers start families and business enterprises, in cooperation with schools and universities, be able to train and further educate their employees.Infrastructure has always been a factor of immense significance. And these challenges, too, are subject to the changing times and the need to adapt constantly. For this, roads and traffic hubs on land, water and in the air must at all times be fully functioning and linked to one another.Here, the programme Industrie 4.0 makes it clear that the internet is also a part of basic welfare services. We require comprehensive W-LAN coverage. It is astonish-ing to note here that it is the Scandinavian countries of all the nations which particularly excel in this respect, even though they have extensive forests and, in rural areas, are sparsely populated.States need to consider which data and results they re-quire from on-going business activities in order to keep their statistics up-to-date. Almost every week one is required to disclose data for the levying of government statistics, frequently by way of extensive question-naires. This takes time and ties down labour. If we want to be one Europe, we need to establish uniform and practical requirements that do not impede enterprises in their core business activities. All EU countries should commit themselves to this in order to secure growth, prosperity and employment. Those who are commit-ted to Europe in this manner are also committed to our future.

affecting them are not made over their heads. We may have as many reasonable policies as we like but without the input and support of members on every level - even, or better to say especially, on the local level - our ideas are of no impact or use.The European Pupils Association was founded on 1 April 2014 in the beautiful city of Brussels. Seven dif-ferent national pupils’ organisations from Cyprus, Cro-atia, Austria, Greece, Germany and the Netherlands joined together for the association’s founding. Since then we have been happy to welcome StudiCentro to EUPAS and have started negotiations with a Polish and a Romanian association. Motivated by this situa-tion we are quite optimistic in our ability to unite more pupils’ organisations and gain more impact on edu-cational politics. Our association is led on an interim basis by Pascal Scheller (Germany) as President and Thomas Gaar (Austria) as General Secretary until the General Assembly in Vienna at the end of the year where elections for the first Board will take place.In this context I would like to thank the European Democrat Students for giving me the opportunity of presenting EUPAS and our ideas in the BullsEye magazine. We are also thankful for the great experi-ence and useful contacts provided by EDS - a special thanks goes to Eva Majewski as an advisor whom we can contact anytime for her opinion on certain issues during the process of establishing our organisation. If you, as the gentle reader, appreciate our ideas and the dedication we put into our political work you may show your support for us on our Facebook page.

Our policy, as basic as it yet is, includes several goals to be achieved in educational politics. First of all, we want to promote further cooperation and commu-nication between national pupil organisations, institu-tions and other educational associations throughout the European Union. In our opinion education is the most important issue for society and the economy since it is about forming our future. There are many different participants in this process and they should work together as much as possible to find common concepts for the improvement of education. This in-cludes the idea that every entity in the sector of pupil development must contribute to the establishment of democratic school structures which support the par-ticipation of pupils.Another important point is the strengthening of edu-cational mobility by means of expanding exchange programmes like Erasmus+ which not only give pu-pils the opportunity to visit and live in other European countries, they also contribute to a better contact and understanding between European youths. This is in our eyes the only way to secure the motivation to work together and uphold the European idea. Re-garding mobility, we also see it as very important to create a better comparability between different Eu-ropean schools. The aim should be to minimise the

disadvantage of a pupil changing school after moving to another country or temporarily living in another EU Member State. As this is already an issue for federal states in the national context we understand the diffi-culty of finding common educational standards at the European level. On the flipside, everything starts small and it is not an impossible goal. There is already the concept of international graduations - why not make national graduations in Europe comparable to each other so there are no large differences when applying to university?We need schools to lead the charge in enthusing pu-pils with the European idea which includes - besides other important aspects - democracy and participa-tion. These values have to be promoted throughout the whole of society which without these things would not exist as it does today. Society’s members are formed by their education; therefore the process starts with teaching children about democracy in gen-eral at elementary school before going into detail at secondary school by offering participation in school boards, pupils’ organisations and giving neutral infor-mation about political parties. We ourselves as organisations also have a responsi-bility: motivating young people to take part in politics and actively represent themselves so that decisions

Nils-Oliver Freimuth, Chairman of Junger Wirtschaftsrat der CDU

Pascal Scheller, Interim President of the European Pupils Association

Giving European pupils a voice which is not influenced by ideologies - this is the aim of the European Pupils Association. We believe that it is not of any use to develop pupil politics with the motivation to realise certain ideological beliefs; instead people must take the pupils’ problems and needs into account. This is why we have created a network for meeting school students from all over Europe, for exchanging information about school systems, discussing their issues and developing so-lutions for those issues. Provided with detailed information and policies for the improvement of education as well as pupils’ situation at school, we will work to represent pupils to the European Union. At the moment we feel that in all aspects of edu-cational politics the views of those people affected by it the most, pupils, are given less weight than the opinions of parents and teachers. There are so many examples which show the success of all three parties concerned working together that we took them as an inspiration for bringing our ideas to the European level.

