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http://tas.sagepub.com Time & Society DOI: 10.1177/0961463X09338082 2009; 18; 181 Time Society Bjorn Nansen, Michael Arnold, Martin R. Gibbs and Hilary Davis Domestic orchestration: Rhythms in the mediated home http://tas.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/2-3/181 The online version of this article can be found at: Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com can be found at: Time & Society Additional services and information for http://tas.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Email Alerts: http://tas.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Reprints: http://www.sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Permissions: http://tas.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/18/2-3/181 Citations at SIMON FRASER LIBRARY on December 8, 2009 http://tas.sagepub.com Downloaded from

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Time & Society

DOI: 10.1177/0961463X09338082 2009; 18; 181 Time Society

Bjorn Nansen, Michael Arnold, Martin R. Gibbs and Hilary Davis Domestic orchestration: Rhythms in the mediated home

http://tas.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/2-3/181 The online version of this article can be found at:

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

can be found at:Time & Society Additional services and information for

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http://tas.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints:

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http://tas.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/18/2-3/181 Citations

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Domestic orchestrationRhythms in the mediated home

Bjorn Nansen, Michael Arnold, Martin R. Gibbs and Hilary Davis

ABSTRACT.� The� steady� proliferation� of� media� and� connectivity��reconstitutes�domestic� rhythms� in�ways� that�make� them�emergent,�relational,�negotiated,� and�multiple.� In�an�attempt� to�capture� some�of� the� entangled� dynamics� characteristic� of� contemporary� domes-tic� chronometrics� (time-measured),� chronaesthetics� (time-felt)� and�chronomanagement� (time-ordered),� we� use� the� terms� ‘reticular�rhythms’�and�‘technologies�of�reticulation’.�In�our�analysis�of�inter-views�with�five�families�over�three�years�we�identify�four�interrelated�forms� of� reticular� rhythms� that� together� constitute� the� rhythms� of�contemporary�domestic� life.�These�four�are:�a�polyphonic�drone,�a�polychronic�dissonance,�an�asynchronous�consonance,�and�an�orches-trated� performance.� Each� of� these� forms� of� rhythm� are� described�and�illustrated.�KEY�WORDS •�chronaesthetics •�governmentality�•�home�•�media�technologies�•�technologies-of-reticulation�•�temporal�rhythms

Introduction

In�an�attempt�to�identify�and�interpret�the�rhythms�that�emerge�in�media-dense�–�yet�also�ordinary�–�domestic�contexts,�this�article�deploys�and�extends�Henri�Lefebvre’s�analytic�concern� for� the� rhythmic�composition�of� the�everyday.� In�doing�so,�the�article�joins�a�broad�and�growing�body�of�work�examining�the�tem-poral�organization�and�experience�of�contemporary�life�(Harvey,�1989;�Adam,�

©�The�Author(s),�2009.�Reprints�and�permissions:�http://www.sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.navVOL.�18�No.�2/3�(2009),�pp.�181–207� 0961-463X� DOI:�10.1177/0961463X09338082

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182� time & society 18(2/3)

1990,� 1995;� Nowotny,� 1994;� Hochschild,� 1997;� Bluedorn,� 2002;� Southerton,�2003,�2006;�Hassan�and�Purser,�2007;�Rosa�and�Scheuerman,�2008).�We�address�familial�interaction�with,�use�of,�and�practices�mediated�by�media�technologies�in�the�home�and�discuss�how�these�configurations�constitute�the�temporal�and�rhythmic�dimensions�of�contemporary�domestic�life.

Domestic�spaces�and�familial�times�are�increasingly�characterized�by�connec-tivity�and�the�use�of�information,�communication�and�media�technologies,�which�have� quietly� attached� themselves� to� everyday� domestic� practices.� Within� the�home,�newer�modes�of�communication,�labour,�socialization,�and�organization�map�onto�and�inflect�traditional�family�periodicities,�or�what�Eviatar�Zerubavel�(1979)�calls� the�chronemes�of�sociotemporal� life�–� the�meal,� the�evening,� the�day,�the�week,�the�weekend.�These�new�media�and�communication�devices�and�platforms�perturb�and�shape�the�rhythms�–�the�patterns,�routines�and�schedules�–�that�constitute�much�of�daily�and�domestic�life.�As�social�and�technical�sites,�then,�homes�today�have�increasingly�become�critical�nodal�points�in�networked�infrastructures�connecting� to� the�world�via�a� raft�of�pipes�and�wires�carrying�water,�energy�and,�crucially,�information�(Graham�and�Marvin,�2001).�Looking�beyond� the� implications� of� these� spatial� linkages� that� pertain� to� networked�homes,�we�enquire�into�the�temporal�implications�for�daily�life�in�the�connected�home.�Homes�are�sites�of�production�and�reproduction,�of�labour�and�leisure,�of�parenting�and�socializing.�Homes�are�sites�where�family�members�synchronize,�come�together�and�play�out�the�complex�performances�that�constitute�everyday�family� life;� still� in� a� sense� a� refuge� from� the� exigencies� of� employment� and��public� life,� yet� now� irrevocably� enmeshed� on� a� minute-by-minute� basis� with��global�events,�wider�society,�and�other�places�and�times.�Here�different�rhythms�and�scales�intersect,�collide�and�configure�the�hour,�the�day,�the�week,�the�month,�the� season,� the� time-for� the� mundane� unfolding� of� meals,� sleeping,� working,�cleaning,�peppered�by�the�unexpected�and�by�the�anticipation�of�special�events.

We�argue�that�the�proliferation�of�media�and�connectivity�perturbs�and�shapes�domestic�rhythms�in�ways�that�make�them�emergent,�relational,�negotiated,�and�thus�less�stable�than�those�that�pertain�in�the�absence�of�domestic�sociotechni-cal�networks.�In�an�attempt� to�capture�some�of� these�entangled�and�relational�dynamics� we� use� the� term� ‘reticular� rhythms’� to� suggest� an� arrangement� in�which� the� network� of� interconnections� is� animated� by� increasingly� emergent�rather� than� scheduled� chronometrics� (time-measured),� chronaesthetics� (time-felt)� and� chronomanagement� (time-ordered).� Lefebvre’s� work� implies� that��reticulation�is�integral�to�the�formation�of�times�and�rhythms,�yet�our�naming�of�‘reticular�rhythms’�aims�to�make�clear�the�urgency�of�analysing�the�collaborative�and�complex�dynamics�of�the�present,�where�a�diverse�number�of�stakeholders,�or�heterogeneous�actors�and�actants�participate�in�the�constitution�of�provisional,�unstable,�entangled�and�distributed�settings�(Dieter,�forthcoming).�Further,�we�suggest�that�the�densely�mediated�networks�that�give�rise�to�reticular�rhythms�

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� nansen et al.: domestic orchestration� 183

urge�a�reassessment�of�contemporary�forms�of�self-governance.�These�modes�of�governmentality�are,�we�suggest,�constituted�by�‘technologies�of�reticulation’,�extending�the�later�Foucault’s�(1988)�notion�of�‘technologies�of�self’�to�recog-nize�the�more�extensive�and�relational�modes�of�managing�the�self�and�familial�and�material�others,�here,�within�the�home.

An Analysis of Rhythm

The�temporal�conditions�and�rhythms�of�paid�labour�have�been�treated�with�con-siderable�critical� thought� (Thompson,�1967;�Marx�1971,�1977;�Harvey,�1989;�Amin,�1994;�Glennie�and�Thrift,�2005;�Beck,�2000;�Neilson�and�Rossiter,�2005).�However,�it�seems�that�the�rhythms�of�the�home,�and�particularly�the�contempo-rary�media-infused�home,�have�received�little�attention.�Though�there�are�some�notable�exceptions�that�address�the�shifting�experience�of�time�in�relation�to�tech-nologies�within�domestic�sites�(e.g.�Silverstone�and�Hirsch,�1992;�Daly,�1996;�Gershuny,�2000;�Lally,�2002;�Shove,�2003;�Southerton,�2003,�2006),�much�work�on�domestic�temporalities�frames�the�discussion�as�a�tension�between�work�and�home�and�addresses�the�division�of�labour�in�contemporary�economies,�rather�than�in�the�context�of�domestic�life�per se�(e.g.�Nippert-Eng,�1996;�Felstead�and�Jewson,�2000;�Tietze�and�Musson,�2002;�Brannen,�2005;�Kaufman-Scarborough,�2006;�Golden�and�Geisler,�2007).�In�our�consideration�of�domestic�life�we�draw�on�a�number�of�these�studies,�as�well�as�temporally�inflected�accounts�that�dis-cuss�schedules,�coordination,�patterns,�and�routines.�However,�we�extend�these�accounts�to�consider�the�implications�of�information�and�communication�tech-nologies�for�the�dynamics�not�only�of�domestic�labour,�but�also�play,�relaxation,�eating,�sleeping,� living,�socializing,�and�viewing�in�the�home.�This�account�is�primarily�informed�by�Lefebvre’s�conceptualization�of�rhythms.

