Building housing through social networks: New Colombian immigrants in Toronto

Abigail Moriah, Luz Rodriguez, Luisa Sotomayor

Abstract Keywords: Toronto, housing trajectories, Colombian immigrants, social networks, and settlement patterns

Recent studies suggest that immigrants in Toronto face barriers to integration, particularly in housing. The City’s housing market is characterized by reduced supply of affordable housing, low-vacancy rates, and high-priced rental housing in which recent immigrants are adversely affected. Newcomers must frequently occupy poorly maintained buildings, pay higher rents and comply with illegal requirements in the private rental market. Moreover, limited information, lack of employment, the absence of co-signers and inadequate institutional support exacerbate new immigrants’ vulnerability.

The purpose of this pilot research is to explore the experiences of Colombian newcomers accessing Toronto’s housing market. Because Colombians represent a recent, small but growing community, this group provides an interesting case study. Their reliance on social networks for accessing housing is significant, especially when considering the fragmented character of their societal background. The dynamics generated by Colombia’s internal conflict contribute to fragmented social cohesion, creating high levels of distrust and low social capital. In Toronto, the strength and nature of Colombians’ social ties may affect how they gain entry to the housing market. Social ties such as family, acquaintances, ethnic organizations and virtual communities act as informal institutions that may mitigate the effect of housing market failures and respond to the disconnect between housing and immigration policies. Drawing from the social networks theory and through the use of semi-structured interviews, this study examines the intersection between social ties and housing trajectories. From a planning perspective, the recognition of these informal institutions may help to generate creative solutions to better integrate immigrants into the housing markets.

Main definitions

Social capital: Social capital is the power a person has to mobilize a set of resources that are linked to the qualities of social relationships (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992).

Human capital: Human capital is the power to mobilize the resources embodied in an individuals' health, education, job training and other qualifications (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992).

Cultural capital: Cultural capital is the power to mobilize resources through the values, norms and modes of thinking that an individual has (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992).

Economic Capital: Economic capital is the power to mobilize financial resources to access any desired good of the society (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992).

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Economic Immigrant: Canada’s Economic Class immigrants are skilled-worker immigrants selected under a point system that favors individuals with training and experience in skilled occupations. The system assigns points for age, education, work experience, intended occupation, knowledge of Canadian languages and adaptability. Canada has focused its Immigration policy particularly in this category of immigrants that account for over 60% of total immigrants (Rekai, 2002). Non-immigrant population: Refers to people who are Canadian citizens by birth. Although most were born in Canada, a small number of them were born outside Canada to Canadian parents. Non-permanent residents: Refers to people from another country who had an employment authorization, a student authorization, or a Ministers permit, or who were refugee claimants at the time of the census, and family members living here with them (Statistics Canada, 2001). Housing trajectory: “The way in which households change their housing consumption as they move through the life-cycle (Murdie et al.: 1999:11)”. Introduction Colombian immigration to Canada is a relatively recent trend. According to Statistics Canada, by 2001, approximately 16,000 Colombians lived in Canada. Most Colombians arrived during the 1990s, a highly important decade both for Colombian emigration and Canadian immigration– more than 1.3 million Colombians left their country between 1996 and 2001 and between 1991 and 2001 about 2.2 million new immigrants arrive to Canada—the largest number in the 20th century. Consistent with the trends of other immigrant communities, most Colombians arrive with economic and family class immigration status and settle in the Greater Toronto Area (Census 2001). However, they do not necessarily cluster in a particular area, but are dispersed throughout the city. Similar to other immigrant communities, new Colombian immigrants face barriers for accessing the housing market. New Colombian-immigrants were chosen because they belong to a recent, small but growing community. Equally, their reliance on social networks for accessing housing is significant, especially when considering the fragmented character and the low social capital of their societal background. Using semi-structured interviews, this paper aims to explore the mechanisms used by economic class immigrants to access the rental housing market, particularly the role of social networks for providing essential information and support early in the settlement process. Our findings suggest that although before their arrival most new immigrants believe that their human and economic capital will be enough for accessing rental housing in Toronto, they end up relying on their ethnic resources. To delineate this, this study first provides a general framework about social networks and housing trajectories. Secondly, we present the methodology used for our study. Thirdly, we present a demographic and sociological profile of new Colombian immigrants in Toronto. Fourthly, we present the main findings of our study that highlight the importance of information, employment and social networks as influential factors in making good housing arrangements. This study concludes with several recommended actions about how to improve the success of recent immigrants accessing housing from a planning perspective.

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1. Conceptual Framework

1.1. Social Networks, Social Capital and Housing Arrangements The conceptual framework applied is based on social networks theory. This approach provides a useful way to study community without assuming that it is confined to a local area. The essence of social network analysis is its focus on social relations and social structures – wherever they may be located and whomever they may be with (Wellman: 1999). This pilot study explored how, through different kinds of social ties, people can develop social capital to secure housing arrangements. Woolcock (2001) states that the basic idea of “social capital” is that one’s family, friends, and acquaintances constitute an important asset; one that can be called upon in a crisis, enjoyed for its own sake, or utilized for material benefit. While social capital is a disputed concept with a number of widely divergent definitions1, it is generally taken to refer to features of social organization such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit (Putnam, 2001). Nevertheless, it is important to consider that social capital becomes capital only when individuals have the ability to mobilize the resources on demand (Portes, 1995; Xu, 2003). As suggested by Woolcock (2001), a broad range of social ties is essential to the provision of informal insurance mechanisms. Previous studies testify that diverse types of social ties provide ethnic communities different kinds of supportive resources in accessing housing and other services (Xu, 2003; Rose and Ray, 2003). In contrast, lack of social capital is a defining feature of exclusion for immigrants. Frequently, newcomers are not members of certain social networks and institutions that long time residents frequently use to secure good jobs and well-suited housing, among other benefits. People build social capital through a handful of social networks. Wellman and Wortley (1990) assert that the characteristics of relationships define the types of support provided. Assuming that individuals make rational choices, each individual looks for a specific type of institution or relationship when needing to access a particular kind of support (Xu, 2003). For immigrants, this decision is highly dependent on the types of assets (economic capital, cultural capital, human capital) each person has upon arrival in Canada, and the particularities of the situation she or he confronts. For the purpose of this study, three social networks dichotomies are set as follows:

Strong ties versus Weak ties:

Developing and maintaining a social network, consisting of “strong ties” with family and close friends, and “weak ties” with acquaintances and institutions, is considered essential for material gain and emotional support (Granovetter, referred in Wellman,1999). Through weak ties individuals gain access to new resources, may access information about housing, jobs and

Woolcock (2001) points out that the concept of social capital has been studied in a variety of disciplines such as economics, political science, and sociology, giving the concept a different connotation depending on the scope of the researcher.

