International Institute for Comprehensive Shinshu Studies

Otani University

Rennyo and t11e Roots of Modern Japanese

Buddhism

Edited by Mark L. Blum and Shin'ya Yasntomi

OXFORD UNIVERSITY I'RESS

2006

International Institute for Comprehensive Shinshu Studies

Otani University

Rennyo and the Roots of Moderll Japanese

Buddhism

Edited by Mark L. Blum and Shin'ya Yasutomi

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

2006

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

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ediled b)' Mark L, Blum and Shin'ya Yasulomi. p. em.

Includes bibliographical references and inrlex, tSBN-I,9i8-o-19'51"i5'5

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Foreword

In conjllnction with the commemoration ill 1998 of Ihe 500th anni\'ersary (by Japanese counting) of the dcath of Rennyo, a large number of memorial services and other evenls wcre held, One of these was a series of panels on RCllnyo set up as a spccial section on Junc 22 within Ihc 48th annual meeting of Ihe Japancse Association for the Study of Buddhism and Indian Religion (Nihon Indogaku Bukkyogaku Cakbi) held on the campus of Otani University, A greatmallY scholars read informative articles, divided into two groupings: "Rcnnyo within the History of Religious Thought" and "T~le Faith of Renllyo and the Modern World," The Shinsha Research Institute at Otani University collected mally of these and other essays from scholars in Japan and abroad for a volume published in Japanese under the title Renl1)'o 110 sekai (The World of Rennyo).

The achievements of Rcnn)'o are nothing less than a "restoration of Shinshu." Not onl), did he pull thc essence of Shin shu out from the mud, where it found itself a century and a half after Ihc death of the founder, Shinran, but Rennyo also spoke to a great Tllany people who had lost their direction in life during the troubled age that was the fifteenth century in Japan, and with plain language he extended to them the opportunity to knoll' ShinshiL In the cncl, Rennyo tllrned th<; Shinshu religious organization into an enormous social entily, As a resull, dnrillg the Muro1Tlachi period Shinshu acntely clcalt wilh OJ host of social issllcs, political, economic, occupational, feminist, family-centered, and so on, giving birlh to a new way of being human,

Olani University is an educational and research institution bearing the tradition of the Shinshil organization and is thus founded upon the spirit of this faith, Accordingly it Tllust be said Ihat we are also confronting the issues surrounding a "restoration of Shinshu in today's world," In this climate of the diversification of \'alues within the nood of information that is our society, what messagc can Shinshu bring to people who hare similarly lost their direction in life? \\'hether it be in societies of ad\'ancecl capitalism or in societies where people are focused on fighting off star\'ation, wherever individuals have had their humanity taken away, \\'hat

vi Foreword

prescription can Shinshu offer them? In facing problems such as these: what we learn from RcnllYo is that the vallie of both advantage and disadvantage IS without limit.

I would like to express my gratitude for thc hard work of Professors Mark L. BluIII ancl Yasutomi Shin'ya for putting together this volumc as part of the efforts of the International Buddhist Rcscarch Unit of the Shinshu Research Inslitute at Otani University. It is an honor for us that this volume is being published by the renowned Oxford University Press, realizing our wish to makc rescarch on Rcnnyo

available to a wider readership.

Kurubc Teruo Prcsidcnt, Otani University

Acknowledgments

The many events held in Kyoto in conjunction with thc celebration of the 500th anniversary of Rennyo's death ranged from special religious sen·ices 10 acaclcmic clebates to animated feature films. For Shinshil believcrs affiliated with one of the two Honganji, this was a time of excitement and religious renedioll. Everyone, it seemed, nocked to the Kyoto National Museum to see the special Rennyo exhibit jointly sponsorcd by both religious institutions. This book should bc scen properly as part of that collection of events. Vie wish to thank all the people who have

contributed their time and energy to this project. In particular the scholars, stuclcnts, and staff of the Shinshn Research Institutc at Otani University, where this and many other Rennyo-related projects were conceived allcl supported, deserve special recognition for their efforts.

Rcnnvo is one of only a handful of religious figures without whosc story Japanese history simply could not be told, but in the West therc has been scant appreciahon of his role. It is our sincere hope that this collection of essays will serve to open up greater appreciation and dialogue about his impacl. .

Contents

Foreword by the President of Otani University

Abbreviations

Contriblltors

I. Introductioll: The Stud), of Rellll)'o Mark 1. Blum

1. I-listorical Studies 2. The Life of Rellll)'o: A Stnlggie fOT the Transmission of Dharma

Yaslltomi Shin'ya

3· Leaders in all Age of Transition Kuroda Toshio (translated by Thomas Kirchner)

4· COlltinuity and Change in the Thought o(Remz)'o Stanley Weinstein

5· Renn)'o and the Saivati011 of\Vomell Matsumura Naoko (translated by Maya Hara)

6. The lkko-shii as Portrayed ill lesuit Historical Documents Kinryii Shizuka (translated by William Londo)

7· The Karlsh6 Persecution: ATI Examillatioll of Mount J-/iei's Destrllctioll of Otani J-/ollganji Kusano Kenshi (translated by Eisho Nasu)

8. Lale Remzyo mId the Myokonin Akao 110 Doshii Minamoto Ryoen (translated by Mark L. Blum)

v

XI

xiii

49

59

x Contents

9. Renll)'o Shunin, Manipulator of Icons Mark L. Blum

II. Shinshu Studies ]0. Shinran and Rell1!),o: Com(JUring Their Views of Birth ill the Pure

Lalld Terakawa Shunsh6 (translated by Mark L. Blum)

II. Rellnyo's Position in Modem Shin Buddhist Studies: Soga Ryoiin's Reinterpretation Kaku Takeshi (translated by Maya Hara)

12. Rennyo and the Renaissarlce of Contemporary Shin Buddhism: Rellnyo's Place ill the History of Shin Buddhism Alfred Bloom

13. The Characteristic Structure of Renll),o's Letters Ikeda Yutai (translated by Sarah Horton)

1+ The Tale of the Flesh-Adhering Mask Yasulomi Shin'ya (translated by Mark L. Blum)

III. Comparative Religion 15. Renn)'o and Lulher: Similarities in Their Faith and

COTllmwlily Building Kal6 Chiken (translated by Jan van Bragt)

16. Dancing into Freedom: Renn)'o and Religion William R. LaFleur

17. Primal Vow and Its Contextualizatio/!: RemlYo's Legacy, and Some Tasks for Our Times Ruben L. F. Habito

A Chronology of Rennyo's Life

Glossary

Bibliography

Imlex

Photo gallery follows page 82

199

211

217

227

236

245

285

Ab breviations

CWS The Collected Works of Slzi1lTall.

Cartas que as Padres e lnlnlos Carlas que os Padres e TmlaOS da Com/JClHlzia de

Killigaki

Letters

Rogers

RSG

RSI

SSZ

SSS

T

Tesus escTeueriio dos Reynos de Tapao (5 China aos da mesilla Com(J(Jllhi(J da Tlldia, cr EUl'OfJ(/, des do amw de 1549 ate 0 de 1580.

Rellll)'6 ShrJllill go'ichidaiki kikigaki. References are to edition ill SSZ, unless othefwise slated.

The collection of RCl1nyo lettcrs known various1v as Ofirmi 1~JY:, GOblllls/lO fffJJY:i1t, or Shobulls";i Uiy:~. References an; either to compete cdition in RSI Of to traditional five-bundle compilation in SSZ.

Minor L. Rogers and Ann T. Rogers, RemlYo: The Second FOl/nder of Shill Buddhism.

RClm),o Shonil1 g)'o;ilsu. Inaha MasamaTu, cd.

RemlYo Shol1il1 ilnlll. Inaba rvlasamaru, cd.

ShinS/Hi shog)'o zensho.

Shins/lll shiryo slll/sei.

Taisho shins/lll daizokYrJ :icLEifJillt:::i-::JliQr&.

xi

Contributors

Allthors

Alfred Bloom: Emeritus Professor, Religious Studies, University of Hawaii

Mark L. Blum: Associate Professor, East Asian Studies, State University of New York­Albany

Ruben L. F. Habito: Professor, Theology, Southern Methodist University

Ikeda Ylitai: Emeritus Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, 00110 Univcrsi~', Nagoya

Kakll Takeshi: Associate Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, Otani University, Kyoto

Kata Chiken: Professor, Religious Studies, Tokyo Polytechnic Univcrsity, Tokyo

Kinryu Shizuka: Abbot, l~nmanji Telllpic (Shinshu Honganji-ha), Shin Tolsugawa, Hokkaid6

Kuroda Toshio (1926-1993): Professor, japanese History, Osaka Univcrsity, Otani Univ'crsity

Kusano Kenshi: Professor, japanese History, Otani University

William R. LaFleur: E. Dale Saunders Professor in japanese Studies, University of Pennsylvania

IVlatsuIllUTa Naoko: Professor, Sociology, Otani University

MinBllloto Ryoen: Emcritus Profcssor, Hislory of Japan"", Thought, 'Ibhoku University, Sendai

Terakawa Shunsh6: Emcritus Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, Otani University

Stanley Weinstein: Emeritus Professor, Buddhist Studies, Yale University

Yasutollli Shin'ya: Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, Otani Daigaku (Olani University), Kyoto

Trallslators

Mark L. Blum

Maya Hara: Kyoto National Museum

xiii

xiv Contriblltors

Sara Horton: /\ssistant I'rofessDr. Religious Studies. Maealester College

Thomas Kirchner: Intcmational Research Institute for Zen Studies. Hanazono University. Kyoto

William Londo: Assistant Professor, History. Saint Vincent Collegc

Eisho NaslI: Assistant Professor. Rc\,. Yoshitaka Tamai Professor ofJodo Shin Studies, Institute of Buddhist Studics. Berkeley

Jan v<ln Bragt: Former Director, N<lnzan Institute For Religion <lml Culture, NagoY<I

Rennyo and the Roots of Modern Japanese Buddhism

ABO\'I';: Rcnn)'o portrait (scroll).

ABOVE: Yoshizaki Inlet map (scroll).

1

MARK L. BLUM

Introduction The Study of Rennyo

I n the annals of Japanese history, Rennyo (1415-1499) is a figure of enormous influence known primarily for fashioning the Honganji branch of Jodoshinshu

into an institution of growing strength ata time when so many others were weakened by profound political, social, and economic disruption, including ten years of civil war. Rennyo created or was at the forefront of new paradigms of religion, economics, and social structure that not only enabled him and his church to survive violent attacks but led to the accruing ~f unprecedented power and influence among all classes of society, from peasants to courtiers. As a result Rennyo is seen by some as a savior figure, by others as an ambitious daimyo. The more sympathetic view regards him as the "Second Founder of Jodoshinshu," who not only saved the sect from destruction by its enemies but also, through his energetic and inspired leadership, united many of its disparate communities under the institutional banner ofHonganji, put it on sound financial footing, rightly established it as the dominant branch of the sectarian legacy of Shinshii founder Shinran (1173-1262), and in the end ensured the survival of Shin Buddhism as a whole. The less sympathetic view sees Rennyo as a skilled politician who distorted many of Shinran's philosophical positions in order to create a massive feudal institution of significant wealth, financially fueled by ignorant populations of believers in whose eyes Rennyo had the power to determine their postmortem fate.

Rennyo has thus been of great interest to many Japanese scholars in various fields, most commonly Buddhist studies, religious studies, political science, social and economic history, sociology, art history, and woman's studies, among others. But critical writing on Rennyo outside Japan did not begin until the 19705, when Michael Solomon and Minor Rogers coincidentally completed dissertations on Rennyo in 1972,1 and Stanley Weinstein published his groundbreaking "Rennyo and the Shinshii Revival" in 1977.2 James Dobbins helpfully situated Rennyo in the context of the medieval history of Jodoshinshii in his Jodo Shinshu: Shin Buddhism in Medieval Japan, but since Rennyo was the subject of just one chapter, the book precluded any detailed presentation of problematic issues. l It was not until the

2 Introdllction

publication of Re71ll)'o by Minor and Ann Rogers in 19914 thalwc sal\' a full-length stud\, on this man and his times. That study is an enormousl), useful guide and coniains translations of most of Rennyo's Letters, but the concerns in this volumc are considcrablv different from the areas wherc thal work displaycd its most critical analyses (countering Marxist intcrpretations, defending Rennyo's me of al1ji1l as equivalent to Shinran's term shiniill, for example). In the decade since it was written, there has been a huge outpouring of intcrest in japan attendant upon the celebrations commemorating the 500th anniversary of Renn)'o's death. Particularly between 1997 and 2000 (by Japanese counting, the anniversary year was 1998), throughout the countrj' there were a grc;lt many lectures given, ceremonies held, art exhibited, television programs and films shown, and a signi~cant amount of new scholarship published. Since both branches of I-Ionganji are locatcd in Kyoto, this old capital city was the centcr of much of this activit)', including an unprecedented Rcnnl'o Exhibition at the Kyoto National MuseuTTT and a special subconference devoted to Renn)'o at the annual meeting of the Association for Indian and Buddhist Studies held at Otani Univcrsity that year. Forty of those papers were publishcd in Japanese in the volume entitled Rerl1l)'o 110 sekai, and seven of thc writings in this volume are translations or modified versions of th05c essays. If tltis number seems large, in faet there is much more: if one includes the modern translations of Rennyo's writings, more than sixty books about Rennyo have been published in japan since 1997. Considering the general paucity of materials cxtant from the Muromachi period, this much activity reflects a much broader and more creative use of materials; in essence we have had a veritable renaissance of RcnllYo studies. In selecting essays for this volume, the editors have tried to reAect many of these ncw approaches to communicate the richness of this field.

We cannot presume to know who this man was, but by any reckoning he was remarkable. Only sevcn years into his tenurc as abbot of Honganji, the temple is attacked by warriors again and again until all buildings are burned to the ground. Rennyo barely escapes with his life, and while in exile not only restores Honganji but expands it into a church of national promincnce with political power that rivals the grcatest religious institutions of his day. It is well known that Shinshu priests have always taken wives openly after their training, but Rcnnyo married no less than five times, fathering twenty-seven children. \Vlrile it is na'ive to presume Ihat a pristine form of Shinshu had remaincd unchanged from the time of Shinran until Rennyo assumed the abbotship, there is no qucstion that hc wrought many changes within Honganji that eventually affected all branches of the sect. While critics fault Rennyo for expanding the institution at the expense of its spirituality, the significant number of ncll' con\'crts to the Honganji religious paradigm as redefined by Renn)'o suggcst otherwise. Rennyo did revise and reshape both the religious institution and its rcligious message, but how much was lost in those revisions and how much was gained is subjective. For though we are somewhat able to grasp the form of Shinshu and specifically Honganji culture under its prior leadcrs- indeed many of their

IVritings are extant-we can never be certain how much the differences wc perceive today in rhetoric and inferred organizational structure under Rennyo's tenure reflect meaningful differences in belief, practice, and perception, and how much merely

The Stud)' of Rellll)'o '3

changes in the way things were expressed in the lIIore than 200 years that separate Shiman and Rennvo.

From om pOil{t of view today, more than fi"e centurics aftcr his death, Rennyo thus presents hvo historical faces: one spiritually appcaling, magnetic, and humble; the other politically savvy, powerful, anclwith rcsponsibility for the lives of tens of thousands. Even putting aside an)' trace of the "great man" notion of history, Rennyo nonetheless occupies a unique position in japanese history as having transformed a relatively small religious sect in troubled times into a national organization of wealth and power. Man), of the essays examine Rennyo's utilization

of the symbols of his church's authority, but the fact that those symbols grew significantly in stature uncler his leadcrship t'ells llS that Rennyo's presence itself was substantial, suggesting that in Rennyo we find bolh personal charisma and his institutional genius. Given the Weberian dictum that the mark of a truly charismatic leader is administrativc incompetence, Rennyo presents a real cnigma. How could both these extremes be combined in the same individual? Is our understanding of the man so off the mark that we havc the wrong picture entirely? Or docs the example of Renn)'o essentially disprove VVeber's clocb-ine? How much of Rennyo's success was actually due to his efforts, how much ercdit shoTllrl hc given to the attractivcness of Shinran's doctrine, and how much is a rcstTlt of social, political, and economic factors is a problematic underlying a 11 the cssays hcre.

The fact is that before thc time of Rennyo, his church, the Honganji, was only one among many branches of Shin Buddhism, itself only one aTlTong TlTany so­called new schools of Pure Land Buddhism that were cstablished in the previolTS two centuries. Moreover, Shinran's institulional legacy itself was rather wcak compared with the other nell' developments in his time; Ihat is, the branchcs of Shinran's lineage do not appear to have becn among the more socially and politically prosperous or prominent among the many that sprang from Honen's disciples in the thirteenth century. The fifteenth-ccntury religious landscape of Japan into which Rennyo was born \Vas dominated by major institutions of an earlier agc, such as Mount Hiei, Miidera, Kofukuji, and the like, as well as the prescncc of thc ncw Gozan orders of thc Rittzai school in the capital with its strong bakufu support.

Among the newly established Pure Land schools bascd on Honcn's legacy that had only grown in size and inOucnce through the two ccnturics since I-Ioncn's death, it was the Chinzei and Sci zan branchcs of the j6c1oshu, and thc jishu founded by Ippen, that appear to have been most inAuential when Rennvo first camc on the scene. Evcn aTTlong the various lillcs of Shinshu, most schol:Hs see the Takac\a and Bukkoji branches as overshadowing the Hongattji before Rerlll\'o's impact was felt. When the allegedly amoral and anti-authoritarian values mani'fest in the behavior of Honganji followcrs in Omi Provincc caused such ire among thc leaders of Mount Hiei as to provoke the sending of troops to suppress them (discusscd in chapLer 7), the leaders of thc Takada school were only too quick to write to thc abbot of Enryakuji to clarify how their inLerpretation of Shinran's teaching differecl from that found in Honganji-affiliated communities. Indeed, the vcr)' lI'eakness in the political presence of Honganji during this crisis carll' in Rcnnyo's leadership is illustrated by the fact that I-Ionganji was finally able to negotiate an end to the armed

4 Introduction

attack against it by reaffirming its status as a branch temple within the Enryakuji insWlltion of Mount Hiei, essentially making a public denial of its own autonomy. But that was during the Onin War, when most of thc powerful military households were engaged in open conflict, tens of thousands of troops fought on the streets of the capital, and a general lawlessness pervaded the region. 5 It was many ycars before Rennyo decided it was safe to return to the capital for the reconstruction ofHonganji, and the choice of Yam ash ina outside the urban center and the fortrcsslikc structure that was built there is ani), one manifestation of his appreciation of the need for self-protection. That need resulted in various alliances with people and institutions of power, most famousl), with Miidera and thc warlords Togashi Masachika and Hosokawa Masamoto. In 1493, six years before Renn),o's death, Masamoto would overthrow the shogun and run the bakufu through his chosen successor, in essence becoming the most powerful man in the country. And as his power increased, so did his role as protector of Rcnnyo and Honganji. By this time Rennyo had administrative control over thousands of peasant soldiers, and I-Ionganji eventually reached a position of political and religious prominence that rivaled EnrYHkuji and Mount Hiei itself. Under his tenure many Shin communities achieved more economic and political independence than they had evcr known, and some even instituted democratic systems of government at the local level. Rennyo was courted by dailllYo for the size and commitment of his community, and a major part of his legacy was an illstitution in Honganji that seemed comlllcnsurate with that of a feudal domain in many of its functions, prompting some to see Rennyo himself as a daimyo. After Rennyo's death, Honganji only grew stronger, whereupon Nobunaga

sought its destruction as he had destroyed Mount Hiei, and yet it was the one domain that he was unable to conquer.

As was already noted, these events are not in dispute; how Honganji got to this point is disputed, however, as is the natllfc of its religious role in Rennyo's time. For those who see the growth of a religious organization on this scale to be impossiblc without an attwclive and fulfilling spiritual message that both captures the imagination of its adherents and satisfies their religious needs, Renn)'o's achievement, whatever it meant politically, is primarily in the area of formulating a coherent religious message. For those who see the growth of any social institution as primarily about power relations anel their managcmcnt, the key to understanding Rennyo lies in his strategies of control over his congregations and the infrastructure he created for his church that continued for many gencrations after his death. Indeed one of the most satisfying aspects of this project has becn the discovery that ncarly all the contributors do not regard these as mutually exclusive interpretations, and the readcr will gain an appreciation of the unmistakable fact that Rennyo was a successful religious leader and successful political leader.

The sixteen essays that follow this introduction are clivided into three parts: historical studies that examine Rennyo in the context of the history of Japan, Japanese religion, and Japanese Buddhism; ShinshCi studies, which consider Rennyo and his era in terms of issues particular to the sectarian study of ShinshCi; and comparative religion contributions that look at the legacy of Rennyo in terms of religious issues common to Europcan traditions. II brief summary of some of the salient points made in the each of the essays follows.

The StlJdy of I\ell11)'o 5

The biographical outline of Rennyo's life written by Yaslltomi Shin'va not onlv presents what is currently known about the circumstances of his youth.'succcssio~ to the abbotship of HOllganji, geographical movement, and approach to his community, it also opens with the impact that the political instability of Rcnnvo's timc had upon his outlook, an oft-repcated theme in all thc essays.' I-Icre we 'see how the watershed IlIOlllent in Rennyo's career is probably Enryakuji's formal anl1oyncement, on the ninth day of the first month in 1465, of its intention to dcstrov the Otani Honganji complex in Kyoto where Rennyo resided and the subscque1;t attack that came the next day. While that raid only partially destroyed I-Ionganji,

another attack in the third month essentially finished the job. Attacks on other I-Ionganji communities followed, and whcn the bakufu finally persuadcd Enryakuji to cease Its persecutIon of what was then called IkkiJ.shIi, this point did not come until the fifth llIonth of that year. These cvcnts illustrate the frcedom of the f\ilount Hici power brokers to move at will at that time, btlt they also highlight the fact that when Rennyo begall his campaign to reconfigurc the I-Ionganji community he did so under the stress of exile. Renn),o's thought then, must bc seen against this background: he lived his entire life during a period of enormous social illStabilitv, even after I-Ionganji was rebuilt in Yamashina on the outskirts of Kvoto, whe'n traditional centers of power like the court and the bakufu enjoyed o'nly limited inAuence over the nation.

Kuroda Toshio is famous for catcgorizing the "establishment" Buddhism of the Kamakura period as kemnitsll taisei, a teml that combines the words for cxoteric and csoteric forms of Budd his III to indicate a religious, social, anel political worldview cOlllmon to all major forms of institutionalized BuddhisllI in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. While Kuroda has argued that by and largc the so·callcd IICIV

schools of Buddhism werc generally viewed merely as heretical forms of that paradiglll, ane! thereby did not seriously challenge it, ill chapter 3 he recognizes the writings of Shinran as having "aimed at sllfllIounting the shortcolllings of kenmitsll thought." In looking at Rennyo, Kuroda reminds us that political unrcst was not the only socially meaningful characteristic of society in the fifteenth century. Rennyo lived also at a time whcn the sociopolitical structure of thc siliJell ~r ~nanori.al system in which three centers of power-court, shognn, and religious Illshtuhons-were belllg replaced by individllal daimyo ruling thcir clomaillS ,IS autonomous units of power. The breakdown in the ke1l11lifslI power structure naturally led to a loss of authority of the old, established institutions stich as MOllllt Hiei and the subsequent rise of intercst in local cults and llewer forms of Budd his Ill. ~uroda stress:s the importance of the fact that Rennyo was speaking to a populace III w.hlch an ll1tellcclual approach to religion was much more widespread thall in prevIous centUrIes when a small elite of highly educated charismatic scholar­monks determined the direction of religion. Rellnyo's message should therefore be seen in the context of this "tr~nsiti~nal" society whcn many peoplc were seeking morc c1nect control over then envIronment; the peasant ikki leagucs and their uprisings are but one example. Similarly, Rennyo reinforces Shinran's assertion that true religion nol only deserves a place separate from secular pOlVer structures but also fundamentally nccd not define itself hy its relationship with those sccular structures.

r __

6 Introduction

Next, Stanley Weinstein in chapter 4 providcs a useful comparison between Shinran and Rcnnyo as leaders of Shinshu culture. Wcinstcill views Shinran as rather pure and unbending in his refusal to sacrifice his religious intcgrity to thc demands of society. By comparison, Rennyo was "the builder" who did what was necessary to creatc the cdifice of I-1onganji. Weinstein frames our understanding of Rennyo within the evolution ofjapanese scholarsh ip in the postwar period, pointing out how Rennyo had garnished an enormolls amount of interest among historians, both Marxist and otherwise, becallse of his apparent promotion of self-empowermcnt movements among the populace. Vv'hen \"Ieinstein sho\\'s how, unlike Shinran, Rcnnyo exhibits strong sectarian consciollsness and professes a doctrinc in which resolute faith leads not only to the Pure Land in the next world but material benefits in this one,. it calls to mind similar rhetoric from the Protestant Rcformation. It raises the specter of a doctrinc of "predestincd salvation of the elect" in Rennyo, an association that also emerges from the contributions of Kato Chiken (chapter 15) and William LaFlclIf (chapter 16).

Matsumura Naoko in chaptcr 5 thcn examines Rennyo's take 011 what Kasahara Kazuo has labclcdthe Shinshu tradition of 11)'011 in shoki, a twist on the phrase akullin s/zoki. Akwzin s/Zoki, itself a paraphrase of chaptcr 3 of the Ta111zisi1o, is Shinshu jargon for a position attributed to Shinran that if good people are accepted into AlIlida's Pure Land, how much more so does the Buddha welcome the bad (or the evil). Kasahara thus understood Rennyo's ovcrt religious acceptance of women to have followed the precedcnt ofZonkaku,6 who inferred that because women are seen as inherentlv limited as a karmic given, one should infer that it is to womcn that the Buddha's m~ssage is directed most intCllsely. Matsumura recognizes the importance of this issue for Rennyo, yet finds his view of wOlllcn dccidedly ambivalent. On the one hand Rennyo is clear that his sectarian tradition does not accept any differences between the spiritual potential of mcn and of women. On thc other he repeats the traditional view that 1V0mcn are hindered by the infamous formula known as the "five obstaclcs and three submissions," and he sent one of his daughters into thc house of the shogun as a concubine, presumably to cement political ties with his church. Citing Kyogen scripts and other contemporary sources, Matsumura shows how women were becoming increasingly recognized for their contributions in thc Muromachi period, yet in areas such as divorce, society's presumption of male supcriority for the most part remained unshaken. \"Ihat. is perhaps most fascinating herc is the fact that while traveling from commumty to eommuIlIty Rcnnyo encouraged women to form gender-specific study groups, or ko, for lay and monastic alike; these strike Matsumura as strikingly similar to the self-empowering soliuarity groups that began forming in the last quarter of the twentieth century.

The essay by Kinryu ShiZllka (chapter 6) utilizes documents written by European Catholic missionaries dating from the latter half of the sixteenth century 10 bring in new information on Shinshu in the century after Rennyo. Although unavoidably distort cd to some degree, this material contains many things we can learn about the immediate post-Rennyo era, not the least being the forms that Shinshu took at the folk level, where IIlany of thcse dcscriptions are based. Hcre we see a considerable amount of horr;i-suijaku and esoteric religious expression in which thcre is a rich symbolic interplay behveen Amida and Kannon as wish-

The Stud)' of Reml)'o 7

granting savior figurcs anci the forms in which they manifest. The phrase /lamu­amida-butsu itsclf was analyzed for its symbolic content, and Kinryu also shows how many of these ideas are echoed in Edo period dallgiboll, thought to rcprcsent popular sermons. Ever aware of the danger of losing souls to incorrect religious teachings, the priest Valign3no, for example, declares, "No matter what sins one has committed, [the priests] ... chant the namc of Amida or Shaka, and so long as one truly believes in the virtue of this act, those sins will be completely cleansed. Therefore, other atonements are complctely unnecessary ... this is thc same as the teaching of Luther." For the missionaries, this lkko-shii was a religion of pcasants. But it was also a religion that inspired great piety ami loyalty; their records tell of rural doio where the members asscmble thrice daily for serviccs, and of the decapitation of a dojo leadcr for "hercsy" by a Christian daim),o in Kumamoto.

Kus~no Kenshi's contribution in chapter 7 looks at the i;litial military attack on the Otani I-Ionganji that first drove Rennyo from the capital. By examining documcnts produced by Mount Hiei to justify thc raid, Kusano illustrates how the accusations Icveled against Shinshu by Enryakuji are clcarly linked to I\enn)'o's activities, accusing the /-Ionganji of practices that slandcr both bllddlws and ka·mi. An interesting p~rt of ~hc criticism i~ over th~ name of mugeko-shti adopted by man)' of the I-Iongan)1-affihated groups III the ami arca, which is associatcd with a doctrine whcrcill an "unhindered" Amida Buddha empowereclllis believcrs to feel similarly unrcstricted in their activities. Kllsano points to Rcnn),o's destruction of Buddhist icons (also discussed in chapter 9) as one of thc most serious of the accusations. He gives examples that show how the frequent admonition in Renn),o's Letters against the open disdain displayeclto local kami is testimony that that kind of thing \Vas quite prevalent among Honganji followers, for they are criticized for ignoring pollution customs that result in desecrating shrine precincts. As Kusano suggests, this is not only about the ancient religion we now call Shinto but also about disrupting the political hierarchy embedded in village organizatirllls centercd around shrines.

In chapter 8 Minamoto Ryoen offcrs an analysis of how Rcnn),0'5 thought paved the way for the phenomenon knolVn as l11)'okollill, the name given to a Ilumber of lay saints in this tradition. Although most pcople associatc myokonin with the Edo and Meiji periods, in fact such individllals bcgin to emcrgc during RCllnvo's leadership, and Minallloto focusc~ on the example of Akao-no-Doshu (d. 15~6). Ml1lam?to belIeves th~lt Rennyo s nenbutsu hermencutic, coupler! with his promotion of tlIe doetTlne known as kiho itta!, "llnificd bodv of individllal and Dharma," changed the culture surrounding Shinshu such that it Icd to thcsc remarkably inspired individuals. In particular, Rennyo's shift from Shandao's vicw of ncnbutsu as a call to personal commitment and practicc to one ill which both virtues are secn to be emanating from the Buddha himself through thc bclicvcr clarified a point on which Shinran was nol consistcnt. Echoing the mysticism in the An;il1ketsu;osho (and K6sai), Rennyo writes of the attained inclivi(hwl who "k~lO.\Vs" the Buddha: who has a "dialogue" with the Buddha, and in his later ycars tillS IS holV he descnbed one who has attained the goal of ~hi1!;in or alljin. This dialogic attitude is typical of the mature Rellnyo and suggests that hc himself could well have served as a prototype for the myokonin. M inamoto's essay is thus an

8 Introduction

important reminder of the fact that Rennyo not only inspired the community-based form of Shin shu that dominated I-longanji from the sixteenth through thc twenticth centurr but also created a new path for the intensely spiritual individual who derives inspiration from discipline and personal rcligious experience rather than from a communal setting.

In chapter 9 Mark Blum looks at Rennyo's use of religious icons as a mcans of commlmication. He asks us to considcr the production ancl distribution of hanging scrolls under Rennyo's tenure as commensurate with the composition and distribution of his Letters for the purpose of establishing and confirming relationships, dictating norms of belief, and thus delineating Honganji culture as a whole. Although Honganji had a prior tradition of bestowing sacred scrolls to its outlying affiliated communities, dating back to the time of Shinran, Rcnnyo plunges into this activity in a way unprecedented in its sheer volume and expcnse. But Rennro's rclationship with visual forms of the sacrcd was a complex one, and this chapter echoes Professor Kusano's focus on the significance of RCIll1i'0's period of burning Buddhist icons and ils direct impact on the justification for the persecution of Honganji during his leadership. The essay uses the example of Shinshu icons in RcnIl)'o's day to draw our attcntion to thc societal impact of religious icons in Japanese history as a whole, for we know that a wide freedom in iconic cxprcssion in Shinsllll was significantly curbed under Rennyo when ritual use of the tcn­character my6go scroll initially favored by Rennyo himself and many Shin leaders before him, including Shinran, had to be proscribed after it was demonstrated to provoke intense, at times violently repugnant reactions by some of the leadcrs on Mount Hiei.

Chapter 10, the first essar in the Shinshu studies part, is lerakawa Shunsh6's look at the Shinshu view of 6;6 or Birth in the Pure Land, usually abbrcviated here as Birth. This key concept is of crucial importance because there has been considerable misunderstanding of the implications of it in Japanese Pure Land thought; it is too often reified to nothing more than postmortem rebirth ill a paradise. Terakawa first looks at Shinran's final statements on it, in his seldom-reacl ,odo sa1lgy6 0;6 mOIlTUi and better-known Ichinen tanen mOIl'i and YuisiJillsiJo mOIl'i. Ke)' here is the fact that Shinran directly ties the Pure Land goal of 6;6 to broader religious issues such as the attaining of nirviil.w, the epiphanic experience of shinjin (the "belie\'ing mind"), and the Tanluan's twofold notion of the believer's merit transfer (huixiallg, Japanese eko). Tcrakawa stresses that our understanding of Rennyo's statements on practice, faith, ancl rcalization must be seen within the context of Shinran's understanding of 0;6 as being something realized in this lifetime, not after death. The problem lics in the fact that Rennyo frequently uses language that beseeches the Buddha to "help me in the next life." Through his masterful understanding of Shin doctrine, Terakawa weaves an interprctivc tOllT de force that maintains Shinran's morc radical position within Rennyo whilc finding room for his shift in cmphasis.

Kakll Takeshi in chapter 11 provides a window into how Rennyo was resurrected by some as an authoritative religious thinker in the Meiji period, when Buddhism faced government persecution and criticism from many quarters as an anachronistic institution anathema to modernization. He notes thatno less a figure than Fukuzawu

The Stud), of Rerm)'o 9

Yukichi praised Rennyo for his take on the concept of obo-bupp6, or "imperial law and thc Buddhist law," which he read as advocating the modern legal principle scparating church and state, an interpretation that led to Rcnnyo's Letters becoming bctter studied than Shinran's own writings during the Meiji period, When Kiyozall'a Manshi cmcrgcd as a leading Shinshu intellectual in the 189os, his insistence on modern, critical sectarian studies caused a rift between conservativc and reform movements within the church, Examining the contribution of Soga Ryojill, a disciple of Kiyozawa, Kaku argues that Soga sought to resoh'e this conflict hi' redefining Rennyo and his doctrines. Over the rears we see how Soga writes of Rennyo as social reformer on the one hand and religious mystic on the other, and it is fascinating to see how much Saga and Kiyozawa were taken with Rennyo's embrace of both the Tannisho and the kih6 itteli doctrine, the latter also discussed ill Professor Minamoto's essay (chapter 8). Kakl1 cbrifies for liS how the Otani branch (Higashi Honganii) of Shinsl111 created the underpinnings of its modern doctrinal position on the basis of a Tanllis/](}-centered philosophy running from Shinran to Renn)'o to Kiyozall'a to Soga. In Soga's words, this attitudc is characterized by an approach common to these thinkers such that Buddhism is not regarded as a perfected form to be acceded to, bul something to he "understood ... through their own experiences."

In chapter 12 Alfred Bloolll considers Rennyo's legacy in the context of the postwar period and his potential for inspiring progressive dcvelopments within thc Honganji institution. lIe reminds lIS that Rennyo regarded the Honganji church itself as thc historical manifestation of the working of the Buddha's wisdom and compassion, yet he warns against tendcncies toward rigidity and inflexihility that may emergc from an acceptance of this view today. Bloom notes that Rennyo himself transformed the institution significantly, even reformulating church rhetoric to emphasize the afterlife, turning away from Shinran's foclls on the experience of awakening. Bl.oom affirms this movie as a natural and healthy to adapt to one's surroundmgs III ways that are inIlovative if they succced in communicating your message. As an IllustratIon of how Rcnnyo's considcrable communication skills were employed to this end, Bloom notes the important liturgical role in I-Ionganji tem~les ?f SllI~ran's Wa~an and Sh6shillge, a legacy of Rcnnyo's efforts, begun in Yoshlzakl, to pnnt and dlstnhnte these texts so that Shin communities could each have .co~ies for their own services. V,Ie also knolV that Rennyo promotcd the orgal1lzahon of small voluntary associations usually callcd ka, also discussed in chapter 5, whose leaders he kcpt in his confidence, giviIlg thcm his imprimatur for self-government in thc service of providing a space for religious activities. It was ~hcse local groups. that he wa.s able to tie togcther despite geographical separation mto the broad, natIOnal orgamzahon that I-Ionganji became. Renn)'o thus promoted a model of local democratic groups that wcre tied to a mother church that othcrwise remained essentially feuclal in structure.

Ikeda YGtai has spent a number of years studying RCllnyo's Letters, and ill chapter 13 he examines the observation that these are dircctly inspired by ami therefore anothcr expression of the philosophy of the Tarlllis/zrJ. Such was the conclusion of a commentary Oil tl~~?annish~ by Ryosho in the eightecnth century and was asserted agam by Soga RyoJln, as IS dIscussed in ehaptcr I\. Ikeda considers

10 Introduction

the implications of the text-critical findings of Miyazaki Enjun, who discovcrcd that some twenty-five years had elapsed betwcen the writing of inclividllal scntences in the extant text copied by Rcnnyo, meaning that Rennyo kept this book with him over a long period of time. After discussing Rennyo's famous colophon to the Tallllishi5: "This should not be shown indiscriminately to those who lack karmic good roots," Ikeda provides a valuable analysis of the interprclivc "differences" so bcmoaned by that work as understood by Rennyo, according to statements in his Lellers. Ikeda divides Rennyo's notion of heresy into four categories: (I) misunderstanding of nenbutsu practice, (2) secret practices and doctrines within certain local communitics (called hiii bi5moll), (3) public pronouncemcnts of Shinshii doctrine before nonbelievers, and (4) teaching non-Shinsllll doctrines,

I' false cloctrines, or for money.