Lefebvre’s�Rhythmanalysis –�which�was�to�be�the�fourth�volume�in�his�critique�of�everyday�life,�but�remained�an�unfinished�project�–�draws�our�attention�to�the�complex�temporalities�that�make�up�the�everyday,�or�le quotidian,�which�encom-passes�both� the�mundane� in� the�everyday�and� the�repetitive,�or�what�happens�everyday�(Elden,�2004).�Despite�its�incompleteness,�Simonsen�(2005:�9)�states�that�Rhythmanalysis�‘raises�the�question�on�development�of�alternative�method-ologies�in�order�to�grasp�the�more�opaque�sides�of�social�life’,�of�something�that�is�present�yet�vague,�ill�defined,�and�readily�overlooked.�For�Lefebvre�(2004),�the� analysis� of� rhythms� makes� these� everyday� and� unremarkable� relations,�mediations�and�interactions�legible.�While�rooted�in�poetics�and�musicology�and�commonly�used�as�a�synonym�for�a�consonant�sequence�–�Lefebvre’s�analysis�is�different.�It�moves�against�an�ontological�dichotomy�that�perpetuates�axiomatic�understandings�or�aporias�of�rhythm�as�either�a�repetitive�mechanistic�beat�that�disciplines,�or an�harmonious�organic�cadence�that�unifies�its�elements.�Instead,�

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rhythm�is�an�unfolding�that�involves�a�tension�between�discipline�and�harmony�–� ‘between� measured,� imposed,� external� time,� and� a� more� endogenous� time’�(p.�99).�For�Lefebvre,�rhythm�is�relational,�a�site�of�interaction�and�instability�rather�than�order.�It�is�a�process�where�competing�temporalities,�emanating�from�different�sources,�collide�and�redefine�each�other� to�stitch� together� the�every-day.�As�he�writes,�‘so-called�natural�rhythms�change�for�multiple,�technological,�socio-economic� reasons,� in�ways� that� require�detailed� research’� (p.�74).�Thus�rhythm� is�never� isolated,�but�always�plural;� rhythms�are�always�composed�of�reticular�gatherings,�or�as�Lefebvre�writes,� ‘bundles’� (p.�80).�The�bundling�of�rhythms�acknowledges�heterogeneity,�context�and� relationality;� it� is� the� inter-play�between�repetition�and�surprise�(Moran,�2005).

For�Lefebvre’s�purposes,�and�for�ours,�rhythm�is�not�an�exogenous�structure�that�has�meaning�apart�from�the�elements�in�rhythm�(i.e.�a�disciplinary�power�that� might� be� interpreted� independently� of� that� which� is� disciplined).� Nor� is�it�a�quality�of� the� individual�elements� in� rhythm,�or�a�quality�of� the�relations�between� the�elements� in� rhythm�(i.e.� indicative�of�each�element’s�qualities�of�agency,� cohesion,� subordination,� interdependence� and� so� on).� Rather,� it� is� a�mode�of�analysis�through�which�structures,�elements�and�relations�are�brought�together�at�the�intersection�of�social�worlds,�cultural�norms,�and�mediating�tech-nologies,�and�where�structures,�elements�and�relations�constitute�one�another,�and� where� an� attendance� to� rhythms� makes� structures,� qualities� of� elements,�and�qualities�of� relations,� legible.�This� approach� is� concerned�with� time�as� a�hybrid�formation,�or�what�Latour�(1993)�describes�as�polytemporality,�involv-ing�processes�of�‘timing,�spacing,�acting’�(Latour,�1997:�179).�And�it�suggests�a� topological�dimension� to� time;� that� time� is� always� located� in�place:�Latour�(1997:�178)�writes�that�‘when�a�place�counts�as�a�topos�it�also�counts�as�a�kairos’.�This� is� reflected� in� Serres’s� topological� philosophy� of� time,� expressed� in� his�metaphor�of�a�crumpled�handkerchief,�where�‘time�can�be�schematized�by�a�kind�of�crumpling,�a�multiple,�foldable�diversity’�(Serres�and�Latour,�1995:�59).�This�topologically�enmeshed�temporality�is�canvassed�in�recent�cultural�theory�that�explores�how�times�and�spaces�are�mutually�produced� through�socio-material�practices�(Massey,�1994,�2005;�Thrift,�1996;�Crang�and�Thrift,�2001;�May�and�Thrift,�2001;�Urry�and�Macnaughten,�2001;�Urry,�2007).

Nevertheless,� Lefebvre� offers� a� somewhat� different� approach� in� that� he�emphasizes�the�variegated�and�often�opaque�times�and�rhythms�that�constitute�the�everyday.�In�focusing�on�the�city�or�the�body,�Lefebvre�adopted�biological�metaphors,� describing� temporality� as� rhythmed� through� both� the� organic� and�the�mechanical,�where�the�demands�of�each�intersect,�synchronize�and�compete,�producing�forms�of�eurhythmia,�polyrhythmia�and�arrhythmia.�In�our�analysis,�we� adopt� musical� metaphors� in� order� to� consider� how� domestic� rhythms� are�composed�through�the�aggregation�of�individual�media�interaction,�or�play,�to�form�an�ensemble�of�collective�mediality.�In�these�contexts,�both�synchronicity�

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and�asynchronicity,�or�integration�and�interruption,�emerge�in�a�complex�manner�that� acknowledges� multiple� temporal� regimes� and� interactions.� In� an� attempt�to� impose�a�degree�of�clarity�on�the�entangled�dynamics�of� temporal�metrics,�aesthetics�and�orderings�in�the�contemporary�home,�we�identify�four�forms�of�interlaced�rhythms.�These�four�are:�(1)�a�polyphonic�drone,�(2)�a�polychronic�dissonance,�(3)�an�asynchronous�consonance,�(4)�an�orchestrated�performance.

Method: Investigating Temporal Organization in the Home

In�attempting�to�identify�and�interpret�the�rhythmic�and�temporal�organization�of� an� increasingly� mediated� domestic� life,� we� pay� particular� attention� to� the�uses,� practices� and� routines� associated�with� technologies;� to� the� coordination�and�scheduling�of�domestic�life�through�technology;�and�to�effects�and�affects�of�new�media�and�technologies�on�the�rhythms�of�the�home.�This�article�draws�on�and�takes�a�cut�through�the�empirical�research�from�our�three-year�Connected�Homes�project� –� research� that� focused�on� the�use�of�media� and� communica-tion� technologies� in�domestic�and� familial� everyday� life.�Rather� than� treating�technologies�in�isolation,�this�research�adopted�an�approach�that�considered�the�aggregation�and�integration�of�a�suite�of�technologies�in�the�home�(Shove,�2003).�It�was�through�the�‘bundling’�of�these�collective�processes�that�the�measurement,�experience� and� management� of� temporal� rhythms� was� made� coherent.�These�technologies�included:�desktop�and�laptop�computers,�wireless,�broadband�and�dial-up� internet,� email,�SMS�and� social�networking,�video�and�online�games,�television,�DVD�and�video,�landline�and�mobile�phones,�PDAs,�calendars�and�diaries.�Similarly,�while� individual� experience� and�management� of� time� is� of�critical� importance,� this� research�adopted�an�approach� that� sought� to� connect�the�individual� to�forms�of�collectivity�in�order� to�account�for� the�sociotechni-cal�scale�of� the�home.�The�multitude,�and� their� relations,� is�something� that� is�often�neglected�in�theoretical�work�on�time�–�which�in�attempting�to�gain�pur-chase�on�contemporary�complexities�often�distils�focus�down�to�the�individual�–�yet,�multiplicity�and�intersubjectivity� is�something�rendered�legible� through�the�theoretical�framework�provided�by�Lefebvre.

Informing�our�study�were�five�‘traditional’�families�–�comprised�of�parents,�children,� suburban� homes� and� mortgages� –� living� in� Melbourne,� Australia.�Yet,� each�of� these� families� could�be� considered� to�be�on� the� leading�edge�of�media�appropriation,�and�as�‘early�adopters’�(Rogers,�1983),�representative�of�a�growing�phenomenon�that�configures�the�home�as�a�node�in�an�extensive�and�multi-modal�communications�network.�Our�participants�were�people�who�used�information�and�communication�technologies�regularly�across�a�wide�range�of�daily�activities.�They�were�also�employed�in�various�forms�of�immaterial�labour�and/or�knowledge�work,�which�often�mixed�traditional�forms�of�paid�labour�with�

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the�distributed�forms�of�labour�associated�with�models�of�a�‘post-Fordist�infor-mation�economy’.�These�particular�families�are� therefore�not�a�sample� that� is�representative�of�a�cross-section�of�wider�society.�They�were�selected�as�repre-sentatives�of�a�group�that�has�appropriated�technology�with�a�breadth�of�applica-tion�and�an�intensity�of�use�that�is�above�and�beyond�the�average.1�In�making�the�decision�to�sample�on�the�basis�of�broad�and�intense�appropriation,�our�expecta-tion�was�that�the�more�‘connected’�the�home,�the�less�muted�and�more�evident�the�implications�of�living�in�the�connected�home�would�be,�and�that�although�our�findings�are�located�in�and�contingent�upon�the�experience�of�this�group,�these�implications�may�be�mobilized�to�inform�the�experience�of�those�who�are�less�connected,�to�the�extent�that�they�are�connected.

In�agreeing�to�participate�in�the�study,�our�participant�families�were�in�effect�agreeing�to�participate�as�co-researchers�or�collaborators�in�our�research�work.�This�was�achieved�through�the�use�of�a�novel�research�method�derived�from�the�‘Cultural�Probes’�of�Gaver�et�al.�(1999,�2004).�Our�interpretation�and�applica-tion�of�the�Cultural�Probe�differed�from�Gaver�and�colleagues�in�so�much�as�we�employed�the�probe�as�an�analytic�probe,�for�the�purposes�of�cooperative�data�gathering�and�analysis�rather�than�cooperative�system�design.�In�our�study,�the�‘Pack’� of� equipment� given� to� the� household� to� record� and� interpret� their� use�of�domestic�ICTs�was�comprised�of��(a)�maps�to�trace�origins�and�destinations�of�communications;�(b)�colour-coded�stickers�to�record�each�technology’s�user�and�frequency�of�use;�(c)�cameras�to�provide�snapshots�of�the�routine�and�the�novel�in�domestic�life;�(d)�diaries�for�each�family�member;�and�(e)�a�scrapbook�for�photos�and�jottings�(see�Arnold,�2004).�These�records�provided�‘objects�to�think�with’�(Papert,�1980),�conversation�pieces,�grist�for�the�mill�of�conversation�between�the�family�members�and�ourselves,�which�took�place�during�three�visits�to�the�family�home�over�the�period�of�six�weeks�or�so�–�and�then�revisited�for�a�follow-up�conversation�with�five�of�the�families,�three�years�later.�The�conversa-tions�and�the�interpretation�of�probe-pack�traces�circulated�around�daily�life�in�the�home�with�information�and�communication�technologies.�We�talked�about�which�technologies�were�used�in�the�home,�what�sort�of�tasks�were�accomplished,�where�these�technologies�were�located�and�why,�when�these�technologies�were�used,�what�human�relations�were�affected,�what�values�were�relevant,�and�what�behaviour�resulted�(Arnold,�2004;�Arnold�et�al.,�2006a,�2006b;�Shepherd�et�al.,�2006,�2007).

