Brazil-Africa Cooperation on Food and Nutrition Security: Planting seeds in unfamiliar soil

7/26/2019 Brazil-Africa Cooperation on Food and Nutrition Security: Planting seeds in unfamiliar soil

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C H A P T E R 8

Analyzing the lessons learnedfrom the implementation process

is crucial for understandingbetter how South-South andtrilateral cooperation schemes cancontribute to food and nutritionsecurity in Africa.

Women qorking the land at the Forika camp for Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Gereida

(South Darfur) during the rainy season. UN Photo/Albert Gonzlez Farran


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Brazil-Africa Cooperation on Food andNutrition Security: Planting seeds inunfamiliar soil1

I N T R O D U C T I O N

Brazilian cooperation in food and nutrition security(FNS) went through a period of rapid expansionbetween 2003 and 2010. This trend is related tothe international diffusion2 of the Fome Zero (ZeroHunger) strategy and the shift in foreign policytowards South-South relations. During this period,there was a notable increase in the number of FNS

projects signed between Brazil and other countriesin the South, even though some of these projectsonly began to be implemented from 2010 on. Thishappened in parallel to, and was partially driven by,the renewed centrality of food security and socialprotection in development debates resulting fromthe 2007 food crisis. In a context marked by thetransition of cooperation efforts from emergencyfood aid to measures to structure national policiesand programmes, the redefining internationalorganizations roles and strategies and greater focuson the linkages between agriculture, nutrition

and social protection, international attentionturned to Brazils experience in tackling FNS. Thisexperience involved an integrated set of policies andprogrammes implemented in the framework of theZero Hunger Strategy, the adoption of the 2006 FNSlaw and the creation of the countrys national FNSsystem (Sistema Nacional de Segurana Alimentar eNutricional, SISAN).

These external factors, on top of the other internaldrivers that have boosted Brazilian South-Southcooperation, are contributing to the disseminationof various policies and programmes in global policy

forums and the adaptation of similar programmesin African countries. However, there is still alot to be learned in terms of policy adaptation.This chapter aims to analyse the potential andchallenges of FNS policy transfer and possibleways of strengthening South-South cooperation.We will begin with a brief description of the rise

of South-South cooperation, followed by anoverview of Brazilian cooperation efforts and theirevolution in the area of FNS. We then focus onlessons learned from the implementation of twoprogrammes: the Food Acquisition Programme(PAA) and the National School Feeding Program(PNAE) in Mozambique.3 These programmes were

chosen as examples due to their weight in theBrazilian technical cooperation portfolio and theirpotential to contribute to development in Africa,as they associate access to food with the variousdimensions of food production. Finally, the lastsection discusses key issues to be considered inthe process of policy dissemination, learning,transfer and adaptation.

T H E R I S E O F S O U T H - S O U T HC O O P E R A T I O N

South-South cooperation encompasses a diverserange of cooperation initiatives among different

actors in the developing world, such as: the adoption

of joint positions in multilateral policy spaces; the

promotion of South-South trade; the establishment of

political coalitions, networks and regional integration

initiatives; financing; the strengthening of human

and institutional capacities (technical, scientific or

technological); and responses to crisis situations. It

also includes relationships between governments,

civil society organizations, social movements

and universities. This chapter will focus on what

is commonly called South-South developmentcooperation (SSDC), which is understood as the

area where international development cooperation

and SouthSouth cooperation come together. It

involves flows of technical cooperation, financial or

in-kind donations and concessional loans between

developing countries aimed at tackling primary

development problems.4

1This paper was written by Mariana Santarelli, Reference Centre on Food and Nutrition Security (CERESAN) andBianca Suyama, South-South Cooperation Research and Policy Centre (Articulao SUL).2Studies on policy transfer and polic y diffusion explore international factors and interdependencies that influence policy change, or the adoption ofcertain practices and programmes. Whereas policy diffusion is generally concerned with patterns of adoption and the conditions for dissemination,policy transfer often focuses on understanding the process by which policies and practices are carried from one context to the other and the results of

such a transfer.3PAA is the Portuguese acronym for the Programa de Aquisio de Alimentos, and PNAE, the Programa Nacional de Alimentao Escolar.4Defining South-South development cooperation as efforts aimed at tackling primary development problems can be interpreted in different ways,as the decision regarding what constitutes a primary development problem is political and varies. To complicate matters further, separating the ideaof South-South development cooperation from the web of relationships of which it is comprised may give us a very incomplete understanding of theinterests involved, mutual gains and the impact of the initiatives. It is important to stress, however, that there is no consensus among actors engaged inSouth-South cooperation on its conceptual and operational definitions.


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South-South cooperation re-emerged in the 2000s5

with force in international relations, just as South-South development cooperation was gainingrenewed prominence in the global agenda. At thetime, traditional donors were beginning to prioritizesupport for South-South development cooperation aspart of their efforts to rebuild their legitimacy, which

had been affected by the questioning of internationalaids effectiveness and the revolution brought aboutby the emergence of new actors, especially China, indevelopment cooperation (Woods, 2008; Severinoand Ray, 2009).

Like other actors engaged in South-Southcooperation, the Brazilian governments narrativeemphasizes the principles of horizontality, non-conditionality and being demand-driven. Thediscourse on solidarity, which gained centralityduring the Lula government with the concept of non-indifference,6 also permeates and is used to justify

the governments relationships with other countriesof the South. However, economic and politicalinterests are also apparent in the governmentsdiscourse on the mutual benefits of cooperation.Brazils development cooperation is thus seen asboth altruistic and self-beneficial, without these twoelements being perceived as contradictory.

Brazilian technical cooperation is marked byinstitutional fragmentation, which is partiallydue to the inexistence of a legal framework thatclearly defines its objectives, scope, mechanisms,

competences and processes (Leite and others, 2014).As a branch of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the

Agncia Brasileira de Cooperao (ABC, or BrazilianCooperation Agency in English) is responsible forcoordinating technical cooperation according tothe directives established by the presidency. Otheractors involved in Brazils cooperation efforts includeBrazilian ministries, the private sector through public-private partnerships7 and bilateral and multilateralinternational organizations. The importance ofline ministries here should not be understated:they finance projects, assign their public servantsto missions and engage in transnational networksand policy forums. Another key actor in this area isthe Coordenao Geral de Aes Internacionais deCombate Fome(CGFOME, or General Coordinationof International Action against Hunger). CGFOMEwas created as the international interface of the[national] Zero Hunger Programme with the

mandate to coordinate Brazilian foreign policy infood and nutrition security, rural development andinternational humanitarian cooperation (MRE, n/d).

