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Important Information Event: Active Citizenship Today: Discourses, Conditions, Contestations Date: June 1st-‐2nd 2016 Venue: UiT The Arctic University of Norway Rooms SVHUM E0101 (main room) and SVHUM E0103 Address: Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences, and Education Hansine Hansens veg 36 9019 Tromsø Interactive map: http://bit.ly/1Wn6xCC (A = Bus stop, B = Conference Rooms)
Transport City Centre-‐University: Group Taxi (free of charge) June 1st: Departure from Scandic Ishavshotel at 8:30 June 2nd: Departure from Scandic Ishavshotel at 8:30 Transport University-‐City Centre: Group Taxi (free of charge) June 1st: Departure from the University at 18:30 to Scandic Ishavshotel, Roast Restaurant June 2nd: Departure from the University at 17:45 to Scandic Ishavshotel Internet Connection: Eduroam Alternativelly: Network -‐ uit-‐conference, password -‐ arctic2016 Conference Dinner: The conference dinner is free of charge for all participants presenting a paper. Drinks are not included. Attendees and family members are welcome to join the group. Cost NOK 495,00 + drinks (alcoholic and non-‐alcoholic). Reservations can be done via email or SMS ([email protected] or +47 90220334), no later than May 25. Lunches: Teorifagbygget hus 1, 1113. Free of charge for all participants presenting papers and by purchase for attendees and family members. Average cost: NOK 100,00. Reservations should be done by May 25 through email or SMS ([email protected] or +47 90220334) or purchased directly at the cafeteria, subject to the availability of food and places.
Program Wed, Jun 1st
Time Title Speaker Chair 9:00-‐9:15 E0101
Registration
9:15-‐9:30 E0101
Opening Address Kjersti Fjørtoft and Tor Ivar Hanstad, PDJ/UiT, NO
9:30-‐10:00 E0101
Presentation of the ACT Project
Cindy Horst, PRIO, NO
10:00-‐11:30 E0101
Keynote Lecture I: The Dialectics of Good Citizenship in a Welfare State: Membership, Equality, Participation
Per Mouritsen, Aarhus University, DK
Kjersti Fjørtoft
11:30-‐12:30
Lunch Break
12:30-‐14:00 E0101
Session IA: Conceptualizing Active Citizenship
Marta Bivand Erdal Noor Jdid Annamari Vitikainen
Tor Ivar Hanstad
12:30-‐14:00 E0103
Session IB: Active Participation Across Borders
Radhika Gajjala Laura Ihle Trygve Lavik
Tomasz Jarymowicz
14:00-‐15:30 E0101
Keynote Lecture II: Dissent and Active Citizen
Lynn A. Staeheli, Durham University, UK
Tore Vincents Olsen
15:30-‐16:00 E0101
Coffee Break
16:00-‐18:30 E0101
Session IIA: Political Agency and Participation of Asylum Seekers and Refugees
Cindy Horst Anna Loppacher Mladjo Ivanovic Sheryl-‐Ann Simpson Karine Gatelier
Marta Bivand Erdal
16:00-‐18:30 E0103
Session IIB: Education for Democratic Citizenship and Parenting (1 hour for debate)
Gabriel Goldmeier (30 min) Synnøve Bendixsen and Hilde Danielsen (30 min) Lene Kofoed Rasmussen and Sigga Engsbro (30 min)
Kristoffer Mällberg
Thu, Jun 2nd
18:30 Departure to Roast, Restaurant
Free of charge for all participants presenting papers.
Time Title Speaker Chair
9.00-‐11:00 E0101
Session IIIA: Activism and Deliberation
Tomasz Jarymowicz Tore Vicents Olsen Kjersti Fjørtoft and Jonas Jakobsen Odyn Lysaker
Annamari Vitikainen
11:00-‐11:30 E0101
Coffee Break
11:30-‐13:00 E0101
Keynote Lecture III: Racism as Public Humiliation and Dignity of Dissent
Philomena Essed, Antioch University, USA
Noor Jdid
13:00-‐14:00 Lunch Break
14:00-‐16:00 E0101
Session VA : Active Citizenship in Context I
Katherine Brickell Kari Hoftun Johnsen María-‐Fernanda Gonzáles Rojas Tore Kristian Haaland
Jonas Jakobsen
14:00-‐16:00 E0103
Session VB : Active Citizenship in Context II
Arve Hansen Ozan Gureli Gianluca Vagnareli Vito de Lucia
Magnus S. Egan
16:00-‐17:30 E0101
Closing Remarks Per Mouritsen, Lynn A. Staeheli and Philomena Essed
Cindy Horst
17:45 Departure from the University to Scandic Ishavshotel
Keynote Lecturers
Per Mouritsen, Ph.d. (EUI) is Professor of Political Theory and Citizenship Studies in the Political Science Department, Aarhus University where he was previously director of the Centre for Journalism Studies. He participated in or directed many Danish and European research projects within political theory, migration studies and journalism, including the 6th Framework program EMILIE. He currently works on a book on citizenship and a small comparative project on the civic integrationist turn in North-‐Western Europe. Recent publications include:
Mouritsen, P. “What's the Civil in Civil Society? Robert Putnam, Italy and the Republican Tradition", Political Studies ", 51: 4, 2003. Mouritsen, P. "The Particular Universalism of a Nordic Civic Nation. Common values, state religion and Islam in Danish Political culture", in T. Modood, A. Triandafyllidou and R. Zapata-‐Barrero (eds.) Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship, London: Routledge, 2006. Jorgensen, K.E. and Mouritsen, P. (eds) Constituting Communities: Political Solutions to Cultural Conflict, London: Palgrave, 2008. Meer, N. and Mouritsen, P. "The Cartoons in Danish and British Press: A comparative political culture perspective”, Ethnicities, vol. 9, no. 3, 2009.
Info from: http://accept-‐pluralism.eu/Consortium/People/PerMouritsen.asp
Lynn A. Staeheli is Professor of Human Geography at Durham University in the UK. Over many years, she has questioned the meaning of citizenship as a resource and a value for marginalized peoples and the ways that citizenship is experienced, lived and structured in everyday life. With funding from the US National Science Foundation and the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council, she has examined citizenship in
the context of economic restructuring, austerity, and political transitions. Research has focused on gender, ‘race’, sexuality, faith, religion, and legal standing and has addressed topics such as the experiences of Arab immigrants to the US and UK, the roles of publically accessible spaces, and political activism. Her current research is funded by the European Research Council. It explores the uses and meaning of citizenship in the context of divided, often post-‐conflict societies for young people. Using a multi-‐sited, multi-‐level ethnography and a variety of creative, participatory techniques, she and a team of seven other researchers are focused on the efforts of international organizations, governments and NGOs in Bosnia-‐Herzegovina, Lebanon and South Africa to create opportunities for young people to engage as citizens. The critical intervention of the project is to explore the meaning of citizenship from the perspective of young people themselves.