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other services. In contrast, strong, solidarity ties are useful for mobilizing and conserving existing resources (Wellman: 1999).

Bonding ties versus Bridging ties:

Bonding social ties are those that link people together with others that are primarily like them. They provide support in the short and medium term and are good for mobilizing solidarity (Sander and Lowney, 2003). Bridging social ties are those that link people together with others across a gap that typically divides society (like race, class or religion). These ties are good for linking to external assets and for information diffusion. Bridging networks are also useful to address discrimination problems or facilitate multicultural integration (Putnam: 2000).

Formal ties versus Informal ties:

Formal ties, like those provided by public, private and non-profit institutions, are more likely to assure that ties persist over time. By contrast, informal ties are those spontaneously derived among neighbours or acquaintances. Informal ties are easier to initiate and develop because they do not imply any immediate commitment (Sander and Lowney, 2003). Following from these three dichotomies, we expected that immigrants would rely heavily on their ethnic resources when they first arrived in Toronto (first stage) for their housing arrangements. Ties that are strong, bonding and informal would better cushion newcomers’ settlement. In addition, immigrants would look towards formal ties provided by governmental institutions, or non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in order to get a complete and legitimate picture of their possibilities in Canada. In a second stage, immigrants would resort to non-ethnic ties, as they gradually adapt to the mainstream society. Because the support provided by strong and bonding ties is limited, and is mostly provided in the short term, immigrants would seek weak, formal and bridging ties for their housing arrangements in the later stages of their settlement process.

1.2. Housing Conditions in Toronto: Challenges for Recent Immigrants

“Patterns of international migration are likely to continue to swell the foreign-born populations of large [‘global cities]. This influx is likely to continue to affect the housing markets of these [metropolitan areas]”. (Clark and Dielman 1994: 208)

A limited supply of affordable rental units, low vacancy rates for lower-priced rental units, and discriminatory housing market practices deny immigrants’ housing access and negatively affect their housing trajectories in Toronto. At the same time, through social networks immigrants employ strategies to circumvent these barriers increase their ability to access housing and improve their housing trajectory.

1.2.1. Toronto’s Housing Market Recent changes in Toronto’s rental housing market coupled with discriminatory practices within the market make it increasingly difficult for certain groups of the population, especially recent immigrants, to access housing. The proportion of low-priced rental units has declined sharply

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between 1998 and 2002; only 3% of housing constructed in the City of Toronto between 2000 and 2002 were rental units (City of Toronto 2003). Vacancy rates have increased to 3.8% in fall 2003 (from 2.5% in 2002) yet these vacancies are for higher-priced rental units with rents between $1,200 and $1,600 (City of Toronto 2003). The reduced supply of lower-priced rental housing and discrimination in the rental market both negatively affect the experiences of immigrants in the rental market.

1.2.2 Limited Supply of Rented Housing The limited availability of affordable rental units in the City is significant to Toronto because of the likelihood of immigrants settling in large cities and to seek accommodation in the rental market. Recent immigrants to Canada are more likely to live in large metropolitan areas particularly Toronto as 42% of immigrants arriving between 1991 and 1996 settled in Toronto CMA (CMHC 1996a). Also, recent immigrants are more likely to rent accommodation; 70% of immigrants arriving in Canada between 1991 and 1996 rent (CMHC 1996b). Anticipating that this trend will continue, underlines the importance of understanding the impact of international migration on Toronto’s housing market. However, the low activity of affordable rental unit development and the high proportion of recent immigrants who require these units draw attention to a gap between the supply of rental units and the demand for lower-priced rental units. This is especially relevant for persons who have low-incomes or lack a source of income, and may therefore be vulnerable to experiencing discrimination in Toronto’s housing market (Murdie et al., 1999).

1.2.2. Discrimination in Toronto’s Housing Market Discriminatory housing market practices continue to deny immigrants’ access to housing. The Centre for Equality Rights in Accommodation (CERA) reported that prevalent forms of discrimination in Toronto’s housing market is frequently based on income source, income level, family status, race, ethnicity, guarantor and newcomer status (CERA 2001). Similarly, previous studies suggest that immigrants face multiple barriers to accessing housing (Murdie et al., 1999; Dion 2001). Discriminatory housing practices in the housing market largely contribute to these barriers. CERA (1999) also revealed that new immigrants persistently experienced discrimination, particularly from landlords. “Managers and gatekeepers, such as private landlords and public housing agencies, often add further distortion to housing system realities by determining who gains access to scarce housing such as private and public sector rental units” (Murdie 1999:4). Because landlords generally make independent decisions on who is accepted during the tenant selection process, addressing landlord discrimination in the housing market presents a challenge.

1.2.3. Housing Trajectories of Immigrants

Studies that have assessed the housing experiences of immigrants in Toronto highlight several barriers that recent immigrants face during their settlement process.

Housing trajectory or housing career describes “the way in which households change their housing consumption as they move through the life cycle” (Murdie et al. 1999). Hulchanski (1997) discusses influential factors that may produce positive or negative outcomes in the