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PORTRAITS PORTRAITS

Charlotte Spurkeland (27) is Political Secretary to the Conservative Party Group in the City Council of Bergen, Norway and the first Reserve to the Norwegian Parliament for Hordaland Høyre as well as aMember of Bergen City Council since 2010. She was Chairman of Høyres Studenter, Co-Chair of the EDS perma-nent Working Groups on Human Rights and Policies for Europe, and studied Law at the University of Bergen. As first Reserve to the Parliament, she served as an MP for three months. Her main political areas of expertise are agricul-ture and education policy. Spurkelands road to politics began when she became a member of the Young Conservatives (Unge Høyre) in 2003. At that time, she was mainly interested in education policy and consequently, this is now her main

focus in local policy work. For her, the biggest political challenge in Nor-way now is the reform of the welfare system to ensure its sustainablity for future generations. She would like to see this carried out, and to contribute to the reform. Asked what student movement has inspired her, Spurkeland mentions the students who have been non-violently protesting against “Chavismo” in Ven-ezuela. “These students have been risking their lives, and sometimes losing them, asking for freedom of speech and an end to corruption”.

Questioned about heroes, Spurkeland notes her personal hero is Carl Bildt from Sweden. She admires him for always speaking what is on his mind and saying things as they are. He is her favourite person to follow on Twitter.

David Vaculík (20) is a student at the Charles University in Prague in the Facul-ty of Social Sciences, where he studies Politics and International Relations. He is running for the local council in October.

He has one aim in particular for the local election: reconstruction of his local school. His town does not have the ability to fi-nance this, and has little chance of acquir-ing a subsidy from the Ministry of Educa-tion. As a result, he hopes to find a sponsor willing to donate the necessary funds.

Vaculik entered politics through a some-what unusual method. He saw a docu-mentary on Czech TV which described the activities of the Young Conserva-tives (MK) and the Young Communists. He had not heard of MK previously and

decided to become a member at the be-ginning of 2012. He was not old enough to join at the time however and instead finally joined the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) in 2013.

At a national level he would like to de-crease taxation of all types (income, VAT, consumption, etc.), and to promote enterprise and business in the Czech Re-public as political projects.

Vaculik´s personal hero is the second Czechoslovakian president, Dr Edvard Benes. This is not due to his political opinions but as a result of what he did to ensure a democratic, free and indepen-dent Czechoslovakia. He was proficient diplomat, a real democrat and a true statesman.

Gabrielius Landsbergis (32) is a Mem-ber of the European Parliament and the Head of the Lithuanian delegation to the EPP. He was a diplomat in the Lithuanian Foreign Office from 2002 to 2014, and was elected to the EP in May of this year. Landsbergis is also a Member of the Young Conservative League (JKL) of Lithuania. His main political areas of interest are Foreign and Security Policy, in addition to international trade.

Landsbergis journey to electoral politics began quite recently. His previous occu-pation did not allow him the opportunity to participate in party politics directly, but he was always surrounded by poli-

tics through his work. This was even more so when he worked in the offices of Lithuanian President Valdas Adamkus and Prime Minister Andrius Kubilius.

The political project he would most like to contribute to during his term would be the successful signing of the TTIP (the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Part-nership) agreement, as he works in the International Trade Committee of the EP.Landsbergis most admires Martin Luther King’s “I have a dream” speech at the Lincoln Memorial, and George W. Bush’s speech in Vilnius in 2002 where he re-assured the Baltic States that they have the full security assurances of the US.

Xhafer Tahiri (31) is a Lawyer, Univer-sity Professor and Director for Legal and International Affairs at the Of-fice of the President of the Republic of Kosovo.He was a member of the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo in its sixth legislature, which ended in July 2014. His main political subject is the Demo-cratic League of Kosovo (Lidhja De-mokratike e Kosovës). He is observer member of the EPP as of 2011.

Tahiri got into politics through po-

litical youth activities. He was first elected Chairman of the Youth Forum in his hometown, Vushtrri, and then he was elected Presi-dent of the Youth Forum of LDK at the national level. He served as President of the YFLDK from 2009 to 2012.