Philomena Essed holds a PhD from the University of Amsterdam (1990) and an Honorary Doctorate from the University of Pretoria (2011). Dr. Essed is professor of Critical Race, Gender and Leadership Studies for Antioch University’s PhD in Leadership and Change program and is an affiliated researcher for Utrecht University’s Graduate Gender program.
Dr. Essed’s research and teaching transcends national, cultural and disciplinary boundaries. Well known for introducing the concepts of “everyday racism” and
“gendered racism” in the Netherlands and internationally, her work has been adopted and applied in a range of countries, including the United States, Canada, South Africa, Sweden, Finland, Russia, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, and Australia. She has lectured in many countries – from Germany to Brazil; from South-‐Africa to Canada – and published numerous articles in English and in Dutch, some of which have been translated into French, German, Italian, Swedish and Portuguese.
Dr. Essed has a life-‐long commitment to social justice. In addition to her academic work in this area she has been advisor to governmental and non-‐governmental organizations nationally and internationally. In the Netherlands, she co-‐founded the Network for College Educated Black, Migrant and Refugee Women (mid 1980s) and worked with the team that established the national institute E-‐quality: Experts in Gender and Ethnicity (1997/8). She has been a member of the Dutch national Temporary Expert Commission for Women’s Emancipation (1998-‐2001) and a member of the Dutch Selection Commission of Members of the Judiciary (2003-‐2010). Since 2004, she has occupied the position of Deputy Member of The Netherlands Institute for Human Rights (previously know as The Dutch Equal Treatment Commission) where she serves as a panel member in hearings and investigations about structural discrimination, including race, gender, religion, age, sexual orientation and, disability.
Dr. Essed is an expert witness on race, gender, and racism in Europe and has been called upon to participate in hearings held by The European Parliament (Brussels, 1984); The United Nations Economic and Social Council (New York, 2001); The House of Representatives of the States-‐General (The Hague, the Netherlands, 2004); and the United States Helsinki Commission (Capitol Hill, Washington, 2008).
As a result of Dr. Essed’s work, The Queen of the Netherlands recently honored her with a Knighthood (2011).
Info from: http://www.antioch.edu/phd/learning-‐community/faculty/faculty-‐profiles/philomena-‐essed-‐ph-‐d/
Abstracts A-‐Z
Bendixsen, Synnøve and Hilde Danielsen Department of Social anthropology, University of Bergen Uni Research Rokkansenteret, respectively
Creating a local community through parenting? Citizenship practices in a diversified neighborhood in Norway
Parenting has been understood as an expression of citizenship, and researchers have suggested that migrant mothers are engaging with citizenship through their everyday practices and narratives (i.e. Erel 2009). Yet, how to understand parenting in relation to the notion of citizenship remains open for further investigation. In this paper we will discuss how different parents who are engaging in local communities can be understood as ‘agents of change’ and whether this form of parenting culture can be understood as citizenship practices. We think here of citizenship as a practice taking place at a variety of social spaces and expressed through different social relations at a range of scales, including the local, the national and the transnational (cf. Yuval-‐Davis 1997). Drawing on interviews and fieldwork in a socially and ethnically diversified area of Bergen we discuss how parents’ engagement with the neighborhood, the school, leisure activities, other parents, and other people’s children also contribute in shaping these social arenas in various ways. In our fieldwork, we have noticed how while parents wish to include the perspective of other people in their efforts to make what they view as a good local school or neighborhood they also problematize the limits of inclusion. Taking this dilemma as a starting point, we will discuss how and why parents pursue activities and change on behalf of their own children, the neighborhood children or the local community as a whole. What inclusion and exclusion mechanisms are involved in this process? Which ideals and norm legitimize their decisions and actions? Viewing these parents as citizen in the local community we ask: What kind of local community and society are they imaging or creating when engaging in these activities?
Brickell, Katherine Reader of Human Geography, Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, UK
Domestic Violence Law and the Denial of ‘Active Citizenship’ in Cambodia In September 2005 the Cambodian National Assembly ratified the ‘Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and the Protection of the Victims’. Drawing on in-‐depth research with domestic violence victims, legal professionals, NGO workers, police officers and other authority leaders, the paper explores the hiatus that has emerged between promises enshrined in law (citizenship as status) and progress realised on the ground (citizenship as practice). Combining data from a large-‐scale household survey with a suite of interviews with different stakeholders, it traces the socio-‐legal conditions which are denying women of their ability to claim legally and morally enforceable rights via ‘active citizenship’. These constraints encompass structural gender inequities; customs and traditions around silence and harmony; a weak rule of law environment; and inadequacies of financial and human resources to support domestic violence law training, implementation and enforcement. The paper is based on research findings emerging from a joint funded study by the UK Economic and Social Research Council and UK Department for International Development (DfID) entitled ‘Lay and Institutional Knowledges of Domestic Violence Law: Towards Active Citizenship in Rural and Urban Cambodia’ (2012-‐2015). Erdal, Marta Bivand PRIO ‘I don’t think they’d say that’s active citizenship’ Contestations over the meaning of active
citizenship and binary approaches to religious and secular arenas This paper starts from the empirical observation that individuals whom I interviewed who were engaged in activities in religious arenas, were ambivalent as to whether or not this type of engagement could or should be described as active citizenship. On the on hand, they argued that others do not see it as such. On the other hand, they simultaneously argued that their engagements in fact are active citizenship, to the benefit of society at large, and therefore should be seen within a framework of active citizenship. The evaluation of the value of participation in – and contributions to – society are socially constructed and negotiated in particular places and at given times. What is valued as participation and contributions to society – active citizenship -‐ by some may not be seen in the same way by others. In contemporary European societies, religious arenas are seen in different ways, to what is common across much of the rest of the globe, and also differently to what was common in Europe some decades ago, underlining the contextual nature of understandings of active citizenship. This paper explores contestations around the understanding and definitions of active citizenship in relation to perceived boundaries between religious and secular arenas, in culturally and religiously diverse societies, drawing on the perspectives of individuals engaged within religious arenas. In doing this, it also displays the ways in which such binaries between the religious and the secular, only
to a limited extent are reflective of the motivations for societal engagement among this group of individuals. Fjørtoft, Kjersti and Jonas Jakobsen Professor at UiT and Assistant Professor at UiT, respectively
Active citizenship, pluralism and norms of public reason