The�method�was�designed�so�as�not�to�silence�‘the�natives’�by�treating�them�as�objects�to�be�observed�and�explained;�it�did�not�patronize�them�by�treating�them�as�sources�of�unprocessed,�primary�data�only�–�without�also�asking�them�to�join�with�the�research�and�reflect�on�the�traces,�and�interpret�and�analyse�that�data;�and�it�did�not�frame�the�household�as�instrumental,�rational,�solution-seeking�users�of�technologies.�Rather,�householders�were�treated�as�ludic,�emotive�beings�who�were�engaging�with� similarly� ludic�and�emotive� researchers.�This�democratic�

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and�sometimes�playful�method�was�adopted�in�an�attempt�to�capture�what�is�an�especially�elusive�and�necessarily�emergent�and�shifting�object�of�study.�While�limited�in�scope�–�only�capturing�a�discrete�period�and�context�of�change�–�this�method�was�productive�for�describing�processes�of�temporal�ordering,�and�for�gesturing�towards�future�directions�for�domestic�temporal�rhythms,�that�might�escape�alternative�models�for�the�study�of�time.

Polyphonic Drone: Expectation, Frustration, Compulsion

New�Media�research�has�observed�that�contemporary�information�and�commu-nication�technologies�provide�resources�for�maintaining�persistent�availability,�or�a�continual�connected�presence�(Licoppe,�2004),�where�presence�is�rendered�through�‘multiplying�mediated�communication�gestures�up�to�the�point�where�co-present� interactions� and�mediated� communication� seem�woven� in� a� seam-less�web’�(Licoppe,�2004:�135).�While�our�research�similarly�suggests�that�the�process�of�integrating�ever�more�new�media�technologies�into�the�home�is�help-ing� to�facilitate�multiple�forms�of�availability�and�connectivity,�and�entertain-ment�and�information�access,�in�constructing�a�milieu�commonly�experienced�as�‘always�connected’�or�‘always�on’,�the�experience�elaborated�contests�notions�of�seamlessness.�Instead,�this�experience�of�‘always�on’�is�a�metric�and�a�sense�of�an�ambient�media�presence�that�seams�daily�life�–�both�joining�and�separating�(Cooper,�1998)�–� in�establishing�a� ‘drone’� that�constitutes� the� requisite�back-ground�for�all�sorts�of�foregrounded�activity�in�the�contemporary�home.�While�normal,� ordinary� and� everyday,� these� media� often� recede� from� view,� masked�by�their�ordinariness,�and�are,�in�Heidegger’s�(1977)�terms,�ready-to-hand,�yet�when�made�the�focus�of�reflexive�consideration�(through�this�study�for�exam-ple),�they�become�present-to-hand,�and�are�recognized�and�acknowledged:

You� don’t� realize� how� much� you� use� it� [technology]� .� .� .� it’s� just� there� all� the�time.

Basically�I�am�always�connected.

Technology�changes�life�at�home,�it�brings�the�outside�world�into�our�home.

Wireless�broadband�changes�the�way�you�use�the�Internet�.�.��it’s�just�there�as�an�online�tool,�whereas�previously�with�a�dial-up�connection�it�was�almost�you’d�say,�‘okay�I�am�making�the�decision�to�go�on�to�the�Internet�and�I’m�going�to�spend�some�time�on�the�Internet’.�And�so�it�would�dial�up�and�connect�and�off�you’d�go.�Whereas�now�its�like�having�an�always-on�connection�.�.�.

I�suppose�it’s�the�expectation�that�you�are�always�there�to�answer�the�phone�and�I�don’t�like�that,�I�don’t�think�that�that’s�appropriate.

Moreover,�this�ambient�media�drone�is�polyphonic,�composed�of�a�palimpsest�of�television,�radio,�web,�social�networking,�texting,�and�telephones�(Lefebvre’s�

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media�day),�channelling�a�literally�endless�stream�of�voices,�images,�words�and�sounds� into� the� home.�And� so� the� home� is� pervaded� by� a� polyphonic� drone,�which�can�be�muted,�but�cannot�be�switched�off.�This�drone�is�seen�to�emanate�from�the�nature�of�the�instruments�themselves,�a�technological�imposition�deter-mined�by�the�telos�and�character�of�the�media.�This�phenomenon�was�most�often�noted�in�relation�to�screen�media,�particularly�the�television:

It’s�just�endless.�They�can�just�watch�the�next�show,�and�the�next�one�.�.�.�TV�is�an�open�channel�.�.�.�Sometimes�I�feel�that�TV�just�keeps�running�on.

TV�is�never�ending.�You�can�just�keep�changing�the�channel.

You�can�start�watching�television�at�7.30�in�the�morning�and�you�could�just�watch�it�all�day�long.�You�know,�there�is�one�thing�after�another,�and�every�one�of�them�is�now�advertised�within�the�one�before.�There�are�constant�hooks�to�stay�watching.

In�addition,�this�polyphonic�drone�was�recognized�as�a�feature�of�media�forms�that�were�traditionally�discrete�with�a�beginning�and�an�end,�but�through�digital�remediation,�have�become�less�finite�and�more�open-ended:

DVDs�are�changing�I�think�the�idea�of�what�a�film�is.�The�film�is�now�only�one�nodule�within�a�whole�concatenation�of�options�–�playing�a�game,�seeing�how�it�was�made,�seeing�various�versions�of�the�director’s�cut�with�alternate�endings,�the�out-takes,�interviews�–�and�so�the�film�just�becomes�one�other�bit�of�merchandising�.�.�.�I�see�that�as�being�a�really�significant�shift.�So�where�I�think�of�the�film�as�being�a�narrative,�DVDs�are�exploding�that�.�.�.�evoking�a�new�sort�of�endlessness.

Endless�media�content,�and�‘always�on’�do�not,�however,�in�themselves,�capture�the� experience� of� connected� media� within� the� home.� Rather,� our� participants�went�on� to�elaborate� the�affective�and�chronaesthetic�dimensions�of� the�poly-phonic�drone�of�media�presence�in�the�home�in�terms�of�expectation,�frustration,�and�compulsion.

Expectation�was�discussed�in�the�context�of�the�home�being�immersed�in�com-munications�of�a�personal�nature,�but�unsurprisingly�it�was�the�drone�of�employ-ment-related�communications�that�was�prominent.�The�ever-present�drone�was�a�pervasive�reminder�of�the�possibility�for�knowledge�work�to�be�done,�here�and�now,� and� through� raising� the�possibility,� suggesting� the�need� that� it� be�done,�here,� and� now.�Work� that� is� materially� (that� is,� digitally)� ever-present,� at� all�times,�translates�into�a�rhythm�that�is�flexible,�yet�lacks�the�modularization�of�a�beginning�and�end.�The�drone�is�never-ending�and�ever-present,�so�one�tunes�in�and�out�during�the�day,�through�the�evening�and�on�the�weekends,�and�though�one�pauses,�the�drone�itself�never�finishes:

The�fact�that�I�can�do�a�reasonably�wide�range�of�work�things�from�home�easily,�I�tend�to.�If�that�technology�didn’t�exist�I�would�leave�my�office�at�five�or�whatever,�and�while�I�might�make�a�few�notes�on�paper,�I�wouldn’t�do�anything�like�as�much�work�as�I�do�if�I�didn’t�have�the�connection.

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No�one�says�I�have�to�put�in�the�time�at�home�–�it’s�more�implicit� than�explicit�–�but�they�know�that�I’m�not�going�to�be�able�to�meet�particular�deadlines�unless�I�do�it.

Some�days�I�might�have�been�on�my�machine�in�the�office�for�most�of�the�day.�And�I�come�home�and�I’m�so�habituated�to�that�space�of�the�screen�that�I�keep�wanting�to�go�[and�use�the�laptop].�I�have�to�say�to�myself,�‘no,�hang�on�a�minute,�you’ve�been�working�all�day�on�this,�leave�it�alone’.�But�I�feel�a�real�need�to�still�be�online.�And�I’m�beginning�to�really�understand�that�notion�of�being�wired,�being�on�all�the�time.

Moreover,� habituation� to� this� domestic� media� drone� implies� a� shifting� orien-tation� and� perception� towards� the� tempo� of� communication.� Our� participants�reported�a� reactive�pattern�of� interaction� resembling�an�escalating�or�positive�feedback� loop,� where� quick� replies� to� the� incoming� stream� established� and�locked�in�patterns�and�further�expectations�of�quick�replies,�accompanied�by�a�sense�of�urgency:

There�used�to�be�delay�in�communication�in�business,�people�used�to�accept�taking�time�to�get�back�to�them.�But�now�[with�email],�people�expect�quick�answers.

It’s�part�of�that�thing�about�working�from�home�.�.�.�you�can’t�really�do�that�unless�you�are�very�locked�into�the�system.�Emails�from�students,�administration,�all�of�that.�I�would�log�in�a�lot�to�make�sure�I�was�on�top�of�things.

With�these�mediated�forms�of�communication�there�is�an�assumption�that�because�they�are�efficient,�you�will�be�efficient.

