8/10/2019 Bauer 1991

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Society for American Archaeology

Pacariqtambo and the Mythical Origins of the IncaAuthor(s): Brian S. BauerSource: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Mar., 1991), pp. 7-26Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/971893

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PACARIQTAMBO

AND THE MYTHICAL

ORIGINS OF THE INCA

Brian S. Bauer

In this study he Pacariqtambo

riginmyth

of the Inca, as describedn a numberof different panish

chronicles,

is analyzed throughexamining archaeological

data from the Province

of Paruro (Department f Cuzvo,Peru).

The indings suggest

that the rock outcropof Puma Orco, ocated n the

Districtof Pacariqtambo,may represent

the Tambotocoof the

Pacariqtamboorigin myth, and that the nearby

Inca ruins of Maukallaqtamay have

containedan oracle

of the first mythical Inca, Manco Capac. It is suggested

hat these ruins were built by the

rulingelite of Cuzvo o commemorate heir

mythicalprogenitorand to

legitimate heirsacredstatus withinInca

society.

Uno de los mecanismos

centralesque tiene

lugar en la formacionde sociedadescomplejas

es el desarrolloy

legitimacionde la autoridad

entral,por partede gruposemparentados

e la elite. Dentrode los estadosantiguos,

a menudo os gruposdominantespromovieron

mantuvieron us posicionesprivilegiadasdentro

de la sociedad

por medio de referencias su descendencia

a partir de unafigura mitica

considerada readoradel ordensocial

existente.Al igual que

muchas monarquiasde origen divino,el origen

ancestralde la dinastiainca esta unido a

un viaje mitico desdela periferiadel reino hasta el centro.El objetivode este trabajoes de ilustrarcomo el mito

de origende los incas

concuerda on los lineamientosde otros mitos

de origenesde sociedades,y explicarcomo

un conjuntode ruinasarqueologicas bicadas

al sur de Cuzvopuedeserasociadacon el origen

miticode los incas.

El hallazgo sugiere

que el afloramientorocosode Puma Orco, ubicado

en el distritode Pacariqtambo, uede

representarl Tambotoco

n el mito de origende Pacariqtambo, que as

ruinas ncaicascercanasde Maukallaqta

pueden haber ncluidoun oraculode Manco

Capac,primer nca de acuerdoa la mitologia.Se

sugiereque estas

ruinas ueron construidas

por la elite gobernante

de Cuzvo para conmemorara su progenitor

mitico y para

legitimar u estado

sagradodentrode la sociedad nca.

One of the central mechanisms involved

in the formation of complex societies is the

development

and legitimization

of centralized authority by elite kin groups.

Dominant groups within

early states

frequently promoted

and maintained their privileged positions

within the society through references

to their descent from a mythical figure credited

with establishing the existing social order. The origin

myths of these kin groups tend to take

a similar form (Hocart 1970; Sahlins 1981,

1985). The

purpose of this paper

is to illustrate how the origin myth of the

Inca conforms to the general outlines

of other societal origin myths, and to explain

how a particular set of archaeological

ruins south of

Cuzco may be associated with the mythical

origins of the Inca.l

The events contained within most, if

not all, societal origin myths are thought to

have taken place

in a primordial setting

of time, just before

the modern era began. Indeed, the events

that occur in

the origin myth

are used to define the beginning of the modern

era and frequently determine the

social parameters in which later historical

actions must take place. Typically the origin

myth begins

with an explanation that the father of

the original ancestor was a god or the king

of a mythical

realm. Accordingly,

the original ancestor

is said to have emerged from, or to have been

born outside

of, the territory that the elite kin group would later control. The emergence or birth of the ancestral

king outside of the dominated region

defines him, and his descendants, as foreigners.

As Sahlins

(1985:78) notes:

It is a remarkably

ommon fact that the greatchiefs and kings of

political society are not of the people they

rule. By the local

theories of origin they are strangers, . . Typically,

then, these rulers do

not even spnng

from the same clay as the aboriginalpeople:

they are from the heavensor-in the very common

case-they

are of distinct ethnic stock. In either event,

royalty s the foreigner.

Brian S. Bauer,5514 South University,Apt.

1724, Chicago,IL 60637

Latin AmericanAntiquity, 2(1), 1991,

pp. 7-26.