When talking about active citizenship, we usually think of something that is expressed through participation in the political and social life of the society. An active citizen is a person who takes responsibility for common affairs and takes active part in shaping the future of his or her society trough political debate and decision-‐making. In other words, active citizens participate in the deliberative processes in the society in which he or she belongs. One of the major questions in contemporary political theory is how citizens in diverse societies should argue in order to reach agreements and fair compromises in matters of common concern. The liberal and deliberative view has been that democratic citizens are to justify their political views according to values that all can accept in their capacity of being free and equal. They should therefore not appeal directly to controversial religious or cultural values, but to commonly accepted principles of justice. However, the exclusion of religious reasons has been criticized by inclusivists for being unfair to religious citizens and incompatible with democratic values as freedom of speech and equality. (Bader, 2003, Perry, 1996). In this paper we discuss whether it is unjust to exclude comprehensive views from justificatory processes of decision making. Against religious inclusivists, we argue that the standard liberal view distributes the burdens of deliberation equally. We also question the inclusivist assumption that the liberal view forces believers to split their identity into two parts: a public part (compatible with standard of public reason) and a private, religious part. This assumption is untenable because non-‐religious, political reasons are typically integrated within the religious worldview, and not alien or hostile to it. Gajjala, Radhika Professor of Media and Communication, Bowling Green State University Fulbright Scholar 2015/16, University of Bergen
Active Participation Gamified: NGOization, Participatory Networks and Social Entreprenuership
There has been a transformation of the economic and political life as well as citizen engagement and activist movements as they began to strategically orient themselves towards the “global” via Internet technologies since the early 1990s when the Zapatistas movement emerged online. Characteristics of contemporary Internet usage for social movements, philanthropy, advocacy and activism include everyday strategic and tactical use of mobile gadgets and digital tools originally developed for corporate oriented work, urban oriented leisure, economic transactions, social connection and so on. Given that the risks of digital connectivity also stem
from social hierarchies that predate the Internet as they are reproduced variously even if in disguised and different forms, how might we use digital connection to actually provide equal opportunity to those who are marginalized within our global hierarchies? While the strategies currently standardized and adopted are inspired from a history of activist use of the Internet. The irony of course is that while strategies and best practices are drawn from movements of resistance – where allegedly digital humanities and digital social sciences meet social justice – these practices are tamed in their use in less political NGO work. Organizational models emphasizing participatory processes are in fact the norm in much non-‐profit work – yet even in the use of such language they seem to reassert class, caste and other socio-‐cultural hierarchies. Placed against such a background, my presentation will discuss select examples of how “IT ization and NGO ization” intersect, and point to new and continuing inequalities that emerge. Much celebrated global North and South partnerships in the form of women connecting to digital giving/lending/investing in social entrepreneurial frames as well as connectivity and citizen participation/inclusion/connectivity through the Internet are examined. Sites I focus on particularly are online microfinance platforms, girl-‐effect movements and gamification of development and philanthropy. These are increasingly used to further extend the notion of the “Bottom of the Pyramid” (BOP) as consumer. Gatelier, Karine Modus operandi, Grenoble, France Towards an ethnographic re-‐definition of citizenship? From the case of undocumented
migrants every day practices in the city (Grenoble, France)
Using as a starting point the assertion that citizenship is a capacity (C. Neveu, 2009), we propose to contrast the classical definitions and theories of citizenship with the actual practices and modes of participation of undocumented migrants. This proposal of an ethnography of citizenship is based on fieldwork and participatory action research with rejected asylum seekers in Grenoble (France), and has at as its centre the hypothesis that citizenship is a social and political construction. The empirical approach studying undocumented migrants' everyday lives has been chosen in order to re-‐construct the concept of citizenship through an analysis of the observed practices of this category of migrants. In other terms, this is a proposal to rethink citizenship in the migration context whereas it was developed in the context of the European Union. As citizenship is seen as a political construction, we choose the city as the relevant scale for the study, as it is the kernel of social and political activity which produces the political subject. We dedicate particular attention to the social struggles shared by undocumented migrants to claim for their rights, particularly concerning housing and the recognition of their conditions of life as undocumented migrants. Following the theories of Isin, appropriation and security are some of the “rights to the city”, besides autonomy and difference (Isin, 2002). In this context re-‐appropriation of space through squatting, for example, is interpreted as claiming one's rights
and exercising one's citizenship. The migrant condition: Securisation of the borders in Western states sets restrictive laws and strategies of exclusion questioning the relationship between protection and the political, and leading to the criminalisation of groups of migrants (P. Nyers, 2003). Claiming one's rights is being a citizen. Today, the rights recognised to its inhabitants by the city are not named, such as the rights recognised by a state. Still they are real by the only fact of inhabiting the city (Isin, 2002). Goldmeier, Gabriel UCL Institute of Education
The importance of cultivating citizenship to the “improved” egalitarian liberalism This paper takes egalitarian liberalism – improved by some elements of republicanism, multiculturalism, and feminism – as the best theoretical framework in order to design a just society. Moreover, it assumes that such a theoretical framework should be put into practice by democratic deliberation. However, this project will only be practical if most of the individuals who constitute the society also endorse such ideas. In this sense, the way individuals see their roles in society, that is, how they understand their rights and duties towards other people, is fundamental. Therefore, this paper tries to present a reflection about which are the necessary civic virtues to build such a state. Thus, it begins with a brief background that is important to show that citizenship theory is the natural result of the debate between egalitarian liberalism and communitarianism. Following this discussion, a definition of citizenship as a public duty, not as a right, is presented. Later, after observing some aspects of human nature related to this reflection, a discussion about the reasons for demanding these kinds of duties is proposed. To better understand this, it is shown that some moral values are needed to put into practice these “improved” egalitarian liberalism and deliberative democracy. It is important to explain that, besides tolerance, a fair society depends on the engagement of their citizens. This need points to the conclusion that individuals also have to possess critical thinking and sentiments of sympathy, empathy and solidarity. Finally, the sense of belonging to the nation, which produces engagement, is confronted with two apparently opposed senses: belonging to humanity and to family. This comparison allows the understanding of some limits of the demands of citizenship. Gureli, Ozan Affiliated Lecturer, I.T.U.