The�expectations�and�tempo�of�this�drone�established�conditions�for�frustration�when�the�connection�faltered�or�the�rhythm�missed�a�beat:�

By�the�time�you�ring�them,�then�message,�email,�text�them,�there�is�not�much�more�you�can�do�if�you�are�not�getting�any�response�at�all.�You�expect�to�be�able�to�get�[a�reply�from]�people.�

And�while�these�conditions�appeared�systematic�or�structural,�the�appeal�of�this�polyphonic�drone�was�largely�framed�by�our�participants�in�terms�of�their�own�agency�and�subjectivity.�And�when�viewed�as�a�personal�problem,�‘appeal’�often�bled�into�‘compulsion’:�

It’s�a�problem�with�people�at�work,�because�there�is�an�expectation�that�I�am�avail-able.�That’s�a�really�big�problem.�I’ve�created�it.�They�haven’t.�I’ve�created�it�.�.�.�what�is�it�in�me�that�makes�me�want�to�do�that?�Why�can’t�I�just�switch�off?

This� inability�or�unwillingness� to� ‘switch�off’� the�drone,�while�common� in�our�experience,�was�often�pathologized�as�a�compulsion�to�log�on,�to�watch,�to�listen,�to�check.�Most�notably�this�was�in�relation�to�checking�email�and�trawling�the�internet:

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I�am�obsessive�about�email,�constantly�checking�my�email�when�I�am�at�home�.�.�.�every�half�hour,�or�hour�if�I�am�busy�.�.�.�if�I�am�at�that�desk�I�think�I�log�in�because�I�am�bored,�I�don’t�really�want�to,�but�it�is�a�kind�of�distraction�.�.�.�but�I�have�to�be�connected,�on�top�of�things.

Every� time� I�go�onto� the� internet� I� just� always�check�my�emails,� even� if� I� just�checked�them,�you�know,�an�hour�ago�or�something,�it’s�just�there.

I�have�a�kind�of�addictive�tendency.�When�I�start�the�internet�I�keep�going,�going,�going.�When�I�start�to�email,�100�emails�coming,�I�keep�checking,�checking,�check-ing�.�.�.�never�ending�.�.�.�and�when�I�start�to�watch�TV,�I�keep�changing�channels.�Keep�watching,�watching,�watching.�Never�stop.

I�find�that�it�is�very�much�like�gambling,�in�that,�if�you�have�already�been�trawling�the�net�for�an�hour,�then�you�have�kind�of�invested�all�that�time�and�energy�already.�So�to�stop�then�is�statistically�a�bad�time,�because�you�are�nearly�there,�you�have�nearly�plumbed�some�sort�of�depth.�But�of�course,�it�is�a�fiction.�There�is�no�end�to�it.�But�having�been�brought�up�in�a�world�of�finite�media,�books,�records,�CDs,�that�always�have�an�end,�then�it�is�very�difficult�to�make�that�conceptual�shift�to�the�net,�and�to�recognize�the�best�way�to�use�it�is�probably�just�to�say,�‘okay�10�minutes�a�day�and�that’s�it’.�And�to�live�with�it.

Here,� the� shift� from� finite� media� discretely� packaged� to� an� ecology� (Fuller,�2007)�of�infinite�media�with�structurally�open�architectural�systems�invites�users�to� be� tuned� in� continually,� yet� a� sense� of� satisfaction� or� completion� remains�elusive.�This�modulating�and�affective�rhythm�of�navigating�and�sampling�dig-ital�domains�of�networked�information�is�described�by�Brian�Massumi�(2002:�139–40)�as�a�feeling�that:�

Link�after�link,�we�click�ourselves�into�a�lull.�But�suddenly�something�else�clicks�in,�and�out�attention�awakens�.�.�.�surfing�sets�up�a�rhythm�of�attention�and�distraction��.�.�.�a�strange�sense�of�foreboding�.�.�.�a�sensing�of�an�impending�moreness.�

Accompanying� these� oscillating� and� provisional� affective� registers,� however,�is�the�sense�that�connection�is�intrinsically�linked�to�one’s�self-worth,�and�that�these�material�connections�help�to�establish�and�maintain�ontological�stability�–�what�Lally�(2002)�has�evocatively�described�as�a�cultural�proprioception:

Tonight,�for�example,�I�suddenly�found�myself�checking�my�email.�And�I�thought,�‘what�am�I�doing�this�for?’�I�should�be�sitting�down�with�a�cup�of�tea.�It’s�always�there,�and�it’s�this�live�thing.�It’s�as�though�there�are�things�going�on�that�make�me�feel�more�important:�it’s�an�email�to�me�or�something�.�.�.�or�it’s�sort�of�like�a�way�of�defining�my�significance.

Nevertheless,� concerns� about� the� seduction� and� noise� of� this� domestic� drone�were�palpable�for�our�participants.�And�these�centred�upon�this�pervasive�rhythm�erasing� time� for�other� activities,� or�operating� at� the� expense�of�more� ‘worth-while’�use�of�time:

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I’ll�watch�it�and�find�it�reasonably�interesting,�but�ultimately�it�is�such�a�big�con-sumer�of�time,�there�are�so�many�other�things�that�I�would�like�to�be�doing,�and�I�struggle�with�work�to�do�any�of�those.�So�I�don’t�need�television�soaking�up�that�time,�because�it�is�a�time�soaker.

Sana�will�go�onto�Club�Penguin.�And�she�will�spend�ages�.�.�.�and�I�will�say,�‘what�are�you�getting�out�of�this?�All�you�are�doing�is�spending�time.�It�is�like�a�prison�sentence�of�sorts’�.�.�.�They�are�designed�to�suck�you�in�and�make�you�spend�more�and�more�time,�and�you�have�to�see�that.

In�addition,�concern�pivoted�upon�detrimental�impacts�for�the�body:

I�sometimes�wonder�what�he�watches.�He�does�tend�to�go�onto�Limewire�and�start�downloading�songs.�And�occasionally�at�night,� I�have�gone�to�bed�and�I’ve� just�been�aware�or�sensed�that�the�kids�aren’t�asleep,�and�I’ve�gone�up�and�heard�the�whir�of�the�computer.�And�the�next�day�he�is�all�bleary�eyed�.�.�.�this�is�the�problem�I�think,�the�one�thing�they�really�need�to�learn�–�the�hardest�thing�–�is�to�know�how�long�they�have�been�watching�and�to�monitor�themselves.

I�will� try� to�go� to�sleep,�but� I� feel� that�my�brain�has�been�over-stimulated�by�a��certain�kind�of�intensity,�that�I�don’t�think�you�have�with�paper-based�work.�Yes,�it’s�intensive�cognitively,�but�whereas�with�that�screen�you’re�not�blinking,�you�are�not�moving,�you’re�not�breathing�properly.�And�I�often�find�that�I�feel�unable�to�switch�out�of�that�intense�gazing�into�the�screen.

As�Berardi�(2005)�describes,�with�contemporary�forms�of�information�produc-tion,�all�kinds�of�work�–�and�play�–�become�equal�from�a�physical�or�ergonomic�point�of�view.�And�sitting�in�front�of�screens,�bending�over�and�typing�on�key-boards,�with�‘nerves� that�stiffen� in� the�constant�strain�of�attention,�[and]�eyes�that�get�tired�staring�at�a�screen’�(p.�1),�bodies�are�a�perishable�physicality�whose�integrity�is�at�stake.

Polychronic Dissonance: Integration, Interruption, Distraction

The�temporal�pattern�of�‘always�on’�described�by�our�participants�was�an�his-torically� and� technologically� specific� configuration� informed� by� a� continuing�process�of�media�development�and�unfolding�negotiation.�Rather�than�rupture,�then,�this�gradual�change�and�sedimentation�of�technologies�was�seen�to�unset-tle�and�displace�the�more�stable�temporal�rhythms�and�arrangements�that�held�sway�in�a�less�mediated�and�distant�domestic�past.�The�condition�of�remaining�‘on’,�where�the�polyphonic�drone�and�continual�connectivity�implied�expecta-tion,� frustration�and�compulsion,�also�provided� resources�or�possibilities�–�as�well�as�imperatives�–�to�organize�the�temporal�order�of�tasks�in�novel�ways.�In�particular,�‘always�on’�meant�that�temporal�routines�were�organized�less�in�a�lin-ear,�sequential�and�ordered�manner;�rather,�it�offered�the�potential�for�integrating�

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activities�and�interactions�so�that�they�were�typically�started,�stopped,�switched,�and� interspersed�with�each�other�–� thus� temporal� rhythms�in�mediated�homes�were�often�characterized�by�interruption,�disruption�and�polychronic�patterns�of�engagement�with�media�forms.

Distinct�from�the�monochronic�patterns�that�were�structured�around�the�strict�and� regulated� times�of�manual� labour� that�defined� industrial� life� (Thompson,�1967),�polychronic� temporal� routines� are� characterized�by�non-linearity,�non-sequentiality,� temporal� density,� and� integrated� practices� and� organization� of�the� everyday.� These� polychronic� rhythms� refer� to� the� contemporary� orienta-tions� toward� time,� interpolated� by� information� and� communication� technolo-gies,�that�interrupt,�distract,�facilitate�real-time�anytime�interaction,�and�demand�immediate� attention,� and� in� these� ways,� may� be� regarded� as� dissonant� (Hall,�1959;�Bluedorn�et�al.,�1992;�Daly,�1996;�Lee,�1999;�Lee�and�Liebenau,�2002).�Chronomanagement� capacities� to� integrate� this� polychronic� dissonance� were�particularly�evident�among�younger�participants�in�our�study,�who�often�over-lapped�or�simultaneously�conducted�activities�or�interactions�through�multiple�media�devices�and�platforms:

I�can�do�my�project�on�Powerpoint�while�I’m�talking�to�dad.

I�talk�to�my�friends�and�type�sometimes,�and�then�sometimes�I�have�the�music�on�when�I�do�homework.�And�the�small�TV�we�have�on�sometimes�when�Mum�is�in�there�.�.�.�It�is�usual�that�I�do�more�than�one�thing�at�a�time.