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housing search process of immigrants2. The nature of negative outcomes or barriers, the results of barriers, and the strategies used in response to barriers, result in different experiences and distinct abilities of recent immigrants to access housing (Murdie et al. 1999). Immigrant groups vary in their experiences in and their ability to successfully access housing based on the types of barriers they face (Hulchanski, 1997). Moreover, factors related to immigrants’ access to housing, education, employment and income, and settlement services shape how they become integrated in Canadian society (Murdie et al. 1999). The Housing New Canadians study (1999) suggests that barriers exist which negatively impact the experiences of persons in the housing market and limit their access to housing. These barriers include racial, ethno-cultural and religious backgrounds, level of income, source of income, knowledge of the housing system, language/accent, household type and size, knowledge of institutions and culture, and immigrant experiences within the dominant culture and institutions. Not only do barriers limit, recent immigrants’ access to housing, immigrants are also vulnerable to ‘downward’ or ‘sideway’ moves in their housing trajectory (Murdie et al. (1999). As a result, immigrants’ choices are often constrained by the barriers that they encounter in the housing market. According to Murdie et. al (1999) social networks as well as housing costs and information sources, are some of the most important variables for recent immigrants in the housing search process. A longitudinal study of immigrants in Canada revealed that half (52%) of economic class newcomers had made accommodation arrangements prior to arrival through social networks (Statistics Canada 2003). As well, assessments of the housing trajectories of Chinese, Latin American and Muslim immigrants draw attention to the use of social ties as strategies used to secure housing or in response to housing market barriers (Zine 2002; Xu 2003). Although little is know about how ethno-cultural groups and racial minorities search for housing in the rental market (Murdie 1999), these studies suggests that social networks could potentially play a key role in helping recent immigrants to successfully access housing. 2. Methodology

For this research we relied on both quantitative and qualitative methods. Our approach involved two steps; we first explored quantitative data and second, analyzed qualitative information.

2.1. Quantitative Analysis Data was compiled to map the settlement patterns of Colombians in Toronto using Geographic Information System (GIS) and to construct a demographic profile of Colombian immigrants in Toronto. This paper used information from the Census of Canada for 2001, Citizen and Immigration Canada, and the Banco de la Republica, Colombia (2002). The 2001 census was the first year that Statistics Canada disaggregated the Central and South American ethnic group, thus providing information on Colombian immigrants at the CMA level. As a result, it was not possible to compare the 2001 census data on Colombian immigrants with previous periods.

2 Factors include household characteristics and preferences, access to services and needs, and institutional arrangements.

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2.2. Qualitative Analysis

Because social relationships are very difficult to quantify, this study is mainly based on qualitative research methods. The main component of the research involved semi-structured individual interviews carried out in March and April 2004. The second component involved monitoring of an electronic centre of community messages called Colombianos en Canada3.

2.2.1. Semi-Structured Interviews

In selecting the sample for the interviews, eight informants were chosen randomly. An invitation to participate in this study was posted in Colombianos en Canada on February 14, 2004. The invitation outlined the specific attributes required of persons to participate: Males and females, economic immigrants, who arrived in Canada after 1996, and who have had the experience of accessing the rental housing in Toronto (See Appendix No. 1). Ten people volunteered to participate in the study. After validating the eligibility criteria eight semi-structured interviews took place. A structured interview guide was used. It asked information about general and housing trajectories for three different periods of time: before arrival, after arrival, and current housing conditions. Details about price, adequacy, location of the residences, and level of satisfaction with the housing at each period of time was requested (See Appendix No. 2). Each interview lasted between 30 and 40 minutes. Interviews were taped recorded. Data was coded mainly in Spanish, although quotes were translated into English for inclusion in this report. The identity of the interviewees is kept confidential. In addition to individual interviews, the study explored the role of organizations and individuals who work to improve the settlement process of new Colombian immigrants in Toronto. However, most of our research and analysis focused on individuals, not organizations. In this sense, we interviewed a Colombian real state agent that has worked with Colombian new immigrants in the GTA, the former president of the Canadian- Colombian Professionals Association (CCPA), the General Consul of the Republic of Colombia in Toronto and one of the moderators of the virtual community Colombianos en Canada. These interviews lasted around 40 minutes each; they were tape-recorded and conducted in English.

2.2.2 Virtual Community Monitoring The study included the monitoring of an electronic centre of community messages called Colombianos en Canada. This ‘virtual centre’ was created in December 2000, and currently it has 638 registered users. Its objective is to be a centre of free interchange of information oriented to serve as a link for Colombians who live in Canada4. However it is also used by Colombians who are still in their country of origin or who are either applying for or waiting for the approval of their immigration to Canada. The purpose of this monitoring was to observe both the frequency and the timing when new Colombian immigrants require information about housing, as well as the possible help provided by this virtual community.

3 http://ca.groups.yahoo.com/group/colombianosencanada/ 4 http://ca.groups.yahoo.com/group/colombianosencanada/ Accessed on April 17th, 2004.

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3. New Colombian Immigrant’s Profile

3.1. Demographic characteristics of the Colombian community Canada According to the Banco de la Republica (2002) between 1996 and 2001, more than 1,300,000 Colombians moved from their country to live in foreign countries5. Some analysts consider the Colombian Diaspora as the third largest wave of emigration during the 20th century. It is composed mainly of middle- and high-income Colombians who are escaping both from the violence and insecurity aggravated by the internal armed conflict, and from the economic downturn of the late 1990s (Revista Cambio, 2003) (Graph No. 1). These migration flows have been oriented towards three main countries: the United States, Venezuela, and Spain. However, given the restrictions imposed by these countries in response to the massive entry of immigrants, Colombians have started to explore different destinations that could provide them with better living conditions in terms of safety and economic stability (Banco de la Republica, 2002). Until the 1990s Canada was not a frequent destination for Colombian emigrants, yet it became more popular during the present wave (1998-2001) of Colombian emigration. By 2001 Canada had nearly 16,000 Colombian immigrants; almost 60% of them arrived to Canada during the 1990s (Graph No. 2)6. The will of Colombian nationals to emigrate coincided with the trends of higher recruitment of skilled workers that took place in Canada from the 1990s to present7. According to the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (2003), between 1991 and 2000, more than 2.2 million immigrants were admitted to Canada, the highest number admitted in any decade throughout the past century.

5 This number added to the estimated 3.300.000 million Colombians who live abroad, gives 4.600.000 people; the equivalent to 10% of Colombia’s population. 6 Colombians apply to the Canadian Embassy en Bogotá where they are assessed according to the Point System that evaluates their possibilities to contribute to and to ‘adequately integrate’ with Canadian society. Among these requirements one may mention education, knowledge of the official languages of Canada, experience, age, and adaptability. 7 Canada does not have a long-term policy for Immigration target; in fact, it changes according to a combination of demographic, economic, and political priorities (Green and Green: 1999).