Rethinking Active Citizenship via Gezi Park
Active citizenship is something promoted and highly-‐esteemed within (ideal) democracies. However, the limits of this activity is a matter of philosophical and political debate. According to many political philosophers, simply going to ballot box from time to time can not be considered as the only medium of participatory democracy or active citizenship. Especially
during times of political upheavals and spontaneously emerging political movements people either look for new mediums of political actions or the existing mediums cease to function. At the end of May 2013 Turkey experienced such a time. Handful of environmental activists initiated a resistance movement against demolishment of Gezi Park, which is one of the last public green spaces in the city center of Istanbul, and its transformation into a shopping mall. Day by day the resistance attracted support from more people and turned into a political movement which was taken up by millions of people around the country. The first forums founded in by the Gezi Park commune spread to whole country and people found new mediums to express their political opinions. Representatives were selected from the forums and they became members of Taksim (Gezi Park) Solidarity organization which used to consist merely of representatives from political parties, NGO’s, unions and associations. However, the novelty of the movement lies in new forms of political action and participation which is not limited to the forums. There have been various figures of the movement like standing man who not only performed a civil disobedience practice but also a type of political action par excellence. In this context, these practices are all worthy of analysis via Arendt's understanding of the political action and concept of action. These practices and their analysis shed new light on the question of active citizenship. Apart from Arendt, Hardt and Negri's conception of the multitude can be revisited to explain the diversity of the groups and identities behind the movement. An analysis of the interaction of Anti-‐capitalist Muslims and LGBT organizations with rest of the participants of the movement lays bare not only the formation and transformation of political subjectivities along the process but also the challenges we can face due to the tension between aims of active citizenship and cultural-‐religious diversity. Haaland, Tore Kristian PhD Candidate at UiO
Political Freedom According to the Zapatistas; (Il)liberal Democracy Contested This paper will form part of my doctoral thesis, which investigates, outlines and evaluates the legitimacy of land claims made by the indigenous Zapatistas and the corresponding strategy pursued by the various Mexican governments, within a philosophical framework of moral responsibility, justice and reparation. The paper intends to contribute towards an improved and updated understanding of the Zapatista communities' self-‐governance model and definition of freedom. To do so, I will explore their relationship to the Mexican government, refusal to participate in the differing official political systems under top-‐down imposed conditions and Zapatista promotion of ground breaking social and political change throughout Mexico and the world. I will also analyse relevant Zapatista discourse and their contestation of (il)liberal "democracy" as implemented in a Mexican setting of cultural and religious diversity.
Fieldwork and library research methods were applied and conducted prior to and during my doctoral period to provide a historical backdrop of state and federal policies in terms of land rights and autonomy, as well as international agreements. Particularly, my participation in the ongoing “Escuelita Zapatista”, a limited, by invitation only, course taught by their members on the movement’s interpretation of liberty, provides a unique insight into the movement’s take on political freedom. The main research conclusion reads that the Mexican government at all three levels has a contribution-‐based responsibility to rectify the unjust past. Although the federal government provides cash transfers (mostly) also to indigenous peoples (not affiliated with the Zapatistas), they diminish as we speak leaving behind a trace of dependency, forming part of a larger counter-‐insurgency strategy, counter-‐productive in nature. The intention, rather than to rectify the unjust past and apply the San Andres Accords (the document resulting from the peace negotiations), goes against the Zapatistas demands and attempts to undermine the movement. Rather than policies promoting the privatisation of their land and their assimilation into a capitalist Mexican society, the Zapatistas continue to demand that the government, amongst others, fulfills its promise to incorporate the San Andres Accords into the Constitution, recognises the land recovered in 1994 and returns to a land reform addressing the current needs, as well as respects their autonomous system of governance. Hansen, Arve Russian Space: Concepts, Practices, Representations (RSCPR)
Public space and mass protests: a comparison of Kyiv and Minsk
How important are the features of public space for the possibility of mass actions and protests? Belarus and Ukraine share much of the same history, culture, religions, and many of the challenges as post-‐Soviet countries between EU and Russia. The Ukrainian capital Kyiv has seen many protests and popular uprisings, most prominently the Orange revolution (2004–05) and the recent Euromaidan revolution (2013–14). But in the Belarusian capital Minsk, popular attempts to force a political change have thus far been unsuccessful. During my fieldwork on the Euromaidan revolution in Kyiv from November 2013 to May 2015, it became clear that Maidan – the public space the protesters occupied – had many features which make it suitable for protests. Maidan is first of all an easily accesible, major square. It also have a practical position between the religious, historical and political centres of Ukraine and is situated in the proximity of other key places of interest. Its shape and architecture also make it hard to control for the government provided protesters have sufficient time to prepare. Maidan is both a symbolic and a practical place to occupy for people demanding change. There are virtually no public spaces in Minsk that combine all of Maidan’s features. Whilst there may be other factors that affect the Belarusians’ possibility or wish to protest, I argue that Minsk’s lack of a square like Maidan certainly has not made it any easier to protest. I demonstrate this by comparing the October square (Kastrychnitskaia), the Independence square (Ploshcha Nezalezhnastsi) and other public spaces in Minsk with Maidan in Kyiv, and by
comparing the protests in Minsk in 2006 and 2010 with the protests in Kyiv in 2004–05 and 2013–14. Horst, Cindy PRIO
Exploring the ‘refugee citizen’ from the perspective of the anthropology of the good Anthropologists and others have grappled with the issue of individual agency in situations of uncertainty, liminality and constraint. Much of this work takes place in conditions of extreme suffering and wrestles with questions of how people live together during and after war and displacement, and what responsibility they hold toward the other. Robbins (2013) argues that latest developments in the trajectory of anthropology suggest there will be a future shift of anthropological attention away from suffering and toward the ‘anthropology of the good’ which includes an interest in virtue, morality, empathy, care, the gift, and hope. This anthropology is deliberate and value-‐based, choosing to explore ‘the good’ in an urgent need to understand human goodness and not just human suffering or mere coping. Whereas the anthropology of suffering is backward looking, the anthropology of the good is forward looking, in the sense of focusing on hope and change as well as the individual’s role in that, despite conditions of marginalization and trauma. In my research work with refugees, I met many who seemed to have a strong sense of political responsibility and wish to participate in collective action for change. Conducting life histories with these citizen-‐activists made me wonder about the links between their civic engagement and the stories of their lives, and thus about the transformative potential of liminality and uncertainty. As such, it has become essential for me to study individual political agency. I am particularly interested in studying, in the vein of the anthropology of the good, the drivers of individual deeds that stem from a willingness to act for the benefit of others. Furthermore, I wish to explore defining moments in people’s life history where their political agency is ‘awakened’? Ihle, Laura MA Philosophy & Science Theory, Roskilde University, Denmark