In chapter 14, the final chapter in the Shinshii studies part, Yasulomi Shin'ya presents all example of the rich folklore tradition that has grown up around Rennyo and is little known outside japan, offering a multifaceted interpretation of a folktale associated with Rennyo's four-year residence in Yoshizaki. A kind of setstlwa tale, this story has a clear religious message and found ils way into the normative pictorial biographies of Rennyo but also enjoyed retelling in nonrcligiollS contexts. A story in which women are the central characters, it concerns the tragedy of death within a family and thc resultant acute spiritual needs of the remaining family members, expressed in tension between a mother-in-law and her son's widow. Yasutomi offers three interpretations of the story: as a blueprint for a Na drama, as a statement about the traditional prejudice against women in Japanese Buddhism, and as a symbolic representation of the regional conflict between the religio-political paradigm of Honganji alJ(lthat of the indigenous mountain cults in the Hokuriku area such as the one surrounding Mount Haku, or Hakusan, a mountain where ascetic, shugendo practices continue to the present day. The story communicates a number of important aspects for understanding Rennyo: that he was explicit in his doctrine of equality of men and women before the Buddha, and at times even reflected Zonkaku's earlier view, discussed in chapter 5, that Shinran's doetrine implied that women were the precise object of thc Buddha's compassion; that he was enamored of No drama and incorporated No elements into his own preaching style; and that there was always some degree of social and political upheaval brought on by the expansion of Honganji's inOuence over an cver-widening geographical area under Rennyo's leadership, of which the ikko ikki peasant uprisings are only the most salient example. The last point illustrates the complcx relationship between I-Ionganji under Rennyo and the local cults today we put under the rubric

Shinto. Chapter 15 offers a sample of Kata Chiken's extensive work comparing the lives

and religions ideas of Rennyo and Martin Luther. Kata is stmck not only by the similarities in their religious outlook but by their personalities as well. He noles that both were happy in domestic settings, a fact he sees as indicative of their devotion to deepening the religious consciousness of the common people. Intrigued with Luther's concept of an "invisible church," Kato implies that Honganji lmelcr Rennyo probably progressed under a similar principle. At the very least, the examples shown

...

The Stllciy of Rellll)'o II

here of the parallel problems faced when leaders like Rcnnyo and Luther attempl to realize all idcalized religions community snggest the need for furthcr inquiry into arcas of consonance and dissonance betwccll religious visions and social rcalities, especially for the history ofBuddhislll, where, outside of SrI Lanka, Tihet, and some Chan studies, snch inquiry is particularly lacking. In any case, Kat6 concludes that the many similarities between Luther and Rennyo naturally arise because both expollnd ideologies that stand on a doctrine of "faith alone," or in modern Shin language, "absolute Other-Power." This notion begs other questions: (1) Since

Rennyo never used eithcr expression, how woulc1we understand his response to Klt6's analysis? (2) Is there a similar deni<II of free will in Rennyo's writings to that seen in Luther's anti-Erasmus 1525 polemic De servo ariJitrio, for there is a glaring tension between Rennyo's affirmation of universal access to the Purc Land and his belicfthat Birth Ihere is Ilotopen to people born lI'ithollt the right karmic endowmcnt from Ihcir previous lives? The tension between Luther's o\\'n commitment to universalism and his sense of predestination thus suggcsts there may be a similar presumption of a COllll1l1l11ity of "the elcct" lurking in Rennyo.

William LaFleur in chaptcr 16 considers an often overlooked aspect of Rcnl1Yo: his expression of joy. In fact Rennyo frequenlly uses expressions of clation to expr'css the experience offaith, and we err ill omitting this as an esscntial part of his message of hope. LaFleur sees this as part of a lineage of openness that clcfincd a new religious outlook, beginning with Honen and moving through Shinrall to Rcnnyo. It is lIot only that these forms of Pure Land Buddhism consciously distanced themselves from the secret, "hiddenncss" of the older Tendai forms of Japanese Buddhism, but that they also brought a nell' message of confidence regarding karma to the general population, lIIallY of whom feared that their occupations precludcd them from salvation. An important aspect of this openncss is Rennyo's attitucle of treating his followers as "fellow practitioners" rather than as disciples. This combination of humble authority and openness in Rcnnyo suggests a clecp-scated faith in the value of freedom for bringing people to liberation though faith. LaFleur contrasts this attitude with that displaycd by thc Grand Inquisitor questioning jeslls in Fyodor Dostoyevsky's novel The Brothers Karamazov. Set in sixteentil-centurl' Europe, a time close to that of Rennyo, this priest justifies burning hcretics at Ih~ stake because, as he explains to jesus, freedom of thought in rcligious mailers is 100

oppressive for tlw people who actually ye.am for "miracle, mystery, and allthority" whdl the Cathohc Church IS able to proVide. Professor LaFleur argiles that Rermvo consciollsl}, moves alVay from all threc of these elements of religion because of I;is focus on experience amI openness.

In the final chapter Ruben [-Iabito brillgs us back to the twenty-first ccnturj' by conSIderIng the Illlpact of Rennyo upon holl' the Shin sect has conccived its international role today. Given that Shill Buddhism under I-Ionganji has become

both large and i.nAuential ~oth inside and outside of Japan, he asks its leadership Important queslIons about Its future direction. Comparing I-Ionganji thought and

structure to that of the Roman Catholic Cllllrch, I-Iabito seeks to make Shin lcadcrs more aware of the iSSllcs involved in the "trallSlation" and "contextualization" of the religion for an international alIdience. This point is particularly important for

12 Introduction

our evaluation of the legacy of Rcnnyo because, for Habito, Rcnnyo appears to have changed many of Shinran's core positions regarding the religious world outsidc of ShinshQ. Focusing on the problem of altcrity, l-labito recognizes the central role that Rcnnyo had in shaping the Shin attitude toward the non-ShinshQ world over the last 500 rears, and this thoughtful essay fUllctions as an open call for Shin to move beyond that history ill order to clarify once again how Honganji as an institution can provide lcadership for its believers to see other institutions of power in society today, such as the emperor and state power in gcncml, especially in light of the complicity of both Higashi and Nishi Honganji during World War II. As an examplc of how a political statement from a church Icadcr must be understood in its original context so as to limit the scope of its normative value to latcr generations, l-labito points to Paul's letter to Titus, which, though advocating willful submission to political authority, was subject to varying interpretations over timc.

Although there is little to suggest that the world in which Rcnnyo Jivcd, the fifteenth ccntury, should be considered even a premodern stage of japanese history, the legacy of Rennyo nonetheless deserves rccognition for its contribution to lIlany of the institutional and cultural developments that we take for granted today as emblematic of Japanese Buddhist institutions in the modcrn period. \\le might consider these changes undcr the rubric of innovative sectarian integration, defined as a successful reworking of sectarian precedclIt ill ways that redefined the relationship behveen religious idealism and institutional need. Successful in this contcxt means growth in size and social stature of the organization, an undeniable fact in the case of Honganji, but one not without attendant controversy as well. But while the changes wrought by Rennyo have not pleased everyone, modern schools of Buddhism in Japan have all been inAuenced to some degree by his creative strategies of communication. I specfically refer to those that successfully infuscd lay populations throughout the country with a sense of identity to their scct as a national entity. By devoting considerable attention to the standardization of snch things as retreats for study and practice, pilgrimage, funerary rituals, fund-raising, norms of behavior, support for women, and the assimilation of local dcjo into the greater church, Rennyo's integration of local, regional, and national forces reRects an institutiollal vision that formed a prototype for what later becamc normative in Japanese religion in the premodern and modern periods.

Having left such a deep imprint on ShillShQ culture and japanese history as a whole, Rennyo continues to be the object of historical scrutiny today. His repeated encounters with tragedy-the Gnin war,6 persecution and destTuction of his church, cxile, sectarian infighting-without giving in to despair suggest the strength of his courage and vision but also make him a compelling figure of considcrablc intcrcst. However one imagines the experience of living at a time of such great insecurity, Rennyo emerges as a charismatic leader who deeply understood the anxieties of his age and fashioned a response that met with overwhelming acceptance. With the tens of books and hundreds of articles on Rennyo published in Japan in the past decade, the editors of this study make no claim of comprehensiveness. We only bope that this collection makes a small contribution to the IInderstanding of this figure and his times, and serves Lo stimulate further research.

...

The Study of Reml)'O 13

Notes

I Minor L. Rogers, "Rennyo Shonin 1415-1499: t\ Transformation in Shin Buddhist ;'icty," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvardynivcrsity, Cambridge, Mass., 1972. tra Michael Sololllon,

RCI1l1)'O and thc Rlsc of HonganplII Muromachi Japan," PhD. diss., Columbia University Nell' York, 1972. '

2 Stanley Weinstein, "Rcnnyo and the ShinshG Revival." in Talum ill the Mllrn1l1flchi Age, eel. john W. Hall and Toyoda Takeshi (Berkeley: Universi~' of Califolllia Press, 1977), 331-358.

3 James Dobbins, TodD Shimhr1: Shill Buddhism ill [Vledieva! Tapal1 (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1989).

4 Minor L. Rogers anel Ann T. Rogers, Renn)'o: The Second Founder of Shin Buddhism (Berkeley, Cal.: Asian Humanities Press, 1991).

5 See Mary Elizabeth Berry, Tile Culture of Civil \''flr in Kyoto (Berkelcy: University of California Press. 1994).

. 6 Lasting ne~rly a decade, the Onin lVar was a tragic saga that destroyed much of the capllal and yet ultllllatcly deCIded nothing of consequcnce politically.

10

TERAKAWA SHUNSHO

TRANSLATED BY MARK L. BLUM

Shinran and Rennyo Comparing Their Views of Birth in the Pure Land

I f you ask people to suggest an example of the formation of a powerful trilclition over generations in Japanese Pure Land Buddhism l\Iany might point to the

lineage formed by the Honen-Shiman link ami then add Rennyo. If onc then added what sacred writings would represent this line, we lVould perceive a continuity of thought in the traditional line that runs through thc Se7lchakushii of HOlien (1133-1212),' the Yuishillsho ofSeikaku (n67-1235),2 the Tmznisho ofYuien (d. 1289)/ and the Letters of Rcnn)'o (1415-1499). This tradition is based on an understanding of the Buddhist path as a "path to Birth via ncnbutsu," an understanding that is certainl), recognized by anyone today.

Of coursc, if ),ou ask how we should undcrstand the concept of 0;0 itself, translated here as "Birth," then you are standing squarely within the concerns of this tradition. As someone connected with the tradition of Shinran, I lVould first like to inquire as to how Shinran comprehended 0;0.

At the present time, understanding of 0;0 can go in a varicty of directions and olle cannot avoid some SCIISC of confllsion. But during Shinran's time ullderstanding was also quite varied, and it is a mistake to assume that there was llnanilllity ofbclief on this matter. It was within just sllch a context that Shinran examined his own view of 0;0 at the end of his life and left an essay expressing his personal understanding of it. That composition is called !ado sang)'o 0;0 monrui.' In the terse sentences of this monograph Shinran explores a wide variety of views regarding the meanillg of 0;0, ultimatel)' labeling his own view the "Birth based in the Larger Sfilra." Sincc the opinion expressed here is consistent with the views described in his main work, the K),agyoshinsho, I believe wc can rely on this work to ascertaill Shinran's understanding of Birth in the Pure Lam\.

111 his Jado sangyo 0;0 mOl1T1Ji, Shinran OIganizcd the variolls views of 0;0 into three categories, the names of which he takes from the three core slltras of the Pure Land school:

1. 0;0 as described in the Larger [Su/du/vatfvyahaj SfilTCl: Birth that is hard to conceive of.

137

138 ShinshI' Stlldies

2. D;D as describcd in the COrllemllialion Satra: Birth beneath two trees in the forest.

3. Diu as described in the Smaller [Sukhal'atIvyuhaj Siilra: Birth lhat is hard to imagine.

Of these three, Shinran is most positive aboul D;D as defined by the Larger Satra compared with Diu ill the Contemplation Satra or KangyD and DiD in the Smaller Sfilra or Amidak),D. His label, the "Birlh that is hard to conceive of," is reminiscent of the language he uses to describe the hongan, or Original VOl\' itself, a "covenant inconceivable." 111 othcr words, we can make the assumption that Shinran's description of this issue as being something hard to conceive of is prccisely so because it is based on the "covenant incOIlceivable." Furthermore, since Shinran also describes this as "t·he core teaching of the Larger Satra," we can also take this to represent the fact thaI his understanding of Birth is based on what is preached in the Larger Sulra. As a result, we should take this phrase 10 represent Shinran's personal understanding of 0;0.

The Two Forms of Merit Tbll1sfer

Shinran writes:

From the two forms of merit-transfer in relation to the Tathagata, the person who has attained "faith" [shing)'a] withoul fail resides in the stage of being among the group of assured. 5 For that reason, we llse thc term lariki ... . This is the core teaching of the Larger SuklzaV<l/Tv),ulza Siitra. This is also called Birth that is hard to conceive Of6

These words come from his concluding remarks on the Larger Siitra. Here without doubt we see two aspects of Shinran unique ullderstandiIlg of ojo according to the Larger Salra. First is his understanding that aiD according to the Larger Sulra or "Birth that is hard 10 conceive of" means Birth that is realized through the two kinds of merit transfer of the Tathagata. Second is that the concretc expression of o;u according to the Larger Salra lies in the fact that one resides in the position of being among "the assured."

On the first point, Shinran is saying that Birth in the PlITe Land is realized by means of the two forms of merit transfer toward the Tathagata, especially that of the gratitude expressed in transferring merit in the aspect of going to the Pure Land (050 eko). On the meaning of lIlerit transference in this aspect of going, Jinrei (1749-1817), a Shinshii scholar froIll the early modern period, explained it this \va}':

It refers to the time from when one attains the understanding of "faith" (shin;ill) in this Sahli world, are then born in the Pure Land, and continues up to realizing the enightcnment of nirviil)a. Transferring mcrit on our return from the Pure Land means to return to this defiled world. Returning to this defiled world from the Pure Land, one works for the salvation of all sentienl being'.?

The modern scholar Hoshino Genp6 wrote in his Kokai K),ogyoshillshO:

Shi'lTClIl clnd Renn)'o '39

The aspcct of going denotes the form of one's going \0 the Pure Land. Since alIT going to the Pure Land is something that is given completely by the Buddha, it is referred to as the merit transfercnce in the aspeel of going. The aspcct of returning denotes the form of one who has returned to this world to save sentient beings afler having achieved Birth in the PlITC Land. This activity, the returning aspect, is also bestowed to us from the Buddha, and so it is called the merit transference in the aspect of returning.8

These two opinions reflect the COllllllon understanding of the two aspects of merit transference, and in particular the aspect of going 10 the Pure Land. But· although it is clear frolll these explanations what these two kinds of merit transfer are, especially the aspect directed at going to the Pure Land, slleh understanding is all too often missing from modern treatments. VVitness, for example, the following explanations in two highly respected modern dictionaries:

Bukk)'o iiten

This refers to the evcnt of being horn in another 1I'0rld when one's life in this worlel is over, and in Pure Land thought came to refer to leaving behind this defiled land and going off to a so-called "pure land." ... But even if lI'e say that the idea of Birth has its origins in the notion of being reborn in heaven, there is a major difference hetll'een the two notions. The concept of being rehorn in heaven does not transcend the limits of transmigwtion, whereas achieving Birth in I·he Pme Land means lem'ing behind the wheel of rebirlh and reaching the realm of buddhas .... In JocloshinshG, two forms of Birth are discussed: Spolltaneolls birth in a land of [the Buddha in] a true reward [body], and womb birth in a land of [the Buddha in] an cxpedient [body]. Also, when Birth in the Purc Land is detcrmincd in this 1I"OTld, it is called "immediate Birth" [SOklltoku aia nn1~tUI:]; when one is bom in the Pure Land, this is called "Birth that is hard to conceive of" [,wI1shigi aia]."

Bllkk)'agakll iiten

Leaving this world atlhe end of one's life to be born in the other world .... 111 Judo ShinshG, there are two types of Birth exptained, immediate Birth [SOkll aiu] and expedient Birth [ben 0;0]. Or, there may be three forms of Birth posited, where "imlllcdiate birth" is called Birth that is difficuli to conceive of [tariki nenbntsu, Birth of the eighteenth Vow]. "expedient Birth" is called Birth that is difficult to imagine liiriki ncnbutsll, Birth of the twentieth Vow], and "Birth heneath two Irees in the forest" [Birth by a variety of practices of thc nineteenth Vow]. In Shinshii, it may also be stated that when it is confirmed through the attainmeut of slziniin that Birth is possible, tlli, is called "immeclialc allainmcnt of Birth" fsoklliolm iiiii]. This is also Birth without losing the body [confirmation of Birth e1uring onc's lifetimc, i.e., with a defiled body] and is contrasted with Birth witb losing the body [Birth that occurs wizen the physical body dies]lo

Leaving aside the issue of how appropriate these explanations are, despite all the detail about Birth in Shinshii with or without losing the body, or Birth in a womb or spontaneously, the three types of Birth, and so on, it is notelVorthy Ihal Ihere is no mention of the relationship between Birth and the transfer of merit loward this goal.

The second point I would like to make eonceflls the issue of joining the "group of the assured" while in this life, and on this point Ihe dictionary explanations clo

140 Shil1shii Studies

seem to reRect the generally held views. However, the understanding of Birth expressed when Shinran spoke of Birlh according to the Larger Satra was of a concept of joining the assured not seen in these discussions; namely, thc confirmation of bcing on the path to nirviil)a. Moreover, Shinran called this the "core tcaching of the Larger Siitra, the Birth that is difficult to conceive of." Therefore, in order to understand what Shinran really had to say about Birth, we TIlust approach this not with our preconccptions but with an open mind to apprcciate the discourse that he actually used to express himself.

Shinran's View of Birth and Merit Transfer

The special characteristics of Birth that Shinran expressed when he used the phrase "Birth according to the Larger Salra" concerns the realization of this by means of the two forms of merit transfer. Shinran's basic position can be seen in his \'iew of the other two forms of Birth that he does not see as having presumed the two forms of merit transfer. That is, Birth according to the Contemplation Siitra rcfers to yearning for the Pure Land after transferring the merit one personally has accuTllulated in all one's good karmic action; and Birth according to Ihe Amida Sfitra is Birth that one asks for ollly by means of the power inherenl in transferring merit accrued from personally [evoking] the Buddha's holy name, bccause one cannot accept the inconceil'able wisdom of the Buddha. These other forms of Birth are the means by which one embraces the hope of reaching that 1I'0rld when facing one's final moments; they are notions of Birth that spring from the expectation of confirmation that one hopes lI'ill come from thc encouragement of nenbutsll practice. By contrast, what Shinran called Birth according to the Larger S!llra is the Birth that is naturally realized by means of the two types ofTathiigata merittramfer. This interpretation implies, to put it more concretely, something more along the lines of a doctrine whereby someone who engages in ncnbutsu by believing in the Origillal Vow resides naturally and spontaneously in the "group of the assured" in this world and then, upon his next birth, treads the path to the final goal of unsurpassed nirl'al)a.

But what precisely is this twofold Tathagata merit transference that realizes Birth according to the Larger Sf/Ira? To undersland Slrinran's fundamental understanding of this, we should first note this \Vasall:

Abandoning the dubkha of the beginnillgless spin of sa1/1siira In expectation of the ul1Sllrpassed nirv3I,lu, Thc debt [olldoku 110IVard the Iwo forms of Tathagata IIlcrit transference Is truly difficlllt to repayll

A~ this verse shows, for Shinran the merit transfer directed at the objective of going to the Pure Land and the merit transfer directed at the objective of returning from the Pure Land are both expressions of onc/oku O@,~), the feeling of indebtedness from having received the blessing of the merit transferred from the Buddha. This is the firsl point to keep in mind regarding Shinran's understanding of these t\\'o forms of merit transference. The second is that the person who is able to rcalize

Slzimal1 al1d Rfilll1)'O 141

this indebtcdness arising from these two forms of merit transference will have his life Iransformcd from being locked into transmigration to being definitively at the stage of the group of the assurcd. Enacting the transfcr of meril directed at reaching the Pure Land does not simply reRect a notion of Birth in the Pme Land, it also implies residing among the group of assured that is standing on the great path to final, complete nirvaI,la. Let us look at how Shinran expressed this.

Shinran exprcsses a most positivc altitude toward merit transference for the goal of Birth in his Kyagyoshi1Jsha, but the most condensed presentation can he found in the section on "Birth according to the Larger Satra" in his lodo sang)'o aja monTui. This is the backbone of Shiman's thought on this matter. Here are the main points of his argument:

I. There is lnle practice (shil1jitstl g)'oga) in the merit transference of the 'Illthagaia for the goal of Birth. 111 other words, it is a manifestatioll of the compassionate vows inhercIlt in the invocation of the names of all the buddhas. The compassionate vow [at the base of] invoking the name is as stated in the Larger Satra (text of the Vow is then quoted here.) The text of the accomplishment of Ihe compassionatc \'OIVS [of the Buddha] regarding entrusting in invoking the name is as the sUlra says (text of the confirmation of the Vow is quoted here).

2. In arlditiollthere is a tme faith (shinjilstl shinjin). This is what is m,lIl i fest in the compassionate VOIVS [guaranteeing] Birth \'ia lIenblltsu. These vows of compassion that one entrusts oneself to are stated titus ill the LargeT Siifra (the eighteenth Vow is quoted here).

3· In addition there is a true realization (shinjitstl shaka). That is what is manifest in the compassionate vows of illevitably reaching the final

annihilation (17letstldo ) [of defilements that is nirviil.w]. The Larger Satra states the following compassionate vow [as an expression] of [the Buddha's] realization. (Quote from the sutra of a vow that promises everyone in his realm is assured of reaching melstldo.) The sutra [confirms] this attainment of final annihilation, the realization of nirvJl)a, in the texl that narrates Ihe accomplishment of this vow (another quote from the second fascicle).

4· The persoll who has attained this true invocation and this lruc cntmsting has been promised to be enabled to reside al the rank of the gronp of the rightly assurcd. Residing among the grollp of rightl), assurcd has also been described as reaching the [stage of] equivalent [to a buddha's] enlightenment. It is also preached that this cCJuivalent enlightelllnellt stage is the same as Ihat of Maitreya Bodhisattva, who has only one lifetime remaining before buddhahood. That is why the Larger Siilra says "the next one is like Maitreya."ll

From these passages we sec how individual is Shiman's unclerstanding of merit transference directed toward Birth. Shinran states that "regarding the merit

transference of the h1thagata clirected towarcl Birth, thcre is true practice, true faith, and true realization. What he means is that the activity of this mcritorious debt or merit transferencc toward Birth is manifest in Ihe li;'es of senlicnt beings. The

142 Shinshu Studies

concrete form of this true practice is the action of "recitation of the name of the Tathagata of Unhindered Light," characterized in the fascicle 011 practice (in the Kyog)'osilinsiJo) as "the great practice." On his notion of the true siliniin, Shinran likewise in the fascicle on faith (in the Kyogyoshinsilo) identifies this as the self­realization of faith as confessed by Vasubandhu in the beginning of the section entitled Gathas seeking Birth (in the lingtu lUll) in the phrase, "With a singularity of nliml I take refuge in the Tathagata of Unhindered Light in the Ten Directions:' This is none other than the so-called practice and faith of the selected Original Vow, which is precisely the ground where Jodoshinshii makes its presence

known. In addition, Shinran enthusiastically speaks of the central issue of the attainment

of true realization. We can find this discussion in tlte fascicle on attainment (in the Kyog),oshinsho):

Ordinary beings replete with spiritual defilements [reside in a] a mass of budding [anxieties which spring from] the sinful defilements of S<ll]ISara. But if they obtain the mind and practice of the merit transference directed at Birth, immediately they become countcd among the Maha)'ilna gronp of those assured. And bccause they reside among the grollp of assured, they will reach nirviil)H without fail."

As an excellent scholar-monk of the Buddhist tradition, Shinran was well aware that true realization meant "the ultimate attainment of unsurpassed nirviil)a." But at the same time he also accepted positively the fact that for the individual residing in the community of assured whose steps arc taken toward the inevitable attainment of nirvana, this true attainment occurs in one's present condition. This is a point that needs to be strcsscd.

Merit Transference and Religious Attainment in This Life

Thus Shinran takes the activity of "leaving behind sentient beings and crossing this ocean of tWllSllligration,,14 (going to the Pme Land) as an indebted blessing in the form of merit transfer for the goal of Birth that is realized within the lives of sentient beings by means of true practice, true shil1;il1, and true attainment. These three doctrines are each seen as having their roots in vows, that is, the VOIV of all the budd has invoking the namc, the vow of Birth by lIenbutsu, and the vow of attaining nirvaua without fail. From this point of view, Shinran's sense of merit transfer for the goal of Birth is, by means of these three Original Vows which he refers to alternately as "the selected Original Vows of Amida Buddha of merit transfer for the goal of Birth," or as "the Tathagata's benevolence manifesting within sentient beings to which we are indebted." Shinran's understanding of the third Vow, Expressing confirmation of the attainment of nirviilJa without fail, is especially important. On this he says:

The person who has attained this tflle invocation and this true entrusting have been promised to bc cnabled to reside at the rank of the group of the rightly assured. Residing among the group of rightly assured has also been described as reaching the [stage] equivalent [to a buddha's] enlightenment."

Shim(//l and Hennyo 143

He thus understands the vow's intention to have been accomplished as the individual's inevitability of reaching nirval)a, and he describes this as the state of someone in his present situation billowing with trllc attainment. Shinran's own comprehension of Birth in cvery instance stands lIpon this understanding of thc merit transfer directed toward the goal of Birth. To clarify this further, let us look at a more advanced statemcnt on this point in his /chinell ianen man';:

The 1'0\\' of attaining nirviil)a withollt fail expounded in the Larger Siitra pledges "If in becoming a buddha, the people and devas in Ill)' world do not reside in the cOllnnunity of the rightly assured who reach nirviil)2 without fail, may I not attain bllddhahood." The accomplishment of this vow is explained by Siikyamllni as "The sentient beings born in that world all reside in the commllnity of the rightly assured. Why? Becallse in that world all forms of the [other two] groups of the communities of the misguided and indeterlllinate are not present." ... In this IVaI' what Dharmukara Bodhisattva vowed was explained by Sakyamuni for LIS living ';'ith the five stains to be "Thc sentient beings born in tlwt world will all reside in thc community of the rightly assured. Why? Because in that 1V0rid ,Ill forms of the [other two] groups of the communities nfthe misguided and indeterminate are not present." In the statements by these two hOllored ones, the description of Birth as confirming the stage of the communit), of the assured is itself a statemcnt on residing in a stagc of nonbaeksliding. Because this stage being confirmed mcans onc is in a body that will reach nirvHI.m withont fail, this is described as reaching the level of equivalcnce, or reaching avaivartika [thc state of nOllbacksliding]. It is also known as immediately entering [the status of the] inevitably determinate. 16

He calls this the "practice and faith of the selected Original Vow" and also "the mind and practice of merit transfer for the goal of Birth," (080 ekc) no shing)'o). These terms express the realization of his faith as someone who has joined the community of the assured in this body, in this life. Shinran identifics this state with the state of one who stands in the inevitability of reaching nirv~I.la as implied in the accomplishment of the vow. I havc already cited this passage from the chapter on Realization (in the Kyogyoshinsho), which narrates this in a way that suggests activity rather than passivity for the indivic\t",llife, but I want to match it with an imJlortant passage in his YuishillSho mon'i:

It is the same for ordinary people bound by restrictiom, people like l!Ieat sellers on the bottom of society [and so forth]. If they can entrust themselves to the inconceivable Original Vow of thc Buddha of Unhindcred Light, the holy n'"lIe of enormous wisdom, then they will reach the highest nirv,,!)a evcl1l1'hilc thcY:Ire filled with karmie afflictions. 17

If we follow Shinran's argument, then the 011doklt of the merit transfer for thc goal of Birt'h which expresses Tanluan's "leaving behind senticnt beings and crossing this ocean of transmigration" lies most fundamentally wilh "the selectcd Original Vow of the mcrit transfer of the Tathiigata Amida directed toward [those aiming at] Birth." Shinran understood the tTIIC reality of this achievement by means ofknowing the vow of all the budd has reciting the Name, thc vow of Birth by nenbutslI, and the vow of the incvitability of nirval)a. All this is realized within thc lifctillle of the individual in a very concrete way by means of him or her personally knowing thc reality of this achievement, by meallS of experiencing shin;in and the realizing this

144 Shinshli Studies

truth within in their own lives. Thus does the reality of this achievement of the Buddha manifest to sentient beings via their sense of gratitude and indebtedness toward the merit transference that makes their going to the Pure Lalld a reality. When we think of how we know this, that is, through the process to the realization that I myself reside among the assured who is on the path to the ultimate aim of unsurpassed nirval)a, we see how this is w111ethillg active (rather than passive).

Thus we see how much effort Shinran put into narrating his view of realizing the merit transfer for the goal of Birth. At the risk of sounding redundant, if we follow Shinran's view on this, it is not as simple a matter as it seems. It is all the more obvious thai Ihis notion of oio is not something that is realized after physical death in the sense of a "future Birth in the Pure Land." Every time Shinran writes of merit transfer directed to the goal of Birth, he always expresses himself in this way. Nevertheless, it seems that we have beell saddled with a fixed understanding of Shinran that views his notion of the two forms of merit transfer regarding Birth (oso eko and gellso eko) as simply a round trip to the Pure Land. i cannot help but look upon this idea in the salTle way that the Tallllisha laments the way that people become "enlightened to their own opinions," missing the uniqueness of what Shinran had to say by a thousand miles.

Pure Land Birth Pointillg to Nirvaoa

As has been mentioned, Shinran refers to this path to self-awareness realized by means of the Olldoku of the merit transfer for the goal of Birth as "the core issue of the Larger St7tra, the Birth that is difficult to conceivc of." What he also calls "Birth according to the Larger Siifra" rellects his understanding of holV someone is able to live on this path of self-awareness as a human resicling ill the community of the assured in his present life, a concrete expression of the real attainment that comes from thc gratitude and indcbtedness (ondoku) arising from experiencing both forms of merit transfer from the Tbthagata. For another expression of Shinran's umlerstamling of Birth, i retum to his Ichinen tanen 11l01l'j:

Because one atlains the true shilljin, one is therefore embraced by the mind of the Buddha of Unhindered Light and never abandoned .. , .In other words, regardless of the passage of time, when it is determined that the individual is al the stage of the community of the assured, it can be said that he or she allains i5iii.1S

This passage appears to make Shinran's position quite clear, bnt let me pursue the matter further in the interests of arguing that my own understanding is the correct one.

Shinran has said in these passages that his understanding of what the Larger Snlra means by "immediate Birth" (sokutoku aia) is the determination that by lTleans of attaining slziniil1 one naturally and immediately attaiIlS the stage of the communit)' of the assured. As was seen in the quotation from the Bukk)'o ii/en, that dictionary's characterization of the Shinshii position as "when Birth is determincd in this world, it is called 'immcdiate Birth'" seems subjective, even inaccurate. Shinran's own realization ofimmedialc Birth is based on the Larger Siilra's statement

Shinwll and Renn)'o Lf5

that this refers to the individual "residing in the community of the assurcd, destined to reach nirvana."

To break through the standard understanding ;lIld truly see Shiman's unique understanding of the meaning of Birth, one should begin with the suggestion in his statement in the lchinell tanen Tllon'j that one should "carefully, careflilly consider" the statement in the Larger St7tra that confirms the accomplishment of Amida's vows.

Moreover, the unclerstanding of Birth he displays whcn he labels "Birth according to the Larger Siitra" as a "Birth difficult to conceive of" in his lodo sallg)'o oiB monrui is one viewed from his perspective on the two forms of merit transference. That is, the manifestation of merit transfer for the goal of reaching Birth is felt as a blessing bestowed from the Buddha's true virtue to one self-awakened fro III obtaining true practice and faith. At that point, one's life is tllrned away from sall1sara toward a life that relics on this true merit, that is, a life that manifests thc individual's position within the community of the assured. Such a life is naturally characterized by deep feelings of gratitude.

In his ,ado sangyB aia 11l01lrui Shinran makes the following Slllllmar)':

Birth according to the Larger Salra [is possibte through} the Original Vow selected by the 11lthagata, an inconceivable oceun of a Vow, and this is called tariki [Othcr­Power}. This means that by means of the Vow which is the cause of Birth throngh nenbutsu [nellblitsli iiiii]. the individual wilt inevitably reach the goal of the Vow which is [enabling that person to realize} nin'nl)a. Residing among the group of assured in this life, he or she knows he or she will reach the true Pure Land of the Buddha in a reward-body. This means that because of the true cause which is the merit transfer from Tathagata Amida for the goal of Birth, one is enlightened to the highest nin!iil:/Q. This is precisely the core teaching of the Larger SOlra. For this reason, this is called Birth according to the Larger Satra. [italics added}

SIdman is calling this Birth according to the Larger Stlira because it is a doctrine that is apropos of the core teaching of that sutfa. As a final statement of Shiuran's own position on all this, here is another quote from the chapter on Realization in the K),agyoshillsha:

Thus do we deeply understanclthe true words of the great sages. The realizatioll of the Great Nirval)a is by means of merit transfer from the power of the Vo\\'s [of the Buddha}. The benefits that come from the merit tmnsfcr used for returning from the Pure Land [gensi5 eki5] is the manifestation of true thonghts for the sake of others19

Rcnnyo and Shinran

In the history of Japanese PlITe Land thought, Shinran's understanding and conception of aiB (Birth) can be considered the highest point in thc various formulations of this doctrine. Just how difficult it has bccn to maintain this undcrstancling over time is a crucial topic for the history of Buddhism, and seeing how the Bukkyo ii/ell from iwanami Shoten came up with somcthing different is just one of many such examples.

146 Shillshii Studies

Rennyo appears approximately 200 years after the death of Shinran, making the reconstruction of Shinshu as founded by Shinran his mission in life. Rennyo is quoted to have said, "In this generation I am definitely going to resurrect the Buddha's Dharma." As the leader of this tradition of the Pnre Land teilchings, Rennyo naturally inherited the Shinshu understanding of Birth and proceeded to add his own characteristics to this position.

One phrase that Rennyo often added to his narration of Bi1th is "help me in the next life." This takes different forms in different contcxts, but whether it be his Letters, or in the Kikigaki, there is a definite repetition of the idea of aia as a "future Birth in the Pure Land." In his own, idiosyncratic way, Rcnn)'o nevertheless does display a faithful response to the calling of Shinran's legac), of Birth in the positive sensc of joining in the present life the community of thc assured, or being on thc pnth to nirviilJa. We can see this concept in his use of the term heizei gCliu (.:>fj=.~ nX;), "the attainment of practice under normal conditions."20 Hcre are two examples of how he uses it:

1. The position of someone who has attained shinjin is described in thc [Larger] Sillra as "immediately attaining Birth; dwclling in a nonbacksliding [state]." In [Tanluan's] Commentary this is also called "with the arising of a single-thought nenbutsu [iciJillen], one enters the COlllIllllllity of the rightly assmerl." This reflects the discourse of [Birth J

without the experience of being grccted at one's death by the Buddha and his attendants [raigiil and signifies the attainment of practice under normal conditions [heizei gaiii]21

2. In general, in our school we speak of this as "with the arising of a single­thought nenbutsll, one enters the commllnity of the rightly assured." After one realizes that it is because of the manifestatiOlI of previously sewn good karmic activity that one is afforded the opportunity in thc course of ordinary lifc to hear about the principle in thc Original Vow of Amida Buddha that saves us, one then understands the origins of the Original Vow, meaning it is not one's own power [waga chikara] but by means of the lariki of the Buddha wisdom that has been bestowed upon us that we comc to understand. In other words, this is the meaning of the attainment of practice undcr normal conditions. Thus "the attainment of practice undcr normal conditions" refers to the condition whereby the individual has truly heard this principle and is in a stage where he or she feels that Birth is determined, fixed, which is also called "with the arising of a single-thought nenbutsu, one enters the community oftbe rightly assured," or "the attainment of practicc under normal conditiollS," or "immediately attaining Birth; dwelling in a nonbacksliding [state ].,,22

This phrase, ."the attainment of practice under normal conditions," is something that Rennyo IS thought to have taken from Kakllnyo's writings and is probably an cxpression of the standpoint wherc the matter of iiiB is completed or accomplished. Shinran would term this the identity of onc residing in his current state in the communit)' of the assured as a result of attaining shiniill. As such this is definitely

ShillTall and Relll1)'o 147

a statement of understanding that the path to Birth has been attained, and thus from these two letters we know that Renn)'o sought to express a position that was in line with this tradition. We can see the same scntiment in the following well­known letter by Rennyo:

The gist ofwhatll'c teach in this tradition of [Shinran] Sh6nin is based in sl7illjill. For that reason, we aballdoll the other miscellaneous forms of practice, and since we single-mindedl)' take refuge in Amidn Buddha, our Birth is confirmed by dint of the power in the inconceivable VOIVS [of that buddha]. This position is interpreted as meaning "with the arising of a single-thought nenbutsu, one enters lhe comlIllmity of the rightly assured," and the recitation nenbutsu that follo\l's must reflect an attitude of performing nenbutsu to exhaust the debt owed to the tathagata who has determined my Birth for me.2l

Renn)'o endeavored to resurrect the self-realization implicit in Shinran's faith, and yet Rennyo could never meet Shinran face to facc. Instead he had to studv Shinran through understanding displayed in the works of Kakunyo and Zonkaku' and then succeed to a Shinshu thus conccivcd. In addition to his assuming thc leadership of Honganji, Rennyo's position was complicatcd hy tbe fact that Japan was im!1lersed in terrible military conAict during most of his life, which corresponds [0 the latter Muromachi period. And those who tried to stand with him ill thc awareness he inherited [rom Shinran as "fellow practieioners" were people living ill a chaotic world. Such severe conditions, it seems to me, brought forth to him the question of the sah'ation of ordinary people in a defiled world in the Latter Age and moved him toward a role of leading the pcople closer to the salvation embodied in the enlightenment attained by Honen.

"To attain siliniin is to comprehend thc eighteenth Vow. '10 comprehend the eighteenth Vow is to comprehend the form of na111U amida Intlsu." In this understanding of the Sacred Name (myiigii), Rennyo for some reason hypasses Shinran to rely on the traditional interpretation of Shandao and Honen regarding the six charactcrs that make lip the nenbutsll. Sha1lCbo clarified the meaning of thc Sacred Name within this phrase by saying that "with this meaning one allains Birth without fail." Shinran glosscs this statement to the cffect that" 'to altain Birth without fail' is all expression dcnoting the fact that one obtains a position of non backsliding," which unmistakably rcfcrs to his understanding of rcsiding in the community of the assurcd in one's present life (gensho shiiiaiu).