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Graph No. 1 Graph No. 2

Colombian Immigrants in Canada vs. Toronto (1961-2001)

0100020003000400050006000700080009000

10000

B

efor

e19

61

1

961-

1970

1

971-

1980

1

981-

1990

1

991-

2001

Years

Num

ber o

f Im

mig

rant

s

CanadaToronto

Source: Census 2001

Even though Colombian immigration to Canada includes a large number of refugees, when analyzing Census 2001 one might infer that the majority of Colombian newcomers hold economic and family class immigration status8. During this decade, Canada has focused its immigration goals on the changing nature of the Canadian workforce, making the workforce more skilled and flexible, even if this requires short- term and high levels of unemployment

8 According to the Toronto Star (March 13, 2004), only in 2003, Canada accepted 81% of the 2,314 Colombians who applied for asylum. In fact the country is second after Pakistan in the top 10 countries for refugee claims in Canada. However we abstained from using this information since this study is mainly using official data either from the Canada or the Colombian governments. The Colombian Consulate in Toronto does not posses up to date information about the number and type of Colombian immigrants in Toronto and therefore it relies on Census 2001 data.

Number of Colombians moving to foreign

countries 1996-2001

150000 170000 190000 210000 230000 250000 270000 290000 310000

1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Years

Num

ber o

f Col

ombi

ans

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(Green and Green, 1999). This decision is reflected in the large number of economic immigrants that by 2002 constituted 60% of the total number of immigrants entering Canada9. The age structure of new Colombian immigrants again mimics the trend of international migrants in Canada—87.7% of this community arrived in Canada when they were between 0 and 39 years of age. This means Colombians immigrants are also helping to change the demographic structure of Canadian population and to undermine the problems related to the aging native-born population (Census 2001). Following international immigration trends, almost 50% of Colombian immigrants settle in Ontario, and almost 73% of them in Toronto CMA (Graphs No. 3 and No. 4). Equally, rather than being clustered in certain areas, Colombian immigrants arriving in Toronto before and after the 1990s have settle in a number of different areas throughout the city (Map No.1).

Graph No. 3

9 See main definitions.

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Graph No. 4 3.2. Sociological profile of Colombian new immigrants: Getting settled while

building community ties

“The experience of community is less about the physical space in which people interact and more in the nature of relations that exist between people”.

Lyon, 1989, quoted in Boutilier et al (2000). Community is a problematic concept: it does not have fixed boundaries and it often defines anything that falls within the large gap between the individual and the society. Wellman (1999) proposes that community is not confined to a specific geographical area; community has not been lost but now it is much less likely to be locally based and locally observed. Rose and Ray (2003) suggest that urban structure and settlement patterns are very different in present-day Canadian urban areas. The neighborhoods where immigrants live—including newcomers—are culturally very diverse. Individuals are expected to posses a range of assets that include economic, human, cultural, and social capital. New Colombian economic immigrants come to Canada with certain sets of capital. Being a relatively young and professional population, when deciding to emigrate they choose to rely on their educational attainment, on their previous occupational status, and on their financial assets. Therefore, new immigrants believe that human and economic capital assets will be enough to guarantee their successful settlement in the recipient country. However, although they come with high stocks of human capital, they start with little social capital. In some cases they purposely reject the idea of being constrained to an ethnic cluster, considering it problematic or even risky. A long history of violence, distrust, narco-traffic, armed conflict, extreme violence, poverty, corruption, and social exclusion has diminished the abilities

Total Colombian population in private households 2001

49.08%

29.92%

12.54%5.98% 0.89%

0.00%

10.00%

20.00%

30.00%

40.00%

50.00%

60.00%

1

Provinces

Perc

enta

geOntarioQuebecBCAlbertaOthers

Colombian population in Ontario 2001

72.13%

9.48% 8.19% 10.19%0.00%

10.00%

20.00%

30.00%

40.00%

50.00%

60.00%

70.00%

80.00%

1

CMAs

TorontoLondonOttawaOther

Source: CENSUS 2001

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of Colombians and Colombian immigrants to accurately mobilize through networks, to coordinate efforts and to act for mutual benefit. Terror has created a permanent state of uncertainty and distrust among communities that have lost their credibility in public institutions and are less willing to participate in the community, and political activities, especially when they assess the risks of expressing personal opinions (Pecaut, 2001). Considering their limited social capital and their scarce abilities to act together and to create collective solutions, one might conclude that Colombian immigrants, having a fractionated sense of national unity, initially reject the idea of being constrained to an ethnic enclave, and instead endeavor to integrate into the mainstream society by use of their human capital. Selection by the Point System convinces them that they will be able to validate their foreign credentials in Canadian professional and academic institutions. In sum, during the initial stage of their settlement process they believe their human and financial assets are sufficient. However, when accessing rental housing, new Colombian immigrants realize that the settlement process will require time and effort. The settlement process makes immigrants aware of the importance of learning from the experiences of others with similar backgrounds, in other words, they network to decrease the personal and financial transaction cost of their settlement process. 4. Research Findings

4.1. Expected Barriers

“When an immigrant arrives to Canada, he starts from zero…he does not have credit history, labour experience, although in the Embassy they required studies, professional experience, and a bunch of other things, when initiating a new life here this background is not worthy…It is really difficult“. (Informant No.4)

Following the work of Murdie (1999), Murdie et al (1999), CERA (1999) some of the expected barriers that this study thought Colombians would experience in Toronto’s rental housing market include ethnicity, gender, language, income, credit history, employment, collaterals and family status. Therefore, one of the questions of our interview guide asked participants to use their experience to comment on the difficulties that Colombian new immigrants face when renting housing in Toronto. 4.2 Employment The majority of the informants did not share any experience that might imply ethnic, gender or language barrier for accessing the rental housing market. Their complaints revealed lack of employment is the highest barrier for this new immigrant community. A large number of economic immigrants and their families do not have employment arrangements before arrival. As a result, they face either the rejection or overwhelming requirements by landlords who attempt to cover their risk by imposing extra-payments on renters. Hence, new immigrants are likely to be caught in a vicious cycle given that not having employment is a barrier for accessing housing, at the same time that lack of housing is in some cases a constraint to securing an employment.