Does the Internet constitute a challenge to our practices of active Citizenship? As this conference aims to discuss how practices and ideals of active citizenship are challenged by cultural and religious diversity, I aim to show that the Internet is one such platform, where our ideals and practices of active citizenship are severely challenged. I will argue that one source to this challenge is, that the Internet is often understood as a public realm, both metaphorically and practically, but it is questionable whether this understanding of the virtual realm reflects our actual reality. Using Hannah Arendt's distinction between the private, public and social realm, I would like to discuss whether the Internet can be understood as a functioning public realm, where active citizenship can be played out. If one follows Hannah Arendt’s theories on the public realm, this realm can arguably be understood not solely as a
geographical, structural and/or symbolic space, but as a set of individual and collective abilities, which must be sustained in order for the public realm to function, or even exist. By providing examples from our daily Internet use, I will argue that our virtual realm, in its current form, is wholly unable to develop and sustain these abilities. This means that the virtual realm constitutes a very limited and insubstantial public realm and as such is poorly equipped to serve as a place where active citizenship is developed and sustained. Instead, the virtual realm represents a perfect example of Arendt’s – distinctively different – Social Realm, and should be understood as such. Lastly, the presentation outlines the consequences of mistaking the social realm for the public realm and argues that such a substitution can lead to a loss of a well functioning public realm, and our possibilities for active citizenship. Ivanovic, Mladjo Michigan State University
The European Grammar of Recognition Integrating epistemic and social inclusion of refugees in host societies
The primary motive of this essay is to critically engage the urgent social challenges tied with inclusion of refugees in “developed” Western European societies. Europe is currently experiencing serious problems in every facet of the management of displaced people, and these faults are both moral and political in nature. By considering interrelated themes of epistemic and social inclusion of refugees and migrants from a range of critical philosophical perspectives, I hope to raise a number of framing questions to orient a critical analysis of why such inclusion fails. This investigation of pressing global issues (and reimagining of the role epistemology and the discursive formations play in the moral and political agency of citizens) is a process that will ultimately indicate new possibilities for social and global justice. If we are to genuinely understand their demands, and if we are to reconsider the structure and form of national and international institutions, it is necessary to make sense of how individuals and publics attend to the suffering of others. By recognizing the intertwined epistemological and political dimensions of the current refugee situation, we are better situated to understand how the current crisis impacts the psychology of reasoning about tragedy, as well as the ontological formation (or sustenance) of individual and collective identities. In regard to admitting and receiving displaced and migrant people, I argue that successfully managing dire humanitarian circumstances requires inclusion of both the bodies of knowledge and discursive interactions -‐epistemic inclusion, and also diverse gender, racial and cultural perspectives -‐social inclusion. Furthermore, while there are institutional prescriptions against engaging in various forms of exclusion (gender, racial, ethnic, etc.), epistemic bias can be couched in more symbolic terms, such as “culturally and cognitively inferior depictions of refugees/migrants,” and used as a socially acceptable cue to disqualify “unworthy” ethnic, gender and racial diversity (among others) from normative acknowledgement. Taking into account that cultural, racial and/or gender insensitivities result from a lack of knowledge of social realities as much as a lack of self-‐knowledge (i.e., knowledge of one’s own position with respect to the relevant categories and the relevant forms of oppression) it seems necessary that defining social methods of inclusiveness should be broadened to include epistemic
component and analyze epistemic deficiencies in social interaction. Taking these goals into consideration, this essay ultimately suggests that it is necessary to focus on the development of strategies that would nurture both the cognitive and affective sensibilities of citizens of host societies. Such strategies would aid the host citizens in becoming more tolerant, and also more actively engaged with objects of the humanitarian crisis at the same time. More importantly, it would create necessary space for epistemically marginalized Others to voice their own concerns, and guide their representation and articulation of their experiences on their own terms without being completely dependent on reductive accounts of Eurocentric discursive regimes of knowledge and ascriptions that they assign. In turn, once “Western” humanitarian agents make these connections between epistemic (both cognitive and affective) and social marginalization, they will be enabled to address exclusion more effectively, endorse diversity, and support humanitarian policies. Jarymowicz, Tomasz PhD Candidate, UiT
A Case for a Deliberative Activism within Deliberative Systems
The appreciation of contestatory nature of activism have proved to be the most controversial part of the recent systemic turn in deliberative democracy theory. Activism can be a good source of new perspectives that can work for the benefit of the whole deliberative system. However, activists can also use violent rhetoric that can threaten the stability of the system. As a result, systemic tests have been developed for how activism should employ its contestatory politics. However, it has been argued that those tests ultimately fail; as a result, systemic turn endangers the normative core of deliberative democracy since deliberative system can be taken over by protest completely. I argue that the successful integration of activism and deliberation can be achieved only by making a case for a deliberative activism. This kind of activism possesses deliberative capacity to participate in a collective generation of perspectives but is contestatory enough to secure a link between mass democracy’s critical sites, structured deliberation, and ordinary citizens. The synergy between contestation and deliberation is possible because deliberative activism connects deliberation with a pool of new perspectives coming from mass democracy. My aim is to specify the normative conditions that deliberative activism needs to meet to be included in public deliberation in such a way that takes into account its deliberative and contestatory potential. I will also argue that the problem of systemic tests should be framed in terms of how to translate categorical principles into a systemic context. Consequently, deliberative activism should balance deliberation with contestation according to a division of labor at particular stages of social conflicts. Lastly, I will argue that activism without deliberative capacity can only be treated as a symptom regardless of whether it is a discriminatory one or activism that treats others as free and equal but refuses deliberation for deliberative reasons. Jdid, Noor PhD Candidate, PRIO/SKOK