By contrast, Rcnnyo's hermcncutic looks somewhat differe1lt, exprcssed in phrases such as "please save me in the next life" (goslrii lasuke tamae) anel "the next life is the single most important issue [in this one]" (goslro 1/0 iclzi-dai;i). These are expressions of Rcnnl'o's own thoughts on the subjcct of Birth, but should we not also considcr them as the resignation of a Rennyo accepting thc urgent supplications of the people in an age of uphcaval? And in response to thosc nceds, Rcnn}'o asserted the following:

For those whose ,llril1jil1 of one thollght-moment is confirmed [ichil1e1! 110 5/lil1jil1 5adamaran t011logara], each one will attain Birth in the Pure I~11lC1-ten out of \eu, one hundred out of one hundred. There is nothing further to worry abol1l.24

148 Shinshii Stlldies

When Rennyo asserts that "each and every person will be born in the Purc Land of a [buddha in] reward body [sa111bhogclkaycl]; there is absolutely nothing to doubt about this," he shows us how inspired he was by Shandao's conviction in the latter's reading of the "incvitability of attaining Birth." But one more point I would like to elmw attention to is the fact that the attainment of this conviction is an event that unmistakenly occurs in this life. It cannot be denied that Rennyo's statement that "one will attain Birth" exprcsses a certain softening of the tension expressed ill the understanding found in Shinran's similar statements. Not only that, but when "one will attain Birth" is asserted, the lime when the realizalion of the Birlh occurs is implied to be during one's final moments or at the moment of death itself. When this is finally realized, Rennyo maintains Shinran's position by saying the accomplishment of the matter of Birth happens during one's normal lifetime, and that attainment of conviction in the confirmation of Birth occurs during the present life, when one produces the single-thought [of shiniin]. Thus does the basic understanding of Rennyo on the issue of Birth attempt to cxpress agreemcnt with what he inherited from Shinran.

Notes

This chapter originally appeared as "Shinran to Rennyo: aja rikai wo megutle" ~,jHt t lI~D: 11'tJjllH¥~66 (' -:J L, in Indogakll BlIkky5gakll Kenkyii 91 (46-1), 1997, HI.

1 T No. 2608, 83.1; SSZ 1.929. Usually pronounced Sen;akllshii in the Shinshu tradition.

2 T No. 2675, 83.910. Seibku was another diseiplc of [-[onen, elder to Shinran, who also exerted a deep influence on Shinran's thinking. Shilllan wrote a commentary to Seikaku's YlIishins/zB lhal is called Yllishinshf) 11l011'i, with lwo exlant recensions at SSZ 2.621 and

639· 3 T No. 2661, 83-728; SSZ 2.773. 4 ]odo sangyii 5iii mOIln/i. There are two recensions of this text, at SSZ.2.543 and

551. 5 Tralls/aior's Ilote: This is a statement of inevitability regarding one's future religions

attainment, translating the Sanskrit Tliyata-samyaktva. In a Pure Land context, il can either refer to reaching the Pure Land or have the more general meaning of attainingenlightenmeilt. Terakawa's argument hinges on reading a final enlightenmcnt meaning in Shinran's usage, based on statements such the one quoted from the fascicle on attainment in the Kyogyoshinsho where Shinran states that "they reside among the group of assured they will reach nirvana without fail."

6 SSZ2.554-7 limei, Kyug)'osiJinsh6 kogi shiisei, 9 \'Ols., orig. ed. in Bl1kkyo taikei (Tokyo: Bukkyo

Taikci Kanseikai, 1918; rep. Kyoto: Hi5z5kan, 1975), 1.244.

8 Hoshino Cenp6, Kokai Ky5gyoshillshu, rev. cd., 6 1'015. (Kyoto: Hazakan, 1994),

9 Nakam1lf3 Hajime et ai, eds., BlIHJ'5 iilen (Tokyo: [wanami Shoten, 1989), 86. 10 Taya Raishnn, Oeho Enichi, and Funahashi Issai, cds., Bukky5gakll iiten: shinpan

(Kyoto: H5z6kun, 1995), 44. 11 Sh5z5nwtsll wasem 49 (48), SSZ 2.521. 12 ]odo sClIlgyo 5i5 monnli, expanded version, SSZ 2.551.

Shinran and RellllYo 149

13 SSZ 2.103-14 A quote from Tanluan's ]ing!ll /UTlZhll (Juclo TDnchii), his cOlTlmentary on the Jingtll

itm, at T No. 1819,40.8361>. 15 Todo sangyo Dio /Ilonnti, SSZ2·552. 16 lchine!1 lanen /IlOlI'i, at T No. 2657, R3.h9'lC; SSZ 2.606. 17 )11isiJinshi5 mOIl'i, at T No. 2658, 83.701c-70za; SSZ 2.628. 18 SSZ 2.605. 19 Trans/ator's note: Ky6gy6s/linsiJa, at T No. 2646, 83.620C; SSZ 2.ll8. Tcrakawa stops

short here of explaining Shiman's "iew of this second type of merit transfer hut directs the reader to his treatment of this issue in his book ShiT/TelT/ 110 shill IW dainamikkusll (Chiba: S6k6sha, 1993)'

20 Heizei goiB is a Shinshu term which denotes the attainment of the path before death, created to differentiate the Shinshu position from that of JBdoshu sects. The latter takes a contrasting position called rinifi g5ia, whose goal is said to be attained at the moment of death.

21 Letters 1:2; SSZ 34°4; RSI, 69. 22 Leiters "4; SSZ 3406; RSI, 88. 23 Leiters 5:\0; SSZ 3.507; RSI, 60. 24 Leiters 5:4; SSZ 3.502; RSI, 439.

11

KAKU TAKESHI

TRANSLATED BY MAYA HARA

Rennyo's Position in Modern Shin Buddhist Studies Soga Ryoiin's Reinterprelation

Rennyo's impact on the religious ideas and institutional organization of Shin Buddhism was not limited to the tllThlllent medieval period in which hc lived,

but continued on through the modern period. This clwpter will focus 011 how Rellnyo was viewed within the Higashi I-Ionganji Otani denomination ofJodoshinshfi in the moclcrn period through onc of its most eminent twentieth-century thinkers, Soga Ryojin (l875-1971).1 Formcrly, the religious organization of Higashi Honganji controlled a feudal, conservativc image of Rennyo as reflected in shl1gaku (*"J€:) , or traditional sectari;1Il studies/ of the Otani denomination, which Soga and other Shin reformers such as Kiyozawa Manshi (1863-1903)3 challenged. Therefore Ihcy were, for a time, defrocked. Sog~, who came from a fa mil)' belonging to the Otani branch, struggled against the opposition and oppression from his religious organization, which regarded Rennyo as its absolute ecclesiastical authority. By challenging and redefining Renn),o's position :md significance in the modern period, Soga camc to define and shape the course of Modern Shin Buddhist Studies in Ihe Otani branch.

Rennyo's Positioll in Modern Shinshu Studies

In the btter part of the Edo period (1604-1867) hoth Higashi and Nishi Honganji established ecclesiastical hierarchies thaI placed the descendants of Shinran at the pinnacle of Iheir rcligious institutions, which by then weTe based on the Tokugawa governmenl's religious policies that Tequircd systematic delineation of head and branch temples.4 Each sect also created an official and authoritative sllligaku in accordance with the government's educational advancemenl programs. These programs represented thc religious organization and scrved as a vehicle to carry out the social ancl educational reforms of thc chief abbots of the respective denominations.

5 ShJn slzl1gaktl originally referred to the general stndy of religious

doctrine. For the Otani denomination," traditional sectarian studies, thai is, the

Rell11)'O'S Positio11 ill Modem Shill Buddhi.,t Studies l51

apologetic and doctrinal study of Shin Buddhism, was the means to secure and strengthen the organizational hicrarchy of the sect. The Letters of the Restorer Saillt, Rennyo, as a canonical sourcc of authority, were made absolute and scrvcd as the standard measure of orthodoxy or hcrcsy in the sect. Both the religious organization and the shl1gaku it sponsored emphasized the importance of adherence 10 the Letters and ensured the position of the lemlers of I-Ionganji as "the good leachers [zenchishiki], [the only true] successors in Ihe transmission [of teaching]."i

However, with the Meiji Restoration, Japan's feudal age came to an end, opening the way for the modern period. For I-longanji, which had cOllie under the aegis of the religious policies of the Tokllgawa government, this was a time of crisis. The Otani organization was confronted in the early Meiji period by the government's promotion of Shinto as the state religion and by official anti-Buddhist activilies (haihutsu kishakll), as well as by the spread of Christianity clne to new national policies that allowed its proselytization throughout the country. The sect attempted to redefine its sociopolitical role by showing complete support to the emperor system and by establishing educational associations, such as the Dharma Preservation Society to counter advances being made by Christianity in Japan. R

In an effort to show loyalty to t-he emperor system, RenlIYo's words weTe utilizecl to reprcscnt a doctrine as Ihe basis for contemporary Shin discourse within Higashi Honganji 011 the relationship between state law ancl Buddhist law (ubu blJPpu) through the concept of the 111'0 tTulhs of "worldly truth ancl absolute truth" (shillzokll Ilitai). ror example, in 1875 the twcntieth head pTiest oflhe Otani branch, Gonnyo, and ill 1904 the twenty-third head priest Shonyo, each wrote declarations to their adherents expressing the need to respond to the de1llands of thc lIat ional empeTor system by submitting to secular order. They expounded a doctrine promising Birlh in the Pure Limd in the afterlife if one expressed gratitude, loyally, and filial piety to the emperor in this present life and took a position of eommitmcnt regarding the proper tcaching of II'\lth.9

The inOuenlial Meiji-period educator Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901), who advocated Ihe separation of state and religion, also assertedthc value of the concept of the tlVO truths because illimiled the illller problems offaith and gave importance to secular authority. Fukllzawa thlls praised Rennyo's Letters as being the most appropriatc "religion" for the modern impeTial nation-state.IO In his Letlers, Rennyo wrote:

[Tlakc the laws of the statc as your outer aspect, store OtheT-Powcr faith deep in yom hearts, and take [the pTinciples o~ hnlllanity and justice (iillgi) as essential. Bear in mind that these are the mles of conduct that have I>ccn csl:1blished within OUT tmdition. 11

Such statemcnts bl' Rennyo, which encoumged unqucstioning obcdience to thc laws of the secular state, were attractive as :1n apologetic for l-Ionganji's political situation, with Rennyo's words being utilized 10 justify the rcligiolls insitulion's slanc_e toward the polity of the modern Japanese natioll-state. Sectarian studies of the Otani denomination thus camc 10 support the inslitution's official position of accolTllTlodation with government policy ancl, as a resull, any tendency to neglect

152 Shim/nl Studies

or criticize Rennyo was suppressed. Sectarian scholars placed such grcat importance on the research of Rennyo's Leiters in the early Meiji period that, for somc, shiigaku came to mean the studv of the Letters. 11

However, in the mtdst of the political and social changes taking place in Japan, structural reform within the Otani denomination also came to the foreground. Soga reminisced in his later years:

The traditional way the teachings have been transmitted [in our lime] within the religiolls organization and its schools has ignored dealing directly with Shiman. Instead, [everyone] followed the Tokugawa-period style of examining Shiman through Rennyo.1l

By the mid-Meiji period, young aspiring intellectuals within the sect began challenging the conservative advocates of slziigaku and urged progressivc religious teaching. In 1895, three years before the 400th Memorial Service of Rennyo, a group surrounding Kiyozawa Manshi, a charismatic teacher who inspired Soga and whose ideas later became ccntral to the dcvelopment of Modem Shin Studies, submitted a proposal to reform the temple administration in charge of doctrinal studies. In 1896 Kiyozmva's group began publishing the journal Kyakai ligen (Timely Words for a Religious World), in which they again urged institutional change_ Fearing conflict from within, the conservative authorities of the sect attempted to crush outright the reform movement centered around KiyozawJ, and in 1897, they condemned KiyozawJ and his supporters to expulsion according to sectarian ordinances. In the same year, advocates of traditional shiigaku formed an association called the Kanrenkai, which proclaimed an old slogan, "cherish the head temple and protect the Buddha Dharma" (aizaTl goha). Ii also worked to oppose all ideas on Modern Shin Studies that began with Kiyozawa. In Kyokai ligen, Kiyozawa criticized the formation of the association saying:

The Kanrenkai attempts to determine doctrinal orthodox), and heresy on the basis of the misconception that confuses Shiman's teachings with that of sectarian studies, which is based on the research of later scholars. Ultimately, it is no more than a form of partisanship whose assertions, if realized, will leave the sect in a lamentable state.14

In the midst of this heated dispute between reformers and conservatives, Rennyo's 400th Memorial was welcollled in 1898.

Saga Ryojin's Position in Modern Shin Studies

While Soga was a student at Shinshu University, founded by Higashi Honganji, he witnessed the oppression of the reform lllovement by the faction that advocated sectarian studies. In 1896 he signed a written declaration by some Shinshii University students agaiIlSI slziigaku, showing that he sympathized with Kiyozawa's movement from an early age. Moreover, in a special issllc oHlle jOllrnal Mujinto (Inexhaustiblc Light) commemorating Rennyo's memorial, Soga contributed a shorl article entitled "The Highest Truth of RellllYo's Teachings," in which he criticized shllgakll as

Rel111)'O'S Position in Modem Shin Bllddhist Studies 153

being too erudite and obscure and not being true to Rennyo's original intentions." He remarked that shiigakll distanced itselffrom Rennyo's teachings, whose purpose was simplicity and immcdiacy. Soga first praised Rennyo by saying:

As a revivalist of Buddhism, a propagator of lo),alty to the elllperor and reformer of social morality, [Rennyo J defined the historical basis of a national religion, and always preached morality to reform social principles. These are what make him great. 16

This was the general view that many inside and ontside of the sect hcld of Renn)'o in that period.

However, Soga went on to elucidate thai' beyond this common view of Rennyo, there was a higher truth (shilltai) which Rennyo sought. Regarding Ihe variolls opinions on secular truth (zolwtai), Soga explained his Oll'n view of this highest truth, referring to it as the "Master's religious doctrine" (shan in 110 shz/gi), a concept set against secular and sectarian ideas. Saga argued that the impact of Rennyo's teaching lay in his clear and simple language:

All the fundament'll teachings of the Mastcr [Rcnnyo] can he found ill his approximately eighty leiters. The plain and lucid letters were the sale enterprise of our "Restorer Saint." \Vhen someone asked peasants ancl rustics ahout the pacified mind (alliill) in Shinsho, the)' a11l'3)'s answerecl in one scntence: "We silllpl\' entrust ourselves to Amida to S3\'e us in thc aftcrlifc."" .

Further, Soga asserted that "Rennyo was a great social reformcr, who was thought to be subvcrsive and disruptive in his day and age, not a consen'ative authoritarian leader."18 In view of the circuillstances Soga faced, the so-called "conservative authorities" that he referred to were the advocates of s/117galw, andlhc "great social reformer" meant Ihc modern-day reformers of the tcachings of the Otani denomination as represented by Kiyoza\\'a. Soga also assertedlhat Rcnnyo based true religious understanding on whether or not one had faith. He showcd how decidedly different this concept was from the approach taken by the proponents of shiigaku, who reacted to the reform movement led by Kiyozawa by attempting to defrock its membcrs. By presenting his views on Rennyo's teaching in this way, Soga tacitly unfolded his critique against the views held by those running the organization's sectarian studies. Howevcr, at this point his most radical criticism was not ycl fully developed. Although he sympathized with the religious studies movement ccntered around Kiyozawa, Soga did not yct touch npon the definitive core of Kiyozawa's idea of Buddhist learning, which was a qnest fnr the understanding oflhe rclal"ionsiJip between the Tatagatha and the self. Realizing this leaching was to bccome the fundamental turning point in Soga's radical interpretation of Rennyo's doctrine.

For Soga, Rennyo's teaching was embodied in thc concept o( what is known in Shin Bndclhism as kiha ittai, or "the unity of the individual's faith <lndthc Buddha Dharma," and in Kij'ozawa's idea of the "correspondence bclwecn the finite and infinitc" ()'z/gen to nwgen 110 taia). This critical "iew carne to life only when Soga fully stood on Kiyozawa's doclrinal understanding, eventually leading to his full confrontation with sectarian studies.

154 ShillS/lil Stlldies

The Transformation of Saga's Interpretation of Rcnnyo

After Kiyozawa's death, Shinshu University, founded by Kiyozawa in Sugamo, Tukyu, was llJoved to Kyoto by Lhe authorities in charge of sectarian studies. Soga began challenging the views ofRennyo espoused in shllgakll by focusing on Rennyo's intcrpretation of kiho ittai, the unity of faith and the Dharma, Soga reminisced that in his youth he was deeply moved by Rcnnyo's teaching of the uIlity of thc faith of sentient beings and the Dharma: "In my youth, I was drawn to the Anjinketsujosho,19 in which the concept of the unity of faith and the Dharma appears, in the same way [as I was drawn to) Tannishi5."20 In Rennyo's letter entitled "The Oneness of the Person [to Be Saved) and the Dharma [that Saves)," there is a passage, "\Vhat is the meaning of Namll·amida-blltsu? Furthermore, how are we to entrust ourselves to Amida and attain Birth in the fulfillcd land?"zl

Underlying the six characters of the Buddha's name (rokuji myogo), which is believed to contain the workings that allow all sentient beings to be born into Amida's Pure Land, is the unity of faith and the Dharma. Rennyo laid out the immediate relationship between scntient beings and Amida and taught that one shollld "cast away the sundry practices,,,22 thus clarif)'ing the true meaning of the pacified mind (anjin) in Shinsho. Althollgh RcnIlYo highly vallled the concept of the unity of faith and the Dharma, this idea was not unique Lo him. IL was introduced early on ill the Sci zan branch of the Pure Land scct (such as in AnjiTlsho by Shi5ku (1l77-1247) and was also incorporated by Kakllnyo (1270-1351) and Zonkakll (1290-1373) in the laying of the fOllndations of Shin shu teachingB Rather than simply uncritically accepting Rennyo's IInderstanding of the Anjillketsujosho and other p~st interpretations, Soga sought the practical meaning of "responsivencss" (kan'o ~0) as expressed by the idea of unity. "Rcsponsiveness" was originally a Tendai conccpt, in which kall (feeling) represents the awareness of the lathiigata by sentient beings ando (response) is the Tathagata's response itself. For Soga, "responsiveness" was a spiritual awakening that surpassed intcllcctual comprehension. He explains that through the central theme of sh01l1)'0 nel1butsu (reciting the Buddha's Name) in Tmlllisi1o, Rennyo clarified the actual practice of the unity of faith and the Dharma, and through the "two aspects of deep belief' (Ilishu jillshin),24 especially the undcrst,mding of the deep belief of faith, he clarificdthe distinction between the role of the faithful individual and the Dhanna. 21 Soga asserted in a lecture for Rennyo's Memorial:

To clarify the rote of the faithful individual and the Dharma was one of the greatest achievements of Master Renn),o. In other secls, the unity of faith and the Dhanna was considered a nonollality between sentient beings and thc Buddha (s!tabutsll /imi), but [this position] confuses it with the thought of the Tendai school at that time. Regarding tbis and the directing virtue of the Other-Powcr (tariki eko), RcnllYo thoroughly clarified the issue through his division of the capacity of sentient beings to accept the Buddha's teaching from the capacity of the Buddha to save us. For this reaSOIl, for the 450th Anniversary, our IIIOst important task is to creale a study that elucidates these capacities26

In this way, Soga saw that Renn),o's life work was expressed in the self-realization of faith in the directing virtue of Other-Power through the capacities of sentient

RemlYo's Position in Modem Shin B1lddhist St1ldies 155

beings and the Buddha. Until then, Rennyo had been misinterpreted because this point had not been f\\lIy understood. The major difference between the conservativc advocates of shugaktl and the reformers in understanding Rennyo could be seen through Lhis single point, and by illuminating this, Soga reshaped the understanding of Rennyo in the modern pcriod.

The deepening of Soga's understanding of the unity of faith and the Dharma can be seen in two phases. The first phase is through an existential appreciation inspired by Kiyozawa; the second, through the religious quest of the bodhisattva Dharmakara, II'ho became Amida Buddha. The definitive means by which Soga received KiyozalVa's understanding is through the idea that the Tathagata's salvation does not exist apart from our belief and that our salvation lies in the awakening to our finilucle. z; Soga explains:

This faith (of Ki)'oza\\'a) in regards to the Tathiigata's sall'ific pOlVer is called the unity of suhjective faith and objcctive Tathilgata. This faith is also called the L1nit)' of the Buddha mind (which arises in oursclves as £1ith, the acti"e faith that provides grace) amI thc ordinary mind (the evil, sinful self that is saved by this faith, a passive faith that is accepted and received), in terms of the self existing in eternal darkness.'s

In other words, Kiyoza\\'a's idea of the correspolldencc between the finite and infinite is a subjective, modern expressioll of Rennyo's theory of the unity of faith and the Dharma. Thus Soga's task was thcn to clarify this one point in Rennyo's teaching of the unity of faith ami the Dharma as a doctrillal thcme. Soga began to develop this idea of the "unity of faith and the Dharma" through his intcrpretation of what he callcd "the Tathagata ancl m)'self":29

I am not limited to calling the Tathagala "Thou"; ) directly call the cl11thagata "myself." Those who believe in "self power" (iiriki) proudly boast, ") am Thlhagata!" Those of other Pure Land sects vainly lament this life, saying, "Tile 111thagata is the Talh~gata." We are surpriscd by the wonderous meaning of "tile cl1lthiigata is me." At the same time, we are aware thai "ultimately, I am me and nol Ihe Tathagata."lO

Saga argued that the relationship between "the Tathagata and myself" is oftcn confusecl. Some are immersed in concepts of "owll-natlife (sl'abhova) and lviind Only (vijiiapti-1I1otrala)" (as in self powcr-based teachings) and some arc lost in thc self power of meditative andnonmeclitative practices (as ill other Pure Land sects). Thus the relationship between the Tathiigata and oneself hegins with thc quest for Dharmakara through the intuition that "the Tathagata in becoming mc lIlcallS the birth of Dharmakara."ll Hcre, the meaning of"thc unit)' of faith and thc Dharma" is "the six characters of the Buddha's name ill this unity, which is already manifested without exception in the single fact of Dharmiikara's birth."12 With thc' discovcn' of Dharmiikara, Soga is able to present the existential theme of "the Talhagat,; ill becoming me, saves me." In this way, through Kiyozawa's rcalizatioll of the limitation of thc capacity of sentient beings in his idea of "the correspondence betwcen the infinite and the finite," Soga is able to find meaning in RcnllYo's leaching of "the unity of faith and the Dharma" and further develops this ill the relationship betwccn the Tathagata and himself through the existence of Bodhisattva Dharmiikara.

156 Shinsl111 Studies

For Soga, if lhe question of Dharmiikara was not clarified, the message of Shin Buddhism would be reduced to prayers to Amida for salvation, which was the orthodoxy of the Edo pcriocl. Soga worked against this interpretation of Amida as an anthropomorphic savior and Dharmakara as his ancicnt prcclecessor. 33 VVhat then was the essence of the self-realization oflhe relationship between the Tathagata and myself, which is the unity of£lith and the Dharma? Soga's unique understanding is none other than deep entrusting. Deep entrusting is the "deep mind" concretely explained by the Chinese Pure Land master Shandao (613-681), who indicated that the tll'O aspccts of the dcepcn trusting and the Dharma are actually one, and that self-realization via faith means realizing that one is saved by Amida. 34 Shandao wrole in his Guonji71g shu (Commentary Drlthe C011templation Sutra): "Deep mind refers to the deeply entrusting mind. There are two aspects, One is to believe deeply and decidedly that you are a foolish being of karmic evil caught in birth-ancl-death [som sara], ever sinking and ever wandering in transmigration from illIlumerablc kalpas in the past, with never a condition that would lead to emancipation. The second is to believe deeply and decidely that Amida Buddha's forty-eight Vows embrace senticnt beings a]](l that allowing yourself to be carried by the power of the Vow without any doubt or apprehension, YOIl will attain hirth.,,35

In other words, Soga confirmed the reality of "the unity of faith and the Dharma" by means of the realization of one's finitude, expressed in the doctrine of the deep entrusting of the self (ki 110 ii11Shil1). Whcn the sadness of the human condition based upon this realization of thc deep suffering that accolllpanies being born into human life is lost, the vitality of deep entrusting is lost. Soga explained this to be the case because this realization is itself the fundamental opportunity of a religion symbolized in thc Name of Amida.

Brought to Life by the Tannisho

Soga asserted that "Mastcr Rcnnyo was inspircd by Ta1l1zisho and through it he was able to find his inner motive to achieve the revival of Shinshu.,,36 The oldest extant copy of Tan71ishi5 was transcribed by Rennyo, and regardless of his seemingly contradictory attitude towarcl it, ifhis personal copy had not survived, this text might not have been transmilteclto later generations. 3i Although some credil Rennyo for thc discovery of T01llzisho, for Soga it was through Ta71llis/zo that RenllYo as the revivalist ofShinshii was born. Soga understood Rcnnyo's Shinshu renewal through the spirit of Tamz isizB, and ill modcrn Japan it was KiyozalVa who rediscovered and reintroduced Ta1l1lishi5 to Soga and the wider Shin community.

In 1930 Soga, then a professor at Otani University in Kyoto, a reestablishment of the former Shinshii Ulliversity, was again accused by the highest shiigaku authorities of scrious differences with the doctrilles of the sect. In response to accllsations of heresy (ionjil1) levied against him, Soga submitted his resignation andlefl the university. Although this act meant he was driven out of the sect, elel'en years later while in the midst of World War II, and five years before the 450th Mcmorial of Rennyo in 1946, Soga was askcdto return to Otani. At the agc of sixty­seven, he returned, this time as a kr)shi lecturer, the highest academic position in

Renn)'o's Position in Modem Sbill Buddhist Studies '57

the Otani denomination. In the following year he lectured for a monlh on T011llisho for the scholars of the sect in the Otani denominalion's allgo lecture series. 38

Ironically, the ango was organized by t'he Takakura Gakuryo, a sanctuary of the same shugaku tradition that had banned Kiyozawa, closed down ShinslllJ University, deprived Kallcko Daiei (1881-1976) of his clerical title, and labeled Soga a heretic. The year before Soga returned to the university, he made a scathing remark against the shugaku and its interpretation of "the unily of person and the Dharma" as "that complicated dogmatic, metaphysical shiigaku of long ago,,,l9 In these words wc can see that Soga's choice ofTm11lisho as the main allgo text lVas no mere coincidence. Although there was no direct reference to Kiyozawa, Soga had in mind Kiyoz3w;j'S efforts in bringing to light the importance of this document.4o This thinking is revealed in Soga's writings, which explain that in his youth Soga tried to spread the teaching of Tal111ishi5 among his collcagues hecause his teacher Kiyozawa "sought the spirit of Master Rennyo's revival of Shinshii, and at the same time began to prepare for the qllickly approaching 650th anniversary of the founding of the sect.'''l In the modern period the Tmmishi5 became the prime textualvchicle for bringing Shinran's thoughts beyond the sectarian context (shumon) and played an important role in introducing these thoughts to the general public (the understandillg of Shinran by most pcople toclay is based on TanrzisiJo). fi'ollowing Kiyozawa's lead, then, Soga tried to discern the meaning of the Shinshii revival under Rennvo through the Talll1ishi5. Here Soga realized the "profound historical mcaning [of Tomzisho]" through his lectures and found rcason to affirm that "the spirit of Rennyo's Shinshu revival lies in the spirit of lament in Tallllishi5.',H

The revolutionary idea behind IIlalIY of Soga's lectures can thus be fOllnd in the idea that the spirit oflamcnt iTl Tamzishi5 is based essentially on the "receptivcncss alld responsiveness" between sentient beings and the 'Dlthagata. In other words, the

circumstances descrihed in Tallllishi5 "are no different from the faith (slzil1;in {*IL,') transmitted hy our first teacher [Shinran]." Prior to Soga, this deep entrusting was ullClcrstood to mean the fecling of powerlessness and despair among sentient bcings, premiscd in the profound tfllst in the teachings. For Soga, shinjin was the essence of Tarmishi5. Thus he asserted that it was through Ta1l1zishrJ that Rcnnyo, thc revivalist of Shinshii, came to life.

The Second Revival of Shinshu in 1949 Coinciding wilh Rennyo's 450th Memorial

The defcat of Japan in World War II in 1945 meant thc colh1pse of the modcrn Japanese empcror systcm, which controllcd its populace through its Statc Shinto ideology. This collapsc became a major turnillg point for the administratil'e operations of many religious organizations in Japan. In the midst of the confusion of defeat, both Higashi and Nishi I-Ionganji began planning celcbrations ofRennyo's 450th I'vlemorial of 1949,43 for which many pnblications wcre produced. Especially significant were the publications of Rel/IlYo by Hattori Shiso,44 who took a Marxist materialistic interpretation of history, and Ren1ZYo Sh01Zin kenkyii, edited by Rvukoku Universily,45 which held a positivistic historical view. Both proposcdllcw anc(critical

158 Shinshfi Studies

interpretations of Rennyo, which countered the views of the established shfigaku approach. For his part, Soga did not adopt these new views and remaincd silent. In preparation for the celebration of RCTlnyo's 450th Memorial, Soga gave a public talk in 1948 based on the thcmc "The Nature of Receptiveness and Responsiveness.,,46 Especially noteworthy in this lecture was that Soga openly discussed Kiyozawa's ShinshLi revival, something he was unable to do during the ango lecture series, which was controlled by conservative sectarian scholars.

Later, in Daini nO ShillSha saik8 ("The Second Revival of Shinshu") Soga

wrote:

In rcality, wc think of Master Rennyo's endeavors to revive ShinshLi generally as having ended with the establishment of the Meiji Restoration, which brought about the downfall of the Tokugawa governmcnt.47

Soga explained that in associating KiyozalVa with the modern revival of Shinshu,

however:

This second revival was different from Rennyo's revival. For Rennyo, it was limited only to Japan, and generally within the Shinshu following. However, the extent of this second revival is global. Instead of consolidating Shinshu, the objective is to unify Buddhism .... Latcly I have come to realize that the culmination of this great undertaking of the second re\'ival is Waga shinnen (My Faith) by Kiyozawa-sensei 48

I have felt this with the opportunity I had recently to visit the Unitcd States.49

I-lis reason for indicating Kiyozawa's vVaga Shinllen as signifying the second Shinshu revival was that "[KiyozawaJ did not start with the Tathagata; illStead, he began with faith (shillllen), and taught that the Tathagata and faith are one." The distinction

in Kiyozawa's leaching was that he did not tTy to analyze a religious doctrine upon

the premise that it was complete; rather he lInderstood religiolls experience as the

meaning of truth. In contrast to the traditional stance of shiigaku, Soga saw Kiyozawa's

ideas as crucial to the foundation of a "Modern Shin Studies" and came to emphasize

the traditions of Shinran, Rennyo, and Kiyoz3w3, who "understood Buddhism

through their own experiences."so Saga showed that Renn)'o was significant in

clarifying the relation between the Tathagata and oneself in a certain time, thus

subjectively situating Rellnyo within this notion of the tradition of ShinshLi rather than Ihrough a continued transmission and explanation of his teaching.

Conclusion

ror Soga, Rennyo symbolized Shinshu itself. Although Soga opposed the doctrine of the religious organization that viewed Rennyo as the absolute authority, he deeply sympathized with the members of the organization who respected Rennyo. Soga neither ignored nor denied Rennyo and his importance. Although he openly

confronted the image of Renn)'o that was created and maintained b)1 the legacy of

shiigakll, which defined him as reviver of the institution on the basis of the Letters, he continued to revere the Rennyo who sought to revive faith (shin;ill) through

Tarmisl78. For this reason, he could not be protective of an image of Rennyo upheld

Renl1)'o'g 1'0sitiol1 ill !'v/odern Shin Buddhist Studies '59

by the apologetic sectarian scholars whose doctrine was uncritically premised on Rennyo's faith, nor could he be a mere observer like the nonsectarian scholars \\'ho systematically ignored the importance of Rennyo's faith.

Soga's radical stance against the Otani sectarian scholars was not onlv based on religious grounds but also had a historical ~nd epistemological hasis tllat lVas developed over time in response to thc organizational suppression of KiyozalV~ and his followers (including Soga himself). Through confrontration with tile religious institution, Soga w~s able to reevaluate Rennyo's importance both doctrinallv amI

historically. By interpreting Rennyo's teaching as the expression of faith wtbe; than

as a systcmatic presentation of doctrine, Saga criticized the absolutist image of

Rennyo that was upheld by the authoritarian aspect of his sect ancl clarified thc practical mcalling of Rcnnyo's personal faith,

Notes

I Soga Ryojin was born the third son of Ryodo and Tatsu Tomioka in 1875, in Entokuji Temple in Ajikata Village, Nishikanbara District, Niigata Prefecture. In 1890 Saga entered Shinshil Daiichi Chilgakllf)'o (a Higashi Honganji Shinsho middle school); five rears later he attended the Shinsho seminary, Shinshu Daigakuryo. The following )'em Soga entered jo'onji Temple in NiigaLa Village, Minami-kanbam District, Niigata Prefectme. He married Kei, the eldest daughter of En an Saga, and look her family's name. In 1902 he began teaching Buddhisllogic at the newly opened Shinshu Uni\'crsity in Tokyo. During his Icaehing years he published !i\'e articles, snch as "Meiji 34 ni kansha sun (In Cratitude to 190')' in which he was largcl)' critical of Kiyozawa Manshi's spiritual movcmcnt, Sei~hiHSllllgi. However, Soga laler carne to agree with Kiyozawa's ideas, and in 1903 he joined Kiyozawa's group, and movd to the dormitory K6k6d6 Wi~l several of Kiyoza\\'a's students, though by Ihis til11e Kiyoza\\'a returned to his temple in Ohara and did not reside with them. due to his illness.

In 1904 Soga became a professor at Shinshu University and lectured on Yogacflra thought. When ShinshLi University moved from Tokyo to Kyoto in 1911, Soga resigned and returned to Niigata. For the next six years he absorbed himself in Shin Buddhist Studies and began building his own doctrinal understanding. In 1916 he became a profcssor at '10)'0

University and the editor of Seishinkai (The Spiritual World), a publication of Kiyozawa's group. He resigned from Ioyo University in _1924 and the following year his wife passed away. In the same year, he became a professor at Otani University and, with Kaneko Daiei, worked to establish the f011ndation for a new phase in Shin doctrinal studies.

In 1930 Soga authored N),orai h)'iigell no hanellll 10 ghile no s(Ulshinkall (The View of TI.1~ee Minds as the Category of the Tathngata's Manifestation ), for which he was puhlicly cnt1clzc:l by the academic committee (jiWr)'o) of Higashi I-Ionganji for going against convenllOnal s~ctaflan scholars. For tillS eqnlvalent of a public declaration of heres\' he resigned from Otani University. In 1941, during Wo~d War II, he was promoted Lo the higllCst academic position of Shin do~trinal studies in the Otani Denomination (Otaniha koshi) and again became a professor at Otani University, where he became professor emeritns in '951. In '959 he became the head of the academic committee of Higashi I-ionganji, and in 1961 , at the age of eighty-six, he became thc president of Otani Ulli\'ersity, dming which time he worked as lec_turer and administrator for the modern education of the student hody. Soga rel1red from Otani Ullll'CfSlty III 1967, and he passed away in 1971.

160 Shinshzl Studies

2 Hirose Nan'yu definen shugakll as understood in Higashi Hongnnji as "doctrinal studies in which the object of study is thc infallible undcrstanding of a doctrine as established bl' its founder, who is endowed with the spiritual authority of a particular religious g;oup," ill ShinshugaklJshi ko (Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1980), 9· Nishi Honganji similarly has had a formal doctrinal studies which is called ShillShiigaku or Shinsl]]! Studies. See Rogers, 10.

3 Kiyozal\'a Manshi was born as Tokugawa Munnosukc, thc eldcst son of Tokuga\\'a Naganori, a low-ranking sa~1urai of Owari Province (present-day Aichi Prefecture). He was ordaincd as a priest of the Otani denomination at the age of fifteen and had a dccp impact on Shin Buddhism's response to the modern world.

4 Various regulations were implemented in the "premodern" Tokugawa period to protect Buddhism, such as the organized systems of head and branch temple hierarchies (honmatstlsei) and affiliation registration at temples (shamoll aratame). See Notto R. Thelle, Bllddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dia/ogtle, 1854-1899 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987); James Edward Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs ill Japan: Bllddhism and Its Perseclltiun (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990 ).

5 Akamatsll Toshihide and Kasaham Kazuo, Shinshushi gaisetslJ (Kyoto: Heirakuji

Shoten, 1963), 390--399· 6 The Nishi Honganji sect faced similar issues in the modern period. For the purposes

of this essay, however, I focns only on the problems that existed within the Higashi Honganji

seel. 7 Gaikemon, printed under the title Ryogemon at SSZ 3:529; see also Rogers._ 280.

According to Kogatsn-in Jinrei (t749-1817), who was the most prominent scholar of the Otani denomination during the Edo period. from the time of Jitsunyo (1458-1525), Rennyo's fifth son, suecessivc chief abbots of Honganji taught Rcnnyo's Letters to their followers (ShinS/HI taikei, 32.218). Regarding the concepts of orthodoxy and heresy in Jodo Shinshu and in the Letters, see James C. Dobbins, !odo Shins/Ill: Shin Buddhism in Medieval Japan (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989),7-10 and chap. 9. See also Rogers regarding the authoritarian nature of the Letters.

8 Higashi Honganji created the Dharma Preservation Association, GohBjo, in 1868 as an adjunct school of the Takakura GakuryB, its main school. TJ1C association was intended to foster commitment to the anti-Christian campaign of the Otani denomination. said to "defend Buddhism and refute the false doctrine (bohii bo;a)." Classes such as classical Japanese, Confucianism, astronomy, and Christianity were taught. ,!-Iowever, in time the society helped to cducate students who became reformers within the Otani branch and who, through their ncw education. strongly criticized the policics of their own religious organization and school for being outdated and controlling. Nishi Honganji similarly responded to outside pressures at this time by creating the Gakurin, which offered a parallel curriculum.

9 Regarding this idea, Honganji leader Shiinyo (1516-1554) espoused, "In this life, bc good citizens of the emperor; in the after world, become a pure person in the Pure Land" (SSS 6.718).