This highly fragmented structure often leads to a lackof coordination and coherence in Brazils engagementwith the Global South. That said, the involvement of

several institutions should also be seen as one of themain strengths of Brazilian SSDC. The initiatives areled by institutions and people with direct experiencein the development and implementation of thenational programmes and policies being shared(and not by an aid bureaucracy). This allows formore horizontal exchanges and a rich peer-to-peerdialogue based on personal experience. Braziliancooperation clearly does not follow one single model,but rather several policies and multiple practices thatare deeply influenced by the implementing agenciesand partners involved.

The strategic character of South-South cooperationbecame more visible under the Lula administration.Closer relations with Africa were already announcedduring Lulas presidential campaign (Saraiva, 2002)and were promptly consolidated in his first year ofgovernment through the organization of the Brazil-Africa Forum. Whereas his predecessor visited onlytwo African countries during his term, Lula visited23. Lula also proactively raised social issues ininternational fora during his presidency. In 2003,in Davos, he defended an increase in aid to tacklehunger, and in 2004, he was one of the leaders

behind the launch of the Global Action againstHunger and Poverty.

Brazilian contributions to development cooperationmultiplied fivefold between 2005 and 2010 (seechart 1). The country became a reference fortraditional donors (international organizations anddonors from the North) due to its developmenttrajectory in the 2000s, which combined economicgrowth and social inclusion. At the same time,Brazilian implementing agencies started to assumea proactive role in the promotion of their experienceand in response to demands from partners (IglesiasPuente, 2010). There has also been unprecedenteddomestic mobilization on and dispute over thecountrys South-South development cooperationand foreign policy, and the role Brazil should play inthe global economic and political architecture (Leiteand others, 2014).

5In the context of the Cold War and the wars of independence, countries of the Global South were treated and began to see themselves as part of aspecific group. South-South cooperation first gained ground after the Bandung Conference (1955) as a means of promoting greater coordination amongcountries of the South and stimulating their own development. In the early 1960s, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)was created. In the decade that followed, the Non-Aligned Movement supported initiatives aimed at ensurin g a more equitable integration of developingcountries into the world economy. In 1978, a conference was held in Argentina in which 138 countries signed the Buenos A ires Plan of Action to promotetechnical cooperation among developing countries. The debt crisis of the 1980s and 1990s ended up demobilizing South-South cooperation actors. Formore information, see Morais, 2009 and Leite, 2012.6The non-indifference concept was introduced as a more moderate interpretation of the idea of strict adherence to the principle of non-intervention. Celso Amorim, the foreign minister at the time, explained that non-indifference is not a principle per se, but rather a humanisticguideline of Brazilian foreign policy. It opens up the possibility of providing support and solidarity in crisis situations, thereby softening theprinciple of non-intervention.7Public private partnerships or enterprises are a generic term for the relationships formed between the private sector and public bodies oftenwith the aim of introducing private sector resources and/or expertise in order to help provide and deliver public sector assets and services.


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CHART 1

HISTORICAL PROGRESSION OF MODALITIES (20052010)

Source: Leite and others, 2014.

The expansion of Brazils SSDC has not beenaccompanied by the adoption of adequate

instruments that enable the government torespond to the exponential increase in demands.Limitations in terms of budget and personnel, aswell as weak institutional coordination among theagencies engaged in initiatives abroad are importantconstraints to the further expansion of Braziliantechnical cooperation.

There were also some significant changes in thetransition from the Lula administration (2003-2006and 2007-2010) to the Dilma administration (2010-2014 and 2015-present). First, the current presidentdoes not share her predecessors enthusiasm for

South-South cooperation, which has resulted in theadoption of a more pragmatic approach to South-South relations. Now, Brazilian cooperation is moreclosely aligned with the countrys interests in theareas of trade and investment. According to an offi cialcommuniqu published by the Casa Civil (Chiefof Staff Offi ce), debt relief8 and the negotiation ofnew investment treaties and funding conditions aremeasures aimed at intensifying Brazils relations withthe African continent, which are based on reciprocalcooperation and mutual development (Rossi, 2013).

Government bodies engaged in developmentcooperation are currently reflecting upon the lessons

they have accumulated over the last ten years. Learningprocesses and institutional changes are underway,

for instance, in the Ministries of Health, Education,Agrarian Development and in partner organizations,such as the Servio Nacional de AprendizagemIndustrial (SENAI, or the National Industrial TrainingService) and the Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa

Agropecuria (Embrapa, the Brazilian AgriculturalResearch Corporation) Demands to improve theeffectiveness of Brazilian cooperation have beenaccompanied by growing interest in the issue amongacademics and civil society organizations, which isgenerating a positive environment for influencing allpublic policy levels.

There has also been an increase in trilateralcooperation. Multilateral organizations are not onlysupporting implementation, but also mediating andbuilding synergies around demands and activelyparticipating in implementation processes. They havealso been shaping Brazils engagement and becomeessential players in SSDC by taking up roles thatcannot be currently fulfilled by national structures.New centres within multilateral organizations, whichhave Brazil as a key partner, have been created tosupport policy diffusion, policy adaptation andcapacity building to pilot and scale-up programmes

and policies. These include, for example, fromthe oldest to the newest: the International Policy

0

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2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

TotalexpenditureinthousandsofU

S$

Percentageoftotalfundspermodality

Year

Scholarships and educational cooperation Humanitarian cooperationTechnical cooperation Scientific and technological cooperationContribution to international organizations Peacekeeping operationsUS$ total

8In addition to strengthening relations and showing solidarity with African countries, Brazil provided debt relief in order to make way f or newgovernment loans for projects in which Brazilian companies were involved in Africa and to start implementing the International More FoodProgramme. The latter combines technical and financial cooperation and aims to support food production and access to Brazilian machineryand equipment.


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Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG), the WorldFood Programmes Centre for Excellence againstHunger and the UNDP World Centre for SustainableDevelopment (RIO+ Centre). The IPC-IG and the RIO+Centre were established as partnerships between theUnited Nations Development Programme (UNDP)and the Government of Brazil, and the WFP Centre

is a WFP-Government of Brazil partnership. Thesearrangements were the result of opportunities thatemerged from the interaction between domesticconstraints, international coalitions and agendasand changes in the development cooperation scenethat led traditional donors to turn to South-Southcooperation (Leite, Suyama and Pomeroy, 2013).