Copynght C) 1991 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

7

8/10/2019 Bauer 1991

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LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol.2,No.1,1991

Thus there

is an inseparable link

between the

perceived foreignness

of dynastic rulers, as delineated

in their

origin myths, and the legitimization

of their privileged

positions

within the complex

society.

The geographical

and genealogical

distance between the

rulers of a state and

the population they

rule serves to define

them as a separate category

of social beings that

legitimately inherits elite

social

powers and rights.

Within origin myths,

it is frequently said

that the original

ancestor undertook

a journey from his

former

territory to the new area.

The journey often involves

a series

of tests or challenges

that

require heroic feats

of strength or prowess.

For example,

it is commonly said

that the original

ancestor fought and

won a battle

with the indigenous

rulers of the region. At

the end of the battle

the triumphant original

ancestor is able to

establish his rule over

the realm. In other words,

the

foreigner's arrival at

and conquest of the new

region reinforces

his definition as

a powerful outsider

in the local

society. His victory

has won him and his

descendants

the right to dominate

and rule

the indigenous people

of the area.

The

original ancestor's triumph

over the local rulers

is, however, frequently

coupled with

a crime

against

the social order. The performance

of a barbaric

act, such as murder or incest,

further

defines

the original ancestor as stronger

than, or outside of,

the social order, just as

his conquest of the

region establishes the

ancestor's

domination over the

native peoples. According

to Sahlins (1985:

79), Power reveals

and defines itself as the

rupture of

the people's own moral

order, precisely as

the greatest

crimes against kinship:

fratricide, parricide,

the union of mother

and son, father

and

daughter,

or brother and sister.

As a divine conqueror,

or a stranger-king, the

original ancestor is

able to

found a new dynastic line

and to establish a new

social hierarchy. Origin

myths of elite kin

groups thus serve as

indigenous explanations

of the origin of the social

order and confirmations

of

the dominant social

group's right to power.

The

nobility ofthe Inca empire

(A.D. 140s1532) was

no exception to this

general phenomenon

and traced

its lineage back more

than 10 generations to

a stranger-king. The Inca

elite were

believed

to be the

direct descendants of

a mythical first Inca,

named Manco Capac,

who emerged

from a

cave in a region called

Pacariqtambo. Manco

Capac is said to have

traveled to

the valley of Cuzco,

where he battled the

local inhabitants for

control of the region.

Manco Capac is also said

to have

married

one of his sisters, Mama

Ocllo,

and to have murdered

one of his brothers during

their

journey to the Cuzco

region.

The Inca were, however,

unusual in that, as part

of a larger cultural

tradition of acknowledging

mythical origin

places, they explicitly associated

a region

south of Cuzco,

and a cave within

that region, with the primordial

emergence

of Manco Capac.

The traditional

identification of ancestral

origin places by

the Inca provides opportunities

to

modern scholars to

investigate locations

associated

with the mythical progenitors

of Andean people.

Archaeological and

historical

evidence presented

in this work indicates that

two archaeological

sites in the

modern

District of Pacariqtambo

(Department of Cuzco)

may represent the

remains of

a shrine and a temple

complex

built by the

dynastic rulers of Cuzco.

It is suggested that

this shrine and temple

complex

were related

to the origin myth

of the Inca

nobility and as such

may have been used to reconfirm

the Inca nobility's descent from Manco Capac and to legitimize their elite social status over the

local inhabitants.

PACARIQTAMBO

AND THE

ANDEAN CONCEPT

OF ORIGIN PLACES

In Inca

mythology, the peopling

of the earth occurred

as the creator-god Viracocha

walked

across

the Andes establishing

a multitude of origin

locations and called

humans to emerge from

them to

populate the land.

Sarmiento de Gamboa

(1906:27 [1572:Chapter

7]), for example,

wrote:

Y a las voces que

daban todo lugarobedecio,

y asi salieron

unos de lagos, otros de

fuentes, valles, cuevas,

arboles,

cavernas,penas y montes,

y hinchieron as tierras

y multiplicaron

as nacionesque son

hoy en el

Piru.

At his [Viracocha's] alling every place obeyed, and so people came forth, some from lakes, others from

springs,

valleys, caves, trees, caverns,

rocks and

hills, peoplingthe land

and multiplying o form the

nations

that

are today in Peru.[All translations

rom

the Spanishare by the author.]