“For about a month I went day after day, waking up early in the morning to see if I could find an apartment. After visiting and applying to many rental buildings

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I realized that without a job I wouldn’t be able to get a place on time. My wife and kids were coming and after all my searching, I had nothing. I kept saying to myself, this is not a life. How could I find a job if I didn’t even have a place to live?” (Informant No.1)

For those who do not have employment or earn low-incomes, the rental market requires co-signers and proof of credit history. Excessive requirements related to employment have forced some people even to create informal strategies, such as fabricating job certificates.

“In one place they asked us for a letter from our employee certifying how long we had worked in Canada…so what did we do…we lied and said two months, and they rejected us again because they require at least three months of employment experience in Canada…In other place, the lady asked us how much we earned…. So we had to lie and fabricate different documents to access housing”. (Informant No.4)

Lack of employment, the absence of cosigners or limited Canadian credit history are some of the obstacles that prevent new immigrants from gaining entrance in the housing market. When making decision about renting their properties, landlords also appear to consider factors like family status, number of children and income level. In fact, informants who were single and did not have children, and who had fewer financial responsibilities, had fewer difficulties in accessing housing. These comments suggest two occurrences. First, landlords place restrictions on larger families and second, individuals without children are less selective when evaluating housing conditions.

“Although some people say that it is illegal to not rent housing to immigrants, it happens…they always asked how long we were working…in addition, they looked at my tummy (I was six month pregnant at that time)…then they didn’t rent us the place… …they probably didn’t want children in the buildings”. (Informant No.4)

“I didn’t have a job at that time but it wasn’t difficult for me to get a place. It was a basement… I chose it because it was the cheapest I could get, although it was not comfortable.” (Informant No.3)

4.2. Information Supply

“Before coming to Canada we had just a little information about housing in Toronto. We did not have a clue about the neighborhoods, the locations…we had some information about prices…but it was just to have an idea…it was not an organized search”. (Informant 6)

Information appears to be the key factor for the success or failure in housing search process. Informants with accurate and first hand information about housing costs, location and accessibility, were generally more satisfied with their initial and current housing arrangements, compared to informants who did not have this information. According to this research, housing information could be obtained in three different, but not mutually exclusive time periods: before coming to Toronto (past), immediately after arrival (immediate past), and at present.

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Actors that either have links to the housing market or to the new immigrants themselves may also provide useful information. Questions exploring these three stages and the information suppliers were included in the interview guide. Table No. 1, illustrates the results of the interviews regarding the timing and the different channels of information utilized by new Colombian immigrants. For the purposes of this research, we divided the provision of information into three levels of effectiveness: low, medium, and high. According to our informants, ‘low channels’ are those that either provide low-quality information or no information at all. ‘Medium channels’ do not provide information about housing exclusively, yet they provide a contact or information source that assists the search process. Finally, highly effective channels are those that provide both information and support during the search for housing.

Table No. 1 Most Common Channels used by Colombian immigrants to access information about housing in Toronto. Time Channels Effectiveness

Canadian Embassy in Bogotá Low Web Search Low Friends and acquaintances in Canada (if any) High

Before coming to Toronto

Other (i.e. immigration firms) Medium Friends and acquaintances (Colombians or Hispanics)

High

Settlement NGOs Medium

During the search

Ethnic associations Medium Virtual Community (Colombianos en Canada) Medium Religious congregations Medium Ethnic associations Low

Current accommodation

Friends and acquaintances Low As the table demonstrates, friends and acquaintances living in Canada were the best channel for getting information before coming to and during the initial search. Having knowledge of and experience in the Toronto’s housing market, these channels offer valuable assistance that allows newcomers to avoid financial and personal losses. This kind of network is not exclusive to Colombians but also includes people that share certain similarities or identities with the new immigrant group.

“We had access to information about housing in Canada through friends that had arrived in Toronto one year before us. They looked in different areas suggested by other Colombian friends…We all have kids so we were looking two-bedroom apartments… When we arrived we wanted to be near to our friends to have their support, they had experience and were happy with their housing conditions” (Informant No.5)

Within the ‘medium channels’, it is interesting to highlight the role of immigrant firms that made a profit from people’s lack of information:

“The agency that helped us with our immigration process gave us the telephone number of a lady that lives in Toronto and rents rooms for short term periods… we paid them for that contact number.” (Informant No.4)

However, immigration firms are not the only ones that abuse their dominant position. Other examples that illustrate these predatory practices are landlords who ask for rent one year in

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advance, impose higher fines on renters that do not comply with conditional offers, overcharge, and require excessive documents for reaching an agreement.

“In some cases landlords might request more than two months of rent. The regulation here is first and last month …I’ve heard stories that they request up to a year’s rent”. (Informant No.6)

All our informants declared they did web-searches before coming to Toronto regarding housing. However, most of them found that this information was very general and didn’t allow them to get to a specific arrangement. Finally, informants stated that public institutions from the governments of Canada and Colombia were not very helpful in providing housing information. Equally, ethnic organizations that require the permanent involvement of people were also not very effective. However, most informants mention that the virtual community is making progress in providing information about housing. Although they do not know about the actual quality of information, persons who participate in this virtual community benefit because it is flexible and does not require participants’ large investments in terms of time or effort.

“I know that some people from Colombia are beginning to have access to this small web site but I found out that people who have arrived here one year ago, or still coming, don’t know what to do…they don’t know about the real estate business…I think that is very important to have an information site with information about housing”. (Key Informant No.1)

Our interview findings highlight key barriers that Colombian new immigrants face in the rental market. These include access to employment; timing, availability and accuracy of information; and sources and efficacy of information channels by examine the role of social networks. The next section analyses the effectiveness of the information and support that this immigrant group receive from various channels at different stages of their housing trajectories.

4.3. Strong, bonding and informal ties were helpful: Acquaintances from the Hispanic Community

This pilot study does not point to a common trend for housing arrangement patterns among recent immigrants. While some immigrants followed migration chains and have established contacts at the moment of arrival, others came to Toronto without previous contacts. The housing search was more successful for those who established contacts at the moment of arrival compared to immigrants without contacts. Immigrants with contacts generally found suitable housing at a reasonable price and in a shorter period. They received substantial and effective support from others who also underwent similar experiences in their housing and employment searches. This support was expressed in various ways, such as providing free accommodation during the arrival period, taking care of the children during the housing and job search processes, introducing the new immigrants into the broader ethnic network and giving valuable information about rental prices and well-located areas. These ethnic resources acted as strong, bonding and informal ties, and although were most of the cases provided by the Colombian community, sometimes the support came from the wider Hispanic community. This support tended to diminish as the settlement process advanced.