As political project he would like to carry out the European integration of Kosovo and its young people. Tahiris personal hero is Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, the first President of Kosovo, found-

Charlotte Spurkeland David Vaculík

Gabrielius Landsbergis Xhafer Tahiri

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COUNCIL OF EUROPE

“65 years of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe – A path to a Europe united under the respect for

human rights, tolerance and equality”

When I think of the Council of Europe and the Par-liamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), the first things that come to my mind are the anthem and the flag of the European Union, the abolition of the death penalty, support of democratic processes and the development of human rights. However, being one of the two statutory bodies of the Council of Europe, the Parliamentary Assembly is one of the institutional pillars of a united Europe, a Europe founded on toler-ance, peace and solidarity. Throughout the 65 years of its work, it has been and will continue to be one of the driving forces of developing the free society that we en-joy in Europe today. On 10 August 1949 the Parliamen-tary Assembly met for the first time. Today, 65 years later, this statutory institution of the Council of Europe represents one of the very first pillars and fundaments of the idea of a united Europe that have come to fruition in real life. The first mention of it dates back to 1946, in the post war years when Winston Churchill called for a unification of European states in order to prevent another conflict tearing the continent apart in future. In 1947 there were several non-governmental organisa-tions that worked actively in the promotion of the idea of a unified Europe. One such group was, and still is, the European Movement International. The Hague Con-gress of 1949, also known as the Congress of Europe, was one of the first and most important moments in the development of a federal Europe where more than 800 participants and observers gathered from Canada, the United States and Europe. Among the delegates from across Europe’s political spheres were some of

the key political figures of the time. They included Kon-rad Adenauer, Winston Churchill, François Miterrand, Bertrand Russell, Altiero Spinelli, Paul-Henri Spaak and many more. The main focus and outcome of the Congress was the creation of an assembly that would bring about policies by common acceptance based on the respect of the human rights. In 1949, on 5 May in London, the members of the Brussels Treaty alongside the governments of Denmark, Ireland, Sweden, Italy and Norway signed the statute of the Council of Europe. Very soon a large number of other states had signed the treaty as well. On 10 August the Parliamentary As-sembly of the Council of Europe held its first session. PACE is the world’s oldest international parliamentary assembly whose members are elected democratically based on international treaties and conventions, and it is one of the two statutory organs of the Council of Eu-rope. In the beginning this institution had ten members, today 47 countries participate in the work of PACE. This institution has no rights to pass legally binding legisla-tion. Rather, PACE has powers to investigate, advise and make recommendations. However, when it comes to human rights, legal co-operation and cultural co-op-eration, PACE’s recommendations carry very significant weight. Moreover, it also has powers to demand action from 47 governments which need to respond through the body of the Committee of Ministers. The Council of Europe is also known as the ‘’watchdog of human rights’’ so it is logical that the work of PACE is focused on maintaining the level of human rights in all spheres of life. The Assembly has the right to conduct probes to

uncover new facts about human rights violations. Dur-ing this work, the Assembly has produced reports with significant effect, uncovering evidence of human rights violations which were used to bring those responsible to justice. One of the very important functions of PACE today is its right to elect the Judges of the European Court of Human Rights. PACE elects judges proposed by the member states that have ratified the European Convection on Human rights. The Assembly has a num-ber of rights. For example, it has the right to suspend the delegation of a country or to deprive them of their voting rights. In some cases the Assembly even has the right to recommend a country’s exclusion from the Council of Europe. In addition, the Assembly can elect the Commissioner for the Human Rights. The current commissioner is Mr Nils Muižnikens from Latvia who was elected for a term of 6 years. PACE delegations also travel to observe elections in member or partner countries. Recently they visited Turkey for the presi-dential elections, for which observers reported that the election campaigns were conducted freely but not un-der equal conditions. For a country to join the Council of Europe, PACE must give the final go ahead. A good and important example of the practice and work of PACE when it comes to this is its veto of the accession of countries that have not abolished the death penalty or conducted other important reforms. Speaking of the ef-fort to abolish the death penalty, for me personally it is so far the biggest achievement in the work of this institution, of course alongside of the development of democracy in the post-Communist countries and many others. Of course, those are not the only achievements of this institution, but they are the best examples of how an institution should work in promoting the true values of Europe and raising the standards to which all societies should strive.

Mindaugas Liutvinskas is Director of the Bureau of the Young Conservative League, Lithuania. He is a final year student at Vilnius University in the Institute of International Relations and Political Science. His po-litical interests are Energy (geo-) politics, EU affairs and political economy.