The specific

locations from which

ancestral kin were

believed to have emerged

were classified

by

8/10/2019 Bauer 1991

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Bauer]

MYTHICAL

ORIGINS

OF

THE

INCA

9

the

indigenous

populations

of

the

Andes

as

huacas,

r

sacred

places,

and

were

called

paqarinas,

r

origin

places.

The

pan-Andean

ecognition

of

ancestral

rigin

places

s noted

byCristobal

de

Albornoz

(1984:197

[1582]):

Ay,

como

dixe

arriba,

el

prencipal

genero

de

guacas

que

antes

que

fuesen

subjetos

al

ynga

tenian,

que

llaman

pacariscas,

que quieren dezir criadoras de sus naturalezas. Son en diferentes formas y nombres conforme a

las

provincias:

unos

tenian

piedras,

otros

fuentes

y rios,

otros

cuebas,

otros

animales

y

aves

e otros

generos

de

arboles

y de

yervas

y

desta

diferencia

tratavan

ser

criados

y

descender

de las

dichas

cosas,

como

los

yngas

dezia[n]

ser

salidos

de

Pacaritambo,

ques

de

una

cueba

que se

dize

Tambo

Toco

y los

angaras

y

soras

descender

de una

laguna

llamada

Choclo

Cocha

y desta

manera

todas

las

provincias

del

Piru.

There

is,

as mentioned

above,

the

principal

kind

of

huaca

that

they

had

before

they

were

subjects

to

the Inca,

that they

callpaqarisqas,

which

means

creators

oftheir

natures.

They

have

different

forms

and

names

according

to their

provinces:

Some

are

stones,

others

springs

and

rivers,

others

caves,

others

animals

and

birds

and

others

types

of

trees

and

herbs,

and

were

said

to

have

been

created

and

to

descend

from

these

different

things,

like the

Incas

are

said

to have

come

forth

from

Pacariqtambo,

which

is a

cave

that

is

called

Tambotoco,

and

the

Angaraes

and

Soras

descend

from

a lake

called

Choclo

Cocha

and

likewise

[descended]

all

the

provinces

of

Peru.

The prevalentbelief of Andeanpeople in originplaces for

mythical

ancestors

was also

noted

by

theindigenous

writers

ofthe

immediate

Postconquest

period.

Juan

de

Santa

Cruz

Pachacuti

Yamqui,

a

native

ofthe

Department

of Cuzco,

not

only

recognized

heir

existence,

but

attributed

heir

creation

to

Manco

Capac:

[Y]

por ser

mas

conocidos,

los

mando

que

cada

prouin,cia

y

cada

pueblo

se escogiesen

o

heziessen

de donde

descendieron,

o

de donde

venieron;

.

. . Ios

escogieron

por

su

pacarisca

o

pacarimusca,

vnos

a

las lagunas,

otros

manantiyales,

otros

las

penas

biuas

y

otros

a

los serros

y quebradas

[Pachacuti

Yamqui

Salcamayhua

1950:218

(1613)].

And

for the

sake

of

being

more

distinguishable

he [Manco

Capac]

ordered

that

each

province

and

each

village

should

choose

where

they

descended

from

or

where

they

came

from;

. . .

some

chose

for

their

pacarisca,

or

pacarimusca,

akes,

others

springs,

others

bare

rocks

and

others

the

mountains

and

ravines.

The chroniclerGarcilaso

de

la

Vega

provides

additional

information

on

the

nature

of Andean

paqarinas.

During

a discussion

of

the

kin

groups

of

the

Lake

Titicaca

region,

Garcilaso

mentions

many

of

the

locations

where

their

mythical

ancestors

were

thought

to

have

emerged.

In

addition,

he

notes

that

these

locations

were

frequently

visited

and

that

offerings

were

made

to

the

paqarinas

for

the

continuation

of the

kin

groups:

Otros

se precian

venir

de

una

gran

fuente,

de la

cual

afirman

que

salio

el

primer

antecessor

dellos.

Otros

tienen

por

blason

haver

salido

sus

mayores

de

unas

cuevas

y resquicios

de

penas

grandes,

y tenian

aquellos

lugares

por

sagrados,

y a sus

tiempos

los

visitavan

con

sacrificios

en reconocimiento

de

hijos

a padres

[Garcilaso

de

la

Vega,

E1Inca

1945:105

(1609:Book

2,

Chapter

20)].