I�play�a�computer�game,�then�it�[MSN]�pops�up�and�says�someone�is�trying�to�talk�to�you,�you�talk�to�them�for�a�while,�then�just�go�back�to�your�game�or�whatever.

In�contrast� to� this� familiarity�and� level�of�comfort�when�multitasking�or�slid-ing�between�media,�such�polychronic�rhythms�were�for�many�often�less�easily�integrated.� Chronaesthetically,� the� unpredictable� nature� of� these� technologies�were�viewed�as�an�inconvenience,�and�as�destabilizing�an�ordered�flow�of�every-day�activities.�In�the�context�of�a�polychronic�dissonance,�the�inability�to�move�to�one’s�own�rhythm�and�to�microcordinate�with�other�actors�and�actants�then�translated�into�an�affective�register�of�apprehension�about�and�objection�to�media�interruption:

I�don’t�like�the�ringing�sound,�its�kind�of�pushy,�you�have�an�obligation�to�pick�up�the�phone,�and�feel�guilty�if�you�don’t.

The�phone�can�be�quite�intrusive�–�you�don’t�plan�for�it�to�ring.

I�have�a�problem�with�the�internet�sometimes.�I�have�a�chapter�I�am�trying�to�finish,�and�I�get�distracted�by�emails,�and�I�can’t�stop�myself�from�going�in�and�looking�up�my�work�emails�and�responding�to�them,�which�takes�me�away�from�work,�so�it’s�a�lack�of�concentration,�which�is�a�concern.

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I�am�a�reticent�phone�user�.�.�.�it�has�something�to�do�with,�that�once�you�have�rung�somebody�you�have�to�talk�to�them�.�.�.�you�have�to�engage�in�conversation�.�.�.�and�sometimes�I�feel�that�it�is�really�onerous�.�.�.�I�don’t�make�that�many�phone�calls.�I�tend�not�to�want�to�initiate�a�connection.

The� persistent� disruption� characteristic� of� polychronic� dissonance� is� not� lim-ited�to�the�home,�but�if�anything,�is�even�more�evident�in�workplaces�that�are�bristling�with�contemporary�technologies.�We�thus�see�a�‘can’t�work�at�work’�phenomenon�that�compels�people�to�take�work�home;�to�escape�the�office�to�get�work�done,�or�to�escape�both�work�and�home�(and�technology)�to�find�periods�of�uninterruptible�time:

I�can’t�work�in�an�office:�the�communal�environment�is�not�made�for�that�kind�of�working,�you�know�writing.

I�don’t�get�much�work�done�in�the�office�.�.�.�I�need�quiet,�and�chunks�of�time�.�.�.�which�I�found�I�just�wasn’t�managing�to�do�in�the�normal�course�of�either�office�hours�or�at�home.

I�find�that�I�sometimes�have�to�take�myself�physically�away�from�the�house�to�get�rid�of�email.

I�had�a�real�reluctance,�almost�like�a�technology�moratorium�for�a�little�while.�And�I�realize�that�I�almost�had�some�kind�of�aversion�to�it�[the�computer]�because�it�reminded�me�of�the�times�I’ve�had�to�put�in�late�hours�[at�home]�to�meet�a�deadline,�and�I�got�really�tired�of�it�.�.�.�I�think�there�was�a�whole�week�where�I�didn’t�check�it�[email]�.�.�.�I�was�not�able�to�dissociate�the�normal�turning�on�the�computer�and�checking�email�from�working�really�hard�and�getting�tired�.�.�.�I�didn’t�even�want�to�turn�the�thing�on�.�.�.�I�needed�a�rest�from�it.

Alternatively,�many�of�our�participants�spoke�of�enjoying�this�rhythm�and�appre-ciating� distraction,� interruption,� skipping� between� tasks,� skipping� between�applications�and�media,�and�between�work�and� leisure.�Some�appreciated� the�dissonant�rhythms�that�inhere�when�flicking�channels,�social�networking,�cata-loguing�family�photos,�and�trawling�online�news:

What�I�like�about�free�to�air�TV�.�.�.�it’s�unfolding�now,�in�real�time,�and�it�has�a�sort�of�specialness�about�it.�If�you�don’t�watch�it�then,�then�it’s�gone,�and�I�quite�like�that�.�.�.�with�TV�sometimes�you�can�make�a�discovery�.�.�.�especially�with�SBS.�SBS�is�kind�of�fortuitous�.�.�.�I�associate�serendipity�with�free�to�air�TV.

I�tend�to�do�a�lot�of�personal�internet�tasks�on�work�time.�I�look�up�online�newspa-pers�daily,�that�is�the�biggest�time�waster.

I�am�pretty�good.�If�I�have�to�switch�on�to�work�I�will,�but�I�am�very�distracted�though�if�I�want�to�be�.�.�.�there�is�this�online�community�which�I�am�a�part�of�and�I�enjoy.�Because�I�work�from�home�there�is�no�one�to�chat�to.

I�tend�to�drift,�if�there’s�no�pressure�on�me,�I�won’t�necessarily�work�during�working�hours.�The�downside�of�that�is�that�there�are�some�times�I�work�when�I�shouldn’t�

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be�.�.�.�we�both�tend�to�drift.�It’s�kind�of�negative�and�positive.�We�both�tend�to�not�switch�off�all�that�well.

Ambivalence�about� the�polychronic�dissonance�of�new�media� is� registered�as�affording�temporal�flexibility�or�extending�paid�work�into�the�home.�Nevertheless,�the� indiscriminate�character�of�media�also�suggests� leisure�extending� into� the�office�(D’Abate,�2005;�Garrett�and�Danziger,�2008).

Asynchronous Consonance: Improvisation, Refrain, Coordination

Participants�demonstrated�a�number�of�improvised�or�idiosyncratic�strategies�to�manage�encounters�with�new�media� in� the� face�of� the�aforementioned�drone,�disruption�and�distraction.�The�most�common�technique�of�technological�inter-action�and�exchange�for�attempting�to�achieve�a�constant�rhythm�and�ordered�temporality� revolved�around�using� the�asynchronous�affordances�of� technolo-gies.�In�relation�to�working�routines�Lee�and�Leibenau�(2002)�describe�the�use�of�asynchronous�technologies,�such�as�email,�as�a�method�to�establish�patterns�of�busyness�and�quiet�by�accumulating�messages�‘to�take�advantage�of�the�oppor-tunity�to�condense�or�disperse�our�working�effort�.�.�.�and�become�“busy”�with�them�at�a�chosen�time’�(p.�270).�Despite�the�over-emphasis�on�personal�agency,�these� authors�nevertheless� identify� a� common�attempt� to�order�daily� rhythms�through�the�use�of�asynchronous�technologies:

With�email,�you�can�take�your�own�pace.�You�can�never�expect�to�get�an�immedi-ate�reply�by�email.�Real-time�mail.�You�have�to�wait,�for�the�other�one.�It�is�not�simultaneous.�Conversation�is�simultaneous.�But�you�have�to�dedicate�yourself�to�the�communication�time�and�space.

I�think�people�are�really�comfortable�with�email�as�a�sort�of�half-way�between�the�phone�and�the�conventional�letter�.�.�.�[whereas�the�phone]�is�such�an�immediate�thing.�It’s�un-ignorable�.�.�.�whereas�email�allows�for�a�lag.�If�you�leave�it�sitting�there�for�a�while�before�you�decide�to�respond,�then�that’s�somehow�counter,�in�some�ways,� to� the� idea�of�what� that� technology�is�supposed�to�enable�us� to�do,�which�is�to�have�immediate�and�constant�contact.

With�the�telephone�you�have�to�be�energetic�and�social.�With�email,�you�can�stop�and�go,�whenever�you�feel�like,�it�doesn’t�matter�.�.�.�email�is�more�convenient�.�.�.�people�respond�to�email�in�time.

In�addition�to�ordering�rhythms�through�a�preference�for,�or�use�of,�asynchro-nous�communication�technologies,�many�participants�imposed�ordered�routines�through�the�adoption�of�vernacular�and�improvised�asynchronous�practices�and�modes�of�communication.�In�their�study�of�mobile�phone�use,�Wacjman�et�al.�(2007:�5)�describe�asynchronous�practices�as� a� common� technique,� involving�

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things�like�‘turning�off�your�mobile�to�avoid�being�disturbed’.�Similarly,�in�our�study,�asynchronous�practices�were� instituted�by� limiting�media�use� to�desig-nated�spaces�or times.�Here,�chronomanagement�centred�upon�establishing�and�maintaining� routines,� deciding� when� and� where� media� were� used� in� order� to�minimize�interruptions.�The�conscious�placement�of�media,�and�the�creation�of�technology-free�zones,�was�enacted�in�order�to�stave�off�the�steady�colonizing�of�the�domestic�by�media�technologies,�particularly�when�newer�devices�do�not�replace� older� devices� in� a� zero-sum� game,� but� aggregate� by� displacing� older�devices�to�other�parts�of�the�home.�Similarly,�carving�out�technology-free�times,�over�both�short�and�long�periodicities,�was�a�popular�technique.�And�this�extend-ed�beyond�turning�technologies�off,�to�ignoring�technologies�if�they�beeped�or�rang,�particularly�during�significant�or�valued�family�events,�such�as�weekends�or� meal� times.� Thus� the� practice� of� temporarily� ‘switching� off’� enabled� par-ticipants�to�resist�the�imperative�of�media�and�carve�out�moments�of�pause�or�refrain�against�the�background�rhythm�of�the�polyphonic�drone�and�in�place�of�the�polychronic�dissonance:

I�turn�the�phone�off�if�I�want�to�rest.�I�pull�out�the�plug�on�the�other�phone�[land-line]�.�.�.�I�pull�it�out�at�night�so�that�no�one�rings�me�during�the�night�.�.�.�people�will�ring�you�back�.�.�.�our�philosophy�is,�‘what�is�that�critical?’