Inside and Outside: Claiming Citizenship through Acts
In Europe, the vocabulary of citizenship is infused with strong ideals and is mainly used as a response to problems of migration (Mouritsen, 2008: 5). This is visible in discourses on integration, where active contribution and commitment of migrants to the ‘host society’ is central for social cohesion. There is therefore a conflation between places in which people reside and the nation-‐state, concealing variations between and within places, as well as identities and power relations (Wimmer & Glick Schiller, 2002). Instead of looking at active citizenship as a set of acts that ‘good citizens’ perform within the nation-‐state society, I am more interested in how and where actors perceive themselves as citizens in the first place, in terms of membership and belonging. Why do they act, and what understandings of society lie beneath their motivations to act? I am inspired by Isin’s approach of theorizing acts of citizenship “as those acts that produce citizens and their others” (Isin et al. 2008: 37). Isin regards the formation of social groups as a fundamental yet dynamic process through which subjects come into being, where we enact ourselves as citizens, strangers, outsiders and aliens, rather than identities or differences as that are already there (Ibid.). The focus of investigation is therefore on acts that create actors, the scenes these actors create and how these actors transform themselves as agents responsible for the scenes created. In my research, I do not study specific social groups, but rather individuals from various neighbourhoods. In this paper, I intend to explore, using examples from preliminary data analysis, the process in which actors become citizens, and the (alternative) understandings of society that these enactments create. References: Isin, E. F. and G. M. Nielsen (2008). Acts of Citizenship. London, New York, Zed Books Ltd. Mouritsen, P. (2008). “Political Responses to Cultural Conflict: Reflections on the Ambiguities of the Civic Turn”, in Constituting Communities, Ed. Mouritsen, P. London. Palgrave MacMillan. Wimmer, A., & Glick Schiller, N. (2002). Methodological Nationalism and Beyond: Nation-‐ State Building, Migration and the Social Sciences. Global Networks, 2 (4): 301-‐334. Johnsen, Kari Hoftun PhD Candidate, PDJ/UiT
The non-‐substantiated citizenship – Democracy and deprivation in Sub-‐Saharan Africa How are we to understand citizenship and democracy, meaning political equality and inclusion, in circumstances of socio-‐economic inequality, deprivation and exclusion? An increasing proportion of the population in Sub-‐Saharan Africa are urbanites living in slums and working in the informal sector. Living in slums means they have limited or no access to public services such as sanitation, roads, sanctions etc. Most African states provide little access to free universal welfare services, such as health and education, and most social rights and insurances are tied to the formal contract between employer and employee, modeled after Western labor-‐institutions and laws. This institutional set-‐up implies that a major proportion of the urban
citizenry to a large extent is excluded from having a reciprocal relationship with the state based on rights and duties, even when they have the right to vote in democratic elections. This is a fate they share with the peasantry, and relates both to the somber realities of African party politics and the external economical constraints put on these states by international organs such as World Bank and IMF. What does citizenship in such a context amount to? What is there really to vote about when there are hardly any socio-‐economic policy alternatives? In a certain sense these poor electorates seem neither to appear as citizens nor subjects, and democracy has so far delivered them little. There might, I think, nevertheless be reasons for cautious optimism. The urbanites, in contrast to the peasantry, live in close proximity to the national elites, at the centers of politics and are very exposed the social inequalities. The cities provide a much more multicultural setting than the countryside, and as poor urbanites they share a common destiny regardless of ethnic divisions. Their situation is often precarious to the extreme as they for obvious reasons lack the possibility of subsistence farming, living as they do in a thoroughly monetized environment. In contrast to more pessimistic forecasts, my proposal is that an increasing number of the poor being urbanites might make them come to constitute a political force that both has the organizational potential and the incentive to fend for a more substantiated meaning of citizenship and democracy. Lavik, Trygve
Citizenship, historical responsibility and climate justice In international negotiations, developing countries often claim that developed countries should take the biggest cost to combat climate change, since they historically contributed most to the crisis. The question is whether it is fair to lay that historical burden on those presently living in the developed countries. The problem may be put this way: Country X has historically emitted a large amount of greenhouse gasses (GHG), while country Y has not. Two individuals, A and B, have emitted the same amount of GHG and have equal economical capacity. A is a citizen of X, while B is a citizen of Y. Question: Is it fair that A has to take a bigger cost than B? I shall discuss three different answers to this question, (1) the citizenship argument, (2) the entitlement argument, (3) the analogy argument from other natural resources. Citizenship is in this talk defined as being member in a national community that furnishes the citizen with a certain identity. This membership gives the citizen benefits and costs. A cannot legitimately enjoy the benefits of being a member of X, without paying the cost according to X’s historical record. Country X has achieved its prosperity through emissions that have violated other people’s rights. Country Y has not violated others people’s rights through emissions. Therefore, A has a bigger moral duty to take the cost for mitigations, than B. A country’s share of the atmosphere can been seen as a natural resource, just like other natural resources, for example tin. If X has used up it own share of the atmosphere, then A has no claim of Y’s share. Finally, I will discuss
the relationship between these three different answers, and especially discuss the citizen argument in relation to the other arguments. Loppacher, Anna Department of Archaeology and Social Anthropology, UiT The support group for Faiza (Pseudonym) as an example of active citizenship: practice, ideals,
and their relation to public discourses How does a support group for an asylum seeking family position its activism in the political, ideological and discursive landscape of the Norwegian state and society? I investigated this question through anthropological fieldwork with a support group for asylum seekers in Norway. According to Gullestad (2002: 30-‐31) there has been a discursive shift in the public debate about immigration, from conceptualizing immigrants as a ‘resource’ and praising the ‘colourful community’ during the 1970s and -‐80s, towards seeing ‘them’ as a ‘burden’ from the 1990s and onwards. This shift made it both more acceptable and to some degree even expected to be critical about immigration and immigrants in public discourse (ibid.: 17). My informants were deeply concerned about this shift and expressed it to be their moral duty as citizens to do something about it, by juridical, political and activist means. I will discuss this combination of means as a reflection of the dominant paradigm the Norwegian state seems to follow in relation to social movements (Kjellman, 2007). My informants’ thoughts about the ideological background for their actions can be related to Bourdieus (2000 [1972]) theory of practice via Crossleys (2002: 189-‐90) concept of “resistance habitus”. These underlying values showed themselves to be one of the motivating forces for my informants’ actions, which is consonant with Hessels (2011) reflections. Thus, in the context of the upcoming conference, my research may contribute to the understanding of what constitutes active citizenship in a Norwegian context, how governmental policies and public discourse condition activism, and how activists in return try to shape public discourse. Bibliography Bourdieu, P., 2000 [1972]. Esquisse d´une théorie de la pratique. I: P. Bourdieu, red. 2000 [1972]. Esquisse d´une théorie de la pratique. Précédé de Trois études d´éthnologie kabyle. Paris: Editions du Seuil, s. 217429. Crossley, N. 2002. Making Sense of Social Movements. Buckingham og Philadelphia: Open University Press. Gullestad, M., 2002. Det norske sett med nye øyne. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. Hessel, S., 2011. Indignez-‐vous! Montpellier: Indigène éditions. Kjellman, K.E., 2007. Mobilization and protest in a consensus democracy: social movements, the state, and political opportunities in Norway. PhD. Universitetet i Oslo. Lysaker, Odyn Professor at Aarhus University