10 Fukuzmva is fa mOils for saying that religion is like tea. See Fllkllzawa Yllkichi zens/nl (Tokyo: Iwanami Slmten, 1969-1971) 16,91-93, where he implies that the difference behl'een religions is so insignificant as to bc like the choicc betwcen types of tea. But in fact Fukuza\\'a frequently wrote positively about religion and specifically about Rennyo on morc than one occasion, having been raised himself in a family affiliated with Honganji. For his views on the importance of religion in gcneral, see Fukuzawa Yukichi, "ShukyB no hitsuj'ii naTII 0

ronzu" (The Necessity of Religion) in Fllkllzawa Yllkichi zenshzl. 19.585-587, written in 1876; for Fukllzuwa's dcws OIl Rennyo, see "Shushi senpu no hBben" 10.52-58, where he criticizes Christiallity's intolerance of other religions and praises Rennyo's ability to separate intend

Rellll)'o's Position ill Modem Shill flllddhisl Studies 161

faith from social obligations. See also Shigematsu Akihisa, "FukuzUlva Yukichi to BlIkkyii" in Shigcmatsu Akihisa, e(l.. Shil1Ton. Shinshii shisoshi kenk)'ll (Kyoto: 1'16z6kan, 1990). Sce also Fujiwara lvlasanobu. "Kinclai Shinshii to Fukuzawa Yukichi" ill Kabbi, ed. K6kakai shtlkyo kellk)'ii ronshtl; ShinTan to Ningen, vol. 2 (Kyoto: Nagata Bunsh6d6, 1983).

H Rogcrs, 180. 12 Yasui K6do, "Otaniha gaklljishi," in 20/m Shinshii ta;kei, 1976 ed., 2o.t38. 13 Saga Ryojin, "Shinshu SaikB no Shihyo," in Saga R)'o;in kogishzl (Tokyo: Yayoi

ShobB, 1977-199°), 10.130. 14 "Kanrenkai IVa ronzlI," in Kiyozawa Manshi zellshfi (Kyoto: HozBkan, 1953), 4-316--

15 Soga, "Rennyo Shonin no shintai:' Saga Ryiiiin sensho (Tokyo: Yayoi Shobo, 1970--1972), 1.240 .

16 Ibid. 17 Ibid., p. 241.

18 Ibid .• p. 242. 19 An;inketsu;o,h6 :;((JIAR:JE~j, 2 vols., T 89.921, is a Japanese Pure Land treatise of

unknown authorship. Some attribute this work to a priest of the Seizan branch, while others have suggested Kakunyo. Nishi Honganji considers this work part of Shin shu canon, whereas Higashi Honganji cloes not recognize it as such. This treatise explains the nonduality of Birth into the Pnre Land by sentient beings and thc cnlightenmcnt of the Bllddha, and it asserts thai the "unit)' of faith and the Dharma" (kihii ittai) and the nenbutsu itself are one and thc same.

20 Saga R)'o;in kogishii, 1.179. The Tamtisl!ii lX!ftt1> was compiled bv a direct follower of Shinran (probably Yuien) after Shinran's death. It bccame the most important text for Shin Buddhism in modern-Japan through Kiyozawa's inAuence. (See CWS. \'01. 1.661-682.)

21 Rennyo was eighty-three ycars old when he wrote this letter in 1497. See Rogers.

22 Ibid., p. 294. 23 For differences in the doctrinal understanding of the "unity of faith and the Dharma,"

see section 2 in Inaki Sen'e, Renll)'o k),6gakll no kenk)'lJ I: g),iishillran (Kyoto: Hii7.iikan, 1993). In the Leiters, Renn)'o mentions the concept of "the unity of faith and the Dharma" in a total of seven letters, all of which were writtcn in his later years (one at the age of sixty-one and six at the age of seventy-six). The basis for his interest in this concept perhaps lies in his response to the popularity of the teachings of the Chinzei branch of the PLlTe Land, which espoLlsed that good karllIa was secured through repeated reciling of the ncnhlltsl!, where!!s Renl1Yo emphasized the absoluteness of faith in the I1cnblltsu.

24 Shanduo interpreted the term "deep mind," jinsl!ill (iJRJl,'), the second of the "three minds" described in the ConlemlJiatiol1 Siltra (GlIcHl;illg), as the lIlind of deep entrusting. He explained that this deep faith has two aspects (ni,lzll ;i",hirz). The first is the awareness of faith (ki). whereby the finite and limited self steeped in mental aftliction is the object of Amida's vow; the second is the awareness of the Dharma (hii). which is the working of Amida's forty-eight vows (which function solely for the sake of such heings). See T No. '743, 37.27Ja27. CWS, 1.85.

25 Soga Ryo;irl senshIl, 6.21.

26 Ibid., 11.102. 27 In his memoir. Soga wrote: "What is the main point of Kiyozall'a's tcaehing? He

never gave us an answcr. he only provided us with thc first step in that clirection. First of all. his studies were essential. His qnest was for the Creat Path [daido] never becoming apologclic or assllming .... Second, his studies \\'ere practical. Third, his stndies wcrc libcrating and gm'c

162 Shinsha Studies

iltlportallce to each person's individuality." "Meiji Yonjuyonen Nota" (Notes from Meiji 44 [19UD, reproduced in Saga Ry6jin, S/l1fkyo no s/Iikatsu mandai (Tokyo: Yayoi Shabo, 1973), 120.

28 Saga Ryoiin sells/Ilf, volume 4, 1'·334· 29 In 1911, the year of Shinran's 6,oth Memorial, Shinshu University, which was

established in Tokyo hy Ki),ozawa in 1901, was moved to Kyoto. This 1110\'0 was due to the strife behveen 1110dern religious studies based in Tokyo and the Takakura Gakuryo, the authority of shugaku based in Kyoto. Saga, who was serving as professor at the university, called the closing of the school "the death of our 1I10ther school" and left the university to return to his horne in Niigata to lead a life of solitude and contemplation. At this point Soga actively confronted the doctrinal suhject of "the unity of faith and the Dharma." However, this theme 110t only was connected wtih Kiyozawa's religious theme of the "correspondence behveen the finite and the infinite," a theme that Soga inherited, but it was also one that shagaku took up to bring about the downfall of the "mother schoo1."

30 Saga RyBiil1 sells/Hf, 4.340. 31 Ibid., 2=408. 32 Ibid., 2.373. 33 Ibid., 2:370-375, 2'408-421. 34 Shandaa's hvofold explication of religions faith had a major impact on Japanese Pure

Land Buddhism after it \\'as featured in Honen's writings, and his terminology quickly becamc doctrinal jargon in the Kamakura period and thereafter. See n. 24-

35 CWS 1.85. 36 Saga Ryo;in Se/lShlf, 6.20. 37 Rcnnyo's notc affixed to Tannish6 states, "This sacred writing is an important

scripture in our tradition. It should not be indiscriminately sho\\'n to all)' who lack past karmic good" (CWS, 682).

38 The term ango (:!em) comes from the Indian word varsa, referring to traditional Buddhist rainy-season rc:treat, which consisted of arduous practice in a set place over a certain period of time. In the Otani denomination, ango refers to a special lecture series held over a period of several weeks. The record of Saga's ango was compiled in a book entitled Tannisho choki, published by Higashi Honganji in 1970, and in vol. 6 of the Saga RyBii/l senshu.

39 Soga RyBiill senshri, 11.84- Soga's remark was made in a lecture in honor of Kaneko Daiei's sixteenth birthday in 1941.

40 See Kan'o no dBri: Relll1)'o kyBgaku no chlishin mandai (Kyoto: Chojiya, 1952); also contained in Soga R)'B;ill sensirii, 11.130-140.

41 In "Rennyo kyogakuno konpon mandai," in Soga Ryo;in kiigishu, 1.194-195, he wrote that "[Rennyo 1 disseminated the Tal1nish6 and clearly and concisely taught Mastcr Shinran's spirit."

42 Ihie!. 43 Nishi Honganji held their services April 10-17, 1948, whereas Higashi Honganji

conducted them a year latcr on April 18-25, 1949. 44 Hattori Shisii, Renl1yn ('Iokyo: Shinehi Shohii, 1948). 45 Ryukoku Daigaku, ed.,Reml)'aShonin kenk)'fj (Kyoto: Chusho DaishiYonhyakllgojukai

Onkih6yo Jilllush6, 1948). Other important warks appearing in conjunction with the memorial included Miyazaki Enjun and Mikogallli Eryu, Renn)'o Shonin 110

shogai to shisii (Kyoto: Nagata Bunsh6do, 1948); Iwami Mumoru, RennYD Shollin (Kyoto: Shosei'en, 1949); anel Inaba Shaken, Renn)'o S/1Onin no k),ogakll (Kyoto: Otani Shuppansha, 1949)·

46 "Kan'B no dari." Llter published as Kan'o no daTi: Rennyo k)'iigakll no chlishin mondai.

Rel1n)'o's Position in Modem Shin Buddhist Studies 103

47 "Daini no Shinshu saiko" was given in 1956. See Soga R)'o;in k6gis/llf, 10.44 and 130-131.

48 The Nature of My Faith, translated by Mark L. Blum, in lv/adem Shin Anthology (Kyoto: Otani Uni\'crsity, 1999).

49 "Daini no Shinshu saik6," Saga H)'oiill kogishii, 10-46. 5" Ihiel., p. 138.

12

ALFRED BLOOM

Renn yo and the Renaissance of Contemporary Shin Buddhism Rennyo's Place in the History of Shin Buddhism

E lsewhere I have summarized important aspects of Renn),o's life which were the basis for his successful effort to revitalize tire Honganji and create a major,

powerful religious movement in medieval Japan. ] have suggested that he offcrs clues for the renaissance of contemporary Shin Buddhism. I-]onganji in Japan has ealled his commemoration a time for innovation, which expresses the spirit of Renn),o. The slogan for thc Hawaii Honganji mission, for example, is "Live together, work together, in thc spirit of Rcnnyo." This chaptcr will look more dircctly into what we can learn from the spirit of Renn)'o and his innovative propagational activities. Both Shinran and Renn)'o responded to issues of their o\\'n time and circumstance. Differences in their personalities amI historical situation sho\\' thal, while there is a basic unity inlhcir thought, Rennyo adjusted Shiman's fundamental insights to make them more accessible and understandable to the ordinary person of his da),. Shinran unintentionall), created a more individually oriented movement.

His teaching reflects his inward, introspective and subjective, as well as more scholarly or philosophical character. Shinran spoke pointedly of his religious experience and his personal weakncsses or limitations. He c1earl)' rejected the idca that he was a teacher or had disciples, though they honored him. Renn),o, on the other hand, inherited the movement that Shinran illSpired. It had already become institutionalized through the efforts of previous abbots of I-Ionganji and other branches of Shinran's lincage. Rennyo was concerned with the fortunes of the community in his time and for the future. His personality was more outgoing. He told little about his own rcligious change or development. I-Ie consciously acccpted the role of teacher or leader of an emerging movement. He had to deal with the problems of religious power and authority that accompanied his status. Furlher, his position as a teacher must be considered in the light of his enormous influence, for whieh there is littlc comparison among other Illedievalteachers.

Renn)'o and the Renai8.8r1l1ce of Coniem/JoTaT)' Shin Buddhism 165

Perspective on Shinran's Teaching

The foundation of Relmyo's work is Shinran's teaching. Suffice it to sa)' Ilrat Slrinran emphasized absolule Other-Powcr in all aspects of religious failh and activity. No matter how evil a person ma), be, he or she is nevcr beyond the embrace of Amida. Shinran had a vision of Amida Buddha's all-encompassing compassion and wisdom in which every feature of religious life is grounded in Amida Buddha's Vows. Also the assurance we have of final enlightenment liberatcs us from the many religious fears and superstition common to Japanese society. Shinran's teaching involves a transformation of the self-striving mind to the mind of rcliancc on and trust in the Vow. Shinran calls it the "turning of the mind" (eshin) or the one moment of entrusting (slzinjin-iclzinen). All efforts subsequent to that moment arc responses of gratitude and commitment, supremel)' expressed in rcciting /wl1l!l-amida-btlis!l. The sense of onencss with Amida Buddha, experienced through trust in Shinran's thought, never overwhelms the awareness of our evils. Rather, it prevents presump­tion or taking Amida's embrace for granted. While conducive to a deep humility, Shiman's failh gives rise to a strong religious commitment and self-concept as a person wlro Iras been embraced b)' Amida Buddha, never 10 be alxlIlclonccl.

Thc Fundamental Character of Rennyo's Teaching

Renn)'o shared Shinran's vision of Amida's all-encompassing compassion and wisdom, but· he believed that it manifested itself in the world through thc Honganji tradition. Being born within an already existing institutional system, Rennyo assumcd that it faithfully transmitted the truth of Amida's Vow as interpreled by SIdman. Also he tried to simplify the morc eomplex teaching of Shinran, holding to the principle that in teaching, you select a hundred from a thousand things thai might be given, and from a hundred )'ou choosc ten. Finall), from the ten YOII select one. As a consequence of his approach to teaching amI propagation, there lI'ere differences from Shinran in cmphases. Rennyo's experienccs of the deaths of his wives and several children, as lI'ell as the violence of the age, madc him keenly aware of the impermanence, unpredictability, and violence in life. In view of th~ brevity of life ,md the depth of our evil, the aftcrlife was of the greatesl importance for Rennyo (gos/lO-llO-ichidaiii), in contrast to Shinran's slress on Ihe rcception of faith and assurance of rcbirth in this life. Renn)'o drew a clear dislinclion hctwccn this world and the next. The human realm is a place of uncertainty. The land of utmost bliss is one of etemity and should he the object of our aspiratioll and Ihe decisive setlling of milld.

Thc principle of karma is also strongly upheld and emphasized b)' Renn)'o as the basis for encountering the teaching. Thc teaching is not to be discllssed with an),one whose past good karlllic conditions have not maturcd. RenllVo uscd the idea to restrain disciples inclined to boast about their faith and ridic;lle others. Thc process of deliverance is outlined by Renn),o in five conditions which musl be present in order for a person to attain truly 'settled faith. First is the unfolding of

166 Shins/lll Studies

good karma from the past. Second is the meeling with a good teacher. Third is receiving Amida's light; fomth is attaining faith, andfiflh is saying the name of the Buddha, vVe can view these five clements as a simultaneous moment in which we have the good fortune to encounter a teacher who opens for us the truth concerning our spiritual condition and the truth of the teaching.

In that moment we attain tfllSt in the Vow, reject sundry practices, and recite na11lu-a11lida-hutsu in gratitude. It is altogether the one moment of entrusting and attainment of truly settled faith. According to Rennyo, faith is fundamental and is the source of nenbutsu. Faith "is granted by Amida Tathagata ... this is not faith generated by the practicer, ... it is Amida Tathagata's Other-Power f;lith. The term siJinjin is taken by Rennyo to be Amida's Other-Power true mind which displaces the believer's mind of self-striving. An alternative term for faith is aniin or )'asllki kokoro, which for Rennyo has essentially the same meaning as shin;in, but with emphasis on the aspect of the peace or tranquility that attends reception of faith. As a result, the recitation of the name is for gratitude only, because it flows out from the trusting mind. It is important to note that external appearancc or people's outward condition, status, or role in life have no relevance ill attaining trust.

Further, 011 attaining thc settled mind, one carries on a normal life, whether it is as a huntcr, fisherman, or tradesman. Aftcr faith or settled mind is established, nothing is taboo, though keeping "firmly to ourselves the teaching transmitted in our tradition and not giving any outward sign of it; those who do this are said to be peoplc of discretion." Settled faith means also to honor the laws of the state and fulfill public obligations. The relatioll of Buddhism and the state or society is a key issuc in Rennyo's thought, but it must bc viewed in the light of his historical situation. Essentially he promoted the western idea of "rendering Ullto Caesar what is Caesar's and unto Cod [Buddha] what is Cod's [Buddha's].,,1 Rennyo interprets the tcrms /W11l11 and amida butSli in the nenbutsu to emphasize the oneness of the mind of the person of settled faith and the Buddha. II is the action of the Tathagata that creates the oneness of the Buddha mind and ordinary mind, guaranteeillg the ultimate enlightenment of the person offaith. The namll-amida-hutsli is the verbal, symbolic expression of the reality of that oneness when it is recited in trust and gratitude.

With respect to religious life, the hallmark of RcnllYo's teaching is his emphasis that the nenbntsu is only for gratitude, arising spontancously from the settled mind of faith. He rails against the perfunctory, mechanical, conformist recitation of the name without understanding its essential meaning. In order to cncourage his followers to be respectful of other religions, Rennyo exalts A111ida Buddha as the Original teacher and Original Buddha of all buddhas and gods. That is, he is the superior and supreme expression of Buddhahood, which includes all other gods and Buddhas within himself. They appear as lIpaya or compassionate means to lead people to the Buddha-Dharma. Shinran's and Rennyo's approach to faith are similar in being subjective and requiring a definitc turn of the mind in trust in Amida's VOlI's. It is exprcsscd in grateful recitation of the nenbutsu. There is a common emphasis in both teachers on the absolute Othcr-Power foundation of deliverance, They understand that Amida is a power within the heart and mind of the person, bringing about a spiritual transformation, as well as being enshrined as the essence oflhe nenbutsll itself. Rennyo's term alliill or)'asllki kokoro or settled mind, however,

RellllYO and the Rel1ai"saI1Ce of COl1lem/JOrar), Shill Buddhism 167

appears within an institutional setting of community and obligatory observanccs, as wcll as a variety of rules or guidelines which he instituted to deal with problems in his movement. An important feature of cxprcssing one's settled faith is grateful recitation of nenhntsu while keeping one's eye on the goal of rcbirth in thc Pure Land. The communal character of faith is expressed through obeying thc rcgulations which Rennyo set down as a means of avoiding conAicts and obstacles to the teaching in the general community.

Rennyo's Mission of Propagation and Education

What ultimately gives Rennyo's life significance is his work of propagation and education which enabled Honganji to become the principal leader of Shin Buddhism. Through his expositions of the teaching he made Shinran's tcaching comprehensible to the masses. vVithout his consistent efforts, it is clear that Shinran's highly personal and subtle tcaching would have remained obscure to thc ordinary person, though Shinran himselfbec3me the object of veneralioll. Thc abbots prior to Rennyo engaged in propagation activities, yet I-longanji remained <1 small segmcnt of the Shin movement. Traditionally there have been tcn branches, of which the I-Ionganji was one. In the controversy centering on Rennyo's acccptance as abbot, his uncle, Nyoja, argued 011 his behalf that Rcnnyo had lifelong dedication, andllc participated intimately in Zonnyo's work of copying texts for followers, as well as occasionally representing his fathcr in relations with disciples. When Rennyo became abbot, it was clearly the combination of his personality, his abilities and activities, the times, and the character of his tcaching that brought about the momentous change in the fortunes of the Honganji. I-Ie was the right man in the right place at the right time. Rennyo's activitics included copying texts, undertaking teaching tours, writillg objects of worship in the form of namc scrolls, granting Dharma names, establishing temples, and writing letters, as well as frequent interviews and meetings with individual disciples. These endeavors werc all aimed at securing the rclationship of Rennyo anel the i-lollganji with the followcrs on a dceply pcrsonallevel. While not all these undertakings were original with him, hc made the most skillful and greatest usc of the varioLls methods. I-Ie also was perceptivc in seeing how social dynamics worked in Japancse society when he devcloped the system of kB or small, voluntary associations and described how propagation should procccd. 2 VVe might say that RCllnyo's propagation and education depcnded on personal relations, communication-publicaHon through copying texts or writing lelters, and the likc, and social insight.

Copying Texts

In order to instruct followers in an agc before printing, it was nccessary to copy tcxts meticulously. Copying was a form of publication in a prcteclll1ological age. T'he various texts that were copied demonstrate how serious Shinran and his succcssors were ill responding to their followers' desire for uudcrstanding the Dharma. In Shin Buddhism the work of copying texts began as early as Shinran, who reproduced

168 Shins/lll Studies

various Pure Land works requested by his disciples. 'Ibgether with composing his own originalwriLings, Shiman copied a variety ofrure Land texts which he thought were useful [or understanding his teaching. Zennyo, the fourth abbot of Honganji, is nuted fur annotating a pictorial biography of Shinran and making a seventeen­volume copy of the Kyogyoshinsho in Japanese translation. He also copied the words of Zonkaku (Zonkaku hiigo).l There is a record of some fourteen texts copied by Gyonyo, the sixth abbot; 20nnyo, the seventh abbot; and Kukaku, a brother of 20nnyo. Zonnyo also initiated thc copying of Shiman's hymns (wasan), and separated out the Shoshinge from the Kyogyoshinsho. He focused attention on that passage because it presented the basic principles of Shin Buddhism in a condensed form. Rennyo later wrote a synopsis of that tcxt known as Shoshinge taiL' He also published the Shoshinge and the Wasan collections in block print at Yoshizaki in 1473. The block printillg of texts made for wider distribution of texts and broadened the use of the Shoshinge and Wasan 5 in services in temples or at home. Even before he became abbot, Rcnnyo made copies of texts for disciples, who often received them when they came to study in Kyoto. At times he substituted for his father in making and signing these texts. We are tolcl that there now exist some forty texts copied by Renn),o. The meticulous work of copying texts undoubtedly contributed to Rennyo's sludy and absorption of the teaching which underlay his thollght in his letters, his major mode uf communication.

Teaching TOllrs

From the time of Kakunyo, abbots made tours around regions where Shinshu congregations wcre locatcd. Rennyo toured to spread and strengthen the teaching. Beforc he became abbot, he went to the Kanlo region, following the example of other abbots who visitcd the sacred sites of Shinran's lifc at least once in their

lifetime. Rennyo, however, travel~d three times to Kanto. Immediately after becoming abbot, he focused on ami, an area roughly corresponding to Shiga prefecture located easl of the capital, where there were many Shin followers. He also went to Mikawa and Settsu, as well as the north em provinces known as Hokuriku. Rennyo's success in clrawing adherents through these activities C\'en­tually caught the attention of the forces of Mount l-liei, who attacked Honganji in 1466. It was probably no accident that Rennyo selccted Yoshizaki in the Hokuriku area for his base, since the l-Ionganji had had a long association with the region bccausc of thc travcls of the various former abbots. By 147', when Rennyo moved to Yoshizaki, there were as man)' as 119 temples known in the Echizen, Kaga, and Etchu regions. With his arrival in Yoshizaki, the Illlmber of temples expanded significantly as members and tcmples of othcr sects turned to Rennyo. James Dobbins indicatcs: "Rcnnyo's presence in Yoshizaki created a mysterioLls and powerful chemistry that sparked an unprecedented religious awakening in the region.,,6 There were forly-nine additional templcs in Inami county in Echizen alone, five timcs thc number that had been there over the previous two centuries. Twenty of these forty-nine temples had previously bcen affiliated with the Tendai order. Similar dcvelopmcnts took place in other regions near Kyoto, in Omi, lobi, Chugoku, and Kansai.

Rellll)'o alld the Renaissance of COil temporary' S/,in BlIddhism 169

Objects of \Morship

Shinran's original object of worship was the namc Jin-jil)-Po 1l1u-ge-ko nyorai, which means the Tathagata of Universal Unhindered Light. He granted Name (1l1)'ogo) scrolls to leading disciples for their d6j6. In addition to the Name, pictorial representations of Amida were also made. This practice was latcr followed by KakullYo, Zonkaku, and sLlcceeding abbots. Zonnyo's diary indicates that he made various types of scrolls at the request of his disciples. Rennyo gave out so many Name scrolls that he was said to have written the Name more times than any other

person in history. Some extant scrolls were written with gold paint, a sign of the

growing prosperity and influence ofI-longanji. Ten are listed from 1460 to 1465. The 6saka-gobo or Ishiyam3 temple, where Rennyo finally retired, was financed almost entirely through writing of Name scrolls.

Dharma Names and Temple Names

Another way in which relations with disciples was strengthened was the bestowal of Dharma names. Thesc names bcgan to bc conferred when followers came to the Hunganji tu study. Renll)'o followed the precedent set by 20nn)'0, and thcre arc numcrous extant examples of Dharma names written in his own hand. Tcmple names indicated the status of a community as a temple based on its affiliation with the Honganji. They marked the transformation of a d6j6 to a tcmple and permitted the members to enshrine an image of Amida rather than a name scroll.

Letter Writing

Perhaps the most striking aspect ofRennyo's activities in education and propagation was his letter writing. However, there were also precedents in Shin Buddhism for this mocle of communication. Shinran himsclf wrote numerous letters dealing with doctrinal questions, disputes among his followers, and persecution. Although it is recorded that Shimall wrote nillety leiters, there are presenlly forty-three cxisting. RCllllYO'S letters number over 200, eighty-five of which were sclected out by Rcnnyo's grandson Ennyo (1491-1521) at the direction of Ellnyo's fathcr, )itsunyo, thc ninth abbot. These have become virtnally sacred tcxt for Shin Buddhists. Most famolls among them is the l-lakko/su 110 gob~11SIzo, or Leiter on White Ashes,' which is uscd extensively in funeral services. Among these only elevcn are originals; thc remainder are copies made by others. Renn)'o did not write complcx ductrinal analvscs such as we find in thc K),og),oshirzsho, and so modern scholars undercstilllat~ him as a scholar or thinker. Nevertheless, the letters wcre his ehosen mcthod for communicating the insights of Shin Buddhism in comprehensible, clcin language that the members of the temples eould appreciate. Undoubtedly they contributcd to his popularity, because such Ictters as the White Ashcs touched'thc hcarts of people with the reality of impermanence and the importance of faith amI gratitude in spiritual1ife.

Rennyo made gratitude a central feature of Shin Buddhism. A gcncral accounting of his letters indicates that in the collection of eighty-fivc letlers, forty-

170 Shinshii Stlldies

nine conclude with specific exhortations to gratitude, while in others it is implied. He concluded his letters by urging his followers to recite the nenbutsll with gratitude. This became the distinctive approach of Shin Buddhism toward practice and religious reAection.

Rennyo demonstrated his sensitivity to women, who played a great role in his life, by referring to women in fifty-eight letters of the 212 considered authentic. Contrasting Shin Buddhism with other Buddhist traditions, Rennyo stressed that the salvation of women was a primary concern for Amida Buddha. This belief is significant because the religious status of women in traditional Buddhism was lower than that of men. Though RCIlI1YO declared the spiritual equality of women, he did not make clear their soci,]1 equality. This subject remains a task for our contemporary sGligha. In almost all his letters Rennyo eIllphasized the human condition, Other­Power faith, recitation of the nenblltslI, ,md the importance of the afterlife. He set forth rules for social behavior in response to the anti-social attitudes of some followers who usedlhe Shin experience of spirilualliberation to ridicule and denouncc other religions and even oppose secular authority. Addressing contemporary Issues confronting the cOlTllllunity, Rennyo's letters defined the content of faith.

Method of Propagation

The great expansion of Shin Buddhism uncleI' the leadership of Rennyo resulted not only from the resonance of his ideas and personality with the people of the lime, but also from his understanding how society worked. As Dobbins points out, in the spread of Shin Buddhism, Rennyo benefited from the formation of independent, self-governing villages that attended the end of the manorial economic systcm. Rcnnyo's method of propagation consisted of approaching the thrce most prominent people in any village; the priest, the elder, and the village headman. He maintained that "If these three will lay the basis for Buddhism in their respective places, then all the people below thcm will conform to the teachings and Buddhism will flourish."" This strategy is known as the top-down principle, accepting the hierarchical structure of a village, and has bccn followed by all religions since ancient times. It presupposes a highly communal and kinship society in which leaders are recognized by all members as having status by virtue of their wisdom and qualities of leadership. Many of these leaders were formerly heads of large farm families in the earlier, declining myoslw-estate systel1l_ It was a natural extension of the family structure. In our more individualistic age, this strategy would have little effect, but what is important here is Rennyo's sensitivity to the changing nature of the society in which hc lived and his shrewdness in recognizing its usefulness.

Concurrent with Rennyo's strategy of reaching the leadership of the society, he also developed the ko CiiIII), a voluntary religious association for the nmture and development of personal faith. Ko isan ancient Buddhisl concept meaning discourse, preaching, or lecture. In time it took on the meaning of a meet-ing for some religious purpose such as studying a text or undertaking a particular practice. Shin Buddhism today has such things as Nenbutsuk6 and Hoonk6 services. In our modern thinking, a ko would be like a cell, a subgrouping of a larger body; We might call it a discussion group or informal fellowship.9 Though the ko might coincide with the

Rennyo and the Re,wissQnce o( Contemporary, Shin Bllddhism 171

village, it was really the social-religious foundation of Shin Buddhism. In time religious and political aspects overlapped, as is evident in the peasant ikko-ikki uprisings. One important characteristic is that the ko could transcend its local character through its connection with the broad movement of Shin Buddhism. This connectedness was the basis for the enormous power that Shin Buddhism calTle to hold in medieval society, leading to its struggle with ada Nobunaga and its division under the Tokugawa. Members would open their homes for mcctings, and as these grew into a regular occurrcncc the home wonld be called doio. The size of the kB varied from as fell' as six people to perhaps thousands. They were supported by members' donations. The local ko lVere afliliatec1with the Honganji through the variolls lcvcls of SIlbtemple relations. In Lerms of governance, Rennyo had Lo combine his democratic spirit with the need for more centralized control necessitated by the social and religious problems that arose within thc ko. Thcsc were the major reasons for locating his sons and daughters in major temples in order to maintain the loyalty of the members uncler their control.

We can gain some idea of the activilies in the ko from Rcnnyo's leiters indicating that the members meet monthly (the twentieth-eighth of the month, which was Shinran's death day) in order to discuss their faith. Annual Hoonko sen'ices to express gratitude for the teaching and to COlTllnemorate Shinran's dcath IHI\'e been typically hcld for scvcn days and were greatly stressed hy Rennyo. However in his letters he noted that the faith was not always disclISsed at the meetings as it should be. He criticized the members for turning the meetings into social occasions, forgetting their true purpose. He urged deep discussion and questioning in order 10 arrive at settled faith. Rennyo was very critical of the clergy who oversaw the fellowships. We can see thai the meetings of the "'j in cl6j6 and temples provided an opportunity for members to interact and discuss their faith in a marc personal way.

The dissemination of the SllOshinge and Wasem suggests that part orlhe meeling was devoted to the devotional chanting of these lexts, and members amI clergy then discussed the teaching. Rennyo :llso wrote numcrous letters marking the anniversmy of Shinran's death in which he cOlllmented on the meaning of the teaching, ancl he instructed that these letters were to be read at the appropriate services, in this case H60nk6. The meetings were clearly also social occasions, though Rellllyo desired that" the religiollS purposc be constantly maintained. For him the spiritmlity of the movement was uppermost. In his overall perspective he recognized that the prosperity of the movement lies not in the prestige of great numbers, bllt ill whether peoplc have faith, and the flourishing of the right sale practice comes abont through the will of the disciples who follow.

Rellll),O's Personal Style

Renn),o's personal style can be sumlllarized as more opcn amI democratic than what was often seen at lhis time. The lirst leiter in the authorizcd collection emphasizes the camaraderie of Shin Buddhism, noting SIIiman's declaration that he had not one disciple. Rennyo wore plain gray robcs, insisted that even highly ranked clergy within his organization do the same, and removed lhe preaching

172 Shins/HI Stlldies

platform. Hc sat on the same level as his followers. It is said hc sat knee to knee. He admonished his associates not to keep followers waiting and to serve them food and sake. He did not put on airs, so when he visited followers who had little to offer him, he warmly ate the millet gruel which they ate and spent the night discussing religion with thclll. He advocated that No plays be performed to put people at ease and to teach the Buddha-Dharma anew when followers have lost interest.

But though Rennyo could be solicitous for the welfare of his followers, hc was also critical. He castigated the priests who sought more spiritual ancl financial power over rank-and-file membcrs. He also censured the membcrs for lacking proper religious motivation for their participation or for their lack of engagement with, discussion of, and \lnderstanding of the doctrine.

Conclusion

We can see there are many dimensions to Rennyo's activities and style that successfully brought Shin Buddhism to a peak level of support in the medieval period. The determination with which all Honganji abbots have labored offers suggestions for how we might strengthen Shin BuddhisIll ill today's age of turbu­lence and transition, but it is with Rennyo that we particularly notice commdeship, communication, critique, commitment or cleep religious motivation, and understanding as keys to the future strength of Jocloshinshu.

Notes

1 For example, in a letter written from Yoshizaki dated the thirteenth day of the fifth month, 1474, Rennyo asserts, "You 1I1ust be careful never to carelessly say 'I am s~meone who reveres the Dharma and has attained shin;in' before the authorities in your province such as the military governors [s/rugo] or warrior land stewards [iito]. Do not'fail to perfor~ your public duties." RSI, 192; SSZ 3.441.

2 See pp. 170-171. 3 The Zonkaku hogo is at SSZ 3·353· 4 The Shoshil1ge laii was written in 1460 in response to a request from Kanamori Dosai;

it is at SSZ 3.385. 5 Wasem are liturgical hymns written by Shinran in Japanesc, in contrast with his

doctrinal tlreses, which are all written in Chinese. 6 James C. Dobbins, Jade Shinshii: Shin Buddhism in MedieV<11 Japan (Bloomington:

Indiana University Press, 1989), p. 137. 7 RS1, 182; SSZ 3513 8 Dobbins. Jude Shinshii, p. 139. 9 Ko were thc smallest social unit that supported-emotionally, politically, and

financially- both tocal dojo and the national/lOl1zan of Honganji.

IKEDA nlTAI TRANSLATED BY SARAH HORTON

The Characteristic Structure of Rennyo's Letters

The Spirit of "Lamenting Deviations"

RCllIl)'O'S composition of numerous leiters is said to have greatly Cascilitatccl the rcstoratioll of Shinshu which occurred under him. l This chapter reconsiders thc nature of these letters through an cxamination of their structure.

The words of Rennyo's mother, as related in the RWll)'O Sizo/lill ilolwki,2 suggest all early influence which contributed 10 his desire to restore Shinshfi:

Oei 27 [14.20]. The master [Rennj'o] ""IS six years old. On the t\\'enty-eighth day of the twelfth month, the 1I10ther spoke to her six-year-old child, revealing what was in her heart: "It is lily wish that during this child's lifetime, he will restore the tradition of the master [Shinran]." With that, sire departed for an unknown destination. l

The Itokuki also declares:

From the age of fifteen, the masler [ReI1llYo] first began to earnestly aspire to restore ShinshO. II grieved him to think how the school had languished in pre"iolls generations. He conslantly prayed thai someholl' he 1V0uld be able to reveal the teachings of the master [Shinnlll] in all places, far and near. In the end, he did restore [Shinran's teachings].'

Thus Rennyo made his mothcr's wish his own goal. The origin of his dcsire to restore Shinshu mLlst be sought, as previous scholars have pointed out, in his relationship to the TaTlllisho.

The first to note tire relationship between Rennyo's Leiters and the Iil1l1lisho, and Lo suggest the doctrinal lineage they share, was Ryosho of M)'oon'ill (1788-1842) ill his work Tmmisho 11lollki.1 Soga Ryojin (1875-1971) went a slep fmther by declaring in the Tmmislzo choki that the spirit of restoration is Ilone other than the spirit of "lamenting c1eviations."r, Although the following paragraph has been widely read, I will guok it again here:

174 Shins/nl Studies

It goes without saying that the Tarrnisho "luments that which deviates from the true faith transmitted by the Master [Shinran]." The true faith thus transmitted is the two types of deep belief (nis/w jinshin), found throughout the Tannishii, which have been handed down from the tillle of Master Zenda (Shandao). It is these two types of deep faith that overturn the two states of mind, meditative and nonmcditative (i6san nishin), elucidating the metaphor of the two rivers [of greed and anger] and shedding light on the faith of the Boundless Vow [Amida's Eighteenth Vow]. This was, I believe, the way of Master Zenda's own enlightenment. The spirit and feeling of "lamenting thaI which deviates from the true faith transmitted" is, I strongly believe, the spirit behind the restoration of}ado Shinshii. Perhaps because of this, Renn)'o indicated that 'This is an important scripture in our lineage. It should not be shown indiscriminately to those who lack [sufficient] karmic good [roots]" (mu shukuzen kilo I firmly believe that the spirit behind Rennyo's restowtioll of Shinshii was none other than the spirit of "lamenting deviations.'"

Our oldest extant manuscript of the Tmmisizo, copied by Rennyo himself, provides clues to the relationship between Rennyo and this text. In November 1969 H6z6kan published a photographic reproduction of the manuscript, with a commentary by Miyazaki Enjun.8 Although he did not record the date of his copying of the text, on the basis of past handwriting it had been thought that Rennyo copied it when he was about sixty-five or sixty-six. Miyazaki explains, however, that reexamination of the manuscript using microphotographs and other technology indicates that Rennyo was around fort>' years old when he copied the sentence, "The exiled persons were the above eight," which is founel in the appendix. He was sixty-fi\'e or sixty-six, however, when he copied the next sentence, "The persons executed were as follows," and also whcn he added the colophon.

III addition, thc covcr of this manuscript bears the title "Tarmisho, one copy" and to the lower right of this is the note "belonging to Rennyo." The fact that Rennyo copied the text over a period of many years as well as the existence of this note on the cover suggest that this was his personal copy, something he used throughout his life.

Rennyo copied a wide range of ShillSho scripturcs, beginning even before he took over the leadership of Honganji from his father. Although their contents vary, here is a list of seven extant Rennyo manuscripts that have Tarl1lisho-like colophons and where they are held:

1. The KudeTlsh6, two fascieles.9 The first fascicle is in the archives of Fukudadera, Shiga City. The second fascicle is in the archives of Nishi I-Ionganji, Kyoto. The text is dated Eiky6 10 (1439), copied when Rennyo was twenty-three years old.

2. Thc RokllYOS/z6,1O ten fascicles. In the archives ofK6shoji, Kyoto. Dated Choroku 2 (1458), copied when Rennyo was forty-four years old.

3. The Kyogyoshinsho (in rlObegaki), seventeen fascicles H In the archives of Nishi Honganji. Dated Kansho 2 (1461), copied when Rennyo was forty-seven ycars old.

4· The Kudellsho, three fascicles. In the archives ofJoshobo, Osaka. Dated Bunsh6 2 (1467), copied when Rennyo was fifty-three years old.

The Characteristic SlmctllTe of Rerl11)'o's Letters 175

5. The K)'og)'oshinsho taii,12 one fascicle. In the archives of ShinshOji, Sakai City. Dated F.ntoku 1 (1489), copied when Rennyo was seventy­five years old.

6. Thc·fliinen Shonin okotoba, one fascicleY In the archives of K6tokuji, KashilVabara City. Dated Mei6 5 (1496), when RC1111YO \\';1S eighty-two years old.

7. The Tannisho, two fascicles. In the archives of Nishi i-Ionganji, probably copied when Rennyo was forty years 01d. 14

Despite their similarity, however, none of colophons to these other works contains a harsh statement similar to this one in the colophon of the Talll1isho: "This should not be shown indiscriminately to those who lack karmic good roots." It is possible thai Rennyo intended not to· ban or proscribe this work, but rather simply to record that it should be treated with great care, as an "important sacred text of our lineage." These points all indicate that Rennyo had the Tmmishij at his side from the time of his difficult youth, that is before he became leader ofl-Ionganji, to his maturity when he fulfilled his desire to restore ShillShLi.