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“My aunt, back home told me that she knew a Salvadorian couple she had met a long time ago in the States… she gave me their phone number and I called them two weeks before I was coming to Toronto. They offered me free accommodation while I was looking for a place. Although their place was very small--because they are ordinary people--they provided me with all the necessities without even knowing me. (…) I applied to more than eight places, but the landowners never called me back… Finally, the Salvadorian lady knew a Peruvian who was the landowner in a building. She accepted me without asking for any kind of references or requirements…the price she gave me was convenient. After I moved, I have only seen the Salvadorian couple once again. ” (Informant No.2)

Two of our informants stated that for their first accommodation they rented a place that a Colombian acquaintance had previously occupied. In both cases, the previous renters talked to the landlords on behalf of these informants and the places were rented to them without asking for any additional requirements.

“I didn’t know Carolina before; she is a friend of a friend who was returning to Bogotá (…). I emailed her from Bogotá and she talked to her landlord so I could keep her place after she left. That’s how I got the place I lived in during my first year in Toronto”. (Informant No. 7)

In general, our informants tried to mobilize their social capital within the Colombian, and sometimes the Hispanic, community to make accommodation arrangements. For those people who came to Toronto without contacts, it was common to ask for help in specialized institutions.

4.4. Formal, bonding/bridging institutions were not very useful While informal ethnic resources proved to be useful at this stage, formal ethnic organizations, which purpose to help Hispanic immigrants accredit their credentials and provide help in the settlement process, were not useful. Although five out of the eight interviewees knew about the CCPA10, before arrival, they did not think it would be useful to contact this association for housing. Moreover, in a personal interview with the former president of the aforementioned association, he suggested that even though housing is a challenge that newcomers face in their settlement process, the CCPA was not able to address this issue. As mentioned above, Colombian and Canadian governmental agencies were not useful to new immigrants either before or after they arrived in Toronto. The Canadian Embassy in Bogotá is in charge of providing accurate information to people who have been issued a permanent resident status in Canada. However, information for immigrants’ settlement process is only provided shortly before departure. This imposes a time constraint to immigrants who must make arrangements for moving. The Colombian Consulate in Toronto, in addition to its diplomatic functions, assists Colombians in the city. However, services to individuals who have been issued a permanent residence status in Canada are supposed to be assisted by the Canadian Government, who assumes this responsibility when the landed immigrant status is conferred. The Consulate still provides

10 The Canadian Colombian Professional Association (CCPA), is the most important organization of Colombian immigrants in Toronto.

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information through its web page, and information is also available at the office. Nevertheless, as mentioned by the Consul, new Colombian immigrants do not go frequently to the Colombian Consulate for help in their housing search. Equally, informants stated that they would only go to the Consulate if they had to obtain special documents, but not for information on services.

4.5. Formal, bridging and weak ties: NGOs provided good information Some of the informants declared that they contacted NGOs to access information on housing and services once they had arrived in Toronto. YMCAs and similar organizations were considered useful and reliable in providing information and techniques on how to overcome the barriers to employment. Workshops and meetings organized by specialized centers to assist immigrants are particularly attractive upon arrival.

4.6 Informal, weak and bonding: Virtual communities maintaining the ‘strength’ of weak ties.

Most informants joined Colombianos en Canada shortly after arrival in Toronto. They all agreed that the virtual community had been helpful in providing information about different services, and also various types of support. Due to the fact that all informants were contacted through this virtual community, we are aware of the possible bias in this finding. To diminish this bias, we monitored the page for one month. Exchanges on the Colombianos en Canada community consist of posting information, generating debates, asking for advice, arranging get-togethers, among other things. Information on housing is a frequent topic. From February 14 to March 14, 18 messages regarding housing arrangements were posted. The main users include real estate agents, landowners, renters, people asking for advice about moving to a new area, people writing on behalf of friends who are coming, or even future newcomers. As mentioned by one of the moderators of Colombianos en Canada, when two people in the group are interested in make formal arrangements they are required to communicate in private, instead of through the virtual community. As such, it is difficult to assess the effectiveness of the site regarding housing. Although announcements are posted publicly, subsequent contact is made in private. “An advantage of the way [the virtual community] works is that people are very careful to provide precise information, otherwise people are quick to correct and comment on inaccurate postings” (Moderator of Colombianos en Canada: May 24, 2004). Following from this, we infer that this virtual community is providing strong and weak ties, and also bonding networks. In addition, an interesting dynamic is being generated where the more established immigrants are sharing experiences with the more recent immigrants. Wellman (1999) states that, even though most relationships developed through virtual communities may generate weak ties to mobilize limited resources, the internet serves as channel for strong ties as well. Internet allows for direct and easy social engagement. As a vehicle for one-to-one communication, the Internet is affordable, is generally accessible and provides a degree of privacy. These characteristics make cyberspace less virtual than it would appear to be (Lim, 2003). Nevertheless, further research is needed to establish the accuracy of the information available through the virtual community, and importantly, if it can actually be effective in facilitating housing arrangements for Colombians.

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5. Recommendations The findings of this study identify practices that already exist at the community level, some of which are successful in improving new immigrants’ access to housing and others that must be further developed. Findings also highlight key barriers that recent Colombian immigrants face in Toronto’s housing market. Responding to these barriers requires policy enforcement that can shape outcomes that are more favorable to persons who encounter these barriers. In response to the findings, recommendations attempt to create environments that encourage employment, increase access to information and enhance social capital. It is expected by directly targeting these areas; newcomers would be more equipped to participate in the rental housing market. Likewise, recognizing the importance of creating and implementing sustainable solutions for the above-mentioned issues, it is necessary that strategies are developed from a holistic framework. Action must be coordinated action at the policy (government) and grass-roots levels (community) and linkages must be facilitated within and between ethno-cultural communities

Virtual community: Informal, bonding,

weak ties.

NGOs: Formal,

Bonding/bridging, weak ties.

Canadian and Colombian

Government Institutions:

Formal, bridging, weak ties.

Ethnic Associations:

Formal, bonding, weak ties.

Family and Friends:Informal, bonding and strong ties.