Emotion, Disagreement, and Conflict Ambiguities in Jürgen Habermas’ Democratic Thought
Chantal Mouffe criticizes Jürgen Habermas for not reflecting upon the role of emotion, disagreement, and conflict regards to active citizenship. In this paper, therefore, I investigate the Mouffe/Habermas controversy, and I do so by adopting a middle position. On the one hand, I take the Mouffian critique to correctly observe that individuals’ rational argumentation regards to universal moral claims is at center in Habermas’ approach. On the other, I argue, contrary to Mouffe, that her critique is based upon misreading and straw man fallacy. As a result, she ignores the many ways in which the Habermasian picture covers exactly the aspects that Mouffe holds that it lacks, namely collective action motivated by emotions as well as defining disagreement, or agonism, as a crucial aspect of the political. Thus, Habermas’ philosophical project, initiated more than 60 years ago, is reduced to something else and therefore less relevant regarding active citizenship than what is actually the case. In the paper, then, I reconstruct his democratic thought based on the assumption that it involves what I term as political ambiguities. By this notion, what I have in mind is how emotion, disagreement, and conflict are at play in within the Habermasian framing of democracy. To do so, I shall structure the paper around Mouffe’s main points concerning individualism, rationalism, universalism, and consensus. Here, I adopt an alternative route throughout Habermas’ oeuvre by holding that the above mentioned political ambiguities are evident throughout his whole authorship, and is grounded in Habermas’ term lifeworld. By doing so, the paper’s aim is to present a more nuanced picture regarding where Habermas and Mouffe actually touch shoulders rather than standing back to back when in their approaches to active citizenship within current complex democracies. Olsen, Tore Vincents Ph.D., Associate Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Aarhus University, Denmark
Are compromises more inclusive of non-‐liberals? Consensus theories of political legitimacy have been criticized by proponents of compromise for being too demanding in terms of what they require of citizens entering into processes of public reasoning. Supposedly, consensus processes require that citizens relate to their beliefs, value and identity commitments in a particularly reflexive manner and that they withhold certain parts of their convictions and express themselves in the form of ‘rational’ argumentative speech. However, these requirements allegedly privilege liberal citizens and exclude or alienate non-‐liberal citizens, e.g. religious citizens, from the political process. Proponents of compromise argue that compromise is less demanding in this regard and therefore more inclusive of non-‐liberals. The paper compares the requirements of consensus and compromise and argues that compromise in general is not less demanding than consensus and that compromise therefore is unlikely to be more inclusive of non-‐liberal citizens than consensus. The paper does not take sides in the debate between consensus and compromise theories. Nor does it enter into the discussion of whether there are intrinsic or only instrumental reasons for seeking compromise. However, the analysis and argument of the article have implications for these discussions. For if the argument for compromise rests its inclusiveness towards non-‐liberals and it can be demonstrated that it is not more inclusive, this argument is seriously weakened.
Rasmussen, Lene Kofoed and Sigga Engsbro University College Zealand, DK
Inappropriate schoolboys or active citizens? On educating democratic citizens in Danish primary school.
This paper presents one part of the analysis of a research project on the prevention of political radicalization in Danish primary school. The project is based on the assumption that a strong political culture in schools as well as the nurturing of political identities and active citizenship among the students can be a means to prevent political radicalization of these students later in life. We will in this paper focus on boys as they are the main concern in the preventive measures taken against political radicalization. Thus, we explore the repertoire of behavior and opinions of the boys of 7th grade in the schools where we conducted fieldwork; which of their behavior and opinions are considered appropriate and which not? As the education researcher Gert Biesta has pointed out, schools that engage in the promotion of “good citizenship” often narrow it to a particular civic identity that mirrors the existing political order. If the democratic learning is about conforming to a narrow civic identity, some individuals will not be included. How do the 7th graders adjust to the wished-‐for identity and what happen when they don’t? Are they at risk of engaging in counter identities that are potentially destructive? On the basis of this exploration of the intended as well as unintended political lessons learned by the 7th graders we will discuss whether schools by appropriating a less definite understanding of democracy and citizenship, can develop a more inclusive political culture? We will tentatively apply the notion of democracy put forward by the political theorist Chantal Mouffe. The question is whether her conflictual democracy based on agonistic struggle are better suited to include the “inappropriate boys” and ultimately render possible their active citizenship instead of provoking anti-‐democratic counter-‐reactions. Gonzáles-‐Rojas, María-‐Fernanda Politics of Culture in Latin America (POCLAT) Interdisciplinary Network for Latin American Research, Affiliate UiT -‐ The Arctic University of Norway
Defining active citizenship in Mexico: three study cases When we try to define active citizenship, can we embrace as many concepts as we find, such as: volunteering, donating, or recycling? How can we define it in places where institutions are weak and corruption is almost systematic? Today, the social conditions in Mexico have led that Literature, religion and individual tutoring have a strong educational role in active citizenship in Mexico, especially in the last five years. But how effective has been in communities with extreme poverty such as in the city of Monterrey, Nuevo Leon Mexico? The Regia Cartonera it’s a cultural project founded by individuals interested in improving the reading skills, and it is
part of a larger initiative about reading in the Latin America region; the Raza Nueva in Christ it’s a religious organization focused in young people in marginalized and violent communities, this religious organization was founded by local priests and individuals. Finally, a special program for tutoring young students 3 hours per month from the Philanthropic Foundation -‐ CAINTRA (Chamber of Industry in the State of Nuevo Leon) A high number of these students have limited resources and want to have a high school degree but also some of them wish to go to university. In these three organizations we find individuals committing themselves to a specific purpose (s). What are the reasons for such commitment? Lack of interest for reading, social degradation, extreme violence and poverty, could be the answer for such local commitment. But what are the common factors? From these cases can we built a definition for Active Citizenship in the northern part of Mexico? Such discussion will be framed under Doris Sommer and Paulo Freire’s academic work. Key words: cultural citizenship, cultural agents. Simpson, Sheryl-‐Ann Assistant Professor Landscape Architecture + Environmental Design; Department of Human Development University of California, Davis