These connectiollS between Rennyo and the Tmmisho should be explored in light of Rennyo's Letters. Elsewhere I "have discLlssed this issue with referencc to the first leiter, which contains the fundamental positions found in all the letters. I would now like to go a step further, however, ancl examine the languagc and ideas contained in Rennyo's Letters.

RectifYing Heresy (gaija i:'~:;JI))

Starting from his view of "lamenting deviations" as seen ill his csteem of the Tannisho, ho\\' did the restoration of Shinshn advance under Rcnnyo? In the past, when analyzing Rennyo's Letters, Shinshn scholars always established the catcgory "Purpose of the Letters," saying, for example, "They are to help foolish peoplc achieve true faith" and "They do away with various kinds of aberrant doctrine, taking refuge in that which is true.,,11

Such evaluations stop at simply noting that the Letters were written to corred mistaken views. Indeed, the Leiters spcak eloquently to this point. I wOllld likc to focus, however, on the implications of this point. Is it possible to say Ihat Rennyo took over from Kakunyo, advancing the restoration ofShinshii by rect ifying heresies? This is the question that I lVant to explore.

First, let us look at the aberrant doctrines discussed in the Lellers. Professor Sumida Chiken summarizes the situation as follows:

A, has been said in the past, we can count four or six different t)'pes [of aberrant doctrine), but I find three: the teaching in the Seizan seel that Birth in the Pure L1nd has been assured from the time Amida achieved Buddlmhood ten kalp:ls ago (jikko an;in); the teaching in the Chinzei seel thai Pure Land Birth cannot he achieved without practicing the spoken nenblltsll (kllsl16 zlUlOri), and sccrcl teachings which misrepresent such things as the wisdom of the path of the sages. 'Ieachings such as revering one's teacher as the Buddha (chishiki c/clflomi), the

176 Shinshii Studies

practice of giving gifts to Buddhist monaslics as a meritorious act for the achieve­ment of Buddhahood (semotsll danomi), and the teaching thal those who have achieved faith are, in this life, already one with Amida (ichi)'akll human), fall under these three categories; I find nOlle outside these thrce,16

The letters themselves provide examples of heresy which can be classified into the following four groups:

L "Marked differences from our tradition's basic view of alljill" (Letter r8): There are two: belief that the "pacified mind" (alljin) was deter­minecl for us when Dharmiikara attained bllddhahood as Amitabha ten

kalpas ago (jikko anjin, as in Lellers 1:13, 2:11, 3:8) and belief that

recitation of the sacred Name without any understanding of faith is

sufficient (71lushin sho71lJ'o, as in Letters 1:1, 1:15, r 2 , 3:3, 3:+ r5, 5:11 ).

2. Anything based in Ihe "secret teachings which are widespread in Echizen Province ... that arc deplorable, and not to be considercd Buddhist" (Lellers 2:14). This would include slIch things as doctrinc of "the one benefit" wherein the attainment of shinjiTl is takcn to mean one has attained buddhahood (ichiyaku hamon, as in Letter 1:4), the practice of worshipping a spiritual guide as an incarnation of the Buddha (chishiki dallomi as in Letter 2:11), a variety of nonstandard Shinshu interpretations known as "secret doctrines" ("iii biJmon, as in Letters 2:14), or Ihe secret tcaehing that ritual worship is unneccssary (fuhai hiji, as in Letter B).

3. The practice of "proclaiming our doctrine before [members on other schools and sects" (as in Letter 1:9). This [problem] can be seen in such

statements as "some see our school as polluted and loathsome" or

"something taboo" (mono imi, as in Letter 1.9), or in [admonitions

against] "acting so that one appears to later generations as a good person

or followcr of the Buddhist teachings" (as in Letter 2:2) and "going out of one's way 10 bring attention to the fael that one is a follower of our tradition" (as in Leller 2:13).

4- The practice of "speaking of teachings that have not been transmitted [within our lineage] and misleading others" (as in Letter po). This includes such unacceptable activities as asking for donations (semoisll dallomi, as in Letter 1:11), "relying on their own abilities, some people are interpreting texts that have not been properly transmitted and [expound] unknown, heretical doctrines" (as in Letter}:ll), "[spreading] unknown teachings that are not part of our lineage" (as in Letter 3:13), "turning one's ears to hear twisted [notions] and then opening one's mouth to spread it as slander" (as in Letter 4:1), spreading our teachings among those "about whom it is not known if the person possesses good karmic roots" (as in Letter 4:5), and participating in services "for one's reputation or 10 be in stcp with everyone else" (as in Letter 4:8).

Thc discussion of heresies in the Letters sharcs much with Kakunyo's ideas ahout destroying aberrant doctrine. Although approximately one hundrcd years

The Characteristic Structure of Ren 11)'0 's Leiters 177

passed between the time ofKakunyo (1270-1351) ancl Rennyo (1415-1499), statements from Kakunyo's Gai;asiJo can be placed in the above four categories.

There are statements in the Gaijasho, for example, that pertain to the first category. Article one of the Gaijash6 declares:

[Extolling] the creation of name registers is based on one's personal vicw of things and corrupts the lineage of our founder. J)

And in article two:

It is likewise wrong to assert a personal interpretation in the usc of what are called portmit lineages. IS

The precursor to the problem raiscd in the third catcgory is found in Article three

of the Gaijasho:

You should not promote yourself in the form of a renunciant or delight in appenring different. Do not wear the skirtless robe (mo11ashi garomo) or use a black clerical surplice (kesa).19

And precedents for the second category abovc can be seen in the declaration ill Article eighteen of the Gaijasho:

Among those who arc known as adherents of the Venerable of Honganji (Shinran), there are some who so revere their spiritual guide (chishiki) that they likcn [this person] to the Tathagata Amida and regard his or her physical dwelling as a Imc Pure Land of Ihe Buddha's body of glory [generated] by his unique 1'01l'S. This is [so a bSllrd as to be] beyond all com men t20

Finally, the following statement from the twenty-first article of Ihe Kudemizo, also

by Kakunyo, can be placed in the first category: "Asserling thai one nenh!ltsll (ichillell) does not suffice, we Tllllst strive to practice many IlCnblltsll (/(111cn).,,·1

Although there were of course differences between the eirclllllstanees surrounding Kakunyo and Rennyo, their attitudcs regarding aberrant doctrine were fundamenlallv the same. The situation in which Kakunyo found himselfis addressed

in Zonkaku's' (1290-1373) Haja kensizo shoo According to Ihis work, there ;Ire no words to describe the degree of slander and violencc prcl'alent at that time among the Tendai monks of the path 10 self-perfection based 011 MOllnt l-liei, yamabushi, female shamans, and yin-yang masters:

These monks seem in forlll to emhody the Buddhist teachings and practices, but at heart they are no different from people who renOllnce the Bllddhist doctrille of callsation. Hence, they devaslale the chapels of nenbulsu followers in place after place, and in each case wilh every occasion they deceive Ihc adherenls of Ihe Pure Land path. They call the paintings and sculptures of Amida heretical im:1gcs, and they trample them uncler foot. They declare the sacred writings of ShinshG doctrine to he heretical teachings, and they spit on them and destroy them. In addition they seize and deprive us of dozens of texts, including the three major Pure Land sutras as well as the expositions of the five patriarchs ....

Overall their power resounds throughoul a thousand world systems, nearly outstripping the aSllra's legions. 21

178 Shinsha Studies

This passage sholVs that in the time of KakuIlYo, there IVas a crisis situation wherein teaching of the exclusive nenbutsu lVas in da~ger of being destroyed nol only at the individual level but throughout all of society.

When critically reexamiIling correspondcnces between the heresies at the time of Kankunyo and of Rennyo, it becomcs necessary to establish not only thc relationship between Rennyo and the Tannisha but also the relationship between Rennyo and Kakunyo, especially with regard to thc Gai;asho. Although bolh Ihe Tannisha and the Gaijasha address problems with religious institutions, the Tmmisha remains wilhiIl the simple framework of a group offellow believers andlllonks. The author states that he wrote it so that "there Illay be no differences in faith among thc practitioners in a single room.,,13 In contrast, the Gai;asha is wrillen from the perspective of an established orthodox institution which, by Kakunj'o's time, was based on a clear hereditary line spanning three generations, as the follo\\'ing colophon shows:

The above text is essenlial for [the understanding on the import of the oral transmis~ion handed down from the founder of Honganji, Masler Shinran, and l'vlasler Oami Nyoshin, which contains thc kcy to the attainment of Ilirlh in the Land of Recompense (hodo). In past days and years, by humbly receiving the hereditary lineag~ spanning Ihe Ihree generations of Kurodani (i-ioncn), Honganji (Shinran), and Oami (Nyoshin), the carefully maintained doctrines of the t\\'o Buddhas (AlIlid" and SakyulIluni) have servcd 'as our eyes and our feel,"

Inevitably, then, there are differences between the tlVO texts in their criticisms of aberrant doctrine. The Tannish!) focuses on examining and rectifying one's own faith, a faith achieved primarily through direct contact with Shinran and his teachings. This emphasis is apparent in thc passage "[let there 1 be IlO differences iII faith amollg fellow practitioners in a single room," which shows a critical attitude toward one's own faith.

The Gai;ashii, on the other hand, assumes thai an orthodox institution has already been established and attempts to destroy any heresy that is opposed to this orthodoxy. In the same colophon, Kakunyo adds, "I record this in order to destroy heresy and light the lantern of truth."

Kakunyo, through his emphasis on the hcreditary line spanning three generations, sought to hold together the institution after Shinran's death. Sensing the danger facing /-Ionganji, he felt he had a historical mission to fulfill. It was inescapable that the inslilution thus established was unified under the authority of orthodoxy. .

It was Rennyo who found himself in the middle of this /-Ionganji institution which had been established by Kakunyo. In the face of this reality, how was he to grapple with his decision to "reveal tl;e teachings of the Master' (Shinran) in all places, far and near, during my lifetime"? This problem must have preoccupied Rennyo during the long years before he assumed the leadership of Honganji. Therefore, he read through KakuIl),o's KlIdensha and Gai;aslza, and then he turned to the Tml1lisha, all of which had in common "the true faith transmitted from the Mastcr (SIIiman)." Rennyo took as his own the spirit of "lamenting deviations" which was the foundation of this true faith. His actions thus conformed to the

The Characteristic StnJcture of Rel111yo'~ I.etters 179

rectification of heresy which he had inherited from Kakunyo, as can be seen in the corredion of abbewnt doctrine discussed in the Letters. It was Ihis that propelled the restoration of Shinsha.

It is Ilndeniable that Rennyo addressed the correction of these aberrant doctrines in his Leiters frolll the standpoint of a powerful institution. The Eigellki asserts:

When Rennyo was at his temple in Yamashina, it is not thai he Ihoughl ill of people .... He said, "There are, however, 1\\'0 of whom I think ill: one who causes unhappiness to his parents, and one who speaks aberrant doctrine. Of these \\\'0,

I think ill." The news thai was received in Kyoto [lVas that] samurai who spoke ill of Honganji anclwho confused [other teachings] with the teachings of the founder lVere extreme enemies of the Dharma 25

In addition, article 243 of the Kikigaki relates:

Rennyo heard that in Ihe northern provinces. a certain person \l'as spreading mistaken teachings, saying that they were the teachings of our tradition. Rennyo called Joya of the northcTII provinces 10 him and said, ",ilh grcat angcr, "II is abominable and despicable to attribllte [olher teachings] to the fOllncler [Shinran ]." He gnashed his leelh, saying. "Even I mangle them, I stilllVill nol bc satisficd."26

Such harsh attitudes must be viewed as building on the steps Kakunyo took to rectify heresy, to "destroy heresy and light the lantern of truth."

Conclusion

"Lamenting deviations" and rectifying heresies are, in many ways, contradictory. In the past, this point has impeded stuclies ofRennyo. In fact, Rennyo workecl to ereate a spirit of unily among fellow believers on the one hanel, but 011 the otilcr, he also formed a power structure with the centralization of power in the Honganji instilution, placing his o\\'n male dcscendants (ikke shu) at major temples:

In every generation, good spiritual tcachers (;::e'lchishiki) have succeeded Ihe founder [Shinran]. Master Rennyo secluded himself in the hall al Osaka, andwhcn Master jitsllnyo wenllo visit him there, Rennyo said, "[Our] relalionship as parent and child is, for both of lIS, [like] a visit from Ihe founder [Shinrnn]." His goblet remained on ils stand for some time. 17

These two emphases appear 10 be opposites. Although this situation essentially places the two sicles at variance wilh eaeh other, Rel1n)'o maintainecllhe contradiction in his own character, which was based on Ihe principle of the ccnlnllity of faith, cnabling him to lead Honganji through the power of his personality. In this way, Rennyo, more than anyone else, placed himself in Ihe middle of thc contradiction while seeking to transmit the patriarchs' tradition of tTlle failh. Thc contradiction is all the more apparent in the correction of abbcrant doclrine addressed ill thc Letters, but for precisely this reason Rennyo always returned to his choscn focus on the spirit of "lamenting deviation'" and of fellowship (daba). This was Rcnnyo's fundamental position.

'fhc composition of the Gai;asho shows that the steps taken by Kakunj'o to rectify heresy did not stop at simply an eillphasis on the orthodoxy of his own

180 Shinshii Studies

position, From among his many writings, Kakunyo's CaijaslzB, ShiijisizB, and Kudel1shB are traditionally referred to as "The Three "Vorks of Kakunyo," Among these three, the Caijasho and the Kudensho may be classified in the same category, because they were composed only six years apart (the Kudens/Jo was written in 1321 , the Caijas/JB in 1327) and both were written at the request of disciples, including Jasen (1295-1377).

The Haja kellsho sho, written in 1324 by Kakunyo's son Zonkaku, tells of societal problems at that time that placcd the Honganji institution in danger. Such situations

no doubt helpcd to prompt the writing of the Caijasilo, The reasons the CaijashB was written provide further evidence that KakuI1Yo's activities were driven by his

cOllviction thai he had a great hisloriealmissioI1 regarding Honganji. Rennyo also

fell he had this mission, but in his case the basis of this conviction was the spirit of

"lamenting deviations." Tb the extent that the correction of aberrant doctrine

developed in this way, Rennyo surpassed a simple schematic understanding of

orthodoxy and heresy. [n grasping this concept, we see Rennyo's real intention.

[ therefore propose the following metaphor: in Rennyo's Letters, which unify the contradiction betwecn "lamenting deviations" and rectifying heresies, thc spirit of "lamenting deviations" forms the warp, the spirit of rectifying hercsy the woof, of the fahric of the Letters. In recent years the act of rectifyillg heresy has been criticized as merely emphasizing the orthodoxy of one's own position. Actnally, however, [ believe this is so because the nature of actions taken to rectifv aberrant doctrine which occurred when the HOllganji became a fixed institution, after Rennyo's death and particularly in modern times, ultimately came to conceal the true mission of tlte rectification of hcresy.

That the Leiters unify the contradiction between "lamenting deviations" and

rectifying heresies tells us that by constantly returning ill his practice to his

understanding of "fellow practitioners," Rennyo became an outstanding leader of

Shinshii. At the same time, it signifies that the restoratioll of Shin shu which occurred

by means of this epistolary communication was nothing other than the revitalization of the original meaning of Shinshii: true faith (shilljiTl).

Noles

This chapter originally appeared as "Ofumi no scikaku kozo" 1J1p)(0)'!1JIH1<jt_illt in Ikeda YGtai ?mlIliti"fflli, afumi kangeroku 11~)(1tiJ{t~. Kyoto: Shinshil Otaniha Shulllusho, 1998, 29-43·

I The phrase "lamenting deviations" or lallni (l1:~) is an allusion to the Tdllnish6, compiled b)' Yuien (d. 1288). The first half of the Tannisha records statements of Shinran and the second half is largely focused on pointing out improper patterns of belief and practice. RenIl)'o was the first Shinshu leader to hold up the Tal1Tlisho as a legitimate transmission of Shinran's ideas on a number of important topics, and his handwritten copy is currently the oldest extant text.

2 Rel111),o Shall in itokllki, SSZ 3.8°9. 3 SSZ ;:870 4 SSZ ;:871.

.. '---------

The Characteristic Stnlcture of Rellll)'o's Letters 181

5 Tannisho monki is in ZOkll Silinshfi iaikei (Tokyo: ShinshQ tenseki kank6kai, 1940), bekkal1; repr. as ZOkll Shillshl1 !"ikei (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6hunkan, 1976), vol. 21. This volume was also published separately by I-16z6bn, 1972.

6 Soga Ry6jin, Tamzislzo clzoki (Kyoto: Ch6jiya, 1947). Rev. ed. appears ill Soga Ry6jin and Saga Ry6jin Scnsha Kankokai. ed., Saga R)'ojin senshu (Tokyo: Yayoi Shobo, 1970), vol. 6.

7 Saga Ryajin sells/lll, 6.19· 8 Miyazaki Enjun, ed., 1clHllishi5 (Renl1)'D Shan in shosha), (Kyoto: l-Ioz6kan, 19(9). 9 A hiography of Shinran by Kakunyo, dated 133/ and originally in thrce fascicles.

IO Completed by Zonkaku in 1360, the Rokll),osho in ten fascicles is the first exegetical commentary 011 Shinran's K)'ogyoshinsho; at SSZ 2. 205. This work was oftcn printed together with the K)'og)'os/rins/r5 in the Edo period so the two works could be read simultaneously.

II The Kyogyoshins/Jo is the magnum opus of Shinran, containing the most detailed exposition of his thought. Originally ill kanbll11 in six fascicles, this l10begaki version is extended in length by essentially heing rewritten into wablHl, or Jap:lIlese syntax.

12 An essay Oil the main points in Shinran's K)'og)'oshinsha by Zonkaku, dated 1328. It is a work in one fascicle; compare it with Zonkaku's Roktl)'osha, writtcn over thirt}' years later and in far greater detail.

13 It's unclear what is contained in this work because it has a nonstandard title, but probably this is another name for a group of documents known today by the rubrie /-lonen S/1011;11 golt5go. These were collections of various ullerances of Honen froIll different contexts compiled at the end of his life and shortly thereafter. There are two in the ShOWd shim/nl HOllell Slt6nin zells/lIl, one elated 1201 at p. 1117, another elated 1211 at p. II'll, both also in one fascicle.

14 See RSC 183-19°. 15 Quote from Sumida Chiken .in D6h6 Daigaku Bukky6 Cakkni, eel., Rennyo Shonin

110 kenk)'tJ (Nagoya: BunkBdo Sholen, 1971), 83. 16 Sumida Chiken, 19ishi 110 kenk)'ll (Kyoto: Ch6jiya, repr. Jl)60), 381. 17 SSZ 3.66. The term "name register" or lIl),ocho (iilll~) refers to a variety of documents

that recorded the names of individuals who professed their faith in Shin ran's doctrine, a practice started by Ryogen of the Bukkoji branch of Shinshu. Kakunl'o's statemcnt here is a strong polemic against its implied promise of thereby guaranteeing Birth in the Pure Land to the individual. In fact we know that Shinran similarly recorded the names of his disciples.

18 SSZ 3.66. Portrait lineagcs, or ekeizlI, were another common wa)' of documcnting lineage in the Bukk6ji branch. These recorded the abbots of temples and typically inclueled portraits of each person in the lineage.

19 SSZ 3.6+ 20 SSZ 3.8+ 21 SSZ 3-33. 22 SSZ 3.158-159. TrallSlation based on James Dobbins, /lido ShilH:ill/: S/,ill Hlldelltism

ill Medieva//apan, (Bloomington, Indiana: Incliana University Press, 1989),92. 23 SSZ 2.793-24 SSZ 3.89. 25 RSC 262. This text is also knoll'n as the Eigell kikigaki, which is how the title is givcn

at SSS 2.588. 26 This is enlry 241 in the recension at SSZ 3.593, but it is entry 24, in the Shi,1shti

kana shag),o edition. 27 From the Eigenki at RSC 264.

226 Comparative Religion

12 Kon)'o Shonin goiklln goshoshoku, at SSZ 5.771-777. See Rogers, 316-339, for an account of the problems and issues relating to Nishi Honganji's role in the political arena.

13 This position was officially promulgated in the Council of Florence, 1442. See Don Pittman ct aI., Ministr), and Theology in Global Perspective (Gmnel Rapids, rvlich.: Wm. Eerdmans, 1996), 44.

14 See Pittman et aI., Ministry and Theolog)', 42-63, for developments in Christian perspectives on the 4uestion of nonbelievers.

15 Sec cspecially the Second Vatican Council's documenl Nvstra Actate, or "Declaration on the Relationship of the Chureh to Non-Christian Religions;' Walter tvl. Abbott, S.J., general editor, The Documents of Vatican II (New York: Guild Press, 1966), 656-674.

16 Sec Paul Knitter, No Olher Name? A Critical Survey of Christian AttitIldes Toward the World Religions (New York: Orbis, 1985).

17 See Knitter, No Other Name? amI Pittman, et a1., Ministry and Theology, 55-61, for descriptions of the spectrum of Christian positions.

18 Jacob Neusner, "Shalom: Complementarity," in Pitlimm et a!., Minislr)' and Theology, 465-466.

19 The prohlem noted with Karl RaImer's proposed theological viewpoint, that is, of regarding mcmbers of other traclitions who live according to their conscience as "anonymous Christians," it is precisely this subsumption of "outsiders" in a way that obliterates their own identity as Other. See Rahncr's excerpted article in Pittman ct aI., Minislry and Theolog)',

87-<)3· 20 For an account of the possihilities of mutual transformalion of members and religinns

tradilions in and through the dialogical process, see John J. Cobb, Jr., Beyond Dia/oglle: Toward a Mutual Transfomwtivn ofChrislianity and Buddhism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1982).

21 for a detailed analysis of the religio·political establishment of State Shinto in Japanese history, see Kuroda Toshio, Chiisei Niholl /10 kokka to SllllkYD (Tokyo: Iwanami Shale]], 1975), and Kuroda, Chilsei Niholl no siIakai to slnlkyo (1bkyo: iwanami Sholen, 1990).

22 Ofll171i ]]]-10, :It SSZ 3.439; Rogers, 209, 211.

Date

141 5

1420

1422

1429

1431

1433

1434

1436

1438

1439

1440

1441

1442

A Chronology of Rennyo's Life

Era Year Age Event

Oei 22. 2.25. Born in Higashiyama, Kyoto, the eldesl child of Zonnyo (age 20).1

Oei 27 6 3. l'vlother asks for his portrait to be painted (Kalloko 110 goei). 12.28. Mother Icaves Honganji.

Oei 29 8 Stepmolher, Nyoen, givcs hirth to stepsister, Nyojt1.

Eikyo I 15 Announces his determination to restore Honganji.

EikyB 3 17 Ordained at ShBre'in during Sllllllller, rcceiving Dharma name of Rennyo.

Eikyo 5 19 Stepbrother, Ogen born, latcr given Dharma name RcnshB.

Eikyo 6 20 5.12. Copies 'Bdomonmi illSiJO, written by Shinran.

EikyB 8 22 3.28. Zonn)"o (age 41) sllcceeds GyBnyo (age 61) and becolllcs seventh abhot of Honganji. Mid 8. Copies SaniB wasan, written by Shinran.

EikyB 10 24 8.15. Copies TodD s"in')'os"6, compiled by ZOllkakll, postscript added hI' Zonnyo. 12.13- Copies Klldens!lo, wrillen by Kakunyo, and gives to SBshun, a priest in Omi.

Eiky6 11 25 7.29. Copies Gose monogatari, attributed to RyOkan. Last days of 7. Copies Tariki shilliill kikigaki, probably written by Ryokai (Tl~) of BukkBji.

EikyB 12 26 10.14- Death of GyBn)"o (age 65).

Kakitsu I 27 9.7. Copies ,odo shill'yoS!JO.

Kakitsu 2 28 Birth of first child and son, Junn)"a, In Rcnnyo's first wife, Nyoryo. Rennyo's uncle, NyojB, builds I-ionscnji at futalllata ill Kaga province.

227

228 A Chronology of nenl1)'o's Life A Chronology of Renn)'o's Life 229

1446 Bunnan 3 32 Mid I. Copies GlJtokllsho, compiled by Shinran. 1460 Kansha 1 46 1.26. Death of uncle, Nyoja (age 49)' Birth of eldest daughter, Nyokei, and second son, RenjB. 2.24- Prcscnts hanging scroll of Ihe ten-clwmeler Sacred

1447 Burman 4 33 End of 1. Copies An;illkelsll;osho (unknown authorship) for Name (iii;i In)'iigo) 10 Haju al Katada, Omi Province.

Sashull. 3-23. Visits Kyagaku in Nara.

2. Copies Rokll),osho and Zonkaku and Maltosho, " collection 6. Composes ~hoshinge taii at the request of Dosai of

of Shinran's letters to his disciples. Kanegamori, Omi Province.

5. Travels to the eastern provinces with Zonnyo. 10+ Death of stepmother, Nyoen.

1448 Bunnun 5 34 10.19. Copies GellSo eko kikigaki, probably written by RyBkai. Birth of fifth daughter, Myoi.

Birth of second daughter, Kengyoku. 1461 KallSho 2 47 1.6. Grants another ten-character Sacrcd Namc scroll to !-Iojii

1449 J-lBtoku I 35 5.6. Copics fourth chapter of Kyog),osiIinshii. and the followers in Katada.

5.28. Copies Sall;o wasan and gives to ShBjB, a priest in Kaga. 3. Writes the first of his Letters (rude lwjime 110 O{tlllli).

6.3. Copies An;in ketsujiisiIo. 7. Copy made of K),iig)'D!hinsho in 110begaki (Japanese) style

Mid 7. Copies Nyo"i" O;D kikigaki, writtcn by Zonbku. and given to j 6hshB in Omi ProviIlcc.

10.1+ Copies Godensho, biograph)' of Shinran written b)' 10. Has AnjB portrait of Shinran's (A"jo god or A"io miei)

Kakunyo, and given to Shinko, a priest in Kaga. restored.

Travels to Hokuriku with Zonnyo. 12.23. Has a clual portrait of Shinran and himself (Nison

1450 HBtoku2 36 8.11. Copies Kyog)'oshinsho at the request of Shoj6. renzazo) painted for !-IBjO and the followers in Katacla. Givcs a ten-character Sacred Name scroll 10 N)'oko of jugiiji,

Birth of third son, Renko. lVIikaw3 Province.

1451 Hotoku 3 37 8.16. Copy of Kyogyoshinsho completcd with Zonn)'o's 1462 KanshB 3 48 1.6. Receives gift of mirror from KyBkakn. postscript, given to ShajB. +3· Visits Kl'ogaku and brimgs him medicine as a prcsent.

1453 Kyotoku 2 39 11.22. Copies Sanio wasan and gives to the followers in Omi. Birth of sixth daughter, Nyoku.

1454 Kyotokl! 3 40 4-17. Cop~es 0;0),08/'ii, by Genshin, and given to J6sh6, a 1463 Kansh64 49 2.11. Sees a firelight performance of a NB drama (/akigi "0) in priest in Omi. Nara. 7.8. Copies Kyog),oshinsiro, copied and given to Myochin in 6.7. jinson (~~), son ofChanccllor lchijB Kaneyoshi of the Eehizcn. Daijoin in KBfukuji, visits Honganji and presents 300 sheets

1455 KBshBI 41 7.19. Copies Boki kotoba (pictorial biography of Kakun),o), of high-qllali~' paper to Renn),o.

written by jakaku. 6.8 Rennyo visits Jinson and presents a horse ancl slI'ord in

Birth of fourth son, Rensei. return.

11.23. Death of first wife, NyoryB. Birth of seventh daughter, Yiishin.

1456 KBshB 2 42 2.2. Receives gift of a fan from Kyogaku (£:~), SOIl of 1464 KamhB 5 50 Continues good relationship with KyBgakn.

Chancellor KujB Tsunenori und former mOllzeki of DaijBin at Birth of sixth son, Rcnjun.

Kufukuji. Leads the twenty-fifth memorial service of his grandfather,

1457 Churoku I 43 2.20. Copies Sai),ohi5, written by Kakunyo. GyBnyo.

3+ Copies Ji",yobii hy Zonbkll. 1465 KanshB 6 51 1.9. Anti-Honganji monks at Enryakuji formally slale their

5.12. Receives gift of cirimaki rice-dumpling from Kyogakll. intention to destroy it.

6.18. Death of father, Zonnyo (age 62). 1.10. Honga~lji partially destroyed by Ellfl'akuji. Renn)'o 12.,. Kyogakll visits l-longanji to cxprcss his condolences. cscapes to Omi Province wilh Shiman's image.

12+ Renn)'o reillms favor and visits Kyogaku. ,.21. IIonganji demolished again hy Enryakuji

Rennyo bccomes eighth abbot of Honganji. warrior-monks.

1458 Clr6roku 2 44 2+ Copies K),ogyoshinsho and gives to KyBshun in Kyoto. 4·24· l<:nrpkuji warrior-monks attack j6doshinshu followers in

7. Monks of Kofukuji calise trouble for the followcrs of Akanoi, Omi Province.

Shinshil. 5.10. Bakufu orders Enryakuji to stop their attacks 011

8.10. Birth of fifth son, jitsunyo, 10 second wife, Ren'yii. JBdoshinsho (Ikkosln7) followers.

1459 Chiiroku 3 45 1.13. Rcceives gifl from Kyogaku. 9.14- Rennyo visits jinson.

1.14. Presents a fan to KyBgaku in return. 12·9. Rennyo visits K)'Bgaku.

Birth of fourth dallghter, MyBsho. 1466 BunshB I 52 Birth of eighth daughter, nyonin. 7.8. Copies K)'og)'oshiIlSllo in rlObegaki slyle.

230 A Chronology of Reml)'o's Life A Chronology of Rellll)'o's Life 23 1

8.5. Sends letter to K)'ogakll. 8. Kyokakll passes away at age 79. 11.21. Annual Haonko services held in Kanegumori, Omi 8.12. Letter 1:7. Province. 9. Prohibils movements of followers entering andlcm'ing the

1467 Oninl 53 2. Shinra.!1's image moved from Ann)'oji to I-Ionpllkuji in dwellings of priests in Yoshizaki andlakr moves to Fujishillla.

Katada, Omi Provincc. 9. Letten 1:8-9·

2.16 Copies Kudellsho for Hoen of K)'Ohaji in Kawachi 9.11. Leller 1:10.

Province. Mid 9. Letter 1:11.

3. Enryakuji leadership issues decrec stopping the attacks End of 9. Leiters 1:12-14.

against I-Ionganji, and Honganji agrees 10 becomc subtcmple 9.22. Letter 1:15.

of ~Ie Tendai temple Sharen'in. 10.3. Rclurns to Yoshizaki.

5. Onin War breaks out. II. Issues elel'en-article Rule (okile) for ShinshG monlo with

Birth of ninth daughter, Ryonyo. admonishments for unacceptable belwvior.

11.21. Annual Hoonko services held at Honpukuji in Katada. 12.8. Leiter 2: 1.

1468 Onin2 54 1.9· Enryakuji plots to attack the Shinsho followers in Katada. 12.12. Leller 2:2.

3.12. Orders moving of Shi~ran's image from Ilonpukuji to 1474 Bunmei 6 60 1.11. Leiter 2:3.

Dokakll's congregation in Otsu, Omi Province. 2.15. Letter 2=4-

3028. Signs decree authorizing Jitsunyo as his successor. 2.16. Letter 2:5.

3.29. Enryakuji warrior-monks attack Shinsho congregation in 2.17. Letter 0:6.

Kalada and many escape to Okinoshima, a small island in 3.3. Leller 2:7·

Lake Biwa. Mid 3. Letter 2:8.

From flfth to tenth month, Rennyo travels 10 the eastern 3.17. Letler 2:9.

provinces, following Slrinran's footsteps. :p8. Fire destroys Yoshizaki.

Mid 10. Copies HOOIl-koshiki, written by Kakun),o. 5.13. Letter 2:10.

Mid 10. Travels south to Mount Kaya and Yoshino on the Kii 5.20. Leiter 2:11.

Peninsula. 6.12. Letter 2:12.

Gives scroll depicting six-character Sacred Name (rokllii 7·,. Letter 2:13·

myogo) to congregations in Mikawa Province. 7.5. Letter 2:1+

Birth of seventh son, Rengo. 7.9. Leller 2:15·

1469 Bunmci 1 55 Spring. Builds priests~ dwellings (bo) in the southern detached 7.14. Letter 3:1.

quarters of rVliidera, Otsu, and names it Kenshoji. Shinran's 7.26. Honganji followers in Kaga Province enter into alliance

image enshrined there. with Govemor Togashi Masaehika to fighl against his brother,

Birth of tenth daughter, Yiishin. Yllkichiyo, who has allied with Senjuji, a rival Shinsho branch.

1470 Bunll1ci 2 56 11.9. Shinshii folloll'ers of Katada return home from forced 8·5· Letter p. retreat to Okinoshima. 8.6. Leller n. 12. ,. Sccond wife, RenyO, dies. 8.18. Letter '>=4.

1471 Bunmci 3 57 Early + Leaves Otsu and rcturns to Kyoto. 9.6 . Leller 3=5. Mid 5. Moves from Kyoto to Yoshizaki, Echizen Province. 10.20. Leifer 3:6. 7.15. Writes Letter (Ofill1li) 1:1. ILl. Masaehika-Honganji alliance defeats Yukishiyo; tkkii 7.18. Letter 1:2. uprising in Kaga Province involved. 7.27. Builds priests' dwellings in Yoshizaki. 11.13. Jinson writes letter to Rennyo. 12.18. Leiter 1:3. 11.25. Letter 5:2.

1472 Bl1n11lci 4 58 1. Prohibits public gathcrings at Yoshizaki in order 10 Ordination of fifth son, JitSl1llYO, this year.

avoid conRicts with other temples in I-Iokuriku area. '475 Bunmei 7 61 :!:23· Letter 37. Death of second daughter, Kengyoku. 2:25· Leller 3=8. 9.10. Writes letter to Kyogaku. End of 3. Followers in Kaga province in conOict with Togasiri

1473 BUlllllci 5 59 2.8. Letter 1:5. Masachika.

3. Firsl printing of Shoshinge and Sall;o wasan. 5.7. Issllcs ten-article Rule ill order to restrain followers'

4.25. Letter 1:6. actions.

232 A Chrollology of Relll!)'o's Life A Chronology of Renn)'o's Life 233

5.28. Leiter 3:9. anniversary of the death of his father, Zonn)"o. 6.11. Jinson wriles letter to Rennyo concerning an estate in 6. Kyog5, fourteenth head priest of Bukkoji, changes Kaga Province. allegiances to Honganji. 7.15. Letter 3:10. 12+ The shogunate returns Boki ekotaba to Honganji. 7.16. Visits Futamata in Kaga Province and Zuisenji in Eccho 1482 BUIIITlci 14 68 Construction of Hanganji continucs in Yamashina. Province. 6.15. The altar of Amida Hall completed and main image 8.21. Leaves Yoshizaki, passes through Wabsa, Tanba, and installed there. Settsu Provinces and arrives in Deguehi, Kawaehi Province. 11.21. Leiter 4:5. 11.21. Letter 3:11. A hanging scroll of Amid" Buddha, designated on hack as

1476 Blinmei S 62 1.27· Leiter 3:12. hoben-hosshin 5011Z6 (rel·erent icon of 1I1J<lya·dhannakaya 7. 18 . Letter 3'l3. [Buddha 1), is presented to Keishii, a priest in Mikawa

1477 Bunmei 9 63 1.8. Letter p. Province.

9.17. Letter 4:2, signed with ingo name "Shinshoin" (f~ii!H:iG) Birth of twelfth daughter, Rensho, to fourth wife, Shl1n),o.

instead of Rennyo for the first time. 1483 Bllnmei 15 69 5.29. Death of first son, JUl1nyo. 9·27· Letter 4:3· 8. Construction of Honganji completed in Yarnashina. 10. 27. Copies Kyogyoshinsho. II. Letter 4:6. Early II. Writes Gozoktlshii. 14S4 Bunmei 16 70 11.21. Leiter 4:7 (includes a Six-article Rule). 12.2. Letter ++ Birth of eighth son, Rengei. Mid 12. Copies lodo kemllonsha, written by Zonkaku.

1485 BUl1mei 17 71 4+ Restores a ten-character Sacred Name scroll handll'ritten Birth of eleventh daughter, Myosh6, 10 third wife, Nyosho. by Kakun)'o.

1478 Bunlllci 10 64 1.29. Leaves Kawaehi Province for Yarnashina, Yamashiro 7.28. Restores the Ky6s/wkll)'OIllOIl, handwrilien by Kakuoyo. Province, after deciding it will be the site of a rebuilt 11.23. Letter +8 (includes Eight-article Rule). Honganji. Granls a hanging scroll of Amida Buddha to tvluryojuji in Begins construction of priests' dwellings in Yalllashilla. Mikawa Province. 8.IS. Death of third wife, Nyosho. Gives scroll of his own portrait to Sh6rcnji in Mikawa

1479 Bllnmei 11 65 Construction of Honganji continues in Yamashina. Province. 12.30. Ordination of sixth son, Renjlln. 1486 Bunlllei 18 72 I. Admonishes followcrs against appropriating estates oll'ned

1480 Bunlllei 12 66 I. Builds a sm;Ill hall at Yumashina i-longanji. by shrines and temples. 2·3. Begins construction of Founcler's Hall at Yamashina. eves hanging scroll of Amida Buddha to Shogen, a priest in 2.17. Exchanges letters with Jinson cOllcerning an estale in Mikawa Province. Kaga Province. Has a copy made of Shimall shanin edell, pictorial hiography pS. The ridge-beam of Founder's Hall raised. of Shinran originally commissioned hy Kakun)'o and given to 3.29. Receives a gift (incense burner) from the imperial cOllrt Nyokei, a nun of JogOji in Mikawa Province. for the construction of Yam ash ina Honganji. Grants his OIVn portrait to Jokaku, a priest in 1\·likawa 8.28. Shinran's painted portrait installed in what is Founder's. Province. Hall and temporary Amida Hall. Fourth wife, SI1\1n),0, dies. 10.14- HinD clbmiko, wife of Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa, visits 1487 Chokyo I 73 Ikko uprising in Kaga Province intensifies. Yamashina I-Ionganji. Birth of thirteenth daughler, My5yii, to fifth wife, Ren'no. 10.15. Repairs Anjo portrait of Shiman's again, and has two

1488 Chiikyo 2 74 )-26. Ikk6 uprising ill Kaga prOl·incc lays siege to -Ibgashi copies madc. ivfasachika. 11.18. Moves statue of Shiman, saved from destruction of 6.9. T'lkao Castle falls and Togashi l'vlasachika connllils Olain Iionganji, from Chikamatsu, Olsu, to Yamashina suicide. Honganji. A dual portrait is painted of Sl0man and 2:olln)'o for Ihe

1481 Bunll1ei 13 67 2+ Begins construction of Amida Hall at Yamashina congregation in Kanegamori, Omi Pf()vincc. Honganji.