Dietmar Schulmeister studies Political Sci-ence at the University of Duisburg-Essen in North Rhine-Westphalia, Ger-many. Born in Russia, he is an active member of RCDS and the Christian Democratic Party (CDU). His main fields of interest are European Integration, Economic Development and East European Studies

Silvie Rohr is Editor-in-Chief of BullsEye. She manages the work of the Editorial Team and sets the thematic focus of BullsEye. Silvie studies Law at Hum-boldt University in Berlin. She is a former Vice Chair-woman of RCDS’s national board and was Chair-woman of its Committee for Europe. Her personal interests concern Higher Education and Research as well as Human Rights.

David Vaculík was born in Prague. He studies Politics and International Rela-tions at Charles University in Prague. His hobbies in-clude politics, current af-fairs and golf. In 2012 Da-vid became a member of MK Czech Republic and a Vice Chairman of MK’s regional branch in the Mid-dle-Czech Region.

Julien Sassel is Interna-tional Secretary of EDH Belgium. He is currently graduating in a Master’s degree in International Re-lations. His main interests are the European Common Foreign and Security Pol-icy, Security Studies and the Middle East.

Stefanie Mayrhofer studies Business Law and already has a degree in Business and Economics (specialist area: business and law). She is a professional can-didate for tax consulting. She was active member of AktionsGemeinschaft (AG) until 2013 and their Federal First Vice Chair-woman, Editor in Chief of AGent, the student maga-zine, until 2012. Her fields of interests include event management, training competences, teamwork, strategy and rhetoric.

Editorial Team 2014/2015

Ivan Burazin

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Ingrid Hopp is pursuing a masters in financial econom-ics at the University of Agder, and currently lives in Brussels. Ingrid has been a member of the Norwegian Young Conservatives since she the age of 15 and was the Leader of one of the district branches in Oslo for 3 years as well as holding a seat on the Youth City Council in Oslo for one year. Ingrid joined Høyres Studenter (HS) in 2009, during her first year at university. She quickly became the Leader of the Kristiansand branch of HS an

acted as the University of Agder s delegate to the HS National Council until 2010, when she was elected to the National Board. From 2011-2013, Ingrid was elected Vice-President of HS. She has a broad experience in the field of higher education and research policies. Ingrid has been an active delegate to EDS and chairing the HS International Committee since 2010, been EDS Vice-Chair for two terms and is now EDS Secretary General for the last and the current working year.

Eva Majewski, lives in Brussels, serves as the EDS’ main representative and works as a Research Associ-ate for Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, the Political Foun-dation and think tank related to the German Chris-tian Democratic Union (CDU). Eva graduated from Humboldt-University of Berlin where she completed an MSc in Business Administration, Management, and Economics. As a student Eva went on Erasmus to Italy, she also earned a scholarship to the United

States where she spent two semesters at the Ameri-can University in Washington D.C. Whilst in the U.S., Eva worked in the House of Representatives and with the Business Council for International Understanding. Moreover, she interned with German Lloyd in Shang-hai, China and wrote her master thesis in South Africa where she spent eight months in Johannesburg. Be-fore moving to Brussels she was an adviser in German Bundestag and dealt with financial and taxation issues.

Mikkel Wrang is studying for a Master in Law at the University of Copenhagen. Until recently, he was un-dertaking an Erasmus exchange in Austria. Mikkel has been a member of the Young Conserva-tives of Denmark since he was 14 years old and served as a Vice-Chairman of that organisation for three years. Mikkel been active in the Konservative Studerende (KS) since 2009.Mikkel is very dedicated to higher education and research policies. Mikkel has

been International Secretary of KS since 2011 and his first EDS event was the 2012 Winter University in Zagreb. He was appointed as Co-Chairman of the Permanent Working Group for Higher Education and Research for the 2013-2014 year but after a special election at the Council Meeting in Split he was elect-ed as a Vice-Chairman of EDS. At Summer University in Tallinn his mandate as Vice-Chairman of EDS was renewed.

Georgios Chatzigeorgiou was born in Larnaca, Cy-prus. He graduated in July 2013 from the University of Lancaster, UK. Georgios is expected to be called to the Bar of England and Wales in October 2014. As an aspiring barrister at law, Georgios is a member of Lin-coln’s Inn, one of the four Inns of Court in London. Next year he will continue his studies in Law by undertaking Master’s in Corporate Law at the UCL in London. Georgios participated in national and local youth pol-

itics since the age of 15. In 2006 he joined the NE-DISY’s pupil organization, MAKI. Georgios joined FPK Protoporia in 2010 and his active involvement in EDS as a delegate of FPK Protoporia started at the Win-ter University in Lviv, Ukraine. Georgios is currently serving EDS from the position of Vice-Chairman for a second year. Georgios’ main responsibilities are fund-raising, amendments to statutes and the student entre-preneurship project.