I�set�up�a�formal�call�schedule.�So�I�am�very�reliant�on�my�Outlook�calendar.�I�do�most�of�my�calls�after�9pm�.�.�.�I’m�disciplined.

I�keep�my�[wireless]�laptop�in�the�home-office�.�.�.�I�use�it�for�internet�and�emailing,�but�not�much.�I�would�go�on�maybe�everyday,�for�5�or�10�minutes.�And�I�check�my�Hotmail�and�respond�to�messages.�And�that’s�about�all�.�.�.�my�mobile�stays�in�my�handbag�or�in�the�kitchen�.�.�.�I�am�very�relaxed�about�it.�If�someone�wants�me,�I�will�eventually�get�around�to�it.�I�am�very�good�at�replying�and�checking.

Basically�at�4.30�every�day�my�phone�rings,�which�is�a�reminder.�And�I�stop�what-ever�I�am�doing,�go�through�emails,�check�voicemail�on�both�the�mobile�phone�and�the�deskphone�.�.�.�basically�at�that�time�of�the�day�I�just�shut�down�everything.

I�turn�it�off�on�the�weekend�.�.�.�I�couldn’t�care�less�if�people�can’t�get�in�touch�with�me�on�the�weekend.�I�never�thought�of�the�mobile�phone�as�a�social�thing.

So�we�see�that�people�refrain�from�an�‘always-on’�rhythm�by�strategically�‘turn-ing�off’�and�carving�out�moments�of�time�that�are�variously�free�of�certain�types�of�media.�This�does�not,�however,�simply�result�in�a�domestic�rhythm�that�oscillates�between�‘on’�and�‘off’;�rather,�while�some�media�are�turned�off�in�the�evenings�or�weekends�(email�and�the�mobile�phone,�for�example),�others�are�then�turned�on�–�particularly�the�TV,�which�is�suggestive�of�a�more�situated�family�or�‘relax-ing’�time.�So,�despite�the�staccato�pattern�suggested�by�the�polyphonic�drone�and�polychronic�dissonance�of�media� technologies,� their�differential�use� indicates�that� specific� technologies� are� associated� with� and� sympathetic� to� the� beat� or�pulse�of�particular�events,�times�and�circumstances:

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What�we�do�is�on�a�Saturday�night�is�I�make�pizza�and�we�rent�something�or�some-times�watch�something�we�already�have�got�if�we�can’t�find�anything�else.�So�we�try�to�make�it�a�once�a�week�event�that�we�all�do�together,�which�I�prefer.

Sunday�night�is�a�family�viewing�night.

In�the�evening�I�come�upstairs,�lie�in�bed�and�watch�Movie�One,�it’s�my�wind-down�time.

Usually�we�watch�TV�at�night,�at�dinnertime,�between�9.30�and�midnight,�some-time�between�then.�That’s�for�winding�down.�Or�a�video�or�a�DVD.�I�don’t�listen�to�the�radio�much,�except�for�in�the�car�I�do.�CDs�on�the�weekends,�or�when�we�have�friends�over,�or�sometimes�when�doing�housework�or�cooking,�I�will�throw�on�a�CD.

Thus�media�usage�is�composed�or�coordinated�through�reflective�strategies�of�encounter�and�appropriation�and�it�is�reconciled�with�and�absorbed�into�routi-nized�or�habitual�patterns� that� continue,� in� some�ways�at� least,� to� take� shape�around�traditional�daily,�weekly�and�yearly�routines�of�working,�sleeping,�eat-ing,� celebrating,� and� so� on.�As� Zerubavel� (1985:� 4)� notes,� these� continue� to�‘impose�a�rhythmic�“beat”�on�a�vast�array�of�major�activities�(including�work,�consumption,�and�socialising)’.�Similarly,�Flaherty�and�Seipp-Williams�(2005:�43–6)�conclude,� from� their� research� into�patterns�of�email�use�and�exchange,�that�despite�24/7�access,�the�volume�and�intensity�of�email�use�‘corresponds�to�the�traditional�rhythms�of�the�working�day’,�and�that�‘rhythms�in�the�volume�of�e-mail�are�related�to�other�forms�of�periodicity’,�including�‘the�biological�need�for�regular�sleep�coupled�with�the�sociological�need�for�interpersonal�synchro-nization’.

These�endogenous�and�traditional�temporalities�promote�a�degree�of�structure�and�orderliness�to�the�everyday,�and�in�turn�a�shifting�feeling�or�chronaesthet-ics�associated�with�particular�periods.�Weekends�and�evenings�–�the�times�more�traditionally�associated�with�family�and�leisure�–�for�example,�were�often�dis-cussed�in�our�study�as�slower,�as�less�connected,�as�oriented�towards�family�and�leisure,�and�as�deliberately�insulated�from�disruption.�Thus�media�rhythms�do�not�simply�deracinate�other�periodicities;�rather,�they�map�onto�or�layer�them,�and�in�this�process�come�to�reshape�and�construct�emergent�ensembles�of�activ-ity.�In�contrast�to�much�technologically�determinist�rhetoric�(prevalent�in�public�discourse),�our�research�suggests�that�within�the�domestic�sphere�the�rhythm�of�daily�life�is�reticulated�and�coordinated�in�response�to�biological�demands,�long-established�social�norms,�and�other�traditional�sociotemporal�structures,�and�not�in�relation�to�media�alone:

From�a�work� routine�point�of�view,� I�make�sure� I�have�a�break.� I�always�make�sure� I�have�a� lunch�break,�or�do� some�exercise,�or�get�out�of� the� study�and�do�something.

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Our�lives�are�busy.�We�like�to�have�time�with�our�girls,�that’s�really�important�to�us.�And�we�like�to�spend�time�at�night�and�on�the�weekends�with�our�girls.

There�are�natural�markers�of�time,�such�as�dinner�time.

I’m�on�call,�and�I�work�on�weekends�.�.�.�I�like�being�able�to�work�on�weekends�from�here,�remotely.�I�can�work�as�if�I�was�there.�You�have�flexibility,�as�you�are�still�with�the�family.

I�will�work�when�they�are�asleep�[the�kids]�frequently�.�.�.�I�work�on�the�weekend�a�bit.�We�have�a�Saturday�no�work�day,�that’s�a�really�big�thing�.�.�.�although�I�cheat�on�the�emails�sometimes.

Bob�does�a�lot�of�interstate�work,�but�he�will�have�a�lot�of�home�time�as�well.�So�it�is�in�bursts.

The� entanglements� of� rhythms� –� biological,� social,� familial,� technological� –�have,�in�addition,�the�potential�to�incite�moments�of�conflict�when�activities�and�events�are�unable�to�be�reconciled�or�synchronized�–�when�resources,�spaces�or�times�are�not�coordinated.�For�example,�a�mother�and�her�son�discussed�arrange-ments�concerning� the� table� in� the�open-plan� living�area,�which� is� adjacent� to�the�family�television,�and�was�often�used�by�the�mother�to�do�paid�work�on�her�laptop�computer:

Mum:�I�tend�to�work�in�here,�I�like�working�in�here.�The�study�is�a�bit�cluttered,�and�I�haven’t�got�time�to�organize�the�space�.�.�.�I�like�this�space,�there�is�nothing�here,�and�I�just�like�[seeing]�the�backyard.Son:�We�have�had�some�great�arguments�about�this�one.�Me�sitting�here�wanting�to�watch�TV,�and�Mum�working�at�the�table�with�the�laptop�working�saying,�‘No,�don’t�turn�the�TV�on,�I�am�working,�go�to�the�study’.�Now�there�is�a�big�TV�here,�and�that�thing�[laptop]�moves,�the�TV�doesn’t,�it’s�just�illogical�.�.�.�it�drives�me�insane�.�.�.�the laptop moves.Mum:�There�are�some� things� that�drive�me� insane� too� .� .� .�you�haven’t�actually�asked�me�if�it’s�appropriate�to�turn�the�TV�on.Son:�Of�course�it’s�appropriate,�the�TV�is�here.Mum:�Maybe�I�am�in�the�middle�of�something�really�important.Son:�How�can�it�be�that�important?�It�moves.Mum:�Well�ask.

Orchestrated Performance: Ensemble, Composition, Reticulation

Our�empirical�research�adopts�a�material�and�located�approach,�and�its�findings�echo�May�and�Thrift�(2001:�12)�in�suggesting�that�‘rather�than�a�simple�picture�of�speed�and�acceleration�then,�the�picture�that�emerges�is�one�of�growing�aware-ness�of�living�within�a�multiplicity�of�times,�a�number�of�which�might�be�moving�

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at�different�speeds�and�even�in�different�directions’.�And�further,�this�polyphonic�drone�is�not�as�‘disorienting�as� is�usually�assumed’�(p.�12).� Instead,�as�Green�(2002:�254)�suggests�–�in�relation�to�mobile�media�technologies�–�the�mediation�of�social�life:�

Potentially�encourages�fragmentation�and�the�individualization�of�the�experience�of�time,�extending�time-space�‘compression’,�‘convergence’,�and�‘distanciation’,�and�the�speed�and�intensity�of�the�modern,�Western�life,�[yet]�locally�shared�rhythms�and�the�social�activities�of�lived�times�must�also�be�accounted�for.