Newcomer’s main assets:

Economic, human and cultural

capitals.

Colombian newcomers mobilising resources: What is useful?

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and community-based organizations. Recommendations therefore suggest how strategies at the policy and grassroots levels can jointly work to improve new immigrants’ ability to access housing.

5.1 Information

Government, community agencies and informal community networks can participate in providing information to newcomers to inform their housing search process: before arrival, upon arrival and also ongoing support and information as newcomers progress in their housing trajectory. During the ‘before arrival’ and ‘upon arrival’ stage it is necessary that accurate and accessible internet information and information packages are available in the immigrants’ first language. Information should clearly include the following at the city and sub-city levels: average rents, discriminatory housing practices, rights of tenant and landlord, list of landlords interested in renting to new immigrants, list of ethnic housing settlement services, and list of ethnic rental properties and units. The ‘upon arrival’ stage should also include housing workshops and actively build up housing network partnerships between settlement agencies, community agencies, real estate agents, property managers, landlords and informal community networks to encourage information-exchange. The ‘ongoing’ stage requires the development of policy to ensure that future policy directions respond to the needs identified in this study. It is also recommended that settlement agencies, etc be involved in the policy development process.

5.2 Housing

5.2 .1 Community level

• Adequate funding for agencies in the community that are engaged in providing support for new immigrants, with a specific focus on providing increased funding for housing related activities. This includes providing information on the housing market, housing workshops on housing prices, practices and discrimination, internet services with comprehensive links to housing information directed to immigrants or particular immigrant communities.

• Establish and link informal networks that can provide short-term housing to new immigrants.

This includes building a database of private rooms or secondary apartments for rent and a list of properties that are willing to rent to new immigrants.

• Professional associations and/or real estate agents with an interest in settlement processes

or particular ethno-cultural community coordinate to manage rental properties that target new immigrants. This includes the development of boarding houses or properties with separate bachelor units for non-family immigrants that which can provide transitory housing from 3 to 6 months. It is recognized that there are a number of issues that may arise with boarding houses, such as safety, trust, and family size and thus this is not solution that could meet the needs of everyone.

• Established, professional organizations or community agencies within ethno-cultural

immigrant communities act as guarantor for new immigrants. This would remove a key barrier that immigrants face when renting housing. It is recognized that this recommendation is not ideal in that immigrants may default, creating an expense for associations, however disincentives should be established to discourage defaulting.

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5.2.2 Policy Level

• Create an environment, through policy instruments, which would more strongly encourage

non-profit organizations and developers to managing housing developments. This would facilitate development of non-profit, community-based housing ownership, production and management. (See Timmer et al 1994, Diflippis 2004).

• Develop policies that support and extend ongoing funding to agencies offering settlement

services related to housing. This includes increasing the support that new immigrants receive when searching for housing. It is recommended that this involve one-on-one housing search support and the establishment of internet Community Access Program (CAP)11 sites in community agencies.

• Government would support new immigrants during their first 6 months of residency in

Canada by acting as a guarantor. This would remove a key barrier that immigrants face when renting housing, enabling immigrants without networks to rent housing without employment. It is recognized that this recommendation is not ideal in that immigrants may default, creating an expense for government, however disincentives should be established to discourage defaulting.

• Federal and provincial government renews commitment to and actively engages in policies

and programs that support the creation of lower-priced rental housing. • Provide useful housing information in several languages that can be easily accessed by

internet. It is suggested that Canadian embassies also provide housing information before VISA is issued to allow more time to make housing arrangements.

• Fund agencies and services that provide housing information on the internet. This would

provide agencies with resources to develop, update, coordinate, and improve the quality of web-based housing information. www.settlement.org and www.211Toronto.ca are excellent examples.

5.3 Information

5.3.1 Community level

Establish linkages between organizations that provide information for new immigrants. This includes linkages within ethno-cultural immigrant communities and also between different immigrant communities. This would encourage the sharing of best practices, the coordination of services, and increased awareness about existing housing supports for new immigrants.

11 Community Access Program (CAP) is an Industry Canada program that provides communities with affordable access to the Internet in places like schools, community centres and libraries.

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5.4 Employment

5.4.1 Community level Ethno-cultural organizations and business owners and employers coordinate to create employment opportunities for new immigrants. Employers should keep a database of past job openings and seek to connect employers to immigrants and ethno-cultural organizations should maintain a current database so that they can connect immigrants with employers.

5.4.2 Government Level

Extend funding for the development of internship programs for new immigrants. This includes programming funding required to match immigrants with short-term job opportunities commencing 2 months after arrival. Internships would be last for 6 months and would involve a partnership between government and community organizations.

5.5 Social Networks

5.5.1 Community level

Establish ‘mentorship’ partnerships between new immigrant communities and more established communities and organizations. This includes the sharing of best practices but would initially permit new communities to utilize the services of established communities.

5.5.2 Government Level Adequate funding for programs that support immigrant settlement services. This includes widely distributing funds to diverse sources (for example, community level organizations), thus not directing funds to one central agency. This would enhance the ability of organizations to offer services at a local level.

5.6 Research Directions

The following research directions are recommended to explore innovative approaches to facilitating change that supports immigrants’ access to housing. • Explore how different methods of discrimination in housing is addressed in different

areas • Emulate the ‘Housing First Project’ involve a research and service • Review of literature and case studies to identify how to build trust and strengthen

community especially when immigrants arrive with low social capital. • Provincial and municipal government should review rental housing policies to establish

fair and more flexible tenant selection procedures. This involves exploring creative ways to reduce the weight placed on guarantors and employment status, for new immigrants.

• Identify organizations and key community actors that can take leadership roles in implementing community level recommendations.