1489 Entoku I 75 4·2S. Donatioll to Honganji from the imperial court. 2.28. The ridge beam of Amida Hall raised. 6.8. Main image (!Jonzon) of Amida Hall installed in a 8.28. Enacts actual trausfer of Honganji 'lbhotship to JitSIIUYO,

temporary altar. fifth son, and retires to southern hall ofYanwshina Honganji.

6.11. Presides over memorial service for twenty-fifth 10.28. Copies K)'ogyiishinsflii in 7wbegaki style.

234 A Chronology of Rel171)'o's Life

ll. 25- Recites I-loon ki5shiki. Grants Iwnging scroll of Amida Buddha to Ekun and jakin, bolh priests in Mikawa Province. Copies Kyogyoshil1sho in l10begaki style and gives it to jagGji in Mikawa Province.

1490 Enlokll 2 76 10.28. \\'ritcs a second letter of transfer of institutional authority (yIJZlJrijo) for jitsunyo. Death of seventh daughter, YOshino Birth of ninth son, Jikken, to fifth wife, Ren'no.

1491 Entoku 3 77 Gil'es his own portrait to Ekun in Mikall'a Province. Gives his own portrait to Keijun of Jomyoji in Mikawa Province.

1492 Meiol 78 6. Letter 4:9. 7.13. Restores portrait of Zonn)'o. Birth of tenth son, Jitsugo, to fifth wife, Ren'no. Death of sixth daughter Nyoku.

1493 Mcio 2 79 SIIae, chief priest of Kinshokuji, changes allegiance to Honganji.

1494 Meia 3 80 Birth of eleventh son, jilsujun, to fifth wife, Ren'no.

1495 Meio4 81 Spring. Builds Gangyaji in Yamato Province. 3. Shinsei (J'l;~) dies, founder of Shinsei branch ofTendai that centered on monastic form of Pure Land faith and competed with Rennyo in many areas where Honganji harl expanded. 6.2. Copies Kudenslzo, biography of Shiman written by Kakunyo. Fall. Reslores Honzenji (Hakaji) in Yamalo Province.

1496 Meia 5 82 1.11. Copies Honen ShoHin onkotoba, compilation of Honen's writings. 9.24. Designates site in Ishiyama, Settsu Province (Osaka) for construction of new temple for himself. 9.2'). Breaks ground for priests' dwellings, in lshiyama. 10.18. Begins construction of Ishiyamu temple, later called Ishiyama Honganji after Yamashina HOllganji is destroyed in

1532· 11. Recites Godcnsho during Haonko services at YaIllHshinu Honganji. Birth of twelfth son, jikko, to fifth wife, Ren'no.

14')7 Meia 6 83 2.16. Leiter 5:8. Early 4- Becomes seriously infirm and is under care of a doctor. 5.25. Leller 4:]]. End of 11. Construction of living qllarters at Ishiyallla completed; conducts annual Haonko services there. \\'rites Lel/ers 4:10, 5:5, and 5:6. Birth of fourteenth daughter, My5shu, to fifth wife, Ren'na.

1498 Meio 7 84 2.25. Leller 4:12.

1499 Mei58

Note

A Chronolog), of ReIl11)'O 's Life 235

3· Letter 5:14-Earll' 4· Taken ill and is examined by doctors. 4-11. Letter 4:13. 4· Letter 4: 14-,·7· Visits Yamashinu I-Ionganji to pay final respects to Shinran's image enshrined in FOllnder's Hall. 5.25. Makes another trip to Founder's Hall in Yamashina despite illness. Summer. Writes Summer Letters (Ge 110 Ofll 111 i). 11.19· Letter 5:'). 11.21. Leller 4:15. Birth of thirtecnth son, jitsuju, to fifth wife, Ren'na.

85 2.16. Sends Kiizen to Yamashina Honganji to prepare for his funeral. 2.18. Leavcs Osaka once again for Yamashina Honganji. 2.20. Arrives in Yamashina. 2.21. Visits Founder's Hall. 2.25. Takes a walk along the embankment surrounding Founder's I-Iall. 2.27· Visits Founder's Hall again and bids farewell to followers. 3·1. 'fulks with Jitsunyo and his other sons. 3·9· Gil'es parting instructions to sons jitsunyo, Renko, Rensei, Renjun, and Rengo. 3.20. Pardons Shimotsuma Renso. 3025, Dies at noon.

1 Subject in Event is always Rennyo, unless othcrwise named. Nl~lllbcrs initiating lines in El'ent column indicate month and day. Information based on Otani University, ed., Shinsha nen/J)'o (Kyoto: Hoz6kan, 1')73), and Minor L. Rogers and Ann T. Rogcrs, Rrnn)'o: The Second Founder of Shill Buddhism (Berkeley, Cal.: Asian HUlllanities Press, 1992), 373-379·

Glossary

aizan goho ifLliiiiit Akamatsu Mitsllsuke tiFf'cmffi Akanoi FlIkllshoji $!l!J:!t mlE~ Akao-no-Ooshii tiF~Cl)m:*

akunin shoki ll!.tA.lE~

akuto ~1t

amako JE.~

ama-nyoho JI:;:];( ff} ama-nyudo JE.AJ1l: Amida ~~lIIiW~, ~~%;~E

anagachi astJ:iJ1i;, andojo ~J.t*"

ango ~Ji5

anjin~JL.'

Anjo ~~

Annyoji ~if~

Araki JTE* Asahara Saiichi r~)Jj{7t­

Asai 1~:!t

Asakura Takakage lIJjJa~:llt

asamashi as~it l, (mit L,t,\)

Ashikaga Yoshimasa JEfViii!& Ashikaga Yoshinori JEfVi!~

Azuchi :t<:±

bailianjiao sil~ (J. byakurenkyo) bakufu _iN Bando Shojun ;flU!l:'Iii.lti ben ojo Mtl:1=. besso sojo JlV.f1l1'I'IiJ: Bingo #IH&

Biwa 'f13'1§; hoho boja lfIJitlflJ~~

Bokieshi ~!I1iI~~jjj

Bukkoji 1?IlJ'[;~

Bun'an :Sc'k Bungo l!I1&

Bunka :Scft Bunmei :Sc1!Jl bupp01?1lit

bupporyo 1?1lit~Jl:

butsumyo wasan 1LA~fQ~

butteki {L,1t&

Chikamatsu JlIf'c chingo-kokka ~,iUfOO*

Chinzei .i1!l Chion'in j;Q,\~,lllft

chiryogami W:!~:f$

chishiki ~ see zenchishiki

I'

chishiki danomi Wm&t2'Cl)dj. chishiki kimyo W~!Iii\1fP

Choanji~~~

chokugan fudankyo-shu ilihD::F ~i!l!j,!!$R

chokugansho J1iJJDJijf Chokyo ~$

Choroku -m:;fJ!;

Chosh6ji ~MI~

ChOgoku 9=' 00 choko shonin 9='JJ!XA daido :;!em:

Daigoji I~U~~

Daijoin :;!e*1lft daimyo :;!ei',

Dainichi Nyorai -}:. EI :!to* dangibon ~~*

danka ii:* = lay parishoners of a temple Deguchi tfj i:J

Den Shinran hitsu komy6 honzon 1z;m.~:)'tBA*# deshi ~T

Dewa tfj~~

dobo iSJJlJl (also doho)

dogyo iSJj7 dojo J1l:~

Dokaku J1l:Jt Dosai m:i1!l Dosho ~ see Akao-no-Dosho doza iSJ.@It eakll ~im Echigo M;1& Echizen M;~

eden ~fz;

edokoro ~Jijf • il!JjJiJT Eiganji *,5~

Eikyo 7i<$

Eiroku 7kt~

ekeizu ~*~ eko ~~ (@]~)

eko hotsuga n @lioJ#;5 emaki ~#§

Ennyo PHo Enryakuji J!HIi~

Entoku M1® Eshinni !\{~m

Etcho Jt!tr:p eloki~jfl!t~

Fujishima !iih fuja shie /F1$9E~

fukujin :fflii$ Fukuzawa Yukichi :ffliiRilIllri5 Flitamata = 1~ gaija i!!OfB gan joju man !!iJj$\ifJt:Sc Gankyoji lliJ!l~

ganmon DX ganshll D::t Gattenshi Ji 7(:T

gejlln'TiD

gekan T§f

Genchi ~~

Genshin r)jj\f~

Glossary 237

gensho jisshu no yaku mtit+flO).fra gensho shojojll m1=.lE~~

gensa eka J!'!*I'I~ioJ

genze riyaku mt!tfVtrd Gion :ff£mJ Goeido 1~fJj!;1lt

goei ka 1ffiJ~idllJ:

Gohojo 1ffiJi*~

gojoli1¥l

gongo dodan no shidai ~i'iiiiliItlTO)i'j,:~

Goryo1ffiJIl$t

gasaika shanin 1&W"l!lI.A

Goshirakawa 1&:Bl"iJ

gosh01&:i.

Goshaji itJ'$!#y gosha no ichidaiji 1&:i.0)-:;i;:$

238 Glossary

gosha no tasukaru koto :f&:i:OJ tc:"97J'{;, $ gosh a sansha 1I.~=m

gosha tasuketamae 1&1:;\1 A J;-;\17 I.

Gozan ELlJ gyaji fT$ Gyonen I%f~

Gyonyo I5~D

haibutsu kishaku m1f.,~~

haja kensha 1illUJ~lIlE

Haja kenshasha liit)J~lIlE~

Hakkotm no gobunsha B~OJ1iP)(I\[

haku fi'l Hakusan Bw

hassht1 A* Hatakeyama Masanaga ~LlJj])[~

Hatakeyama Yoshinari ~ rlJ~ff,lt

heira Mft Heisenji -'/'-}Jt-;f heizei gaja -'F-1:~~

hibutsu tlH1t Hiei r~~

Hieizan shuto rt:tI!LlJ~1iE

higa bamon iIJiIi'!r~

Higashi Honganji **M'i'f hiji bamon ~'$j!r~

Hino Katsumitsu 13!ij~j't;

Hino Tomiko B!ij'i'f

hiraza -f-~

hisa hizoku ~~f~~~f~

Hiyama 13 rlJ Hiyam. Jihtl'tlemon B Lli'lElffil;f5~r' ha j!

hoben 1Jif.

hoben hosshin 1Jif.i'!~

haben hosshin songo1Jif.i'!~:q:-%

hodo ¥It± Hoen ~F3

Hojt1 i'!{1

hokan 3£m:

hokke hakko j!~AiI/IJ

Hokuriku ::ItflE! homyo j!~

Hanen j!~

Hongakubo *1t:l1.i Honganji *M~

honji suijaku *:it!!.¥~

honmatsusei **i!l~ Honpoji i$:~;r

Honpukuji i$::ffl!;r Honsenji *jjt~

Honzenji *~~

honzon i$::q:

haon-ko $R.'W,iI/IJ

haryu ~ViE

Hoshino Genpo JIl.!ijjf;'lf

hosha 3:~

Hosokawa Masamoto f,Wjlij])[5I; hossu j!.:l:::

Hatoku 'i:~

Huiyuan JI~ 0. Eon)

hyakusho EHi ianjin ~'t(.c.,

Iba Myarakuji #l"M!&~'i'f

Jchijo Kanera -:$.5lItfjt ichinen -it ichinen hokki -it}&jJ@ ichinen no shinjin sadamaran tomogara -itf~IL'~ta GIu'lli ichiryu -ViE ichiyaku harnon -~j!r'

ikkesht1-*~

ikki-~

ikka ikki -r"J-~

ikko senju -r"JW~

ikko-sht1 -r"J* Ikkyt1 Sojun -i**i>B imayo4~

Inada liB ffi

Inami #t!Ii: inshi r¥ijB inujinin ::k::MIA. Ippen -JJ!ii Ishiyama :t'1IU itsukie *4;; Iwami :t'15[ jagi ?f~~

jaro )J~~

jarui ?f~!J1~

jige:it!!.-r

jiin~il3t

jike~*

jikko anjin +M't('L'

jimon ~r~

jinaicha or jinai machi -;fI*JIUJ jinen §~

jingi 1=~

jingi ;f$:rtJ; jingi haku ;f$:rMs Jinrei ~1Jj/J

jinshin ~IL'

Jinson ~:q:

jiriki § j]

Jisht1 il'f* jito :it!!.iiJi:

jitoryo f~jBi~

Jitsugo ~tH

Jitsujt1 ~VE

Jitsujtln ~jlWi

Jitsunyo ~!m

Jadoshii ~±* Jagt1ji J:'@;-;f

Jaken ~Jl­

Jokenji ~Jl--;f

joro J:II Joruri ~1ll'IJ,'!j

josan nishin J:EW!l=I~'

Jasen .:w.

Josha ~'Ii

Jukakll'itt1t

jilnika hlltsu -I-=1MJ.,. Junnyo jlWiPu Juraktl+~

Kaga 1Ju~

Kai Efl3€ kaisan shanin IJIJW~A

Kakitsu ~a

Kakunyo 1t:lm Kakushinni ytf~~

kana fl'j:g

Glossary 239

kanahogo f&~j!filj­

Kanamori-no-Dosai ~nOJml!9

kanbun $X Kanegamori '3ll:n

Kaneko Daiei ~'f*~

kanji rl* kanjincho ilJJ1t~

kanmon lix Kannon If!1f kan'o ~Jc;i

Kanrenkai li~~

Kansho JIliE Kansha no honan JIliE OJi'!Jl

KantB ~* Kanzaki-gun ;f$drifil1l kao~W

kashin *g;: Katada M83 Katada Osamu M83{~

Katada ozeme M 83fffipj\(.Ib

Kawachi 1"J1*J keibetsu :@]t

Keicha J!~

Keijo Sht1rin jlH~Jj![J~

kengyo J'!lj$J[

Kenju .5lIt% kenmitsu m'&:

240 Glossary

kenmitsu taisei miW{;$:IM Kennyo 111m

kenpolOR Kellsei mw Kenshoji mi~i£~

keshindo no maki 1t5t±'§ kill Kibe *In (also *$) kiho ittai mit-{;$: kijin !lH$ kimyo 8ij!$ (~ij'r61i)

ki-myo-jiIl-jip-po-mu-ge-ko-nyo-rai ~ij!$ffil t-1f7C~:l't1(Q* (DiJillffil-t.1J$.\liWt:l't.!m*) Kinai ~r*J

kindei 'iiL~

ki no jinshin IIr)M~

kinsei ili:tlt Kinshokuji lir'il~'i'f

kilO :tRW Kiyo j~

Kiyozawa Manshi jl'flRfINllz ko~

Kiifukuji J!!:fI'if

Kaken sozu :l'6*tf~'tf~

kokka 00* komya honzon :l'tBA;ljs:_

kondei 'iiLrJE Konoe Masaie iliiwi!&* Konponchoda tlV/s:cp:§!: konshi uketorijo ~;t~iJ~:{x

Konyo Jj{~u korai beri ~JM!~

koshi ~fliIj koshin WtiJl Kosho ,*iE

Koshaji 7'tp.?,~ (Yamashina)

Koshaji ~.IE~ (Kyoto city)

Koshu W* Kazen :l'G. kue issho ~~-)U!,

kuge 0* kuji0$

Kokai ~#if

Kiikaku ~1!!:

Kusatsu 1¥il$ kusho zunori J:l;fj;-:5 0) fJ Kyeong-heung ,ti~

Kyagaku i\¥W; (also Kyokaku)

kyogakusha ~~:j!f

kyogen 1£1i Kyogo ~~

Kyogoku H,:,@

Kyokai Jigen ~WBi\'1i

Kyonyo ~~u

Kyoshun ~f3l

Kyotoku :$t'm

matsudai muchi no ofumi *f-t7Ct\'O)1ffl] y. matsuji *~

Matlosho *n~ Meika SA 7't

Meialjij$

metsudo llOC1l' Miidera :=:#~

Mikawa :=:Jq

mikkyo *~ mikkyoteki jikunshaku *~s(r¥&lIIfR miyaza g-~

monoimi iI'!ll,8 monotori iI'!llllR fJ monshu r~± • p~§ monto r~1JE

monzeki r~fI7);

Moriyama ~ilJ

mugeka butsu mH~:l't1J1l (7C~7'tfJll)

mugeka honzon 1!!IiWt7't;ljs:_

mugeka nyorai 1!!Ii1li7't~u*

mugeko-sho 1!!Ii1li:l't*

Muiinto 1!!Ii~jJ

mujo1!!li1ll'

1-

muko kyogen lI'-ff1'i Muromachi ~I!IT

mu shukuzen ki 1!!!im~~

myocho ~~

myogo ~~ (i1%)

Myahoin !R}i'!i!fG Myoi :M;~

myokonin $r}HA Myoon'in !Y}~1l1t

Myorakuji aA~'if

Myosho :M;!m

myoshu ;,Is.±: Myosha :M;*

myoshu goji ~~1ilt.f

MyoyO ~:ffi

na-mu a-mi-da butsu Pll;ff\Ji~ilJ5mil'~ fJll (Pll;ff\Ji Il"J%>Wi%\) na-mu fu-ka-shi-gi-ko nyo-rai Pll1!l1i/f-1lJ ,\S',ii1'Ii 110* Nanden i¥i »N nanshigi ojo ;ilt\S',ilitt~

Nehangyo ?1I1Mfo.~

nenbutsu ~:f~

nenbutsuko ~mJlilj

Nichiren B J8! nigen heiretsuteki ronpD =:5i;!ltyU s~til1ii'! Nihon Okokuki B*I~~c. nijagozanmai ko =-t1i:=:lliI<iIiIJ

ninpo Ai'! Nishi Honganji if§"*II\ij~ nishu jinshill =flImH~ Nittenshi Bx-=j"-No ~~

nobegaki k£"'i!'~

Nodera !!1f~

nokotsu tfiff Noto flMf: Notogawa-cho ~~~JIII!lJ

nyoboko :f1:1lr~

nyoboza :f1: 1% ~

Nyoen Jm Fl Nyoen'ni 110FlJE

Nyojo j(O*

Nyoko 1107't

nyoninko 3i:AiIiIJ

nyollin shoki :f1:AiEli Nyoraido i!U*:§i,:

Nyoryo ~uT

Nyoshin ~Df~

Nyosho ~U!m

Gami *~ Obama +r~

Dba Ii'!

Glossary 241

oba buppo Ii'!{~i'! (also oho buppo)

oba iholl Ii'!~* Oda Nobunaga ~83{lilft

oe fUjD ¥5~T>~

ofumi {ffIJ)c

Ggen ~K

ojo tt~

aka daya illiJ:t:j( Okinoshima i!f'!ih okite no ofumi :j;) ~ l (ilE)O)jffIJ)C

Omi ilitI ondaikan lff1J{-t:g-ondoku }~lW

Onin~C

Onin no ran ${::O)i5L

Onjoji tilJJi1(~

anna kyogen 3i:~I1'i

onna za 3i:~

origami :J'JTla Osaka-gobo :k:\&fffpJ;!j osarai no sho lff1J~ G It )O)i'j[

Osha ~jH oso eko tt1'§:lM1PJ oso eko no shingyo 1±;t§:lM1PJ0){,\1i Otani *~ Otani-ha *~~

242 Glossary

atomo Sorin *a:7%* otona z:.il atsu *1$

auchi no sho *fkJJ±

oya-sama ml* raiban itti: raigo *jfQ (also raiko)

ra iko ~ see Taiga

reikin *L~

Rengo iI'lft Renjo iI~

Renjun i!I!~* Renko iI~

Renkyo iI~

Renno Jlfj~

Rennyo Jlfro Rennyo shikiga shii li:1mMtlttil'f~

Rennyo Shonin eden li:froJ:A~1~

Rennyo uragaki shii JI:!!O~'l!~

Rensei JI~

Rensh5 JI~ll

Renshii JlJ1!fJ Renso JI*

Renyii Jlt,{i renza JimI rinju g5jo 1:\\U**JlX; rissatsu sakugyo J'L1lIlPfi Rokkaku :R1fJ rokudo :RJ1l: rokuji myogo :R*il% rokuji raisan :R~'II1iI ronin ?Jj!A rusushiki \¥l«rJr.it Ryogen Trl Ryokai Tl'ilf ryomin m~

Ryonin Tie, Ryonyo TPo Ryosh5 Tf-t

ryiia ViE!!!l Saicho ~?!t

Saigenji W.~

Saihoshinansho W1rtltl¥ifY Saikoji j!§J'{;~

Saionji j!§Jgl~

saishoe ~1I4?

Sakai ffl. Saky5 Tayii tr.1t. 7c:fr:. sanbo hiho no hekiken -=~~~~ / iG$ 3iL sanmon kunin LlJr~0A

Sanuki iiMJiIi sarugaku ~~

Sasaki 1ti:"'< * Seichin Bizen tffiffi\'M Seiganji ~IDI'<'f

Seikaku :!!l1{1! Seishi J}~

Seishinkai ~1!H$3'l'­

Seizan WLlJ seken tl:!:F,,' semotsu danomi nf!l4mJliJiJ} sengoku ~OO

sengoku daimyo ~OO*i;

Senjuji W11it'<'f senju nenbutsu W{~f.t{4

sensei :5t~

sensho :5t1llit sesshu ~l[X

sessh u fusha 'Hl)IR/Glil' setsuwa iiiaiS Settsu Hlil$ Shandaa ~1¥

Sbigaraki Takamaro {~~iliJlyg

Shimotsnke -r!l!f shin {~

Shinano {j§iJl

Shinbutsu 1l:;{4

Shinetsu fj§~

shingyo {]!j~

shinjin {]!jle"

shinjin ihon f]!jle,,~*

shinjitsn gyogo J\i;~1i~

shinjitsu shinjin J\i;~fjlflt\

shinjitsn shoka J\i;~iliE~

shinmei no wako ~a)HDJ't

ShinneJ\i;~

Shinnenji Jj;f.t~

Shinne shojo Jj;~tl';(fC

shin no ichinen f~O)-f.t

Shin ran mte Shinran Shonin goshosokushii ~Jl.tI;:!!l1Alifp r~JM~ Shinsei J\i;~

Shinsho-in f]!jiliE~1G

Shinshii J\i;7%

Shinshii seiten 1{.7%:!!!1#f!.

Shinshii shogyo zensho ~ J\i;7%:!!!1~:i:'l!

shintai J\i;Bi'1i

shinteki ~itN

shinzo Jj;~

shinzoku nitai J\i;m=Bi'1i

Shirakawa Masakaneo BJII~flt.I:

Shirakawa Sukeujio BJII~E£;I:

Shirakawa Tadatomi BJq,\!;,'Iij Shirutani it:a: shisa ,\!1,~

shoban afumi ~HOjiP)C

shobntsu funi ~fL/G= Shoe Jm;[!; shoen :tfmJ shogy6 ~~

Sh6j6 'Ii~

sh6joju iEJE~

shoki iEiI

Shokii IDE~

shomy6 nenbutsu ;ftZ;f.t14 shonin no shugi J:AO)*~

Shonyo ffiEtw Shorakuji Jm~~

Shoren'in l'Ifli:flJt Shorin iE;f;1\ Shoshinge tai'i iEf~ff~*~

Shos6in iEtrJllt

sh6soku m,~,

Shotoku ~~

Glossary 243

Shoz6matsu \Vasan jfi~*fQl1

shu 7%

shugaku 7%~

shugo «r~

shugo daimyo «riil7ci'l Shiijisho tft.t<H& shiiman aratame 7%r'~Jl:6b Shiinyo 7%:!!O

so ~

so do 1it1jt Soga Ryojin ~:fl(;i!:i*

sahei f\l\'~

S5kenji ,~t5!~

soku 6j5 NPtt!:t sokushitsu 1J\ll* sokutoku oj5 RpQ1Hi:!E songol!J~·

songy5 l!J%

sosha ~jf£

Soshun LiH1t so san ~.ft (also so no mural

Sugamo ~1Jl~

Sugawara no Michizane 1'!'Jjj{:i1itJ\i;

Sukeujio )1Ul2;I: Sumoto fiRi* taigi 7c~

taiza MmI Takada (-ha) ii'iiffi (im)

Takakura Gakuryo ii'iif!$* Takeda Takemaro ~ffit'Jyg

tanen itf.t

244 Glossary

tanni 1,ti:~

Tannisho 1,ti:~fY

tanomoshi-ko JliliilJ:::F-ilJi!: tariki fI!1.jJ Tateyama .lLLU

taya ~JJl

teikin orai HHJlltt* Teikyo J!:i:~

Tendai 3CiS' Tendo 3Cm tendo nenbutsu 3Cm;t{L Tenjin 3C;f!jl Tenman Daijizaiten :72mJj* § 1±:72 tenno ;R§!

Togashi Kochiyo 1l;~$=f1i;

Togashi Masachika i;1!iI&;¥Jl. TIikai *tiiJ Tokugawa 1!JII tomogara •

Tonda i;lE toryu ~l'frt Toyowaraji l!£JJj(~ (also Toyoharaji)

tozan myogo1tLUil-lY

ungen beri .~~~

uragaki ••

um'u sangatsu ~=jj

wablln ~~)(

Wada Sokyu ~Q83~~

waga chikara 'tJt:I.J'I1J Waga shinnen t\i;1J\f~~

waka ;fPmx

Wakasa ti~

Wasan ~Q1lJi

Xuanyifen ~~*

Yakllshi llifril Yamashina Llil4 Yamashiro Lli:IJiIG Yasuda Kazunosuke ~lE.:I:.iiUiJ

Yodo ~

Yome-odoshi no ani no men~;ja C [.,0)

*0)00 yoriai ;!ij:-fr Yoshida Gen-no-shin a'B3m\z)i Yoshimasa ~iI&

Yoshizaki a'i!F.J Yoshizakiji a'i!F.J;;'f Yoshizawaji %,iR~

Yosoji l3.:::i'X (also l3~j'l'1)

yugen to mugen no taio ~~IU~~~RO)t-t )it;

Yuien (Yuienbo) 1llF'3 (Il!EPlJ;lj) Yunen ;f,fi~

Yushin (Yushinni) ffiJL., (ffiJL.,JIl,)

zashii ~* Zenchin :!!'f~

zenchishiki 'iif9ifl~ (also zenjishiki, chishiki)

Zendo ~ see Shandao

Zenka'iifPJ

Zenkoji 'iifJ't~

Zennyo :!!'f~a

Zeman :!!'ftc Zhll Yuanzhang 7bIJ:/1i (). Shu Gensho)

zogyo 1Mt:rr zokutai fit"iiij'i Zonkaku ifJt Zonnyo .ff~Q

Zuisenji JiIij*~

r .~

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bllngaku zenshii Shinshfi sosho

Shinshii taikei

Shillshfi zensho

Slzilltei Z5l1O Kokuslzi laikei

Showa shinshfi Honen Shonin Ze/lS/1I1

SSS

SSZ

Yomei sosho

Zoku gunsho nliiu

Zoku shinshn taikei

Zoku shir)'ii taisei

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B *}~,}~t:;k*. 66 vols. Takagi Ichinosuke i~j*rn:<':..tjh el aI., supervising eds. Tokyo: Iwanal1li Shotcn, 1971-1982.

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Jj;*:;k.¥.. 37 vols. ShinshO Tenseki Kankokai Ji*#(!.fjHIJ 11'1::, ed. 1917-1925; rcpr. Tokyo: Kokusho Kank6kni, 1974.

1!: *3': fl. 74 vols. TSlllllaki Chokury6 ~*J![l.i!., ed. Kyoto: Z6ky6 Shain, 1913-1916; repr. Tokyo: Kokusho Kank6kai, 1974-1977.

mnJWtmoo~**. 62 vols. Kuroita Katsul1li ~f&nlH~, ed. Kokushi Taikei Henshiikai, eel. Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bllllkan, 1951- 1981.

ag~Omj~l'tr!.U::Ait~. Kyoto: l1eirakuji Shoten, 1955.

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p~lljjfiit. 57 vols. Y6mci Bunko l'WIIjjXI'-. eel. Kvoto: Shibunknku,1975-1996. .

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Bibliography 247

INDIVIDUAL TEXTS

Akao no Doshu kokoroe niiOiel!i ka;o ~ffi@*'IA!ij'·=+-oo%: by Doshii J1!*. Gl'otokllji 1T:(t~ cd., Akao no Doshll kokoroe niil/iehi kaio ~ffim*,c,'l1j'= +-00 *, p;lhlished by Gy6tokuji, 1977; SSS 2.7/2-713; .

AmidakYii: See next cntry. Ami/llo ;ing ~i1J)jIl'~r:lll, full title: Foshtlo a111il1l0 jing 1!1/lil5IJi1JljWt;r~ Busse/sll amida/")'o. T

No. 365, 12.340. An;inketsu;osho $:'L.'¥R:5E~Y. Author unknown. T No. 2679, 83.921; SSZ 3.615. An;insho $:(,'1Y by Sh6kii ~'2:. Todosh" Seizanryii hitslI),oz6 i$>±*jLqLl.lm~~;g~~, vol.

3· AZ1l1na kaga111i if~iJt, allthor(s) unknown. S/lintei zoho Kokushi laikei, vols. 32-33. Banz/lOu sanmei ;ing (Prat)'ldl)a111U1 blldd/wS01!1I11lJkhal'asthila samadhi slltra) JJ\i:-f,l=nAi~'lI

/-I(mill sa11l11laikyo. T No. 417, 13.897 and No. 418, 13.902. Ben;utsll 111)'6tai sho !i;lt~:gr,tty by ZOllknku f¥'Il. SSZ 5.235. Bokie katoba ;Jf.~§ill~f,I1j, biography of Kakunyo JtJzll written by Jiikaku fit'#1:. SSZ 3-769. B1I1110 I<)'o),osho )(tiJ:~:iOEli~Y, attributed to Zonkaku. SSS 5.6'7. Buppo no shidai ryakll l111kigaki 1"jti;-ztt~rnl}tliif, author unknown, Kirislzi/<l11 SIlO,

Haiyasho .:f-I) ':/9 Yi!!'. f1Pl~i!f, ed. Ebisawa Arimichi #if:r.-rl~~@:, H. Cieslik, el aI., eels. Nihon shiso taikei, \'01. 25. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970.

BllSS~~SU daizo shog),o kechibollkyo {:!lrii)I.:;k~.iEt\(lf[[;\l;r($:: See Dachcng zheng;iao xlIepen Img.

ChI! Mury5gil<)'5 ii1M;:li~~ by Saich6. T No. 219j, 56.203-Contemplation Siitra: See G1Iallwllliangs/lOlI iing Dacheng bensheng xilldigllan jing :;k**1:,c,':IiliMJ'£. T No. 159, 3-291. Dach~ng zhel.'g;iao xlIepen ;il1g :;kBliE~lfn~!et. full title Fos/11lo dacheng ziwngiiao xllepen

/ll1g 1!1/lm*BliE~1!Il~!et. Zokll zol<)'o 1-87-4-Daijoin ;isha zojiki **,iBt'ifUMI'lJFiB by JillSon ~!t, 12 vols. Tsuji Zennosllke :i:!:,gzJl))

cd., Tokyo: Ch6shoLu, 193]-]937; repr. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1964- Also in Zokll Shir)'o laisei, \·ols. 26-37.

Dai MllT)'O;III<)'o: See Wlllicmgsholl ;ing Eigenki !fg Kfic: See next entry. Eigen kikigaki ~~Iltli!t by Eigcn :fft~. Also known as Eigenki :fft'%.tt',. SSS 2.588; RSG

257· Eizall choj51nliIJtl!li:t!\: Popular name for nexl entry. Eizan ),oTi fliranInl kensho 1n III 3 I) m~?;[; ;i,;,l!!i'>t', in Kanega1110ri nikki batsll fIi:~ EI fil'.tlL

SSS 2.701. En?'alwii~Saitoill shlgiio[Jl1 9l!:Jl'li'~jJljJ~lliCifR~:t!\* by Kcijll11 !!tili. SSS 4.164. G011ash5 ~)OJMY by Kakllnyo. SSZ 3.64-~(fike:llo~ ~.t'tl~x, ,~lril;ut~d to~~enllYo, under lhc litle R)'ogemoll -m~rrx. SSZ 3.529. Gellso eko klklgakl M!.fB;®lri.Jr.T9F!i, attrIbuted to Ryokai TWiJ. Bllkko;i slr5hllsh1l 11!l:l'{;;'l'tj'ffll

~, BlIkky6shi Gakkai, ed. NO.4 in the serics Bogo sosho IxA"i!i1't.!f. Kyolo: Bllkk\'oshi Gakkai, 1923. .

Gobumho liliJxll', compilation of Rcnnyo's ofllllli (Lelt~rs). SSZ 3.402. Godells/lo lff~WJ~) by Kakunyo. SSZ 3.639. Goh6koinki l&¥*Jl!r~jjc, diary of Konoc Masaie ilIf&ljiIJ(lY: (1444-1505). l'acsil11iic in Yomei

SOS/10, nos. 22-25, Kirokn monjo hen, vol. 8. Goichidai kikigaki: See Rellll)'o Sholl;n goichidaiki kikigaki. Gaia aflllni :!ilI'ii1j~x: See Gllbllllsho.

248 BibliogralJh)'

Gase monagatari fjttfJ:~t.Jllif, attrihuted to Ryilkan I\!il:~. SSZ 2.757; ShiTlsilo laikei val. 31. Goshosokll shii: See Shinrall Shanin goshasoklJ shii. Gazakllsh51i!i1i1Hl, also called Gazokllsho ofll1ni l.i1liiH':Hftpy. By Rennyo. SSZ 3.519. Gllanjing: See GlIdnwlIliangshou jingo GW1l1jing shlJ /tl!:i'1ilJii Kdng)'osho, full title: GIIClllwlIliangs/zolJ foiing shu !m#!li:i:1t.¥f9ll~&i91l:

KCll1rl1ur)'iijll blJkk)'osho, by Shandao ~iJ (Zenda). T No. 1753, 17.245. GUClnwu/iangsholl iing lJ'J!1!1(:liii\¥~~, Gwmjillg lil!~; full title: Foshllo gllr1llwll/iangsholl

fojing {jI~ilRtJ1!!lIi:li~OO~.¥. T No. 365, 12·340. Gutokllsho mB'i;ji;!> by Shinran ¥J/. •. SSZ 2.455. G)'r1kushll seppo ~{~~R¥*, by Hanen rM:~, in Ishida Kyado1:i'B:I#}{il'l:, cel., Shiiwa shinS/HI

HiJnell Shollin zellShl1, 232.

G)'okll)'o JI'(Jll, diary of Kuja Kanezane J1,ilHIU'.t lbkyo: Kokusho Kankakai, 1906; repr. 1969.

Haja kenshii sho 1iJ!:)J[~~~iE:ilj> by Zonkaku. SSZ 3.155. Heike Monogalari fa!Vli11llif. Takagi Ichinosllke ii11i*rjfo).E!iJ, ed., Nihon koien bl1l1gaku

taikei, vols. 32-33; Kajihara Masaaki t!&~iEAB and Yamashita Hiroaki Llff*DJl, eds., Shin Nihon koten bl111gakll taikei, vols. 44-45.

Hino ichiryii keizlI S !l'I~jjjUl~1lll by Jitsugo ~HL RSG 275; SSS 7.527. I-lis/aria da 19reja do Japao by TC;IlZZIl, Joao Rodrigues (1561-1634). Lisbon: Biblio do Palacio

da Ajuda, 1953; and ill 2 vols, Macau: Nolicias de Macau, 1954-1955. Historia de lapam by Luis Frois (1532-1597), 5 vols. Lisbon: Biblioteca National; repr. 1981. Hogo 110 JlTagaki &-~Jl'\l.} by Kensei !l!fl'i1f. SSS 2.740; Zokll Shinsllll taikei, vol. 15· I-Iollell Shanin gohogo ~i-!U~A1~lf~llif by Honen. Two texts with slightly different content

in Sholl'cI shillslzii 1-lollcll Shonin zenshii, 1117 and 1131. HOllen Shonin onkotoba itf!.U::AjffiliiPJ. Compilation ofHonen's writings copied by Rcnnyo.

Unpublished m'l1l1lscript held at Kotokuji J'6i!&'<T, Osaka prefecture. Honganji saM TlO shidai *lqJj'iTftf~,Z.{xfift RSC 175; SSS 2.559' I-/olllmkuji atogaki *~~MH'!t by Myosci OJl~. SSS 2.629. HOllpukuji )'1Iraiki *iffi1frl1*~c by MyoshzJ OJl?¥<. SSS 2.661 Ilijonki ji-lI,IttUle by ZOllkaku. SSS 1.801; SSZ 3.256. 1 160n k(j.~hiki ¥fLrgl~~J't hy Kakz1l1Yo, at SSZ 3.655. Hoshi ga Iwlw 1t;fliljiJlHJ:, anonymous Kyiigen play. In K)'ogellshii ge K§~ T, Koyama

Hiroshi IHlI5l,iG;, eel., Nihon kuten bll1lgaku taikei, vol. 43. /-l)'aklllncHI~;91; by Zemni. In Yok)'oklls/zii io ~ffirttl~ J::, Yokomichi Mario tffl'il'l:j[ft:j}JIlt-jt and

Omotc Akira *", eds., Ni/JOn kotell bllngakll taikei, vol. 40, Ichincll tcmcn mon'i ~;&':§;~)(Jlt by Shinran. T No. 2657, 83.694; SSZ 2.604-lezilsil kaishi nihon tSzlshin .{ .::r:.;('A~± EI *i!ij{~, Murakami Naojiro HJ::1i:iXtlB, trans.

and Yanagiya 111keo ~11f:i-fL~x, eel. Shin ikokll susho, vols. 1-2. Ippm s/zollill gorokll ~.i§l.1:A~1ij:1!, author(s) unknown. In Honen, Ippe/! Yl;r!.\ • ~il!>l,

Ohashi Toshio * liliiit' X , cd., Nilzoll shisa t<likei, 1'01. 10.

Ishikami l':,;j-I/I, 'l1l0nymol1s Kyogen play. K)'ogellshii \'01. 2 IT1"fm "F, Koyama Hiroshi INlJ 'lL,i'J;;, cd., Nihon koten bllllg<lkll t<likei, 1'01. 43.