An interesting aspect of this trend is the increasedfocus on ensuring not only knowledge-sharing,but also policy adaptation. Ensuring that policychange is made at the recipient country level isnot seen as the role of the Brazilian government.

This is partially due to the principles of South-

South cooperation such as being demand-driven and respect for national sovereignty andthe motivations for being involved in it, such assolidarity and the generation of mutual benefits.Instead, the focus is on policy sharing and learningand building the capacity of recipient countriesinstitutions to implement policy tools.

The involvement of international organizations,bilateral donors and these new policy centreschanges these dynamics. Traditional donors havea stronger focus on results and, in engaging withSSDC, they need to demonstrate their value-addedand that positive change has taken place. These newcentres, on the other hand, are trying to establishtheir legitimacy in a more complex and competitiveenvironment for development cooperationgovernance. In such a context, ensuring policyadaptation and take-up becomes crucial in order todemonstrate results and the contribution they are

making to development efforts.

UN Photo/Ray Witlin


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Brazilian cooperation on Food and Nutrition Security(FNS) went through a period of rapid expansionbetween 2003 and 2010, especially since the eruption

of the food crisis in 2007. As the crisis put food securityand social safety-nets back in the spotlight of theinternational development arena, the number ofcooperation agreements multiplied. Given the limitedamount of information available, it is diffi cult toaccurately describe the evolution of FNS cooperationin terms of number of projects and spending. However,the findings of several studies based on a surveyconducted by the Cmara Interministerial de Segurana

Alimentar e Nutricional (CAISAN, or the InterministerialChamber of Food and Nutrition Security) show thatthere has been a significant increase in the number

of projects, especially in Africa (CAISAN, 2013). Thistrend is associated with the international diffusion ofthe Fome Zero strategy and Brazils foreign policy shifttowards South-South relations (Maluf and others, 2014;Beghin, 2014). Chart 2 shows the main sub-sectors ofBrazilian cooperation on FNS.

B R A Z I L I A N C O O P E R AT I O N I N F O O D A N D N U T R I T I O NS E C U R I T Y

In 2003, the Lula government adopted the FomeZero strategy, which gave rise to the Poltica Nacionalde Segurana Alimentar e Nutricional (PNSAN, or the

National Food and Nutrition Security Policy). It quicklybecame a recurring theme in presidential speechesand Brazilian diplomatic discourse and eventuallyevolved into a key issue in bilateral and multilateralpolicy spaces (Lazzarini Cunha, 2010). The internationalprominence of the Fome Zero strategy, which boostedcooperation during this period, was due to Brazilbeing widely viewed as a success story in the fightagainst hunger. Brazil was seen as a country capableof combining measures to strengthen family farming,the creation of social safety nets and improvements tonutrition into a single intersectoral and participatory

national policy that could be replicated in countriesfacing similar challenges.

The legitimacy of Brazils FNS and anti-povertyprogrammes as a solution to problems in otherdeveloping countries can be credited to the Lulagovernments endeavours to promote these

Source: CAISAN apud Beghin, 2014.

CHART 2

BRAZILIAN SSDC PROJECTS BY SUB-SECTOR (2013)

Strengtheningsmallholderagriculture

20%

Production and foodprocessing

18%

Access to food inemergencies

16%

School feeding14%

Access to foodpurchased locally

from family farmers5%

Fishing5%

Access to water

5%

Cash transfer4%

Strengthening ofnational food andnutrition security

policies3%

Other10%

Percentage of projects per sub-sector, 2013

(56 project in total)


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programmes and the efforts of internationaldevelopment agencies to certify them as bestpractices (Silva, 2008; Milhorance, 2013; Santarelli,2015). It is important to recognize, however, thatthese policies and programmes earned internationalrecognition for their effectiveness in meetingthe global targets established by the Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs) and the World FoodSummit, such as reducing the proportion of peopleliving in extreme poverty by half. In 2014, Brazilsclassification on the FAOs Hunger Map was alteredas it joined other countries in the very low hungercategory after having reduced the number ofundernourished people by 82 percent between 2002and 2013 (WFP, 2014). According to the Food andAgriculture Organization (FAO), this achievement wasdue to a set of FNS policies that incorporate importantelements such as: commitment to social protection,income redistribution and school feeding policies;fostering agricultural production through government

food purchasing programmes; and an intersectoraland participatory approach to FNS governance (FAO,2014).

One of the FNS policies that has gained the greatestinternational visibility was the Programa Nacional de

Alimentao Escolar (PNAE, or National School FeedingProgramme). This was due not only to its link to Fome

Zero, but also to it being mentioned regularly at keyinternational meetings on nutrition, namely the GlobalChild Nutrition Forum. Brazils PNAE is the secondlargest universal school feeding programme in the

world in terms of the absolute number of beneficiaries.It is also one of the longest standing policies within thePNSAN. The programme provides school meals to allstudents from public elementary and high schools, aswell as charity-run and community schools registeredwith the government. Its decentralized systemtransfers funds directly to the state and municipalauthorities responsible for education. Since 2009, stateand municipal governments have been required bylaw to allocate 30 percent of the funds transferred fromthe Fundo Nacional de Desenvolvimento da Educao(FNDE, National Educational Development Fund)to purchasing food directly from family farmers. In2014, when the FNDE had a budget of BRL 3.5 billion,this represented the equivalent of a guaranteedinstitutional market value of BRL 1.05 billion for localacquisitions (Portal FNDE, 2015).

The PNAE came to be known as an effi cient approachto combating malnutrition in school-age childrenthat can be adapted to the context of other low-income countries. What differentiated the Brazilianexperience at the international meetings was theprogrammes success in terms of direct purchasesfrom family farming, its intersectoral and participatory

approach, and government efforts to tackle childmalnutrition through interventions in the publicsector, as opposed to exclusively private sector-basedstrategies, such as food fortification. FNDE is now part

of a well-established global network on school feedingpractitioners. In 2005, the FNDE and the WFP signed thefirst agreements and terms of cooperation, which wereinitially intended to provide support to Portuguese-speaking African countries. The overall objectives ofthese agreements were to offer technical assistanceto help structure institutions, design programmes and

legal frameworks and train local staff.