In�our�‘accounting’�of�domestic�rhythms�we�note�a�distributed�and�relational�dynamic� of� rhythmic� formation,� which� unfolds,� or� ‘bundles’� in� Lefebvre’s�terms,�according� to�a�plurality�of� times,�actors�and� interactions.�Thus�while�the� ‘sociotemporal� order’,� as� Zerubavel� (1979:� 107)� names� it,� continues� to�exert�influence�in�shaping�everyday�and�domestic�life,�and�while�it�‘constitutes�a�“social� fact”� that�exists�beyond� individuals�whose� lives�are�organised�and�whose�experiences�are�recalled�and�calibrated�around�it’�(p.�107)�this�calibra-tion�does�not�circumscribe�all�activity.�Rather,�media�presence�and�connectiv-ity�reshape�these�stable�and�historical�patterns,�participating�in�the�constitution�and�configuration�of�a�more�reticular�arrangement,�where�the�times,�routines�and�schedules�of�life�in�the�home�are�composed�of�more�emergent,�relational,�and�negotiated�dynamics� (metrics,�aesthetics,�management).�And� just�as� the�sociotemporal�order�previously�provided�resources�for�coordinating�and�syn-chronizing�social�and�domestic�activities,�in�the�present�reticulating�configura-tions,�media�technologies�too�are�employed�for�similar�ends.�That�is,�in�order�to�counteract�the�individualizing�and�desynchronizing�forces�of�this�mediated�milieu,�emphasis�shifts�to�managing�and�coordinating�–�in�this�instance�–�the�domestic� everyday� and� domestic� inhabitants,� but� in� a� manner� that� requires�more�orchestrated�and� improvised�modes�of�management� than� is�offered�by�traditional�‘temporal�technologies’.

Temporal� technologies� such� as� time� charts,� diaries,� calendars� and� person-al�organizers�of�various�kinds�have�been�developed� to� facilitate�and�map�and�orchestrate� individual� temporal� trajectories� across� social,� work� and� domestic�life.�Symes’s�(1999)�research�into�the�diary�notes�that�they�became�critical�tech-nologies�during�the�later�part�of�the�20th�century,�when�the�temporal�environ-ment�shifted�from�a�highly�routinized,�structured�and�collectively�coordinated�‘industrial�time’�to�a�more�contingent,�desynchronized�and�individualized�form�of�what�he�calls�‘professional�time’.�As�he�argues,�‘there�was�no�need�to�keep�a�diary�on�an�assembly�line�where�the�only�appointments�that�workers�kept�were�with�a�machine’�(p.�372),�whereas,� in� the�present� the�distributed�and�less�for-mally� controlled� temporal� patterns� of� everyday� life� mean� that� chronological�latitude�has� increased,�yet�simultaneously�personal� temporal�management�has�become�more�urgent.�In�this�context,�diary�technologies�help�to�facilitate�‘the�

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meticulous�employment�of�productive�chronological�habits’�(p.�360);�to�estab-lish�and�maintain�a�consistency�or�immutability�of�chronological�ordering�across�the�social� (Latour,�1990);�and� to� render� time�more� tractable.�Shove�(2008:�5)�argues,�however,�that�‘the�paradox�is�that�systems�and�devices�that�promise�to�increase�autonomy�and�allow�individuals�greater�discretion�over�the�timing�and�scheduling�of�activity�will,�if�successful,�generate�multiply�idiosyncratic�sched-ules�which�in�turn�increase�the�problem�of�coordination’.

This�ratcheting�of�variable�schedules�means�that�the�challenge�of�orchestrat-ing� the� ensemble�of� routines,� activities,� events,� and�people� is� exacerbated�by�the�fact�that�others’�schedules�are�also�less�stable�and�ordered,�and�this�reticular�and�fragile�arrangement�exposes�the�inadequacy�or�limitation�of�only�address-ing�personal�organization.�Rather,�the�problem�of�orchestration�extends�beyond�organizing�oneself,�beyond�individual�and�personal�planning�(and�personal�pro-ductivity;�Mackenzie,�2008),�to�the�necessity�of�negotiating�and�organizing�one’s�schedules� in� relation� to� others’� schedules.�This� is� exemplified� within� domes-tic� contexts,� where� the� process� of� orchestrating� or� coordinating� the� network�of� patterns� of� activity,� interaction,� connectivity,� and� communication� between�household�members�is�clearly�a�reticular�one.�Bellotti�et�al.�(2004)�describe�simi-lar�patterns�within�organizational�contexts�as�a�‘network�effect’:�an�awareness�of� colleagues’� activities,� whereabouts,� and� accessibility� as� a� necessity� for� an�expanded�and�reticular�practice�of�personal�time�management.�We�note�that�this�reticular�rhythm�management�now�extends�beyond�the�organization�to�the�home�through�the�appropriation�and�use�of�group-based�technologies�as�resources�for�domestic�time�orchestration.

One�family�in�our�study�used�an�older�analogue�technology�–�a�calendar�on�the�fridge�that�functioned�not�only�as�a�technique�for�communicating�with�one�another,�but�as�a�mechanism�for�organizing,�visually�displaying�and�synchroniz-ing�the�variable�schedules�of�the�family�unit:

We�have�a�family�calendar�on�the�fridge�.�.�.�I�have�a�diary�and�Tom�has�his�Outlook�diary.�We�generally�put�what�all�of�us�are�doing�on�the�main�one�–�on�the�fridge�.�.�.�we�have�‘weekly�meetings’�–�we�have�to�because�of�Tom’s�work�–�to�go�over�what�we�are�doing�.�.�.�so�we�know�what’s�happening�in�the�next�week�.�.�.�we�have�to�get�together,�because�we�have�separate�calendars�and�a�combined�one�.�.�.�we�get�together�and�work�out�what�is�happening�.�.�.�Tom�has�an�electronic�calendar�on�his�computer,�which�he�uses�for�work,�I�have�a�written�one.�I�wouldn’t�want�a�technology�one.�I�am�much�better�with�written,�probably�because�I�have�always�done�it,�and�I�just�like�the�feeling�of�it.�I�like�looking�through�it,�flipping�through�pages,�counting�dates.�That’s�what�I�like.

This�combination�of�separate�diaries�coming�together�on�a�calendar�on�‘public’�display�reconciled�personal�preferences�for�mediums,�displaying�at�a�glance�the�daily,�and�weekly�schedules�of�the�reticular�domestic�rhythm.�While�it�assisted�in�the�orchestration�of�familial�schedules�through�a�form�of�chronometry�(time�

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measurement)�and�temporal�cartography�in�a�highly�visible�location�in�the�home,�it�was�nonetheless�limited�in�terms�of�access�and�use:�it�was�located,�static�and�handwritten.

Alternatively,� another� family� adopted� a� digital� format� to� orchestrate� fam-ily�schedules.�Instead�of�an�analogue�group-based�calendar,�they�managed�the�domestic� rhythm�through� the�use�of�an�electronic�groupware�calendar�system�(Lord,�2008;�Salzman�and�Palen,�2008).�This�Apple�iCal�system�was�regularly�maintained� by� all� family� members,� with� activities� colour-coded� according� to�category�of�activity:�‘family�commitments’,�‘household�coordination’,�‘John’s�work’,�‘Mary’s�work’�and�‘birthdays’:

We�have�a�computer�diary�system�to�check�what�everyone�is�doing.�It�all�goes�in�the�diary.�Bob�organized�it�all�.�.�.�the�orange�ones�are�input�on�the�computer�in�the�back�room,�and�that�is�on�the�family�dot�mac�account,�which�goes�to�the�Apple�server�somewhere�before�coming�back�here.�Katie’s�work�she�inputs�on�her�com-puter�upstairs�which�is�connected�to�her�dot�mac�account�.�.�.�and�mine�similarly�for�work�appointments�.�.�.�a�lot�of�it�is�specifically�about�managing�time.

This�synchronic�composition�meant�that�time�could�be�managed�in�a�reticular�fashion,�coordinating�multiple�people,�from�different�locations�and�while�on�the�move:

I�know�now�I�can�sit�on�the�train�–�tomorrow�I�am�running�a�workshop�at�the�MCG�and�I�will�get�the�train�from�Jollymont�to�McCleoud�–�and�on�the�way�home�I�will�knock�off�any�email,�any�voicemail,�I�can�check�the�web�on�this�[iphone].�I�can�just�get�all�that�done�in�half�an�hour�on�the�train,�which�means�when�I�come�home�I�am�clear.�And�now�I�know�what�I�check�here�[iphone]�and�what�I�check�there�[desktop]�is�the�same�thing.

I’ve�set�up�my�home�computer�so�I�can�upload�from�the�phone�to�that�so�that�I�can�coordinate� .� .� .� it’s�useful� to�be�able� to�make�an�appointment�when�you�are�not�on� the�computer,�so� that� they�don’t�clash.� I�use� it� for�all�sorts�of� reminders�to�myself�–�or�appointments,�sporting�appointments.�So�I�know�the�girls’�hockey�fixture�between�now�and�the�end�of�the�year�is�all�in�there,�so�I�know�what�games�we�play�and�where.