/tokllki jl!H~Hic: Sec Hellll)'o S/lOnin itokuki. Jigo shonin sllinshi monc/o fi(J'j~Ai·IIITP.}J~. SSS 5.200. Jim)'iislzo lifi;,Fj> by Zonkakll. SSZ 3.91. Jingtu 11m r1'::Um) Jodoroll; full title: Wu/i(l1Jgsholljing ),oupotishe [),IUlnshellgii] P.!Ii:!i'!:1l\HJiI~

~j:lll'1!; [!Jllj~f!ll] MlIT)'ajld.')'o IIpac/aisha [gallsho-ge]. By Vasubandhu. 'I' No. 1524-26.230 .

Jillgl1l11ll1Z111l i'll:l=Mtr1f:l: Jodo TOllcilii; full title: WIIliangshoujillg )'oupotishe )'lwllshellgji :zllll. By 'I:l11IUUll. T No. 1819, 40.826.

JinguQngmillg zuisllengwang jing ~7\:;nJl~Mf':£~!j(. T No. 665, 16.403. JitslIgoki 'Iltll'~c by Jilsugo 'IltB-. RSG 139.

BibliogralJl1)' 249

JitslIgo k)'oki jf·tfflf~e (~'tffIEl~c.) by Jitsugo. Also known as Renn)'o Shonin ichigoki J!!l:!zn J::A ~ Mlle. SSS 2.444; RSG 69.

Jodo kenmol1shii ijt±R.r~~ by ZOllkaku. SSZ 3-375. Jodo monnlijll sho ff±f'~iJ;lj~~ by Shinran. SSZ 2.443. Jodo sal1gyo 6io mOllnli ijt±~li£BA=.J'(~~ by Shinran. SSZ 2.543 and 551. Jodo shin'yosho ijt±~JrJ!~j> by Zonkakll. SSZ 3.119. Jodoroll: See Jingtll 11111 {odowasall ijt±fO!l by Shinran. SSZ 2-485. Jonai o{1Jmi ~~~lrr~x, also GObll1lsho 1j~xIit, by Rennyo. SSZ 3.402. Kai 110 k1l11i M),ohoji ki Ej3 3l!~!fJ;¥*'iT'ifi:'" temple history. ZOkll gllnsho nliill, 30-1. Kamabara iI~lJj[, anonymous Kyogen play. In K),ogerzshfi ge IE1"f:m T, Koyama Hiroshi IJ\

LlHLiG;, ed., Nihorz kotcn blmgaku taikei, vol. 43. Kanegamori nikki balslI 3ii:n EI i'ic:J:ti:. SSS 2.701. Kangy5: See Gua1lwlllia1lgsholl iing. Kamenkai wo ronZl/ 1li~*-fr;;r~lfir9 by Kiyoza\\'a Manshi ~I'WU¥iz.. In Ki)'ozawa J\1atlShi

zensl1l1 jl'HRii\!iz-i:~. Kyoto, Hazakan, 1953, 4.316. Kamin karosh!1 $iJi'.fll!IJIJ;I; by Keijo Shiirin :ll\-i~Ji!OIt'. Kamimura Kanku J::Hml.:i\:;, ed.,

Gozan bWIgakll zenshii ]iLl! 5c~3£~, Tokyo: Goz,mbllngakll Zcnshl Kankakai, 1936, vol. 4-

Kawarataro 1"1 )jj\:;t;:~[I, anonymous Kyogen play. In Okura tormnitslIbon K)'ogen shz] *JIi!i,iH, J'6;zjs:H1"f~, ed. Hashimoto Asao m;zjs:·\i)lQ:., Koten bllnko r!i J!l~ Y)lP-, No. 540.

Kechimyaku monjz] Ifnll!Rx:*, letters of Shinran. SSZ 2.717; Nihol1 kotcn Inlllgakll taikei vol. 82.

Kenm),osho mi1~ by Zonkakll. SSZ !.325. Kenshorya gisha !IJliEYm~~ by Shinne t'iit~. T No. 2673> 83.841. Kelchisizo r.R:r§ty by Zonkakll. SSZ 3.188. Ketsubonk),o JfIl~~.Ii!: See Dacheng zizengjiao xlIepen ji1lg. Kikigaki: See Renn)'o Shan in go'ichic/aiki kikigaki. Kom)'o kenmitsll-sho J'6nJl~~$'1Y, extant text by Ezan J1ll:UI. SSS 5.129. KOIl)'o Shonin goiklH1 goshosllOkll )J{:!m..tAljjlJ.it~JI11jMf~,@" sclcctecllcttcrs by Konyo WH(/).

SSZ 5.771. Koso wasan i\1Iii'i'l':fQilji: by Shinran. SSZ 2.501. KlIdensno 1=/ {1!j;£» by Kakunyo. SSZ 3.1. KlIitllrgegensatze Ellropa-Japall (1585)' Tratado em qlle se con tern rill/ito "",intae

abreviadamente algumas contradicoes e diferellcas de clIstllmes mItre a gwte de Ellrolw e esta provincia de lapao by Luis Frois (d. 1597), with introduction and annotation bl' Josef Franz Schutte. No. 15 in the series Monulllenta Nipponic" lIlonogmphs. lbky~: Sophia University, 1955.

Kiizenki :£~iic, also called KJ7zel1 nikki :£~ B We, based on a c1i,zry of Kllzcn :'2 'iN , known as the Kaze1l kikigaki :£:;g.r>ll~. RSG 1.

Kyogyoslzinsho :rJ(f'T{B'illl' by Shinran ifJHt; full title: Ken iodo sizilljitsll kyog)'aslz5 mOIlT1li 1m ~±~Jf~1Tilll';l.JJi. T No. 2646, 83.589, SSZ 2.1.

K)'ogyoshinsho taii :rJ(1T1Bf,iE:k~ by either Zonbku or Kakunyo. Kob/blll! toho IJIlkk)'cJ 505110 ~X*1JOO:rJ('iIl1''I!!', vol. I, eel. Washio Junkei l!Il;ffill!i1i\ll 'Ibkyo: 'Ioha Shoin, 1925-1926.

K),og),osilinsizo kogi slnlsei :rJ(1T1§~iEii/i'I:wjIVjX;, by Jimei ~~fj'Jh, in 9 fascicles ill BlIkk)'o taikei voL 25. ' , ,

Kyogakll shi)'osho ~~JIVfLJ!jy by Kyogaku ~~:'j;. ZOkll gllnsho nzijll, I'ols. 1-6.

250 Bibliography

Larger [Sukhiil'atflTiihaj Sritra; See Wuliangshou jillg JVlaflosho *i:lHY, letters of Shiman, SSZ 2.6,6; Niholl koten btmgakll taikei vol. 82. MikaZllki ~1ffi:, traditional Kyogen play. In K)'ogellshii ge ll~~ ~r, Koyama Hiroshi, cd.,

Nihon kotell blillgaku laikei, vol. 43. Mizllkake 11111ko *trr~, traditional Kyiigen play. In K),ogenshu jii ll~~ J=, Koyama

Hiroshi, ed., Nihon koten blmgakll taikei, vol. 42.

Morai 11111ko W~, traditional Kyogen play. In K)'ogenshll K§~, Kitakawa Tadahiko ~UII !~,g; and Yasuda Akira g,:1D!i[, eds. Niholl kolen bungakll zenshii, vol. 60.

IVlukashi 111ollogalariki 1f40ti1i~e, author unknown. RSG 249. Mur)'ojllk)'o; See IVllliangshou jingo Mw)'ojllkyo jlltSll1nOnsCln: See WuiiangshOlljing /ian)'i s/llIWenzall. Nenbtltsu ojo yogisho k';{\I~tt-t.~~jY by Honen. Shiiwa shinshzl j-lonen Shanin zenshii,

681. Niehio blmka hikakll B@\:Jc1Utf3i:, trans. and ed. Okada Akiu IlliJ IIIjjUjE. Translation of

Tralado em que se contem 11111ilo Sllsinta e abreviada111ente algumas contradigaes e de{erenqas de cllslumes entre a genie de Europa e esta provincia de Tapiio by Luis Fr6is. In Daikokai jidai sosho, vol. 11.

Nostra Aetate by the Second Vatican Council. In Walter M. Abbott, S.)., ed., The Doel/ments a{Vatiean II. New York: Guild Press, 1966, 656.

Nyonin 0;0 kikigaki :~cA.ttg:llI1tt by Zonkaku. SSZ l109· Nyushulsll nimOll geju Atll=r~fIl\7&\ by Shiman. SSZ 2-480. Oba gel sake fi3 flJ:i:Ni!!i, traditional Kyogen play. In K),ogenshu 2 :jf~~ r, Koyama Hiroshi,

cd., NillOn katen bllngakll taikei 1'01. 43. O;arais<ln 1't:1.tfHIl: See Wangsheng lizan;i Ojoyositii 1'.t~I:~,* by GCllshin iW,f8". T. No. ~684, 84-33. Okada),11 1l7;J:t7;;, traditional Kyogell play. In Okura taramilsllboll K)'iigen sl111 *j~:X:m)t;*

:jf~, 1'01. 4, ed. Hashimoto Asao m:;;t;:ljiJl:1.. Tokyo: Katen bunko, No. 540. Oka sako tiili:{tr:lli, ImdiLional Kyogen play. In Kyogel1shzl 2 :jf§~ T, ed. Koyama Hiroshi,

Nihon bllngaku taikei, vol. 43. 1\el1;lm ki illmerie by Renjun. RSG, 64-Rel1ll)'o Shall in go'ichidaiki kikigaki JJ!!:t.mJ::A1.I!J-1~1icMi:!f, compiled by KOzen ancl

RCllgU. SSZ 3.531; NillOn shiso laikei 17.111; RelHlYo Sholl ill go'iclzigoki ~~DJ::.A1ffll-M~e, compiled by )itsugo. SSS 2.459. /l..ellll,'O Shan in ose no jojii (go;Djo) mlPoJ::A{&jJ9!l-9!l-, compiled by Jitsugo. SSS 2-470. Relll1)'o Shan in iciligoki mUmJ=A -1ill1i~: See lilsllgo ~')'11ki /l..elln)'o Shonil1 i/okllki JlIi!Z[lJ=AjrH\T.~e, recorded by Jitsugo, compiled by Rengo. SSZ

3.869. Hellll)'Q Shollirl seiZlli de/lki lj)lOJ=Al1YI,'IHz;i'rc. Held at Eiganji ,*J®'!~ in I-Iekinan :il'ITtf

eity in Aiehi Prefecture, unpublished. Renn),,'- llragakisllli JlliPII~Hlf:!.M, editorial name given to collection of Rcnnyo inscriptions.

SSS 2.379. Rokll)'os/zv i\~~Y by Zonkakn. SSZ 2.205. /I..)'ogemon: Sec CaikemOll Ryiijinlzislzo ~UtlHIHY, compilation attribnted to Empcror Goshirakawa =1&8 j'UJ. In Slzincho

Nihon ko/ell shasei 31 ~rrrWI B *i1!-H!~nX;: ~ 311m, eel. Enoki KatsmD tl5\i:eA, lokyo: Shinehosha, 1979.

l{yori /lll/ko 'j4J.ill~W., lmclitional Kyogen play. In the 1700 ed. of K)'iigcnki }E~-#e, reproduced anel eel. Hashillloto Asao ~~*~Jlg: and Doi Yoichi j=:J-n~-, ShinnillOn koten b1ll1gaku /!likei,l'ol. 58.

Saisiziik)'ii ~lIJMff:: See /illgllangming zl1ishengwang jing

Bibliography 251

Saiyosiio *~jij> by Kakllnyo. SSZ 3.50. Sakuragawa t1(}II, traditional No play, Kanzc-ryO version in Kallzer)'u, koe no lzyakllbanshzl,

vol. 50, ed. Maruoka AkiTa iLlIiiI Sjj. Tokyo: Chikllma Shabo, 1969. Sanjii wasan =~Ii:¥a~ by Shinran, encompasses Todo wasem rJr±:¥Pial', Koso wasan, and

Shozomalsu1Vasan iEf~_*fU~. SSZ 2.485,501,516. Semimanz ~Ji-1L, traditional No play. Koyama Hiroshi et aI., erls, Y6k)'o/ws/z'-' 2, \'01. 34 in

Nihon kolen bWlgaku zensiJzI. As modified by ChikamatslI Monzaemon, Kanze-ryli version in Kanzer),zI, koe no izyakllbanslnl, vol. 28, ed. Martloka Akira JL[!f.J BJl. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1968.

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Sen;llji Eclzizen no klmi matsu;i mania ciza mDsizija an .w:{Iil:~il!£~IJI!I*,#F~jjf9" ifIiA~. SSS 4-163.

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Shichijl1ichiban shokllllill ll/aawase t+-t'IHllIiAiifJ:i5-, author unknown, orginally from Muromachi period. Edo kagakll kotell siisllO {Ipf~'*,~!ll!:ll!til', vol. 6, c,l. Aoki Kunia N7t®l:;tz ct al. Tukyu: K6wa Shuppan, 1977; Slzichijl1ichibml SilOkllllin utaClwClse, Shillsen kyokasha fffrm~Hf!:~, Kokoll ik)"okllSlzti ~4-5\illil, ed. Iwasaki Kae ;a-rtfni'{ttc!: et aI., Silin Nihon kolell bll1lgakll taikei, vol. 61.

Shicho onjllji ilili~J~,]Il:$. SSS 5.177. Shi;i 5l:'1i1'. (SlIiki) by Sirna Qian-P],~J!fl. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju rjl:!jl:jg:JCU, 1959. Published

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Shinrall shonin eden jj'Jl::I~~]!!;!At~{i, generic name for "miolls pictorial biographies of ShinTnn. See Slriman Shon;'l ezo, Shiman Shiillin mokllZo, SitinTall Shonill eden tJl.)fI; ~A~j~, ~J1,'I;Jli1A*{~- m'niVI.~iHi, ed. by Iliwl1latsll Rcizo -'ff'~9-=: and Mitsumori Masashi 7\';~iE±. Sizinsizz1 jz1ho sllliei J\l;*:!Il:'li~~, vol+ Kyoto: Dob6sha, 1988.

SizilJrml Sholl ill goshosokll sl111 ffJl:1i/:g!,!A f~1Ji~.@_m, collectiun of Shinran's letters. Extant in two recensions, SSZ 2.695 and 2.714; Nilzon ko/en IJIIllgaku t(likei "01. 82.

Shinsei Silollin ii;iidellki l\rJl\Ll:AHl'.fz;[;c. Shinsei Shonin godenki slzl J{.llPrJ=Ajj!J{il'fe m, Makino Shilillusuke t!lJlHJrZIJ.h, ed. Tokyo: SallShJ1slza, 1931.

Silinsho YOll1e-odoslzi niklltwkill1el1 engi $iE~Il<.£I~~~(1t:~ilil, traditional folktale. YOllle­

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SlzillSha slzidii silo ;!'iiJ%!£:jjHj.- by Zonkaku. SSS 5.355. SllObll11sl111 ~ff:Jciil'k, collection of RellllYo's leiters. SSS 2.1'38. SIzojin hongai slzzl illl't$2t;:J*~ by Zonkaku. SSS 1.707. Silos/tinge IE{8"illl, full title: Slzaslzil1l1enblilsu-ge IE {8";i:iLdSl, name applied 10 verse scction

at the end of the second fascicle of Shinrall's Krog)'oshins/lo. Shosllinge tai'i lE{a{&':;Ic:W: by RCllll),O. SSS 2.122 and 130. ShosiJinge wasan lE{B{!iI,~IlIilt: Sce Shoslzinge. SI10Z01llatsll wasan iEffl(*~ml~ by Shinran. SSZ 2.516.

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T No.Z748, 37.13" Yamashiro Daigoji sojis/zllllloshiioa1l ilJ:[r&MD!1J~~~!fit'llt'C~. Kamakllra ibtlll, No. 19091. Ycllll<lshina gobii no kola IIC/Tabi ni sana iidai no kola LIWHii~J;tf"fj:;lf.Jt~'1\:~ by jitsllgO.

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Secondary Sources: Articles

JAPANESE JOURNAL TITLES

Bukkyo daigaku sago kenkyusho ki)'o {JIl:<l't*$.~~.;g.liIf9'EJiJT~c~ Bukkyo shigaku kenkyil {L:<l't~~tiJf5E Bukkyiishi kenkyil {L:<l't~1iIf5E ChilO bllkkyogakllin kiyo <=P:'R:1L.~"f:illtlC~ Daho ~JlJl DoiJo bukkyo /BJJlJl{L:<l't Doho gakuen bukkyii bunka kenkyilsho kiyo /BJIDJ$1II1L.~x1tlilf5E)iJTlC~ Gekkan hyakka fJ flJEfH Gyoshin gakuho 1i{§"$* Indogakll bukkyiigakll kenkyil fnJt$1L.~"f::PJf9'E Indo tetsugaku bukkyiigalm fn.JJtt§"f:{L.~"f: Kanazawa daigaku kyoikugakubu kiyo ~rRje$~"j§f~tfjlf:iC~ Kenkyz1 kiyo (Kyoto Joshi Daigaku Shukyo and Bunka Kenkyiisbo) liIf5Ef:iC~ Kakuritsu rekishi minzokll hakllbutsukan kenkyil hokoku OO.:V:.~~~{it1W!ftiJjl'!liJf5E*% Kyogaku kenkyusho kiyo ~"f:liIf5EJiJT~c~ Kyoka kenkyil (Jadoshu S35go Kenkyusho) ~{t1iif5E Kyoka kenkj'il (Shinshii Olaniha Kyogaku Kenkyiisho) ~1tlilf5E Kyiito-sh~ rekishi shiryokan kiyo *W~rnJIt~i'i*"Hgt.;C~ Kyilshil Otani kenkyu kiyii 1L1+ljefGliJf5Et.;C~ Kyushii Ryilkoku tanki daigaku kiyo1L1+lfI~:tl-~i!Il*"f:t.;C~ Musashino ioshi daigaku bukkyo bunka kenkyilsho kiyo m;~n:9:Tje${L.~X1tlilf5EJiJT Musashino ;oshi daigaku kiyii ~fclI!ffje,*,f.lE~ Nenpo chilsei-shi kenkyii ~*'i't!t5l:liIf9'E Nihon bukkyii gakkai nenpo B ;$:{L.~$,g,~* C?tani daigakl1 daigakuin kenkyil kiyo *fGje$je"f:flltlilf5Eirc',~ Otani gakuha jefG"f:* Rekishi chiri ~5I::lt!!.!! Rekishigaku kenkyil ~~$liJfJt Ryilkoku daigaku bukkyii bl1nka kenkyilsho kiyo IllfGje~1A~)(1t?i}f5E)iJTirc',~ Ryukoku daigakll ronshil ~~~*$~Illi~ Ryilkoku kyogaku ~~~~"f: Ryt1kokll shidan IllfG 5I::tI Shindii :!It/BJ

270 Bibliography

Shiman kyogaku 1Jl.ti:~"¥= Shinshu bunka 1t*:>c1t Shinshugaku Ji!:*,,* Shinshu kenkyu 1.t*liIf9'E Shiso 9:~ Shiigakuin ronshu *"¥=flJtfiJfil~ Shiikyo kenkyii *~liIf9i Tayo daigaku bungakubu kiyo shigakka *#:*:,,¥=:>C,,¥=$~c.~51:"¥=~4 Toyogaku ronso *#~~.

ARTICLES

Adachi Yukiko JEJL~T. "Shinshii no okite ni tsuite 1t*O)tEl;::'JIt'-C." Indogaku bukkyogaku kenkyii 42 (1994), 734-736.

Aigun Nobuya il-Mfsi!Jt "Rennyo ni okeru kyogakuteki kansei: Gensho shojoju shiso no rikai wo megutte jl(~QI<::Olt.Q~,,¥=I¥J~B9f: ffl,~IEfiE~,~,;tJ¥,O)}lf!H:.l6<"-::J-C." lndogaku bllkkyagaku kenkyu 39 (1990), 199-202.

Akamatsu Tesshin !ffi-r~~1t. "Rennyo kenkyii (I) jl(:t.roliJf9'E (I)." Ryukokll daigaku bllkkyo bllnka kenkyusho kiyo 30 (1991), 191-207.

_. "Rennyo kenkyu (II) jl(:!wliIf9'E (II)." Ryukoku daigaku bukkyo bunka kenkylls/IO kiyo 3i (1992), 168-178.

_. "Renn)'o no shinshiishi-teki kenkyii (I) JI:t.raO)1t*9:il'~liIf9'E (I)." Ryiikoku daigaku bllkkyo bunka kenkyiisho kiyo 34 (1995), 116-127.

Akatsu Tsuneyuld *m.f'lirfT. "Rennyo ni miru muga ni !suite: 'Ningen chushin apurochi' wo shilen loshile ilUol;::d:!-.QlltUJtl;::'JIt'-C: I Ar.'9='IL.,r:1o-'T J ilrm,~(: L -C." Indogaku bukkyogaku kenkyu 44 (1995), 189-191.

-. "Rennyo ni okeru komyunikeshon no imi l!i!~DI;::SI:r:@::I~.:r.'::'7-;:"-3 yO)~ 191':." Shiikyo kenkyii 71 (1998), 306-3°7.

-. "Rennyo ni okeru seken to huppo: Sono setten tashite no 'mi' wo chiishin ni J!I!:t.rOI<: tH:r:@iJtrJlUbi*: -'f0)J3€,¢.((: V[o) 15l-J 1t9='IL.'I;::." lndogaku bukkyogaku kenky!1 46 (1998),217-220.

Akutagawa Shoju 1FJlla?:l%. "Rennyo Shonin no chojutsu ni mirareru joshi no igi: 'ha' to 'ga' wo megutte J!I!:t.rQJ::AO)~J2H<:Ji!G:h.QJl)JliiiJO)~R: II;:!:J (: r:IJ~J ilr6b ('-::J -C." Ryiikoku kyagaku 31 (1996), 84-97·

Amagishi Joen :XW~F9. "Rennyo Shonin kankei bunken mokuroku l!i!~OJ::AOOi*Jti!l: § ~." In Rennyo Shiinin no kyagakll to rekishi Jl:t.rOJ::AO)t{["¥= (: M9:, ed. Kimura Takeo, 366--399. Osaka: IOho Shuppan, 1984-

Aoki Kaoru _*lI\.. Drumi-bon chasa yori mita kinsei hongan;i kyodan 110 tokllshitsu 1av:Jc *\\lill~J; I) !iU.:llIill*D:~t{[[iIJO)*j1f. Shinshu kyagaku kellkyu 14 (1990)' 87-97.

_. "Hongallji Rennyo, Jitsunyo hitsu myago hikakuron *J!iJi~l!E:iw • ~:t.rQ~15~tl:;$~ ~Jfil." Bukkya shigakll kenkyil 37 (1994), 69-86.

-. "Honzon, eizo ron *_. ~~~." In Koza Rennyo 2liJ1i:!mJl)!Ojg=~, ed. Jodoshinshii Kyogaku Kenkyiisho, 13-52. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1997.

-. "Honganji monshusei ni kallSuru ichi kosatsu :;f>:1Mi'i'H,.:I::lIltllL:OOT ::;'-5Iy~." Shinshil kenkyli 43 (1')99),88--105.

Aoki Tadao W*,\!;"X. "Sengokuki Honganji hoonko no 'gaike' ni kallSuru ichi kosatsu Jl!J!;OOWJ*IMi'i'f¥IH~l,liJIi:O) 1~~1'it!J I<:OOT:@-5Iy%." Bllkkya shigaku kenkyil37 (1994), 80-118.

Aoyama I-iojo .. Wr!.lfli:. "Renn)'o Shanin ko: Ofumi to gyojitsu J!I!:t.rOJ::A5Iy: 1ijJ:>C(: 0~." Shinshilgaku 90 (1994), 122-124.

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Asano Kyoshin ~!I!l'~111f, Yata Ryosho *B3T~, aka Ryaji 1MJ7Ii=, Fukagawa Rinyu r*JII -ootH!, and Hideno Daicn *!I!l':*:tlJ. "Rennyo Shonin wo megutte [symposium] !i:t.rU LAilr.l6 <;'-::J -CCVYff,Y? 1,.)." Ryiikoku kyogakl1 28 (1993), 95-129.

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Dobbins, James. "From Inspiration to Institution: The Rise of Sectarian Identity in Jodo Shinshii." Monumenta Nipponica 41 (1986),331-343.

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-. "Chilsei shinshil ni okcru abo to buppo 'i='"tltlU3"te:f5fJ.Qxl'!t1Ll'!." Kyogaku kenkyusho kiyo 1(1991),59-97.

-. "Rennyo Shan in no myogoron to so no seiritsu haikei [lecture] Ji:!lDJ:A(1)~-l}~i1il t .:to)jj\i;.1L~:l!I:(il\tr]i:l)." Ryilkoku kyOgaku 30 (1995), 101-123.

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Fujimoto Masaki .Jl5GlEW. "Rennyo Shonin no kyogakll Ji:!lDJ:AO)~$." Kyoka kenkj'il 103 (Shinshil Otaniha Kyogakll KenkyOsho, 1990), 6-28.

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Maeda Egaku 1l!i1EJ!"¥:. "Kyodan kakuritsu no kiso: Rennyo Shanin no iehi-zuke ~l:'f)lIi j'[0)'1iIi~: J);J(OJ:AO){:il::m-:5I:t." In Rennyo Shan in kenkyu illIOJ:Ali!f9i':, ed. Rennyo Shonin Kenkyakai, 40'}-420. Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1998.

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Masaki Hamhiko jE7t:ailf~. "Zendo to Rennyo ni kansuru iehi danmen !@~tli~ol<::~ "90~lj;jiflif." lndogaku bukkyogaku kenkyl1 46 (1998), 17-23.

Matsuoka Masanori f''';f.ij]ffHItl. "Kiyozawa Manshi ni okeru Rennyokan ~j!fiRrPillZ.fL:j;3tt 0 JI~olli." lndogaku bltkkyo gakll kenkyl1 46 (1997), 56-58.

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Minamoto Ryoen 1}ij(YIi!I. "Bannen no Rennyo Shonin no shiso, shinko to myokonin no keisei (lecture) l!SZ"PO)JI~DJ:AO),w.J;!:I. • fBi'll utM AO)%ftIl; (ii!ljiJil)." Gyoshin gakuho 11 (1998), 188-236.

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Index

absolute Other-Power. 11,

afterlife (goshii {tt~), 17-18, 54> 56. 128, 165, 201-203

Akamatsu Mitsusuke Akanoi Fukushoji Akao-no-Doshu $l'§0)@* (d. 1516), 97.

101-107 Akao-no Diishii kokoroe ni;t1ichi kaio. 102-

106 akunin shoki, 6, 193 alterity,12, Amagishi Joen, 53 amako,67 ama-nyoho. 66 ama-nyiid6, 66 Amicla (Amitahha. Amitayus) Buddha

(Tathagata), 6-7, 42, 44, 49, 53-56, n 97

esoteric understandings of, 73. 75 incarnated in Honganji leader, 78 as married to Yakushi Buddha. 73-74 reward-body of, 145, 148 triad (Amida sam:on). !II, lI5

Amida Hall (amidado), 32, 232

Amino Yoshihiko. 35n ango,157 ani eonism. 109 anjin (pacified mind, settled mind). 2, 7.

33, 100, 154. 166 An;inketsuiiishii, 7. 21. 23, 99. 154. 16111. 228 An;inshii, 154

Anjo.229 Annyoji,25 anti-Buddhist activities in Meiji period. See

haibutsu kishaku Aoki Kaoru, 120, 123. 126. 128 Araki branch of Shinshii, 74 Asahara Saiichi mw::;trn (1850-193 2),97 A~ai clan, 25 Asakura clan, 29 Asakura Takakage tJl~~:lll: (1428- 1481 ),26 Ashikaga Yoshimasa JHU~iJ;l( (1436-1490).

n. 69 Ashikaga Yoshimitsu JEfU~~ (1358-1408).

20, 125 Ashikaga Yoshinori JE:ftl~~ (1394-1441). 17 assured, community (group) of. 138-147 Aum Shimikyo. 214 kuma kagami, 120

Azuchi,78

hakllfu (MlITOInachi shogunate), v. 6. 17. 2 5. 33. 39. 45. 233

Banclo Sh6jun. 55 Benjutsu myotais!zli. "7 Bhaisa;).aguntvaidurya-prabha BuddiJa. See

Yakushi Buddha hTja symbols. 13311 Bingo province. 74 Birth (in the Pure Land; oi5). 8. 44. 96-97.

99.1°4.128,137-139.142-145.147,167. 219

286 Index

Birth (conl.): according 10 the Larger SlIklzavat1I,)'iiha

sfltra, 140-141, 144-145 expcdient (ben oio), 139 immediate (sokllisokulol:u 8i8), 139, 144,

146 occurring (or 11ot) at death, 139, 144, 146,

148,151 through refuge in Amida alone, 191

Blood Pool Sutra (Kelsubonk),8), 65-66 Bloom, Alfred, 9 B1UIIl, Mark, 8, 163n Bakie kotaba, 20, 228, 233 'IlIe Brothers Karamazov, 214-215 buke (samurai authorities), 39 Bukkoji branch of Shinsllll, 3, 19, 33, 51, 75,

126, 227,233 Bungo region, 77 Bunrakll theater, 186 burning images. See destruction of images

and texts Byodoin, 112

cadastral survey, 77 Calvin, John (1509-1564), 32,41 Chan, II "cherish tile head templc and protect the

Buddha Dharma" (aizan golia), 152 Chiba joryii, 118-119 Chikamatsll region, 26 China, 105, 110 Chinzei, 3, 99, 175 Chion'in, 19, chishiki. See zCllchishiki chishiki danomi. See taking refuge in a

teacher ehishiki kimyo. See taking refuge in a teacher Christianity, 151, 214-215, 217

according to Luther, 200, 203-204, 207-209

Catholic church, 11, Catholic missionaries, 6, 72

concern for the afterlife, 222-223 Jesllit documents, 73, 75-78 killing of heretics, 214 relationship with political authority, 222 stance toward other religions, 221-222

Choanji, 82n chokugansho (official prayer offering site),

33

Chokyo uprising, 34 Chosh6ji, 30, 92-93 church-state relations, 151, 217, 219-225

policy of defending the statc (chingo kokka),224

commerical interests, 41 community of the elect, II Confucianism, 53 Contemplation Sutra. See Cllanjing cremation, 35 crown (hokan), 74 cllstodian [of the Founder's Shrine]

(msllliiki), 22, 34

Daigoji,32 Daijoin, 228, 229 daimyo, 5, 39

sll1lgo daimyo, 25, 30, 52, 191 scngoku daimyo, 77-78

Dainichi Nyorai, 54 Daitokuji,78 dangibon, 7, 74-75, 79 danka (Jay parishoners), 46, 48n daughter-in-law, 184-188 "defend Buddhism and refute the false

doctrine" (bolza boja), 160n "defend the nation" (clzingo-kokka) policy

and Buddhism, 224 Deguchi, 31-32, 232 dcmonic spirits (kijin), 90 Den Sizinran hitsll kOI1l)'o IlOnzon, 80 destruction of sacred images and texts, 84-

86 devil, 184-187, 192 Dewa province, 29 Dharma entertainment, 183 Dlwrmiikara Bodhisattva, 125, 143, 155-156 dl mrmakaya, 114 Dhar111a names (ho111)'o), 123, 127, 129, 169 Dharma Preservation Society, 151 dialogue between buddha und believer,

100-101 Dobbins, James, 1, '3111 dobo (also doho; fellowship), 179 doctrine, 3, 6-11, 31, 36n, 39 doj6, 7, 27, 50-51, 76-77, 115, 121, 128, 169,

17 ' Dokaku m'!i.t (15th c.), 230 D6sai @]1!j (1399-1488), 22-23, 32, SS, 96,

228

Doshu. See Akao-no-Doshu Dostoyevsky, ryorlor, 11,214-215 dll'kha, '40

Echigo Province, 29, 50, 87 Echizen Province, 26, 112, 168, 19', 230 eden. See pictoral biography Edo period, 102, 150, 156 edokoro, 124, 126, 129 Eiganji *!l!li'i'l\ 194n Eigenki. See Eigen kikigaki Eigen kikigaki, 69, 179 eighteenth vow of Amida, 53, 67, 88, '47 Eizan choia, 84, 86, 89, 93, 94 ekeizu. See portrait lineages eko. See merit-transfer Ekull Ji!l:!\ (15th c.), 234 elder (otona), 50 emhr:l~e nll and reject none (sesshll f1lsha),

50 cnelJl), of the buddha, enem), of the kami,

84 El1l1i n 1'9 f.:: (794-864), 112 Ennyo 11J:f.m (1491-1521), 169 Enryakuji, 3-4, 7,24-26, 83, 229-230 EI1I)'akll;i SaiWill siJiigij8, 87-88 entrusting through donations (semotslI

darlOmi), 18, 28 equil'alcnt to a buddha's enlightenment,

141-142 esoteric buddhism, 6, 191 esoteric reading of Amida's name, 73 Eshinni Ji!l: {§' IE: (b. 1182), 50 EtchO provincc, 29, 168, 191 ctoki,186 exclusive elevation to one practice (ikka

senill),84

faith, 6, 8, 11, 18,42-44, 50, 53, 67, 96, 103, 164-166, 169-171, '78, 184-185, 187-188, '90-193, 202

bestowed by Amidn Buddha, 165-166, 201, 204-205

bestowed by God, 204-205 and cOllllllunity, 205, 207-209, 217 faith alone doctrine, '99-209 immediate bcncfits of faith, 54, 185, 187 lack of faith, 42 of Luther, 203-204, 207-208 of Rcnnyo, 165-167, 201-203

famine, 17 Fernandez, James, 130n feudalism, 38 filial piety, 151 fishermen, 65

Index 287

five obstacles and threc submissions of women. See women, five obstacles and three submissions of

five stains, 143 five virtues (goja), 30 Founder's Hall (goeido, miedo), 32, 112, 232 fox spirits (koshin), 40 freedom, 5, 8, 11, 204, 207-208, 21 5

of buddhas, 99 in choice of iCOIlS, 109, 125, ]29

of Christ, 207 in nenbutsu, 44 of 1I'0men, 68, 82n

The Freedom of" Christi"", 203

rujishima, 30, 23' rlljilVara Nohuzanc [~m:{6',* (1177?-

1266?), 115 fukujin (gods of good fortune), 40 FukuzalVa Yukichi tr'i1¥Riilltri§" (1835-19°1),8,

151,160n funeral rituals, 75, 169 Furuta Takehiko, 20 Futamata, 227, 232

Caiiashii, 116-117, 177-180 Caikemoll, 160n Gankyoji, 183 gansllU (requesting party), 1:'7 Gcnchi,56 Ccnshill ?W,fB' (942-1017), 55, 112-113,228 Censoeko kikigaki, 21 The Cenlline Telle of fhe Flesh·Adhering

Mask of Oclllghfer-ill-Lml' h,timidclfirJll (Shillsh6 )'o11le-odoshi niklltwkimen engi), 183-193

folkloric interpretation, '90-192 viell'cd as theater, 188-189 1I'0111en'S issues, 189-190

gen]'c riyabl. See this-worldly benefits Cion shrine, 83 CocienshfJ, 21, 234 gods of disease (),elklliJyogclmi), 40 gods of good fortunc (jilklliill), 40 gods of recol'ery (cliir),ogrJ1lli), 40 Coeido. See Founder's Hall

,

288 Index

gaeika, See Shinran. poems of Cah6koillki.9 1

gaja, See five virtucs Connyo ~:l!u (Otani Kasha :;k::a1tJm;

1817-1894). 151 Case mOllogatari. 21. 227

Coshirakawa f&sti1T (1127-1192). 64 Ciishiiji. 33 Coshosoku shii, See Shiman Shall in

gos/Zosoku shl1 Cozan,3 Cozakusho, See Leiters, gozokushB gratitudc, 74. 96. 101-103, 106-107, 138, 144-

145, 151, 159n, 165-167, 169-171, 205. 208,220

Cualljing (Gllanwuiiangsholljing, Contemplatioll SUlra), lll, 138

guru syndrome, 214 CutokushO. 21. 52,228 C),akushu sepp5, 113 Cyonen lJ'kf..!\ (1240-1321). 51 Cyanyo 15 Vri (1376-144°). 19. 25, 168, 227,

229

haibutsu kishaku, 151 Haja kensho sh5. 177, 180 Hakata, 75 Hakllsan, see Mount Hakll Hatakc)'ama Masanaga I!l wl!&ilt (1442-

1493),25 Hatakcyama Yoshihiclc I!lill~~ (d. 1532),

45 J-MakcYHma Yoshinari ~ W¥l\8Jt (d, 1490),

25 Hattori Shiso, 49, 53, 157 Hayashima Yl1ki, 127 heavcnly son of the moon (Cattenshi), 74 heavenly son of the slln (Nittenshi), 74 Heian period (794-1192), 28 Heike mOllogatari, 120

Hciscnji, 29, 191 hcizei gajo (atlailIIllent under normal

conditions), 27, 146 heresy, 7, II, 52, 83, 156, 175

associated with establishing a new sect, 86-90

doctrines and practices of Honganji denounced in EizGIl chojo, 84-86

doctrines denounced in KakulIYo's Cai;asho, 176-180

doctrines denounced in Rennyo's Letters,

'75-179 doctrines denounced in Zonkaku's Ha;a

kellsho shoo 177, 180 of praying to Amida for postmortem

salvation, 156 regarding Amida as anthropomorphic

savior, 156 regarding images of Amida, 177 regarding Shin wriLings, 177 of showing disdain for local deities, 84,

86,90-92 of spreading the Leachings among the

lowcr classes, 90, 92-94 Hiei, see Mount Hici Higashi (Otani) Honganji, 5, 7, 9, 24, 32-

33. 51, 83, 150

Higashiyama, 19 hiii bomon. See secrecy Hina Katsumitsu 13 !U!J9i:J't (1429-1476). 69 HinD Tomiko B mrij T (1440-1496), 33,

194n, 232 Hirose Nan'yu, 160n Hitachi,5° Hiyuma, 184 Hiyama Jibu'ucmon, 184 hoben (I/paya, expedient means), 119 , 166 hiil>cn hosshin (lIpaya-dhannakaya), 75,

80-8m Hoen i!fIJ (d. 1481), 230 Hoju yldl (1396-1479), 25, 228, 229 hokan. See crown Hokke sect, 40 Hokurikll region, 10, 26-27, 168, 191, 228 HOIlen l*!'!.\ (1133-1212), 39,49. 51, 55, 87,

128, '37. 162n images of, 115

Honen ShoHin gya;o eZIl, 115 HOllen Sh6nin akataba, 175, 234 Hongakubo, 194n hongan. See Original Vow(s) Hanganji, 1-12, 17, 19-21, 24, 27-29, 34,41-

42, 45-47, 51-52, 72 , IOt)-1I2, 116, 119, 122, 165, 191, 206, 209, 219. 227-235

as Realm of the Buddha Dharma, 41-47 HOllganji sai10 /]0 shidai, 22

honji sllijaku, 6, 54 Honpoji, 194n Honpllkllji (in Katada), 25. 28, 118, 130n HOllpllkllji atogaki, u8

Hallpl/kl/ji k)'llki, 45 Hon/JUkuji )'lIraiki. 19, 3511 Honscnji, 2'27

Honzenji,234 honzon. 23, 111-124, 127-130, 232 H6onki,74 I'!Bonko, 128. '70-171.230, 234 Hoo/] koshiki, 230, 234 Hoshillo Ccnpa, 138 Hosokuwa MasHmoto *.ffl}IIi!&ft (1466-

15°7). 4. 45 hossu (leader of I-Ionganii). 22.38.45-46,

52 as living buddha, 78

hotoke iclols, 73 Huiyuan ~ii (334-416),89, 110 hunters, 65

ianjin, See heresy Iba My5mkuji. 74 Ichij5 Kanera -%:~ ~ (14°2-1481), 194n ichil1el1 (one thought-moment, single

nenhlltsu), 17, 53-54, 96, 100, 103, 146-147, 165, 187

Ichinen t,mell 111011';, 8, 144-145 icons, iconicit)', 7, 8, 109-113, 118, 122-124,

129 IeslIsll kaishi ,lihan lSI/shin, 73 Ikeda Yiitai, 9, ikke shu, 45-46, 179 ikki, 5,25, 34,40,44-45 ikkB ikki, 10, 33,42,44-46, 51, 89, 93. 117,

214,231, 233 ikk5-shu, 5, 72, 75-79, 91, 93-94, 229

class status of, 77 absence of Shinnlll from, 78 as name for Takacla branch. 88

Ikkyu S6jun -(,t*tIll (1394-1481), 26 illuminated (komyo) honzan, 23, 74, 117,

122, 124, 126, 129 imay6 songs/poems, 64 imperial family, imperial court, 3), 39, 47,

93,232,233 imperial I a\\" (oba), 42, 47

ali(I Buddhist lalV (iiba blillPO). 9. 30,42-43,69, 151, 224

primacy of imperiallalV (obo ilzon), 30,

43 impermanence (mlljo). 56 Inelia, \05

Inoue Toshio, 35n, 191-192 inscriptiollS 1 126 inshi. See lewd deities Ippen -iJ1i! (1239-1289), 3, 88 (shiyama Honganji, 3+ 46, 51, 169. 234 itsllkie (food offering servicc), 23 Itsuki Hiroyuki. 49. 68 ltok1Jki. See Re,m)'o Shiinin ilok1Jki Iwami Mamoru, 102, 104-105 Iwami province, 31

jealousy, 189-19°. 192 Jesuits, See Christianity JesLls, 11, 204, 214-215, 221 jige (lesser nobility), 90 jiin, 115, lim jike (religious institutions), 39 Jikken ~'* (1490-1523),234 jikko ~* (1495-1553) lim)'osilii. 21. 228

jinni maehi or jinaicho (tcmple town), ,2. 46, 209

jinen, See spontaneil), /ingtll lllll (attrihuted to Vasuballdhu). 1'4,

142 Jimei i?i!IJVJ (1749-1817), 148n Jinson ~-~. (d. 1508), 87, 229, 231, 232 jiriki (self-power), 98, 120, Q9. 155 Jisl1\l, 3, 18 jito (land sLewanls), 30 Jitsllgo ~m (1492-1583), 45, 118, 2j4 /itSllgoki, 188 litSligo k)'llki. 35", 102-103, 118 Jitslljl1 '!i?:{!t (1498-1564) jitSlljlll1 ~111n (1494-1518),234 jitsunl'o ~iHl (1458-152;). 34,45,6,), lI8,

169. '79. 228. 231. 2". 2>4 Jiido sect (Jodoshl1). 3, 40, n 75-76 loda "oman gellnl"ho, 5' loda kemlla,,"III/, 232

/oda monn/i;ll slio, 21, ;2. 227 /iido s<mg)'D 0;6 monmi, '37-138, '45 Joc1oshillshl1, See Shin sect Joc1oshn. See Joclo seel

/odomonmi;lIslIa, 21 Jado sang"o 6;0 mOHrlli, 8, /odoslIin)'oslIa, 21, 217 JiigIlji,229 J6kcnji, 194" J6ruri rca I 111 , 74

..