As mentioned earlier, the international recognition ofBrazils policies also led to the creation of two importantcentres for South-South dialogue in Brazil throughpartnerships between the Brazilian government andinternational organizations. In 2002, the InternationalPolicy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG) was createdin partnership with UNDP. Specializing in issues suchas poverty, inequality, social protection and incomedistribution, this think tank gained prominence mainlyfor its studies on the Programa Bolsa Famlia (PBF, orFamily Allowance Programme) - another Brazilian

success story in the area of poverty reduction. In2011, in response to growing demand for BrazilianSouth-South cooperation on FNS, the WFP and thegovernment partnered in the creation of the Centreof Excellence against Hunger, whose aim is to shareexpertise, knowledge and successful experiences inschool feeding and FNS.

Another important milestone in Brazils cooperationwith Africa was the 2010 Brazil-Africa Dialogue on FoodSecurity, Fighting Hunger and Rural Developmentconference held in Braslia, in which ministerial

representatives from 45 African countries participated.With the goal of showcasing Brazils policies, the eventhighlighted the potential for technology transfer inthe area of tropical agriculture (by Embrapa), usingexperiences from the Brazilian savannah as a referencefor the African savannah, and policies to strengthenfamily farming, particularly the PAA and the ProgramaMais Alimentos (More Food Programme). Objectivelyspeaking, few new technical cooperation initiativesemerged from this event. After the event, however,the Purchase from Africans for Africa Programme (PAAAfrica) was discussed and developed in partnershipwith FAO and WFP. Five of the ten PAA pilot projectsthat had been promised are now being implementedin Ethiopia, Malawi, Mozambique, Niger and Senegal.The UK Department for International Development(DFID) joined the initiative later to support theprogrammes learning agenda.

The PAA was originally established in Brazil in 2003as part of Fome Zero. Through the programme, theproduce of family farmers is purchased for distributionto social assistance networks and people experiencingfood insecurity and for the establishment of publicstocks. The programme supports food production

by smallholder farmers by creating institutionalagricultural markets for those who tend to have limitedmarket access for their products. Purchasing producewithout a tendering process allows smallholder


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Cotton-4: Brazils Cotton-4 Programme providessupport for the development of the cotton industry inthe countries known as the Cotton-4: Benin, BurkinaFaso, Chad and Mali. More specifically, it involves the

testing and adaptation of productive cotton varietiesas part of efforts to organize a viable regional supplychain. The pilot project started in 2009 and concludedin 2013. Since then, the programme has expandedto other countries in Africa and there are plans toexpand it to other parts of Latin America.

More Food Africa: Created in 2010 by the BrazilianMinistrio do Desenvolvimento Agrrio(MDA, Ministryof Agrarian Development), this project aims tostimulate food production and productivity in thefamily farming sector in Africa, as well as facilitateaccess to agricultural machinery and equipment. It

combines technical and financial cooperation with aninter-sectoral (agricultural and industrial) approach toincrease family farming productivity in a sustainableway and to support national food security strategies.

ProSavana: Established in Mozambiques Nacalacorridor, ProSavana is a trilateral programme betweenMozambique, Brazil and Japan. It focuses on theagricultural development of Mozambiques tropicalsavannah. Technical cooperation was initially meantto attract private investment in order to promote thedevelopment of agribusiness and food production in

the Nacala region.

Community native seed banks in family farming

areas: A knowledge-sharing initiative delivered bysocial movements working in coalition with oneNGO and two different government agencies, theprojects overall objective is to contribute to theeconomic and organizational strengthening of familyfarming in South Africa and Mozambique. Guided bythe concept of food sovereignty and agroecologicalpractices, the project promotes the exchange ofexperiences between family farmers, techniciansand rural leaders to recover, use and multiply nativeseeds, and establish community native seed banks.

farmers to participate in public procurement. Theprogramme works as a social safety net for both thevulnerable groups who benefit from food assistanceand smallholder farmers, since it generates a relativelystable demand for their products. Moreover, studieson the PNAE and PAA show that this type of initiativereduces the distance between production and

consumption, thereby shortening distribution chainsand generating positive effects on the environment,local FNS (thanks to lower food prices and the greatervalue given to local food cultures) and local economies(Menezes and others, 2015).

Brazils contribution to PAA Africa may be consideredan important achievement for the countrys South-South development cooperation efforts. It involvessharing experiences and information on one of the keylessons learned from the National Food and NutritionSecurity Policy: precisely, the importance of combiningproduction with access to food. This accomplishment

is even more important when it is analyzed as part ofthe CGFOMEs effort to renew Brazilian humanitariancooperation by combining emergency and structuralactions into a new model denominated sustainablehumanitarian cooperation. This hybrid of technical andhumanitarian cooperation is taking shape in projectsthat differ from other humanitarian initiatives due tothe local purchasing incentives they include. The Lt

Agogo project, which promotes the local productionand purchasing of milk in Haiti, and PAA Africa are themain examples of this innovative approach.

Therefore, in addition to the focus on FNS inpresidential speeches and the increase in exchangesbetween countries from the Global South, a numberof agreements have been signed and several newinstitutions have been established. The type of FNSprojects on the Brazil-Africa cooperation agenda havebeen the source of controversy. On the one hand,Brazil has engaged in a joint effort with internationalorganizations to promote policies such as the BolsaFamlia, PAA and PNAE, which target the mostvulnerable segments of the population and aim toensure access to food. On the other, it intensifiedother initiatives such as ProSavana, which focuseson technology transfer for agribusiness in Africa. Assuch, Brazilian cooperation may be exporting thecontradictions and disputes that characterize itsnational food system and policies, and that recipientcountries may be ill-equipped to resolve. Despitethe importance of this controversial issue in the foodsecurity debate, it will not be explored here. It isimportant to note, however, that given the dramaticreductions in the South-South cooperation budget,choices must be made, priorities set and futuredirections defined to ensure that cooperation effortsbenefit those who are most in need.


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The field of international development cooperationhas been dependent on a market for solutions that has

always been dominated by multilateral organizationsand northern donors (King and McGrath, 2004). BrazilianSouth-South cooperation on FNS is embedded in thisdynamic, which can be exemplified by the creation ofthe centres and the trilateral agreements mentionedearlier. In the case of international organizations, thenew trend to promote South-South cooperation hasdefinitely been instrumental to reinventing their workand adapting to an international context where theirlegitimacy has been brought into question by doubtson their effectiveness and impacts. This context isalso marked by the lingering financial crisis that hasreduced financial resources and the emergence of

new actors on the scene. Even so, Brazil benefits fromthese partnerships, namely in terms of gaining globalvisibility and increased effectiveness of implementationprocesses, as international organizations have beenworking in Africa for decades and tend to be morefamiliar with the local context and challenges. Ourintention here is not to question these partnerships,but rather to acknowledge the role that internationaldevelopment networks play in the dissemination ofpublic policy ideas and principles on FNS.