The�multiple�convergent�and�divergent�schedules�of� this�familial�composition�were� synchronized� via� a� server,� which� populated� data� entered� from� separate�devices�in�real�time�to�visually�map�and�provide�a�comprehensive�overview�of�the�collective.�Yet�this�orchestration�of�collective�schedules�was�not�conducted�through�centralized�control;�rather,�it�was�improvised�through�forms�of�micro-coordination� (Ling� and�Yttri,� 1999);� it� was� a� distributed� and� unfolding� col-laboration� comprised� of� incremental� adjustments� between� people,� techniques�and� technologies.�This� reticular�orchestration�and� improvisation�suggests� that��governing� the� temporal� exigencies� and� conduct� of� family� members� and� their�multiple�schedules�in�the�present�is�a�much�more�flexible�dynamic,�which�chal-

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lenges�the�efficacy�of�former�individual�or�diachronic�methods�of�scheduling;�yet,�this�flexibility�also�implies�precarity�and�a�demand�for�further�and�intensi-fied�management.�As�Shove�(2008:�5)�writes,�‘organising�co-presence�becomes�more�demanding�as� traditionally� shared� schedules� (e.g.� of�meal� times,�of� the�working�day,�etc.)�give�way�to�a�twenty-four�hour�flux�of�possibilities’.�

As�such,� temporal� technologies� like�shared�diary�and�calendar�systems�can�be�considered�in�the�context�of�Foucault’s�(1979,�1988)�later�work�on�govern-mentality� and�on�modes�of� self-management�–�what�he� termed� ‘technologies�of�the�self’.�Foucault�writes�that�technologies�of�the�self�‘permit�individuals�to�effect�by�their�own�means�or�with�the�help�of�others�a�certain�number�of�opera-tions�on�their�own�bodies�and�souls,�thoughts,�conduct,�and�way�of�being,�so�as�to� transform� themselves’� (Foucault,� 1988:� 18).�Thus,� technologies�of� the� self�are�a�series�of�techniques�of�ways�individuals�act�or�work�upon�themselves�by�regulating� their�bodies,� their� thoughts�and� their�conduct.�And� in� the� temporal�contexts�of�current�society,�where� time�is� less�formally�structured�and�collec-tively�shared,�such�techniques�are�often�organized�through�the�use�of�technolo-gies�and�techniques�of�organizing�and�coordinating�the�timing�of�one’s�traversal�through�the�everyday.�As�Symes�(1999:�376)�writes,�‘the�diary�is�above�all�an�important�technology�of�self’.�We�suggest,�however,�that�the�more�distributed,�desynchronized�and�fluid�temporal�dynamics�of�the�present�imply�a�more�negoti-ated�and�relational�form�of�time�management,�which�operates�at�different�scales�of�sociotechnical�arrangement,�and�which�we�identify�as�an�example�of�what�we�term�‘technologies�of�reticulation’.

Conclusion: Managing Time with Technologies of Reticulation

Technologies�of�reticulation�emerge�in�the�context�of�the�distributed�space-time�possibilities�and�patterns�of�contemporary�life,�which�prompt�the�establishment�and�maintenance�of�flexible,�relational,�negotiated,�and�coordinated�schedules,�routines�and�rhythms.�Time� then� is�not�only�subjected� to�management�within�organizations,� but� also� within� domestic� sites� (Sabelis,� 2001).�Yet� these� kinds�of� temporal� management� exceed� the� management� of� individual� sequences� of�diachronic�events� (Fordism),� to� include�orchestrating�multiple� time�durations,�variable� schedules,� and� synchronic� activities� of� household� members� (just-in-time).�This�relational�coordinating�was�made�legible�within�the�mediated�home�through�the�efforts�to�orchestrate�the�network�of�patterns�of�activity,�interaction,�connectivity,� and� communication� between� and� beyond� household� members.�Thus�technologies�of�reticulation�appear�as�both�a�solution�to�and�a�symptom�of�a�shift�from�a�more�established,�predictable�and�structured�industrial�time,�to�a�more�flexible,�fragile�and�deroutinized�time.

We�find�that�the�domestic�rhythms�of�the�mediated�home�operate�between�the�

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possibilities�afforded�by�the�drone,�the�impositions�of�polychronic�dissonance,�and� the�desire� to�orchestrate�around�one�another�and�around�embedded� tradi-tion.�Clearly�then,�the�different�tempos�and�chronaesthetics�of�reticular�rhythms�are�not�adequately�captured�by�the�description�of�a�subjective�and�technologi-cal�acceleration�or�‘speeding-up’�wrought�by�capitalism�and�its�attendant�spec-tacular�media�technologies�(Virilio,�1977,�1997;�Harvey,�1989;�Giddens,�1990;�Castells,�1996,�Rosa,�2003;�Southerton�and�Tomlinson,�2006).�Instead,�domestic�rhythms� operate� between� emergent� acceleration� and� traditional� periodicities;�between�connection�and�disconnection;�between�business�and�repose;�between�‘always�on’�and�‘sometimes�off’.�There�is�no�static�or�stable�rhythm�in�domestic�sites;�they�are�not�homeostatic.�Rather,�the�rhythms�of�the�home�are�perturbed�and�remade�by�media,�and�so�could�be�more�accurately�characterized�as�homeor-rhetic�ensembles.�Drawing�on�cybernetics�and�thermodynamic�theories�of�open�systems,�Serres�(1982)�describes�homeorrhesis�not�as�a�state�of�equilibrium,�but�a�temporary�state�of�stability,�which�in�its�stability�remains�nevertheless�relative-ly�unstable.2�This�suggests�an�anlaytics�of�movement�and�exchange�as�opposed�to�the�less�dynamic�binary�of�structure�and�agency,�and�is�made�legible�in�the�provisional�nature�of�reticular�rhythms�identified�here.

In�our�analysis,� temporal�anxieties,�such�as�they�are,�are�less�about�a�sense�of� time�poverty�and�acceleration,�and� instead,�more�often�about� the�problems�of� coping� with� the� drone,� managing� dissonance,� and� orchestrating� responses�to�the�above.�As�such,�the�overriding�implication�of�these�reticular�formations�is� the�necessity� for� temporal� conduct� to�be�managed� through� technologies�of�reticulation�–� for� the�patterns,� routines�and� rhythms�of� the�home� to�be�nego-tiated� and� coordinated� relationally.�Yet,� such�modes�of� temporal� organization�within media-dense� homes� present� problems� for� interaction� and� coordina-tion�with�others�external�to�these�spaces�and�technologies;�to�coordinating�the�coexistence�of�vastly�different�uses�and�proficiencies�with�media�technologies�and� modes� of� temporal� ordering.�Thus,� a� pertinent� question� this� research� on�mediated�and�sociotechnical�rhythms�raises�for�the�future�of�temporal�measure-ment,�experience�and�management,�centres�on�tensions�between�methods�and/or�scales�for�synchronizing�and�coordinating�the�diversity�of�variable,�flexible,�and�fragile�dynamics�of�time�constructed�by�individuals,�groups�and�organizations.�Differences�in�temporal�conduct�and�organization�suggest�reticular�patterns�of�coordination,�yet�simultaneously�pose�problems�for�enduring,�collective�or�inte-grated�patterns�of�time.�Thus�the�dynamics�of�mediated�temporal�rhythms�in�the�home�presented�here�do�not�suggest�that�information�and�communication�tech-nologies�simply�operate�as�a�resource�for�management.�Instead,�this�configura-tion�may�contribute�–�as�is�often�noted�–�to�increased�fragmentation.�Or,�more�probably�–�as�we�note�here�–�to�a�sedimentation�of�technocultural�norms,�expec-tations�and�imperatives�for�individuals�and�groups�to�resolve�temporal�flexibil-ity,� precarity� and� syncopation� through� detailed� and� ongoing� management,� in�

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order� to� shore�up�daily� and�weekly� rhythms�with� and� against� the� amplifying�cacophony�of�everyday�media.

Notes

The� research� reported� here� was� supported� under� the� Australian� Research� Council’s�Discovery�scheme,�grant�number�DP0557781.

1.� In�the�course�of�the�project�we�have�also�sampled�outer-suburban�families�and�rural�families.

2.� Homeorrhetic�is�formed�from�the�Greek�words�homos,�meaning�‘same’,�and�rhysis,�meaning�‘flow’.

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BJORN�NANSEN�is�completing�a�PhD�in�media�and�cultural�studies�at�the�University�of�Melbourne�on�everyday�technologies,�temporal�rhythms�and�forms�of�kinaesthetic�momentum.�He�currently�works�on�research�projects�

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� nansen et al.: domestic orchestration� 207

looking�at�the�mediated�home,�and�at�sociotechnical�practices�for�sustain-able�water�use.�He�has�published�a�number�of�articles�–� individually�and�in�collaboration�–�which�consider�the�technological�mediation�of�time,�the�body,�and�the�everyday.�ADDRESS:�School�of�Culture�and�Communication,�The�University�of�Melbourne,�Melbourne�3010,�Australia.[email:�[email protected]]

MICHAEL�ARNOLD�is�a�Lecturer�in�the�History�and�Philosophy�of�Science�Programme�in�the�School�of�Philosophy,�Anthropology�and�Social�Inquiry�at�the�University�of�Melbourne.�He�teaches�subjects�informed�by�the�social�studies�of�technology,�and�his�current�research�projects�are�concerned�with�technologies�in�domestic�contexts,�technological�change�in�the�home,�and�a�comparative�study�of�social�networking�in�the�Asia-Pacific�region.

MARTIN�R.�GIBBS�is�a�Lecturer�in�the�Department�of�Information�Systems�at�the�University�of�Melbourne.�He�teaches�subjects�in�the�social�implica-tions�of�information�and�communication�technologies.�His�current�research�examines�the�role�of�information�and�communication�technologies�in�peo-ple’s�everyday,�nonworking�lives,�with�a�particular�emphasis�on�understand-ing�how�people�play,�love,�and�congregate�in�the�‘space�of�flows’.�He�has�degrees�in�electrical�engineering,�the�social�studies�of�technology,�and�the�history�and�philosophy�of�science.�With�colleagues�he�has�published�on�a�broad�range�of�topics�associated�with�technology�and�domestic�life,�com-munity�informatics,�and�the�sociality�of�online�multi-player�games.

HILARY�DAVIS�is�Senior�Research�Fellow�in�the�Department�of�Information�Systems�at�the�University�of�Melbourne.�She�has�a�background�in�social�sci-ence�research,�and�a�particular�fondness�for�the�application�of�ethnographic�techniques,�particularly� in�complex�and�sensitive�settings.�She�completed�her�PhD�from�the�University�of�Sheffield,�UK,�in�2001.�Her�current�research�interests�include�the�application�of�new�technologies�to�support�people�liv-ing�with� serious� illnesses,� such� as� cancer� and�diabetes,�whether� they� are�based�in�hospital�or�at�home.�In�addition�she�is�interested�in�the�role�of�tech-nology�in�mediating�social�relationships�between�distributed�and�co-located�family�members,�particularly�in�domestic�settings.

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