290 Index

}o)'u ~.f,{j (b. 1442), 179 }oshii ~,ftj: (15th c), 228

jokaku 'iJt1\t (1295-1360), 228 junn)'o }i[liPD (1442-1483),227,233 just cause (laigi), 83 justice (iingi), 30, 68, 151

Kabuki theater, 186 Kai clan, 29

Kaga Province, 29-31, 33-34,42,45,87, 89, 168, 191, 227, 231-233

kago moji, 124 Kagotani Machiko, 183, 189 Kaku Thkcshi, 8 Kakuban 1\t*~ (1095-1143), 112

Kakunyo jt~D (1270-1351), 19,23, 30, 56, 115-11 7, 122-123, 126, 147, 154, 168-169, 176-180, 227, 228,230

similar view of heretical doctrines, 177-179

Kakllshinni ~t\t{* JE (1224-1283), 51 Kamakura period, 5,23, 39 kami, 7, 30, 53-54, 91-92 kanahogo, 23 kanblln, 23 kunblltsll samadhi, 112 Kanegamori, 22, 24-25, 85, 233 Krl1legamori llikki balsu, 119 Kaneko Daiei ft:=r-** (1881-1976), 157 Kannon (Avalokileflvam), 6, 74, 110-Ill

as child of Amidn Buddha, 73-74 as essencc (holl;i) of Shotoku Taishi, 75

Kano Masanobll y,j'!llflE{B' (1434-1530), 126 Kanrenkai, 152 Kallrhl koroshii, 89 Kanshii Persecution (Kamila no ha/wll) of

1468, 25, 33, 83-94, 124-125, 129 Kuntii region, 50, 65 kaii (signature), 34 kanna, 11, 18, Katada, 18, 25, 26,45,229,230 Kato Chiken, 6, 10 Kall'achi pro\'ince, 25, 31, 45, 230,232 Kechim),aku mrmil/, 115 Kcijo Shurin :ljl;f#ijt\J'~ (1440-1518), 89 Keikakll. See Kyagaku

Kengyokll Jil.3': (1448-1472), 192-193,23° kenmitsll, 5, 39-40,42 , 47, 4711 kenmon taisei (system of ruling elites), 39 Kel1lll)'osho, 74

Kennyo JIl:!~a (1543-1592), 46, 78 Kensei Il{§f (1499-157°),45 Kensh6ji, 26, 230 Kcnshoryll gisiJo, 119 kiho ittai (unity of individual and Buddha

or Dharma), 7, 9, 96, lOS, 153-156 Kikigaki (/{enTl)'o Shonin go'ic!Jie/aiki

kikigaki), 24, 41-42, 66, 99, 101, 103, 213 kimya,99 ki-myo-jin-jip-p6-mu-ge-ko-nyo-rai. See

myogo, ten-character form Kinai region, 72 kindei calligraphy style, 85 Kinryu Shizuka, 6, Kinshokuji, 33, 13111, 234 Kirishitan, 77 ki sho ten ketsu, 186 Kitabatake clan, 25 Kitunishi Hiromu, 127 kito, See prayer-rituals Kiyo, 184 Kiyon1izuciera, 110, ]11

Kiyozawa Manshi ~giRfrilljL (1963-1903),9, 150, 152, 154-158, 160n

ka (local meelings or associations), 6, 9, 28, 50, 167, 170-171

hooTi ko, See H50nko nenbul;'u ko, 170 niiogozanmai ko (twenty-live samiidhi

meelings), 28 tmlOmoshi k6 (lrustworthy meetings), 28

Kafukllji, 3, 20, 228 Ko(uku;i s6;0, 120 Kiikai Kyog),oshinsho, 138 Kokon dokugo, 45 komya honzon. See illuminated honzon kondei. See kindei calligraphy slyle. Konoe Masaie ilif~iiEJnR (1444-15°5), 91 K6nyo JL:~n (1798-1871),219 korai beri pattern, 125 Kasai $[!i (1163-1247), 7, 113 k6shi (Ieclurer), 156 Kosilinroku, ,6 Koshaji Jli!!iE~ (in Kyoto city), 75, 194n Kazen J't~ (d 1520),31 Kuamidabu!su :21;iiJo/j;W~1A (1156--1228), 115 Kuder/sho, 21, 174, 180, 234 kue issho, 77 kuge (aristocracy), 39-40,45 Knbi,53

-~-------------------------------------

Kiikakll '2::liI; (15th c.), 20, 168 Kumamoto region, 77 Kuj6 Kanezane jL4r::iIIt~ (1149-12°7), 120

Kuruta Momoza, 49 Kuroda Toshio (1926-1993), 5, 35" Kurodani, 128 Kusano Kenshi, 7-8, Kllzellki, 19, 35n, 188, 205 Kuzuryu river, 191 KyBgaku tfj: (also Kyokaku, Keikaku;

1395-1473), 20, 86-87, 228-230 Kyagen,6,

DOlldaro, 64 Hoshi ga haha, 61 Ishigami, 63

Kamabara, 63 Mikazuki, 63 Mizllkake J11llko, 63 Morai J11uko, 63 J11llko krogen, 61-62 Oko sako, 61-62 ollila krogen, 61 R)'ori 11lllko, 62 Torisashi, 188

Kyogo 1&* (1451-1492), 33, 233 Kyagoku clan, 25 K,'ogroshins/lo, 21, 23, 50-52, 55, 89, 99, 137,

141-143, 145, 168, 169, 174, 228, 229, 232, 233, 234

K),okai iigen, 152 Kyonghung HlflW (late 7th c,), 89 Kyonyo tti<o (1558-1614),46 K),oshaku),omol1,233 Kyashul1 ~13t (15th c.), 228 Kyoto (Kyoto), 5,24,30,32,50, 112

Kyolo National Museull1, 2, KyOshu region, 72

1.1Fleur, William, 6, Lake Bi",", 25, 124 lamenting deviations (Ianni), 177-180, 180n Larger SHtra. See SukhavalTv),iiha sHtra

(Larger) last age, latler age (nw/Jpo, 11l1ltsue/ai), 29,

76,147 Leiters of RennyD (O{!lIl1i, goblinS/Iii) 2, 7-9,

17-18,23-25,27-29,31,34,41,52,59-60,65-66, 75, 91, 98, 100, 103, 106, 121, 124, 153, 169, 183, 206, 218, 229-235

ahsence of miracle or mystery in, 215

Index 291

on correcting heresies/abcrrant doctrincs, 175-176

gozokushii, 232 hakkotsu no gobunsho (lettcr on white

ashes), 169 joy expressed in, 211-213 okitc llO ofumi (rules of conduct), 30-,1,

3'l. 55, 86,231 osarai no sho (letter encouraging

repeated practice), 66 relationship with Tannishii, 173-175 similar view of aberrant doctrines in

Kakull\,o'S Gaijas/lo, 176-178 similar vi'ew of aberrant doclrines in

Zonkaku Ha;a kellSh6 sha, 177 sllkuitamae reading in maislldai muchi

no o(wni, 76 used to define orthodox)" 151-152, 158 written on the anniversary of Shiman's

death, 171 wrillen to or aboulwol11cl1, 59-60, 182,

192- 193 lewd deities (ins"i), 40 light, images of, 74 lineage, 11,20-21, 51, 125-1211 Lolus Sulra, 114 I.otus Sutra leclmes, 28 loyalty to lhe emperor, 151 Luther, Martin (1483-1546), 10--11,41,76,

199-201,203-204,207-209

Mahaparnin,aam"ifra. See Nin'<lnr1 SlIfra Mahiisthamaprapla. See Scishi Maitreya, 110, 141 mandala, 54, 114 Marxism, 6, masks, 183-189

hmlll)'<l, 189 ko-alllofe, 189 Wak(l-onneJ, 189

Malsl1gi Nohuhiko, 49 Matsu111ura Naoko, 6 MattOS/Iii, 21, 23, 96, 228 Meiji Resloralion, 151 Mcikii lineage, 75 mcmorial day for Sidman, 24 1I1cril-tral1Sfcr (ek6), 8,97-99, 137-143, 154 Miicler~ (Onj5ji), 3-4, 26, 230 Mikawu prol'incc, 22, 168, 229, 230, 233,

234

292 Index

Minugawa Hiroko, 49, 69 Minamolo Ryocn, 7, 9 mind only doctrine (viiliapti malrata), 155 Minowu Shaho, 59 miracle, II

Miyata Naboru, 65 miyuza, 63, 92, 94 Miyazaki Enjun, 10, 125, 174 modernity and religion, 152-158, 215, 217,

223-225 monoimi (inauspicious), 30 monotori shinjin. See thieHike faith lllonto, 50-54 lllonzeki temple, 47 momlity, 104 mother-in-law, 184-189 Mount Haku, 10, 29-30, 191 Monnl Hiei, 3-5, 7, 24, 29, 33,49, 51, liS

attack on Otani Hongullji, 24-25, 83-84, 112 1 119-120

leiter of indictment against I-longanji, 84, 1Z4

lllllgcko (llnhindererl or unimpeded light), 84-85, 93, 12+ 142

as the name of Rennyo's church (mllgekii-shii), 85-90,93-94, 124

'IS used by Honen and Ippen, 88 mugeko 11OIlZOll, 24, 85, 169 mlIgeko blltSlJ (nyorai), 89-90

ivl11jinlo, 152 lllUjO. See impermanence Mliromachi bakllfu. See bakllfll Muromachi period, 52, 61, 147, 182, 188,

19° lll),ocho. See sail'ation registers My6gcnji, 115 lll)'ogii (sacred name), 8, 22-23, 27, 74-75,

114, 117, 123, 147 myogii scrolls. See scrolls nine-character forlll (,UI-mil fll-ka-shi-gi­

ko n)'o-rai), Il7 six-character form (na-Hlll-a-mi-da-blllsll),

27, 123-124, 129-130, 154,230 ten-character forlll (ki-myo-jill-iip-po-mll­

ge-kii-l1)'o-rai), 27, 85-86, 116, 123-124, 126, 129-130,229

triad, 117 My6i !i'J;~ (1460-1471),229 llIyBkiinill, 7, 96-97, 99-102, 105 Myorakuji, 194n

Myosh6 :!&Im (1477-1500),232 l'vI)'oshu 9')'* (also Sakyo Taya, 1459-1537),

69,228 MyBshu !I')* (1497-1518), 234 l'vI)'Byil !I')ffi (1487-1512),233

Nagarjllna, 55 NambokllchB, 23 na-mu a-mi-da butsu_ See ncnbutsll and

myiigo Nadamoto Ari, 56 Nagano, IlO

Nunden,34 neither monk nor layman (hiso hizok(1), 50 Nehallgyii_ See Nirvana Sl1lra nenbutsu (lIamll amida blltsll), 7, 35,42,

4+ 49, 54,96- 100, 113, 120, 137, 141, 143, 147, 184-189, 193, 205

associations (ki5), 89, 167 higan nenhlltstl, 74 himachi nenblilsu, 74 performed to exhaust debt to lhe

Buddha, 147 performed 10 express gratitude, 166, 169,

201~ 220

sallliidhi, 112 senju nenbutsu, 49-50, 84, 88 Shandao interpretation of, 75-76, 97 Shinran interpretation of, 76, 165 single. See ichinen sh611ly6 nenhlltsu, 154 spoken versus visualized, lI3 tendo nenbutsu, 73-74

ncnblltsu associations (lIel1butsllkii), 65 Nenblltsll ojo yogisho, 21 Nichiren B ~ (1222-1282), 50, 114, 120 Nihon k)'okai shi, 75 ninp6,89 nirvana (nirvafi), 8, 56, 138, 141-144 Nirvana Sulra, 53 Nishi (Honpa) Honganji, 150, 217 nishu jinshin_ See two aspects of deep

belief Niwa Fllmio, 49 No theater, 10, 65, 183, 188, 229

Kanze guild, 188 Konbaru guild, 188 Kong6 guild, 188 HBsh6 guild, 188 Hyakt/llWI1, 65-66

Salruragawa,65 Seiga71ji, 183, 188 SemimanL, 65 Yorobosh i. 65

Nomura, 32 nonbacksliding, 143, 146-147, 203 Noto Province, 29, 87, 191 nyoboko. See women, co-fraternities of Ily6b6 za. See women, co-fraternities of Nyoen(ni) .f,(U Fl(IE) (d. 1421), 19,22,227,

229 Nyoj6 -go;t (also Senya fit,(j, 1412-1460),

22,26, 167,227,229 Nyojii ~olli (b. 1422), 227 Nyokei(ni} !-!nJii(IE) (1444-1471), 192, 228 Nyoka -goQ (1462-1492), ](.)2,234 Nl'ok6 -gnJ't (15th c_), 229 nyoninkii. See women, co-fraternities of N),onin 0;0 kikigaki, 21 uyonin sh6ki. See women, as true object of

Amicla's I'o\\'s Nyoryo ~IIT (d. 1455),21, 35n, 192,227,228 Nyoshin -gn{fcj (1235-13°0), 178 Nyosh6(ni) )!olm(lE) (1448-1478), 32, 3511,

69, 192, 232

NyushutSli 1Ii111011 gejll, 52

Obama,31 6bo buppo (also 6ho buppo)_ See imperial

law, and Buddhist law Oda Nobunaga t-li\\83{l'fft (1534-1582),46,

78, 125 ofumi. See Letters Ogcn. See RCllsho ojo, see Birth Oioraisan, 29 Oioyos!zii, 21, 112, 228 OkinoshimH, 320 Omi region, 3, 7, 22, 24,26-27, 29, 34, 83,

85-86, 93. 112, 12+ 168, 182, 228-230 onclaikan, 209 ondoku (indebtedness), 140-141, 143-144 Onin War (Onin no ran), + 17, 25-26,39,

51,23° Onjoji. See Miidera onlla za. See women, gatherings at festivals Original Vow(s) of the Buddha, 138, 142-

143, 145-146, 166, 174, 217-218, Osaka, 34, 78, 179. 234 Osha province, 29

6so ek6. See merit-transfer Otani section of Kyoto, 128

Index 293

Otani Honganji. See Higashi Honganji Otani K6shin, 217 Olani University, v-vii, 156 Other-Power. See tariki Otomo Sorin *R*Jffli (1530-1587),77-78 otona. See elder Otsu,32 own-nature doctrine (svclhhaWl), 155 oya-sama, 112

Paul, letters of, 12, 204, 224 pacified mind. See anjin pictoral biography (edell), 22, 123. persecution, 151

of early Christians, 222 KanshB period persecutioll, 83-87, 89-94 Katacla suppression (Ka/ada ozeme), 26 of Shinsh'l communities, 5,8,24-26, lll,

169, 177-178, 219, 224 political authority. See church-state

relations pollution and shrine precincls, 90-91 portmits, 19, 22, 123-126 prayer-rituals (kilO), 18, 54 precepts, 30 Protestant Reformation, 6, 3511-, 53, 41, 214 protocols (igi), 19 public obligations (kllji) in opposition to

religious concerns, 30, 55, 91, 161, 166 punishment from a buddha, 106 Pure Land (of Amida Buddha), 42 Pure Land patriarchs, 50 Pure Land scriptures, 50

raigo (,liso miko). 112-113, 146 reikin. Sec tribute raik6. See raigo RallSei tama),lIra, 69 Rappaport, Roy, 109 Realm of the Buddha Dhanna (/JlI/JI)iir),o),

41-47 relationship hctwcclllllan and huddha, 96,

100, 105, 155, 158 relics, 73-74 religion and politics, 43 Rengei Jllif<: (1484-1523), 233 Rcngo ilM\'l- (1468-1543), 230 Renj6 Jllj* (1446-1504), 228

1

294 Index

Renjlln lIr; (1464-155°), 51, 229, 232 Renko iiIlW'l ('450-'53'),3' Renkyo J!Il$!£ (1451-1492) Renno li~'~ (1465-1518), 35n, 233, 234 Rcnnyo ~Yn (1415-1499)

activities in Yoshizaki, 9-10, 18, 26-27, 29-31,41, 51, 86, 112, 168, 182-184

and Akao-no-Diishii, 101-107 on anjin, 166-167 and the Anjinketslljosho, 21, 23, 99, 154 attitude toward kami, 91-92, 129, 218-219 on the color of priests' robes, 171 comparison with Shinran, 52-56, 137,

146-148, 164, 179-180,220 concept of Realm of the Buddha

Dharm:1, 41-47 COllceTIJ for the afterlifc (gosh a no

ichidaiii), 147-148, 165,201-2°3, 219-220,225

concern for and views on \\'OIllCn, 18-19,

59-60, 64-70, 170, 182, 187-190, 192-193

copying and publishing texts, 20-21, 167-168, 17+ 183, 230

doctrinal positions, 52-55, 69-70, 91-92, 165, 219-220

egalitarianism of, 172 embrace of No and Kyogen theater, 172,

183, 188-189, 229 five conditions required for faith, 165-

166 amI ikkii ikki, 53, 219 on imperial I a\\' and Buddhist la\\' (obo

burro), 55, 166 all importance of attaining shinjin, 182 as incarnation of Amid" Buddha, 105 institutional rolc atap Hanganji (hossu),

52-54,69, 129, '47, 164-165, 167, 219 interpretation of lll11geka, 88, 92 on karma, 165, 174 on the kihii ittui doctrine, 99,154-155 liturgical program of, 76 and Martin Luther, 199-201, 208-209 on morality, 153 on I1cnbIltsll, '54, 166-167 openness in, 213 on orthodoxy and the rectification of

heresies, 121-122, 126, 175-180, 218 on people of othcr faiths, 218-219 personality of, 52

and phrases on "please save me in the next life" (gosho tasuketamae, mida wo tdl1011l1l) , '7, 147, 203

pictorial biographies of, 186, 194f1 portrait of, 126, 227, 233, 234 proselytization efforts of, 52, 56, 66-69,

129, 167-172 on public obligations & secular

authority, 166,219 relationship with local Shin assemblies,

92, 121, 128-129, 169-171 relationship with mother, 18-20, 173, 192 and religious icons, J09, 119-130, 167,

169, 183,206,233 as reviver/rcstorer of the Shin seel (chilko

shonin), 52, 56,60,146, 15" In 179 aBd the Tdllllisha, 9-10, 154, 156-158,

173-175 travels, 167-168, 206, 228, 230, 232, 235

Renn)'o shikigo shu Renn)'o Shan in go'ichidaiki kikigaki. See

Kikigaki Reml)'O Shan in go'ichigoki, 21 Remlyo Shiinin itokuki, 32, 35n, 173 Renn)'o Shanin kenlc)'zl, 157 Rel1ll)'o Shonin seiZlli del1ki, 186

Rel1l1)'o Ilragaki Sllll, 22, 35f1 Rensei Ji~ (1455-1521), 228 Renshii liH?, (1433-15°3),22,227 Renshii:liJj!() (1482-15°3),233 RCllsii J!Ii* (d. '499), 31 Renyu Jlt,{j (d. 1470), 35n, 192, 228, 230 responsiveness (kall'O ili!\0), 154, 157-158 retribution, 42, 46 rinju gaja, 149 rissatsu sokugya (licuo jixing), 113 Rissho Ql1kokllTOn, 120

Rogers, Minor and Ann, " 52, 211 Rokkaku clan, 25 rokudo, 212 rokuji myogo. See myiigii, six-churacter form Rokuii raisCln, 29 Rokll)'oshii, 51, 174, 228 rusushiki. See custodian [of the Fonnclcr's

Shrine Ryogen l~iW. (1295-1336), 75, 112

R)'o;in Ilisho, 64 Ryokai TiiiJ (1239-1320),227 Ryonin T Pt,:, (1466-1472), 192, 229 Ryonyo T!m (1467-1541),23°

Ryosho T:f'i" (1788-1842) of Myaon'in, 9, 173

Ryukan Pi~ (1148-1227), 227

sacred name. See myogo Saichii ~l'1! (767-822), 53 Saigenji, 194n Saihoshinallshii, 95[1 Saikoji, 194n Saionji, 194n Saitiiin,84 Sai),osiJ6, 21, 228 ~akai region, 31-32, 76-77 Sakyamuni, 7, 73, 76, 101, 112, 143 Sakyo Tayu. See Myoshii salvation registers (nI)'lie/lii), 19, 177, 18m sa~lSiira, '40, 142 sambhogakaya, 100 sanb5 hiho na hekiken, 84 Sanuki,87 Sarugaku, 183 Sasaki clan, 25 Sat5 Taira, 103 scrolls, 22-23

of Amicla, 123, 125, 169 of Honen, 123 inscriptions on, 126-127, 129 mugeko, 24-25, 27 m)'ogo, 114-116, 123, 126, 129, 169 of patriarchs, 123, 125 of RCllnyo, 123, 126 rcnZ:l or taiza forms, 125-126 of Shinran, 123, 125, 129 of Shotoku, 123 tozan 111)'iigo, 26

sculpturc, 110-111 Second Vatical Council, 221 secrecy, 10-11,

hiji biiman (secret doctrilles and practices), 10, 28, 31, 40

sectarianism, 12,84, "3 sectarian studies. See shugaku Seikaku !li\l~ (1167-1235), 137 Sciryoji, 110 Seishi (ivbhiisthamaprapta), 7+ III

as child of Amida and Yakllshi Buddhas,

73-74 Seishillkai, 15911 Seishinshugi, 159n Seizan, 3, 99, 175

Index 295

self-discipline, 105-IOG scmotsl1 danomi. See entrusting through

donations Senclrakushii,137 Sengoku period, 39, 44-46, 72 Senjuji, 51, 87, 115, 119-120,231 senju nenbutsu. See ncnbutsu Sennyuji, 126 sensei, teacher-student relationship, 213 sesshu fusha. See embrace all and reject none setsllwa, 10, 193, 212-213

Setlsu prol'ince, 22, 31, 34, 45, 168 Shabo See Sakyamuni Shakunyo f.:'¥)iD (135°-1393), 118 Slwlldao, 7, 29, 75-76, 97, 99, 111, 113, 147-

148,174 GIlClIl;ing shu, 97

interpretation of III)'OgO, 76, 97, 147 all icons, Ill, 113 on twa aspects of deep belief (uisllll

;inshin), 156, 16111, 16211,174 Shikoku rcgion, 72 Shimotsllkc, 51, 88 Shil1>1110 provincc, 2<) Shin'ctsl!, 27 Shingon school, 5+ 112

shingyo, 138,201 shinjin, 2, 7-8, 17, 19, 22, 3°,44,67-68,92,

96, 98-99, 103, 105, 138, 143, 146-147, 157, 166, 176, 180, 182, 184, 187, 193, 201, 21 9

attaincd in a single thought-momcnt (ichillen), 147, 165

shinjin ihon, 27, 43 shinjitsll shinjin, 53 lariki shinjin, 49-51, 55, 104

shinjilsu gyogii (trlle pmeticc), 14' shinjitsu shoka (trlle rcalization), 141 shilljitsll shinjin (tTlle faith), 53, 141 Shill ketsIl11l),<Ikllsho, 75 shi11lnci no lI'aka, 84, 86, 90 Shinne J'JJ1( (1434-1512), 87, 119-120 Shinncnji, '9411 Shinran ¥JEt (1173-1262), 1-6,19,20,23,

38-39, 41-42, 44, 49-55, 7+ 87, 101, 113, 128, 174

biography of, 123, 233, 234 gravcsi te, 19, image of, 112, 115, 123, 125-126, 128,229,

230, 232,

,

.....

296 Index

Shinran (COllt.): letters of, IG<)

poems of (goeika), 66 refusal to recogllize disciples, 50, 53, 164,

171,205,213 stance regarding icollS, 113-116 understanding of Birth (ojo), 137-140,

142-143 understanding of merit-transfer (eka),

140- 144 understood through Rennyo, 152

Shinrall Shollill goshosoku shii, 55 Shinsei ~Jlli: (1443-1495), 234 Shinsh6in, 35, 232 Shin sect (ShinshO; Jodoshinsho), v, 17,

40-42,49, Shinsho educational No theater, 183, 189 Shillshfi seiten, 218 Shinshfi shido sho, 74 Shinshfi ,hog)'o zellshn, 55 Shinsho University, 152, 154 Shinto, 7, 90-93,

head officer of kami affairs (iingi hakll),

90

in Hokuriku region, 191 shrines, 7 Shinran's view that kami protect

ncnbulsll elevotees (m)'osll1l goji), 54 as state religion, 151

Shimkawa Masakaneo EI}IIWJIEE (15th c·),90-91

Shimkawa Sukeuji6 i=l}II~f\;CE (IS-16th c'),91

Shimkawa Tadatomi i=l}II,i~'i¥i (IS-16th c.),

90-91

Shirutani, 19 Shoe Il*m. (1475-1557), 33 shoen (estales), 5, 39,45, 47n, 17°,233 shogun, 5 shogu11ale. See bakufu shagy1i,24 Shujill IlOngai sh1l, 74 Sh6j6 'ttW! (15th c.), 228 sh6j6ju, 50, 53, 55 Shako iilE'2 (1l77-1247), 154 Shol11utsu J!t't (1800-1872), 102 shomy6 nenbutsu. See nenbutsu, shol11Yo Shonyo jjjUm (1516-1554),46 Shonyo ~~Il (Otani KBen, 1875-1943), 151 Shos/lill Ilellbulsu-ge, 76

Shorakuji, 19411 Slioren'ill. 20. 227, 230

Shorin(ni) lE;ft(ffi) (d. 1442), 20 Shoshinge, 9, 23, 28-29,41, 52, 168, 171, 230 Shoshillge tai'i, 23, 88-89, 168, 229 Sholoku Taishi !\'!1.'m:1c'f (also Prince

Sh6toku, 574-622) 75, liS, 119-120 shugaku (sectarian studies), 150-152, 154, 157

based on Rennyo's Letters, 152 modern opposition movement, 152-158

ShllgendB, 191 shugo, shugo daimyii (provincial governor).

See daimya, shugo ShlIjisho, 180 Shukke to SOIlO deshi (The Monk and his

Disciples),49 ShO'nyo(ni) *frO(ffi) (d. 1484-6), ,5n, 192,

233 shuto (militia-priests), 83, 215 sin, removal of, 76 single thought of nenbutsu. See ichinen sitting egllully (doza), 011 the S3me level

(h iraza) as everyone, 22 slandering the three treasures, 84 56 (semi-autonomous unified villages), 28 social discrimination, 18 Saga Ryojin ~~.l!;:lIl:t~ (1875-1971), 9, 150,

152- 159,159n efforts to overturn Edo-period doctrine,

154-159 on kiho iUai, 153-154 and the TalI11isizii, 154, 156-158, 162n,

173-174 sohei (military monks). See shllto SBkenji, 78-79 sob Bjo. See Birth, immediate sokutoku ojo. See Birth, immcdiate Solomon, Michael, I Songo shinzo meiman, 99. 116 Sorinshii, 119 S6shun IJM3l (15th c.), 227 soson (also so no lTIura), 93 spiritual advisor. See zenchishiki spontaneity (jinen), 56 Sn Lanka, II

state of assurance of Birth (s!zojojl1), 50 stat lies, 109-114, 117

of Amida, 117 of ~hinran, 25, 32 of Sakyallluni, 117

SllkhavatTI)'iiha siitTel (Larger), 88, 114, 137-138, 144-145

SllkhavatTv),iiha mitTel (Smaller), 138 Sumita Chikcnft B3"@5il. (1858-1938). 175 SUTlloto, i7 sundry practices (z6g),o), 18, 24 surprise, 106-107 Sulra of the Golden Light leclllfe, 28

Tabata Yasuko, 64 Tadalomioki, 90

taigi. See jllSt cause taiza. See scrolls, taiza Takada branch of Shinsho, 3, 30, 87, 115,

119, 126 Takakura Gakuryo, 157 Takamaki Minoru, 92 Takao castle, 233 taking refuge, 191

in Amida Buddha, 147 in a teacher (chishiki ki17l)'o, chisfriki

danomi), 18, 28, 17; in one buddha alone, 191

Tanha Province, 31 tanen (multiple nClIbutsu), 177 Tanluan :!I':I (476-542?), 8, 146, 149n. Tdlltlishi5, 6, 9-10, 20, 22-23, 51, 101, 137,

144, 154, 156-158, 173-175, 202, 220 similarity with Gaijas/zo, 177-178

TQ717lis/zo choki, 173-174 Ta11llishi5 monki, 173 tanomu, 17 Tantric Buddhism. See esoteric buddhism tariki, 30, 43, 49, 68, 98-99, 104, 138, 145-

146,151,154, 165, 169, 2°9 tasuketalllae, 76 TateyalllH, 30, 191 Thlhftgata. See Amida tara (residcncc lodging), 29-30, 182 Tedori river, 191 teiki 11 ora i, 23 Tcndai school, II, 19,26,49, 51, 112-113, 154,

191,206 tendB nenbllisu. See nenbutsll thealer :md popular song, 172, 183, 188 thieflike faith, 18,22, 31 this-worldly benefits (genze ri)'akll), 18, 53,

78-79 Tibet, 11 Tcnzkawa Shunshii, 8

Index 297

Togashi Kochi)'o m~¥T+~ (d. 1474), 30-31

Togashi ]'v[asachika I'll'.t~j[)(m (1455-1488), 4, 31, '33-34, 231, 233

Toji kakocllo, 85 lOji shikko nikki, 119 'IOkllgawa period, 40, 46 lokllgall'a government's religious policies,

150 Tonda, 31 Wry'II (this lineage), 53 To),otol11i Hide)'oshi ~g:;:~E (1537-1598),

77-78, 125 devaluing women, 77 disdain for /-Ionganji, 77 mother's Pllfe Land faith, 78

lo)'owaraji (also To),ohamji), 29. 191 tribute (reikil1), 83 true practicc~ 141-142-

true faith, 54, 141-142, 178, 202

tflle realization, 141-142 Tsukamoto Zellf),O, 13011 twelve lights (mctaphor for Amida), 88,

125 1'01'0 aspecls of eleep helief (l1ig/1ll jillShin),

154, 156. 174 two buddhas (Sftkyamulli anel t\l11itflbha),

178 two truths (s/Iinzokll nitai), 153

Uda),ana, 112 lIngen heri pattern, z25 unity of scnlicnl beings and Buddha. See

kihB illai lIragaki (inscriptions on the back of scrolls),

133 11

utilitarianism, 223

lltslloji, I24

Y.1Iigll:Jll0, 7 VaslIh:llldhu, 55, 88, 142 \'0\\'5 of the buddha. See Original \loI\'(s)

W"g" s/zill/len (My F:litir), 158, 163n Wabsa provincc, 31 Warring Stales Jlcriod. See Scngoku period. lI'asan ("/50 hYIlIm), 9,28-29,41,76, 168,

17Z, 183, 206 bllfsllmyi5 WelS(HJ, 74 Hm,j6 wasellZ, 21, 227. 228, 230

•

warrior monks. See shuto Weber, Max, 3 Weinstein, Stanley, I, 6, 211

White Lotus Teaching (bailiarljiao), 89 women, 6, 10, 18, 59-70, 182, 188, 190

character 111i 5IJ~ as female saints, 73 co-fratemities (ko) of (n)'oninkii, nyiibokii,

amako), 66-67 as depicted in KyBgen, 60-63. See also

Ky6gen five obstacles and thrce submissions of

(gosh a s(/Ilsiz6), 6, 18, 59, 18C;-190 gatherings at festivals (nyobi5 za; onlla

za),63 Hideyoshi's view of, 77 Honganji's recognition of, 77 and impurity, 65 la)' renunciates (ama-ny17di5, ama-nyobo),

66-67 nyonin sh6ki doctrine, 6, 19 Rennyo's concern for, 59-60, 66,68-70,

170, 182-183, 192- 193 shaman<, '77 as true object of Amida's VOII'S (nyonil1

shiiki), 193 widow turning to Renn),o, 189

\Vorld War II, 156-157

Yakllshi (Blwisajyagllrtlvaidiil')'a-IJrabha) Buddha, 74, 75

yamabushi, 177 Yamashirw goba no kola nambi ni S0l10

jidai 110 kola, 45, 126 YamHshina Honganji, 4-5,31-34, 51, 94,

102, 179, 232- 2 33, 235 Yamashiro, 32 YalllHz"ki Ryumy6, 56 yin-yang masters, Ii? Yoda enstle, 45

Yodo river, 34 Yokawa, 113 Yome-odoshi 110 ani 110 men (Thc Devil

Mask of Daughter-in-Law Intimidation), 183

yori"i, 92. See also k6 Yoshizaki region, 9-10, 18,20,26-27,29-31,

39, 4', 51, 86, 112, 168, 182-184, 188-190, 230, 23 '

Yoshizakiji,183 Yoshizuwaji, 194n Yosoji,184 Yuan dynasty, 89 yiigen to mugen no taiB (correspondcnce

betwecn finite and infinite), '53 Yuien(b6) U!HIJ(:I:Ji) (1222-1288), 20, 137,

202

Yuisizinsiz6,137 YllisiJillsiJ6 ])]on'i, 8, 143 Yushin f,{jJL., (1463- 1490), 229 Yiishin(ni) ~-l'iIL.'(~) (1469-149°), 229, 230

Zcami tlHPJ~1j; (1363?-1443?), 188 Zenchin '&~ (138C;-1465), 33 zenchishiki (also zenjishiki, chishiki), IOJ,

105, '5 1

ZendB. See Shandao Zenkn,23 ZenkBji, no, 130n Zennyo ~ftD (1333-1389), 118, 168 Zeman, 114 Zen school, 40, 126 Zhu Yuanzhang *5I:l11i (1328- 1398), 89 Zonkaku 1¥Jt (1290-1373), 10, ;1, ;6, 74,

1l6, 122, 147, 15+ 168-169, 177, 180, 193, 227. 228

ZOl1kakll !logo, 168 Zonkakll sode nikki, "7 2011I1\'0 1¥:!m ('396-1457), '9,22, 1II, 121,

1'25, 127, 167, 169, 227, 228, 233, 234 Zuisenji, 22, 29, 232