Brazilian FNS policies and the possibility of transferring

them through South-South cooperation are closelyaligned with both the demands of African governmentsand emerging trends in international developmentcooperation. The rise of the food and nutrition securityagenda is also the result of agriculture being once againtreated as a priority for African development, which isexemplified by the Comprehensive Africa AgricultureDevelopment Programme (CAADP) (Milhorance,2013). It is also related to growing dissatisfactionwith the dominance of cash transfers programmesin cooperation efforts. Despite the evidence of theirpositive impacts, cash transfers are perceived as costlyand as part of a donor-driven agenda, and to demanda complex structure for their delivery (Devereux andWhite, 2008).

There has indeed been a shift in how the internationalcommunity thinks about and defines its role in thefight against hunger and malnutrition in Africa. Studiesconducted in Angola, Cape Verde and Mozambiqueby the Centro de Referncia em Segurana Alimentare Nutricional (CERESAN, or Reference Centre on Foodand Nutrition Security) at the Rural Federal Universityof Rio de Janeiro suggest that there has been aprogressive decline in emergency food aid in many

African countries, especially those that returned to

political stability in the last decades. This decline hasbeen accompanied by a significant paradigm shift

in cooperation on FNS. The case study of Angolashows that international organizations have stoppedproviding humanitarian assistance and started toact from a development perspective. According tothe studys authors, there has also been a transitiontowards support for democratic governance anddirect budget support (Marcelino and Morgado,2015). The study on Cape Verde observed a transitionin humanitarian assistance towards developmentand good governance projects (Martins, 2015). Asfor Mozambique, the study revealed a transition froma humanitarian and emergency approach basedessentially on the physical availability of food to a

structural approach to food security (Vunjanhe andAdriano, 2015).

Therefore, despite differences between countries, thereis a common trend whereby the perspectives on FNSand strategies to overcome hunger in Africa of bothnational governments and bilateral and multilateralorganizations are shifting from emergency food aidto initiatives aimed at helping countries to developmore structured national policies and programmes.Their approaches are thus becoming similar to that ofBrazil, which is currently being disseminated through

its South-South cooperation, often with the support ofFAO and WFP (Maluf and Santarelli, 2015). For instance,the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD)is increasingly involved in supporting African countriesefforts in this area. Recently, a delegation of 20representatives from the African Union (AU), includingstate ministers, visited Brazil. Hosted by the Centre ofExcellence against Hunger, the visit was to be a steptowards meeting the AUs objective to take ownershipof the issue and to adopt a continental initiative onschool feeding (WFP, 2015).

Already present in Brazilian humanitarian cooperation,this perspective is also being adopted by internationalorganizations. One of the WFPs long-term objectives,for example, is to phase out its assistance, leavingbehind sustainable, cost-effective national schoolfeeding programmes that are embedded withinbroader national policies and frameworks, as severallow-income countries make the transition from relianceon external support for their programmes to fundingand managing them nationally (Bundy and others,2009). Fostering the transition to sustainability is animportant aspect of the WFPs new policy committedto moving away from a project-based approach to

a more long-term, sustainable approach to school

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feeding. The approach also emphasizes governmentownership, effi ciency, local procurement and theestablishment of links between smallholder farmingand better and more nutritious food baskets.

Trends emerging in international forums alsosupport the focus on approaches that combine direct

purchases from family farmers with inter-sectoralstrategies to overcome hunger and malnutrition. Thereis growing debate on a new conceptual frameworkcalled nutrition-sensitive agriculture. Developedby the UN in response to the 2007 food crisis, thismulti-sector framework moves beyond the approachfocused exclusively on increasing production, whichhas dominated the food security agenda so far, toincorporate nutrition or the quality dimension intofood production. While it is still not clear what thismeans in terms of policies, some specialists pointto what appears to be a strategy led by the privatesector based on the fortification of food and seeds.

There are also, however, incentives for developingcross-ministerial policies and programmes on FNS anddesigning strategies that increase farmers access tomarkets. PAA and PNAE are prime examples of howprogrammes to strengthen agriculture can contribute

to improvements in nutrition by promoting dietarydiversity.

There is also a growing tendency in internationaldevelopment to explore the linkages between socialprotection measures and food and nutrition security. Forinstance, a report by the High Level Panel of Experts on

Food Security and Nutrition (HLPE) of the UN Committeeon World Food Security argues that each source of foodentitlement failure can be counteracted with a socialprotection response (HLPE, 2012: 33), as illustrated intable 1. Studies by Slater, Holmes and Mathers (2014)explore how these linkages are made in practice. Theirfindings suggest that a range of social protectionprogrammes - both those focused on productivity andthose centred on protection - increased the quantityand quality of food consumed. Some programmes alsoplayed an important role in mitigating the effects ofshocks or seasonal stresses on household food security.While most of the evidence came from Latin American

experiences with conditional cash transfers, it suggeststhat programmes that integrate access to food andnutrition, such as school feeding, can also function astools for food security and social protection (Slater,Holmes and Mathers, 2014).

TABLE 1

SOURCES OF FOOD ENTITLEMENT FAILURES, SOCIAL PROTECTION RESPONSES AND

FOOD SECURITY OBJECTIVES

ENTITLEMENTCATEGORY

SOCIAL PROTECTIONINSTRUMENTS

FOOD SECURITY OBJECTIVES

Production Subsidies for inputs Crop and livestock insurance

Increase food production Protect farmers from the impacts ofcrop failure or death of livestock

Labour Public works programmesproviding temporary

employment

Create useful infrastructure

Promote agricultural production

Trade

Measures to stabilize foodprices Food subsidies Grain reserves

Maintain market access to food Keep food affordable for the poor Ensure an adequate supply of food forthe market

Transfers

School feeding Supplementary feeding Conditional cash transfers

Unconditional cash transfers

Reduce hunger and poverty Promote access to education andhealth care (for the general public andfor children in particular)

Promote local food production Increase food consumption

Source: HLPE, 2012, 31.