Jacob Dexe lives in Stockholm where he works at the think tank Fores, with responsibilities for digital society issues. He holds a bachelors degree, and is about to finish a Masters degree, in political science from Lund University, with a specialization in policy processes. Jacob has been active in FMSF Sweden since 2009, among other things as chairman of the local branch Studentföreningen Ateneum and as vice chairman in

the national presiding committee. He has worked fulltime in the Social Sciences Student Union at Lund University as Vice Chairman responsi-ble for student rights and educational matters. He has been active in EDS since 2012, as a key part of the FMSF delegation. He believes in working towards a freer world, less overregulation and bureaucracy, with a special interest in digital issues and open borders.

Ivan Burazin was born in Split, Croatia. Ivan holds a Masters degree on Forensic Sciences and has a Bach-elor’s degree on Administrative law. Ivan has been an active member of SO HSS since 2009, when he was elected as chairman of the local branch in Split. In 2012, he was elected Vice-Chairman of SO HSS, a po-sition he is currently holding. He is also a Vice-Chair-man of HSS in Split. Ivan has been an active delegate to EDS since 2011, as member of the SO HSS del-

egation, and has been EDS Co-Chairman in the per-manent working group for human rights in the working year of 2012-2013. Ivan was firstly elected EDS Vice Chairman at the Summer University at Berlin, Germany and he was re-elected for a second term within EDS Bureau at Tallinn, Estonia. With regards to his work, Ivan mainly focuses on the ‘Student Entrepreneurship’ project, and with the humanitarian and political work on homelessness issues.

Virgilio Falco is Vice Chairman of EDS, StudiCentro national spokesperson and coordinator of the edu-cation committee of the Italian Council of Young. He is studying law in Rome. He has been Deputy Secretary General of EDS between January and July 2014.

In Italy he writes for several magazines and newspa-pers on topics of education and politics, he is been audited several times by Parliament and the Ministry of Education on the reforms of the school and the uni-versity. He believes in a Europe based on its ethical, historical, cultural values.

Vassilis Sakellaris was born in Thessaloniki, Greece. He is currently studying Mining and Metallurgical En-gineering at the National Technical University of Ath-ens. Vassilis has been active in politics from a young age. He was a member of the junior parliament as the rapporteur of Public administration, Public order and Justice Committee in the term 2009-2010. He has been active in DAP-NDFK Greece since he en-tered the university in 2011. He was elected in the students’ board of the faculty in 2012, 2013 and re-

elected again in 2014. Vassilis is also active in the youth organization, being a member of ONNED In-ternational committee. He came to EDS in the 2013 summer university in Berlin where he was appointed co-chair of the Permanent Working Group on Poli-cies for Europe. A few months later, he was elected as Vice-Chairman of the 2014 Winter University in Budapest. Vassilis remains in the EDS Executive Bureau, as he was re-elected in the 2014 summer university in Tallinn.

Georg Danielov was born in Sofia, Bulgaria. He graduated in Political Science in the Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”. During his studies Georg was Secretary General and then Chairman of the Political Science Students Club. Georg represented more than 300 students to the Political Science department.Georg became part of Political Party GERB and then of its youth organization MGERB in 2010. In 2011 he took part of the electoral campaign for President and

Mayor of the capital city in Bulgaria as part of the politi-cal marketing team.In 2013 he was nominated candidate for representa-tive in the National Assembly and then in 2014 he took place in GERB’s candidate list for members of the Eu-ropean Parliament. This is Georg’s first term as EDS Vice-chairman. His main responsibilities are Input policies and activities of the PWG – Human Rights.

Anna Masna was born in Ternopil, Ukraine. She studied at the Institute of Economics and Entrepreneurship and graduated with a Master degree in 2006. At the same time she was studying in Institute of Political Sciences of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kyiv where was graduated with a Master degree in Political Scienc-es in 2007. Anna was teaching in European University in Kyiv and doing her Doctors degree there. From the young age Anna was active in political and civic life of

Ukraine. In particular she participated in Ukrainian Or-ange Revolution in 2004. Since 2003 Anna is a member of Ukrainian political party Christian Democratic Union. In 2010 she became an International Secretary of its student’s organization Ukrainian Students Association. In 2012-2013 working year Anna was nominated as Di-rector of European Integration in EDS Bureau. In August 2013 she was elected as Vice-Chairwoman of EDS and elected again for this position in July 2014.

EDS Executive Bureau 20 14/2015

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