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Pecaut, D. (2001) Configuraciones sociales sobre un Espacio de Terror. En Guerra contra la Sociedad. Bogota: Planeta. Penninx, Rinus (2003). Integration: The Role of Communities, Institutions, and the State. source@migrationinformation.org Putnam, R. (2002) Bowling alone the Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster. Ray, Brian (2003) The Role of Cities in Immigrant Integration. Migration Policy Institute. Available at: source@migrationinformation.org Last day visited: March 3, 2004 Rose, D. and Ray, B. (2003) Social Networks and the Social Integration of Immigrant Women: the role of neighborhood in the Contemporary Metropolis. Available at: http://ceris.metropolis.net/Virtual%Library/community/Rose1.html Last day visited: March 3, 2004. Rekai, Peter (2002). US and Canadian Immigration Policies. Marching together to different tunes. C.D. Howe Institute. Commentary No. 171. Revista Cambio. Los nuevos Embajadores. Available at www.cambio.com.co/html/portada/articulos/1431/ Last day visited March 25, 2004 Revista Portafolio. Bogotanos emigran por la crisis financiera que vive el pais. Bogota, Colombia: January 29, 2003. Portes, A. (1995) The Economic Sociology of Immigration. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Sander, T. and Lowney, K. (2003) Social Capital Building Toolkit. Boston: Harvard University Press. Shapcott, M. (2002) Housing for all Canadians: A nation-wide Crisis Requires a National Solution. Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto. Statistics Canada (2003) Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada: Process, progress and prospects. Available at: www.statcan.ca Last day visited: February 12, 2004. Statistics Canada Catalogue No. 92-378-XIE 2001 Census Dictionary. Internet Version. Available at: www.statcan.ca Last day visited: March 23, 2004. Timmer, D.A., Eitzei, D.S. and Talley,K.D. Making Homelessness Go Away: Politics and Policy. In: Paths to Homelessness: Extreme Poverty in the Housing Crisis. Westview Press. P 175-190. Wellman, B. (1999) “The Network Community” an Introduction to Networks in the Global Village. Available at: http//:www.chass.utoronto.ca/-wellman/publications/globalvillage/in.htm. Last day visited: March 16, 2004. Wellman, B. and Wortley, S. (1990) Different Strokes from Different Folks: Community Ties and Social Support. The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 96, No. 3 (Nov, 1990), P. 558-588.. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/. Last day visited: March 16, 2004. Woolcock, M. The place of Social Capital in Understanding Social and Economic Outcomes. Development Research Group, The World Bank, and Keneddy School of Government, Harvard University.

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Xu, Lynn (2003) Segmented Housing Market through Ethnic Social Ties. Department of Sociology, University of Toronto. Zine, Jasmin (2002) Living on the Ragged Edges: Absolute and Hidden Homelessness among Latin Americans and Muslims in West Central Toronto, Informal Housing Network. Extended summary. Full report available at ISSRA. http://www.ccpassociation.org/ www.colombianosencanada.yahoogroups.ca

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Appendix No. 1 Invitation to participate in the study To: colombianosencanada@yahoogroups.ca Estimados Senores: Como es de su conocimiento, uno de los grandes problemas que enfrenta Toronto es su escasa oferta de vivienda. Por lo tanto, para el curso de Planning Decision Methods de la Maestria en Planeacion de la Universidad de Toronto, hemos decidido evaluar cuales son los principales problemas que enfrentan los colombianos (economic and family class immigrants) para acceder a vivienda en Toronto (en calidad de arriendo o compra). El interes en esta poblacion, surge en razon a su crecimiento sostenido durante los ultimos 10 anos, a su ubicacion dentro de los paises de mayor inmmigracion a Canada, y a las dificultades que enfrenta para su acoplamiento al nuevo entorno. Por lo anterior, estamos tratando de identificar un grupo de colombianos que quieran compartir con nosotros, durante una corta entrevista individual, cuales han sido sus experiencias en el tema de acceso a vivienda. La entrevista no tomaria mas de 45 minutos y seria realizada en el lugar y a la hora que aquellas personas interesadas determinen. Las caracteristicas de la poblacion a ser cubierta por el estudio -y por tanto de la poblacion que buscamos entrevistar- son las siguientes: Mujeres y hombres Sin restriccion de edad (preferiblemente mayores de 15 anos) Economic or Family Class Immigrants Haber llegado a Canada entre 1996 y el presente ano Haber tenido la experiencia de arrendar vivienda (aun por un muy corto periodo de tiempo) Agradecemos su atencion a la presente y quedamos en espera de respuesta -via email- de aquellas personas que nos puedan brindar su colaboracion constestando la entrevista. Cordial Saludo, Abigail Moriah, Luisa Sotomayor and Luz Rodriguez MSc.Planning Candidatas Department of Geography University of Toronto

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APPENDIX No. 2 UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY - MSC. PLANNING PLA 1105 PLANNING DECISION METHODS HOUSING EXPERIENCES OF NEW INMIGRANT COLOMBIANS IN TORONTO INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW

GENERAL INFORMATION

NAME 15-18 18-25 26-35 35-50 AGE 50 and Over

SEX M F FAMILY STATUS Single Married Common Law Other Children Yes No EDUCATION Secondary PostSec. Graduate PostGra CURRENT OCCUPATION LEGAL STATUS IN CANADA

Economic Immigrant

Family Class Immigrant

Work Permit Investor Visa Other DATE OF ARRIVAL TO TORONTO Month Year HOUSING TRAYECTORIES 1. BEFORE COMING TO TORONTO 1. How did you access information about housing in Toronto before arrival?

2. Did you and your family use this information to find housing in Toronto?

3. Did you and your family made arrangements regarding housing before coming to Toronto?

Explore: Family Friends Public Agencies Priv. Organ

NGOs Col.Gvmet Canadian Embassy Cbia

4. Did you have any prior knowledge about Colombian organizations in Toronto?

5. Did you know something about the cost of housing in Toronto before coming?

6. If yes, was it more or less than what you expected?

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2. TRANSITIONAL 7. Where was the first time you rent housing in Toronto?

8. When Month Year 9. How much did you pay? 10. What were the conditions of your first housing arrangement? 11. Did you perceive some barriers for your accesing to rent housing?

Language Co-signers Banking references Etnicity

Explore:

Gender 12. How many times have you moved? 13. Where did you move?

14. What were the main reasons for moving?

Price

Location

No. of rooms

Networks (family and friends)

Explore

Job

*15. For those currently owning: When was the last time that they rent? Month Year 3. CURRENT HOUSING CONDITION HOUSING STATUS Rent Own* 16. Where do you live?

17. How much did you pay for your rent? (If applicable)

18. Do you consider that this housing is adequate for your needs? 19. Are you planing to move in the short or medium term (1-3 years)? Yes No

Don't know

20. If renting, are you planing to buy housing? Yes No 21. Where?

22. Why?