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Brazilian South-South cooperation on FNS appears toalready be aligned with the Sustainable DevelopmentGoals (SDGs) and their related targets. Launchedduring the Rio+20 Summit, the UN Secretary GeneralsZero Hunger Challenge was inspired by Brazils Fome

Zerostrategy and later influenced the drafting of SDG2: end hunger, achieve food security and improved

nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture. Eventhough the intersectoral approach of Brazilian FNSpolicies and efforts to close the gap between familyfarming, nutrition and social protection are clearlymore directly related to SDG 2, they can contributeto achieving other SDGs. They can help achieveSDG 12 (responsible consumption) by promoting a

systemic approach and cooperation among all actorsinvolved in the supply chain (from producers to finalconsumers) through sustainable public procurement.They also help reduce poverty (SDG 1) and inequalities(SDG 10) and promote good health and well-being(SDG 3) through public policies that specificallytarget the poor. In this regard, we emphasise the

importance of SSDC not only as a field of action(i.e. where projects are implemented), but also asa dynamic political space for discussion on whatis legitimate and possible with the hopes thatcooperation between countries from the Southcan contribute to developing new approachesand paradigms.

UN Photo/Albert Gonzlez Farran


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9The study was carried out in January 2015 and involved 15 semi-structured interviews with people directly involved in the implementation ofthe trilateral cooperation agreement between Brazil, Mozambique and the WFP, which was formally launched in 2012. The initiatives goal is totransfer knowledge to and build the capacity of the Government of Mozambique to support the formulation and implementation of a nationalschool-feeding programme based on the Brazilian experience.

Analyzing the lessons learned from theimplementation process is crucial for understandingbetter how South-South and trilateral cooperation

schemes can contribute to food and nutritionsecurity in Africa. This section focuses mainly onMozambique, as that is where cooperation projectsbased on the Brazilian PAA and PNAE programmesare being implemented via an integrated and multi-actor strategy. This focus is also due to the greateravailability of information on what is happening onthe ground. Most of the analysis presented here isfrom a study conducted for ActionAid on Braziliancooperation efforts in the area of school feeding inMozambique (Santarelli, 2015).9

The integrated implementation of the PAAAfrica and PNAE turned Mozambique intoone of the main laboratories for observingBrazilian cooperation on FNS and the processof transferring what is considered a bestpractice for guaranteeing the human right toadequate food. A promising initiative underwayin the Tete Province brings together three pilotprojects that aim to universalize school feedingin the Changara and Cahora-Bassa districts bydecentralizing governance and purchasing locallyunder the recently created Programa Nacional deAlimentao Escolar (PRONAE, National School

Feeding Programme in Mozambique). They are: i)the trilateral cooperation project entitled Supportfor the Development of Mozambiques NationalSchool Feeding Programme undertaken by Brazil(FNDE), Mozambique (Ministry of Education)and WFP. Launched in 2012, this project aims totransfer knowledge and provide technical support

PA A A N D P N A E A S B E S T P R A C T I C E S : W H AT H A V E W EL E A R N E D S O F A R ?

for implementation in 12 secondary schools; ii)the Transition Project - a partnership betweenWFP and the Mozambican government. Launched

in 2012, the project aims to guarantee universalschool meals in both districts, monitor and evaluateproject management and impact, and ensure thegradual transition towards local purchasing; andiii) PAA Africa, an initiat ive involving CGFOME, FAO,WFP, Brazilian consultants and DFID.

In relation to the first project, Brazilian cooperationpromoted by FNDE in Mozambique is carriedout on two fronts: one is centred on the designof the national policy and management plan,while the other consists of elaborating menusand defining the per capita cost of the schoolfeeding programme. Knowledge transfer is beingconducted by two Brazilian consultants specializedin management and nutrition who work withtechnicians from the Ministry of Education inMaputo. WFP is responsible for transferringfunds to the Mozambique government for foodpurchases, which is the first time this procedureis being used by this international organizationspecialized in food procurement and distributionlogistics (Santarelli, 2015). In May 2013, as aresult of cooperation efforts, the Council ofMinisters approved the National School Feeding

Programme. Inspired by the Brazilian experience,the programme aims to diversify school meals,promote community participation and thelocal purchasing of food products to boost thecountrys economy. The project plans to providedaily school meals for students throughout theschool year.

Policies that aroused the most interest among

Southern countries are: the centrality of familyfarming in rural development, a rights-basedapproach to food, an intersectoral approach to foodand nutrition, social accountability and the capacityto combine market creation for small farmers with thedistribution of food to the most vulnerable segmentsof the population through local food procurement.


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The institutionalization of the programme anddefinition of its principles and guidelines represent animportant achievement. Even so, the implementationof the PRONAE pilot projects currently underway in 12schools faces a number of challenges. The pilot projectaims to assess decentralized models of governanceand transfer the procurement and distribution of food

products, currently undertaken by WFP, to the localgovernment. With the integration of PAA Africa intoto the National School Feeding Programme, its roleconsists of securing the supply of 60 tonnes of maizepurchased directly from small farmer associationsfor the production of fortified flour distributed tothe schools in Changara and Cahora-Bassa. A total of600 farmers from three districts benefitted from thedirect purchases, distribution of agricultural inputsand training courses on production systems andpost-harvest handling (Santarelli, 2015).

The role of Brazilian institutions is to provide

technical support and share expertise drawn fromthe experience with the PAA in Brazil. CGFOME isresponsible for the coordination of the network ofpartners and the formulation of policy guidelinesin consultation with partners. FAO contributestechnical expertise on issues related to nutrition andproduction; provides seeds, fertilizer and agriculturetools and inputs; fosters knowledge exchange,partnerships and inter-institutional dialogue amongproject stakeholders. Finally, WFP organizes foodpurchases and delivery, while other actors (suchas DFID) support and take part in learning and

knowledge-sharing activities. Local availability of andaccess to agricultural inputs, along with the limitedpresence of traders selling agricultural supplies wereimportant challenges. The capacity constraints of thedecentralised extension services were also obstaclesto implementation (PAA, 2014).