Others

claimed

to descend

from

a great

fountain

which

they

declared

was

their

first

ancestor.

Others

took

pride

in

the appearance

of

their

forefathers

from

caves

and

nooks

in

great

rocks,

and

held

these

places

sacred

and

visited

them

in

due

season

with

sacrifices

and

the

thanksgiving

of

children

to

their

parents

[Garcilaso

de

la Vega, E1Inca 1966:110 (1609)].

Consequently

we

learn

that

Andean

kin

groups,

or

ayllus,

did

not

think

of

themselves

as

simply

belonging

within

certain

boundaries,

butas

being

defined

byand

originating

rom

mythical

ancestors,

who

emerged

rom

specific

acred

ocations.

These

paqarinas

ould

take

various

forms

on

the

Andean

landscape,

ncluding

caves,

lakes,

boulders,

or

ravines.

Members

of the

kin

groups

would

return

o

their

origin

places

on

special

occasions

to

make

sacrifices

or the

continuation

of

their

lineage.

While

there

appear

to

have

been

a vast

number

of

origin

places

located

across

the

Andes,

the

focus

here

is

on

one

specific

paqarina

nd

the

role

of

that

origin

place

in

the

development

and

legitimization

of

a ruling

elite

in the

Cuzco

region.

The

particular

paqarina

s the

origin

place

of

Manco

Capac,

he

mythical

progenitor

of the

dynastic

rulers

of

Cuzco.

Its

existence

s known

through

many

references

contained

within

the

Pacariqtambo

origin

myth

of the

Incas,

which

recalls

the

emergenceof Manco Capacfrom a royal

paqarina,

a cave called Tambotoco, at a place called

Pacariqtambo.

The

myth

also

describes

Manco

Capac's

northward

ourney

from

Pacariqtambo

o

the

valley

of

Cuzco,

the

founding

of

the

imperial

capital,

and

the

establishment

of

a

new

dynastic

order

n

Cuzco

by

the

Inca.2

8/10/2019 Bauer 1991

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10

LATIN

AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

lVol.

2,

No.

1,

1991]

Pedro

Sarmiento

de

Gamboa's

Segunda

parte

de

la

historia

general

llamada

indica

provides

one

fthe

most

detailed

versions

ofthe

Pacariqtambo

origin

myth

(Sarmiento

de

Gamboa

1906:33-371572:Books

1

1

and

12]).

Because

this

presentation

of

the

Pacariqtambo

origin

myth

is

critical

in

dentifying

the

location

of

the

royal

paqarina,

sections

of

his

chronicle

are

outlined

below.

armiento

de

Gamboa

wrote

that

some

six

leagues3

(approximately

3

3

km) to the south-southwestf Cuzco there was a place called Pacaritambo (or

Pacariqtambo),

in

which

there

was

a

hill

called

ambotoco

with

three

windows,

or

caves.

The

caves

were

called

Maras-toco,

Sutic-toco,

and

Capac-

oco.

Four

men

and

four

women,

the

first

Inca,

are

said

to

have

emerged

from

the

central

cave

ofapac-toco.

The

men

were

named

Manco

Capac,

Ayar

Auca,

Ayar

Cache,

and

Ayar

Ucho,

while

he

four

women

were

called

Mama

Ocllo,

Mama

Guaco,

Mama

Ipacura,

and

Mama

Raua.

armiento

de

Gamboa

wrote

that

these

eight

Inca

left

Tambotoco

and

walked

to

Guanacancha

or

Huanacancha),

where

Manco

Capac

had

intercourse

with

his

sister

Mama

Ocllo,

who

became

regnant.

From

Guanacancha,

the

Inca

walked

to

several

other

villages

including

Tamboquiro,

allata,

and

Haysquisrro.

In

Haysquisrro,

seven

of

the

Inca

decided

to

kill

their

brother

Ayar

Cache.

n

order

to

achieve

this,

Manco

Capac

sent

Ayar

Cache,

with

a

helper

called

Tambochacay,

back

o

Tambotoco

to

retrieve

various

items

said

to

be

left

in

the

cave.

When

Ayar

Cache entered theave, Tambochacay sealed him in with a large boulder.

Tambochacay

was,

however,

then

trans-

ormed

into

a

stone

by

the

entombed

Ayar

Cache.

Sarmiento

de

Gamboa

specifically

noted

that

ven

in

his

day

the

natives

of

the

region

wou]d

point

out

the

stone

Tambochacay

beside

the

cave

f

Capac-toco.