Neighbouring as a Liminal Act of Citizenship
Home is an important site of both incorporation and politicization, and isolation and separation. This study examines action at home as a starting point for a comparative inquiry into the ways in which new immigrant residents in Canada and Denmark are defining citizenship for themselves, and in relation to the expectations and actions of longer-‐term residents and institutions. The study draws on data from approximately 20 months of fieldwork between 2010 and 2013 in two cities Winnipeg Manitoba in Canada and Copenhagen Region Hovedstaden in Denmark. This research included participant observation, narrative interviews, and mapping exercises with new immigrant workers and staff at neighbourhood organizations serving these communities. This data is used to articulate the idea of neighbouring as a type of liminal act of citizenship. This is a focus on the acts that happen in the spaces between the private and the public: front lawns and gardens, stoops, streets and sidewalks, neighbourhood parks, building-‐wide courtyards, neighbourhood centres, and hallways. Understanding actions in these spaces provides an opportunity to 1) examine connections between scales, the ways in which these spaces are shaped and conditioned through actors, actions and institutions, at municipal, national and international scales; 2) build a stronger understanding of migrant interpretations of these spaces, and the ways in which they might connected them to citizenship. Here, paying particular attention to encounters between difference in terms of gender and sexuality, alongside race, ethnicity and nationality; and 3) the ways in which these neighbouring acts might move forward our understandings of everyday and vernacular citizenship. A key finding of the study is the importance of willing interlocutors within non-‐migrant communities. In both cases migrant residents identified both the importance of, and the difficulty of entering into neighbouring relationships with non-‐migrant, non-‐racialized people as a major challenge to incorporation.
S
Vito de Lucia JCLOS, UiT
Active Citizenship for the Common Good(s) in Italy
In 2001 Italy passed a Constitutional amendment which introduced the principle of “horizontal subsidiarity”. This provision opened for the direct engagement of citizens in the management or co-‐management of public goods through forms of “active citizenship”. In the context of European economic austerity, the idea of active citizenship (which has been around at least from the 1970’s) has been concretized in multiple ways, and especially in relation to the (re-‐)emerging category of common goods, through forms of “shared administration”. This presentation will offer an account of these recent practices, its theoretical underpinning, some of its promises and some of its potential limitations. Vagnarelli, Gianluca Lecturer at the Department of Political Sciences, University of Macerata (Italy)
Active citizenship in the anti-‐politics era As Andreas Schedler wrote, we live in antipolitical times [Schedler, 1997]. Anti-‐politics is not new in the history of Western thought, but today it seems to become hegemonic. Since the beginning of the nineties of the twentieth century, anti-‐politics has become the true ideological heart of the post-‐ideological era. Anti-‐politics is a difficult concept to define, for two reasons. First, because it is used to describe different things and this fact caused growing uncertainty around its semantic content. Second, because the anti-‐politics is a concept that is defined by derivation from "politics". The meaning of anti-‐politics changes when the meaning of politics changes: anti-‐politics is the shadow of politics [Truffelli, 2008]. In western democracies the theoretical and political discourse on citizenship reflects the anti-‐political climate of our times. On the one hand, that means crisis of confidence in political institutions and intermediary bodies, increasing levels of electoral abstention and a general political passivity [Flinders, 2014]. On the other side, that means citizens who claim direct participation in public life, in order to overcome barriers against their participation in political decision-‐making, starting with political parties [Allegretti, 2010]. From this point of view, the experience of the Italian Five Star Movement, become the second largest party in the general election of 2012, may be an interesting case study. The main axes of the (anti) political discourse of the Five Star Movement concern in fact the refusal of any form of proxy (rejection of the free representational mandate and the idea of political representation, rejection of the traditional political party with its vertical form of organization, rejection of the culture of leadership) [Grillo, 2013] and, in parallel, the investment in the online civic engagement platforms as a new form of horizontal political community. The discussions around limits and contradictions of this process reflect some of the classical topics about the history of political citizenship.
Vitikainen, Annamari Associate Professor PDJ/UiT
Conceptualizing Indigenous Citizenship: equal, differentiated, or shared citizenship?
This paper considers some of the recent conceptualizations of indigenous citizenship as equal, differentiated, and shared citizenship. It draws from the now common understanding of indigenous citizenship as “citizenship as shared fate”, and aims to show how this understanding of shared citizenship may inform other elements of citizenship – namely, those connected to equal legal rights and to citizen participation. The concept of “citizenship as shared fate” aims to capture the idea of indigenous people and the state’s majority population (thenceforth: national majority) as living in complex, historically formed, interdependent relations that tie their fates together. As opposed to the shared identity theories of citizenship, the understanding of citizenship in terms of shared fate sees the indigenous people and the national majority as sharing a common bond, while keeping their own distinctive identities. While the citizenship as shared fate has been developed to counter the more rigid and homogenizing understandings of citizenship as shared identity, its normative implications extend beyond the psychological (identity-‐based) realm of citizenship. From the point of view of political power, for example, citizenship as shared fate has provided grounds for different types of shared-‐rule institutions, as the interdependency of the two groups is seen to create a need also for power sharing institutions. Apart from its normative effects on political institutions, the understanding of citizenship in terms of shared fate may also have effects on the other dimensions of citizenship, including legal and participatory elements of citizenship. These two elements of citizenship have often been understood differently: While the formal legal citizenship rights are often viewed as distinctively equal (that is, uniform), the quest for equal (now, effectively equal) public participation is often viewed as also requiring differentiated treatment or differentiated group rights. In this paper, I aim to map out some of the ways in which the understanding of indigenous citizenship in terms of shared fate may affect these common understandings of legal and participatory aspects of citizenship, by diversifying the common object to which the equal legal rights and the effective means of participation are supposed to apply.
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