Various studies show that despite its potential,Brazilian cooperation on FNS is marked by weaknessesin its institutional frameworks and limited budgets,which put enormous pressure on staff and theimplementing agencies. With regards to the schoolfeeding programmes conducted by the FNDE andthe ABC, the necessary conditions for and theinstitutional capacity to coordinate and implementtrilateral cooperation agreements were not created,thereby limiting the effectiveness of initiatives totransfer and share the lessons learned from the PNAEin Brazil. Interviews with individuals directly involvedin the implementation of the Brazilian cooperationefforts on the school feeding programme revealedshortcomings in the preparation, coordinationand follow-up of activities due to the size of thechallenge faced. As a result of the lack of protocols,methodologies, political coordination and follow-up

and monitoring mechanisms, the adaptation phase oftechnical cooperation - which is the most challenging

one given its embedment in the local context - nowfaces the risk of personalization and discontinuity.This is because it is very much based on the personalexpertise of the consultants working abroad and onprojects that are limited in time (Santarelli, 2015).

It is important to recognize the role of the Centre of

Excellence against Hunger in sharing the Brazilianexperience and assisting governments in the Southto scale up their FNS policies. Even so, such supportdoes not diminish the need for improvements in thestructures of national public implementing agencies- such as the ABC and line ministries with directexperience in the development and implementationof national programmes - in order to respond todemands, particularly if the goal is to support theadaptation process on the ground. As stated earlier,the expansion of Brazils South-South developmentcooperation has not always been accompanied byan adequate legal framework, budget, personnel

and institutional coordination. There is a need toovercome these challenges to ensure a coherent,sustainable and intersectoral Brazilian South-Southcooperation policy at the national level. Transferringresponsibilities to international organizations doesnot solve these problems.

There are also concerns on the sustainability ofprojects, particularly if international funding wereto cease. Although the National School FeedingProgramme was institutionally created, the Councilof Ministers has not yet committed to sustaining

the programme with public funds. As for PAA Africa,it aims to consolidate dialogue on policies on localfood purchases and has established a technical groupbased in Maputo to work with a provincial technicalgroup on building a national strategy for institutionalmarkets. However, there is still a long way to go toensure national ownership of the programmes.

The pilot projects in Tete show that the mainchallenges are, on one hand, to create the necessaryconditions and strengthen capacity at the local level toenable the government to assume the managementof the programme and, on the other, to improve thecapacity of small farmers to supply the programmes.Although it is still too early to evaluate foodprocurement in Mozambique, some observations canalready be made. From a management perspective,procurement has yet to be regulated and the lack ofan offi cial policy to define the price of food products,for example, leaves room for the possible diversionof funds and overbilling. Another point is that thelarge majority of small farmers are still not preparedto supply the schools and their associations haveyet to be duly formalized or included in the bankingsystem. The lack of a policy to strengthen family

farming clearly that compromises the effi ciency andeffectiveness of project initiatives.


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D E C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D R E A S S E M B L I N G B R A Z I L I A N S E E D S :E M E R G I N G I S S U E S F O R S O U T H - S O U T H C O O P E R AT I O N

It is more interesting to share ideas and values than templates or closed policies.

That way, we can truly learn together, Nathalie Beghin (PAA, 2015).

National and international interest in Braziliandevelopment cooperation has grown in recent years.Many hoped that Brazil and other providers of South-South cooperation would contribute to finding newpaths for international cooperation. Due to its progressin achieving certain MDGs, Brazil has increasinglybeen seen as a bank of experiences that can sharethe policies and practices that have underpinnedits path of economic growth with social inclusion.The intensification of Brazilian cooperation effortsin other countries in the South led it to expand andredesign its partnerships. Despite the lack of a singleapproach to cooperation and possible contradictions

that these multifaceted commitments bring, webelieve that Brazilian cooperation can contribute tothe procedural and structural changes necessary foremancipatory post-2015 partnerships (Suyama andPomeroy, 2014). Furthermore, as we explored above,Brazils experience can contribute to SustainableDevelopment Goal 2 in particular, which aims to endhunger, achieve food security and improved nutritionand promote sustainable agriculture.

Despite the slowdown in presidential diplomacy,budgetary cuts and a much more challenging

national and international context, Brazilianagencies implementing South-South developmentcooperation have developed a series of practicesto guarantee financing and more effective waysof carrying out initiatives within the limitations oftheir legal and institutional frameworks, which areconstantly evolving. An interesting aspect of this isthe increased focus on ensuring not only knowledgesharing, but also policy adoption. However, in thecurrent context, it is necessary to make choices,set priorities and define the direction Braziliancooperation will take in the future if it is to play abigger and more effective role in achieving foodsecurity and improving nutrition in Africa.

Brazilian South-South cooperation on FNS hasbeen relatively effective in sharing ideas, values andinspiration. This is due to the proactive role played byvarious actors: former president Lula, representativesof several ministries, the Conselho Nacional deSegurana Alimentar e Nutricional(CONSEA, or NationalCouncil for Food and Nutrition Security), bilateral andmultilateral organizations and new institutions, suchas the Centre of Excellence against Hunger. This is alsothanks to the alignment of cooperation efforts with

mainstream international debates. Mossberg arguesthat policy labels or ideas travel more easily thanwhole programmes because they possess inherentsymbolism (apud Dussauge-Laguna, 2013, 120). In

many ways, this describes what happened with theinternationalization of the Zero Hunger strategy andthe adoption of Brazilian FNS policies as a reference forovercoming hunger in Africa in a context where bothnational governments and bilateral and multilateralorganizations are moving from emergency food aid toinitiatives aimed at structuring national policies andprogrammes.

In terms of policy transfer, the analysis of the BrazilianFNS cooperation experience in Mozambique tells usthat we must first acknowledge the role the PNAEand PAA played as a frame of reference and source of

inspiration. All recent SSDC initiatives in this area arethe result of a type of validation or certification ofBrazils national policies as best practices, followedby several initiatives to disseminate information onthe programmes. These initiatives led to numerousvisits of foreign delegations to several ministries,often facilitated by the Centre of Excellence againstHunger. Aspects of national policies that arousedthe most interest among Southern countries are: thecentrality of family farming in rural development,a rights-based approach to food, an intersectoralapproach to food and nutrition, social accountability

and the capacity to combine market creation forsmall farmers with the distribution of food to themost vulnerable segments of the population throughlocal food procurement. Indeed, these are the maincontributions of the Brazilian experience to newinternational cooperation strategies for ensuring thehuman right to adequate food.

Despite the major effort to promote Brazils FNSpolicies and programmes in recent years, obstacles toadapting and scaling up initiatives at the country levelremain. One major challenge has been the adaptationof principles, practices and approaches to localrealities, especially since the success of programmessuch as the PAA and PNAE can be attributed to factorsthat are very specific to the Brazilian context. Moreover,in Brazil, they are part of an interconnected web ofpolicies, programmes and institutional frameworks.Thus, in order to provide more horizontal and effi cientsupport to enable partner countries to adapt FNSpolicy models to local realities, more analysis andreflection is needed.

According to the literature on policy transfer, theaspects that affect policy adaptation include:

policymakers attempt to adapt to the local context,institutional and cultural factors, technical and learningchallenges and bureaucratic politics (Rose, 1991;Dolowitz and Marsh, 2000; Dussauge-Laguna, 2013).


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South-South cooperation must ensure that there areprocesses in place to promote continuous learning andreflection. It must also recognize that policy transfershould end at some point so that the countries fullyassume policymaking on their own. Mossberger andWolman (2003) argue that the countries consideringadapting polices developed and implemented

in other contexts should acquire information onand assess these policies first. For information tobe available, there is a need to systematize anddisseminate knowledge. Such information needs tonot only be adequate and accurate, but also reflectthe experience of other countries that have attemptedpolicy transfer. For instance, more information couldbe made available on the social and political strugglesthat have contributed to and pushed for the currentBrazilian FNS system. Moreover, case studies need tobe developed to document the experience of otherAfrican countries in implementing programmes suchas the PAA and PNAE, and how they have adapted

them to their political, social and economic context.

It is worth reflecting on the applicability of the twomost important characteristics of Brazilian FNSpolicies to different socio-institutional contexts:its intersectoral approach and social participation.The lack of effective social participation can distortthe essential components of the models beingtransferred and adapted, as in the case of PAAand PNAE (Maluf and Santarelli, 2015). The non-interference principle and the Brazilian approach ofconducting cooperation upon demand restricts the

inclusion of participatory democracy requirementsthat favour social participation in the projects. There isalso the risk that projects will ignore the fact that thesuccess of Brazilian policies is due to the combinationof a set of programmes. South-South cooperationmust take into account the complexity of promotingthe various elements of the Brazilian strategy and itssystemic, participatory and intersectoral approach(Maluf and Santarelli, 2015). To find endogenoussolutions, a highly participatory process should becarefully undertaken to analyze the differences insettings and raise questions such as: what similaritiesare there between countries in terms of the problemsfaced and the goals pursued? What other problemsaffecting a country could potentially limit a policyseffectiveness? Which legal, political and administrativestructures are needed to support the policy? Do theproposed solutions run counter to cultural beliefs orpublic opinion? How will interest groups affect policytransfer? Are there resources (human and financial)available to support these policies?

From a more horizontal perspective, promotingexchanges between Brazilian and Africanpublic servants directly involved in programme

implementation may also prove effective. Partnersneed to analyze their similarities, differences,problems and goals through a mutual learningprocess based on local experience in implementation.

For instance, the case study on Mozambique showsthat there are high expectations on building thecapacities of government staff on issues such asprocurement methodologies and procedures,and consolidating spaces for intersectoral andparticipatory management. In this sense, there isgreat potential for horizontal knowledge exchange,

as the challenges in managing the implementationof PAA and PNAE in Brazil - especially those relatedto decentralization - are not very different from thosefound in other local contexts.

Establishing mechanisms for the exchange ofexperiences between Brazilian civil society andpartner countries - especially when policies havebeen built around principles of participation - shouldalso be considered a key component of cooperationprojects. It would be interesting to examine how otheractors who play an important role in the programmein Brazil could be incorporated into SSDC schemes -

for example, the Centro Colaborador em Alimentao eNutrio do Escola (CECANES, or Collaborating Centrefor School Food and Nutrition), a partnership betweenthe FNDE and Brazilian universities that is crucial toPNAE. The school feeding councils and FNS councilscould also be incorporated via exchanges aimed atstrengthening participation, as could the peasantcooperatives and national associations that haveconsiderable experience in organizing local producersto ensure sustainable public procurement.

To truly promote endogenous solutions, a longer

and deeper process is needed to reflect onthe main building blocks social, political andcultural dynamics, as well as technical tools thatcontributed to the success of programmes such asPAA and PNEA. The discussions in this process mustkeep the local context in mind. Moreover, Braziliancooperation agencies need to better understandthe context in which they hope to inspire similar FNSpolicies and programmes. To do so, both Brazilianagencies involved in South-South cooperationand the international organizations supporting itneed to reflect on how to establish dynamic andeffective multi-stakeholder cooperation and ensurethe technical and financial resources necessary forexpanding knowledge-sharing and supportingpolicy adaptation. Coordination among Brazilianplayers and international organizations workingwith Brazil can definitely be strengthened. At somepoint, the external actors of the policy transferprocess should take a step back and let nationalactors be the drivers of change. This would entailgradual adjustments and modifications that couldlead to different outcomes from those initiallyexpected, while ensuring local ownership andcontributing to a sustainable future. Furthermore,

the transfer and adaptation process may also providerelevant solutions for Brazil and other South-Southcooperation actors efforts to guarantee the humanright to food.


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B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Beghin, Nathalie, A Cooperao Brasileira para o Desenvolvimento Internacional na rea de Segurana Alimentar eNutricional: Avanos e Desafios - Onde estamos e para onde vamos?, Inesc, Braslia, 2014. Available fromhttp://bit.ly/24AS60c

Bundy, Donald and others, Rethinking School Feeding: Social Safety Nets, Child Development and the Education Sector,World Bank, Washington DC, 2009. Available from http://migre.me/u2xH1

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Devereux, Stephen and White, Philip, Social Protection in Africa: Can evidence, rights and politics converge?, paperpresented at the Social Protection for the Poorest in Africa: Learning from Experience conference, Entebbe, 810September 2008.

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Dolowitz, David P. and Marsh, David, Learning from Abroad: The Role of Policy Transfer in Contemporary Policy-Making,Governance, Vol. 13, Issue 1, 2000, pages 5-23.

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Iglesias Puente, Carlos Alfonso, A Cooperao Tcnica Horizontal Brasileira como Instrumento de Poltica Externa: AEvoluo da Tcnica com Pases em Desenvolvimento CTPD no Perodo 19952005, FUNAG, Braslia, 2010. Availablefrom http://bit.ly/1WbFScO

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Documents

Brazil-Africa Cooperation on Food and Nutrition Security: Planting seeds in unfamiliar soil