After

the

death

of

Ayar

Cache,

the

seven

remaining

Incas

left

Haysquisrro

and

walked

to

the

ountain

of

Guanacauri

[or

Huanacauri],

where

a

second

brother

of

Manco

Capac

was

transformed

nto

stone.

It

is

said

that

Manco

Capac

then

descended

from

the

mountain

of

Huanacauri

into

the

alley

of

Cuzco.

After

considerable

fighting,

Manco

Capac

and

his

sister/wife

Mama

Ocllo

defeated

he

ndigenous

settlers

of

the

Cuzco

Valley

and

established

a

new

dynastic

order

in

Cuzco.

he

ruling

elite

of

Cuzco

at

the

time

of

the

Spanish

conquest

were

thought

to

be

the

direct

escendants

of

Manco

Capac

and

Mama

Ocllo

and

as

such

were

viewed

as

the

legitimate

rulers

of

he

nca

state. The association between Manco Capac and the Inca nobility is

most

eloquently

stated

y

uan

de

Santa

Cruz

Pachacuti

Yamqui

(1950:273

[1613])

as

he

describes

the

elite

of

Cuzco

as

he

mancopchurincuzeo

Cuzco

Sons

of

Manco

[Capac]).

THE

REGION

OF

PACARIQTAMBO

The

modern

District

of

Pacariqtambo,

in

the

Province

of

Paruro,

lies

approximately

32

km

by

rail

or

5.75

leagues)

due

south

of

Cuzco

(Figure

1).

Residents

of

this

district

traditionally

associate

hree

ocations

with

the

Inca

and

the

Pacariqtambo

origin

myth.

The

first

of

these

locations

is

the

arge

nca

site

of

Maukallaqta.

The

extensive

ruins

of

Maukallaqta,

containing

over

200

stone

oundations,

tand

on

a

wide,

slightly

curving,

mountain

shelf

on

the

western

side

of

the

Huayna-

ancha

uebrada,

a

small

tributary

of

the

Yaurisque River (Figure 2). The ruins include severalrchitecturalones, with

buildings

aligned

along

grid

systems

in

each

zone.

Other

distinguishing

eatures

f

Maukallaqta

are

several

elaborate

stone

gateways,

cobblestone

streets,

and

an

unusual

entral

ourt

(Bauer

1988,

1990,

1991).

The

second

location

in

the

region

traditionally

associated

with

the

Inca

is

the

stone

outcrop

of

uma

rco

situated

immediately

to

the

east

of

Maukallaqta

(Figure

3).

This

massive

outcrop,

withrockfall

t

its

northern

end,

towers

above

the

surrounding

river

valley

on

a

small

spur

of

land.

A

ave,

pproximately

6

m

wide,

4

m

high,

and

4

m

long,

is

located

at

the

northern

base

of

Puma

rco.

his

is

not

a

cave

in

the

true

geological

sense,

but

instead

is

a

shelter

formed

by

the

super-

osition

f

several

large

boulders.

A

carved

passageway

between

the

boulders

that

form

one

side

f

he

cave

and

the

vertical

face

of

Puma

Orco

leads

into

the

northern

rockfall

area.

A

number

of

arved

oulders

lie

in

the

rockfall

area,

including

a

large

pyramid-shaped boulder with a series oftepsarved on its top (Figure 4). On the eastern

side

of

Puma

Orco

are

the

remains

of

three

Inca

uildings,

carved

outcrop,

and

a

series

of

terraces

leading

down

to

the

Huaynacancha

River.

Inca

tone

raftsmen

transformed

the

rocky

summit

of

Puma

Orco

into

a

continuous

series

of

horizontal

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LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

C > $ ' 0 r > 2 ' + '

'=1k ..

l 1*:

CL-aS L-2 CLojal'ssw:L-

rz

G C1=

s 7

sl l s, |

2StEllfllll

8/10/2019 Bauer 1991

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MYTHICAL

ORIGINS

OF

THE

INCA

13

Bauer]

Figure

3.

The

outcrop

of

Puma

Orco.

and

vertical

planes

and

two

pumas

were

carved

on the

highest

point

of the

rock

outcrop.

Settings

for

stone

blocks

run

along

the

summit's

outer

edge,

indicating

that

the

summit

was

circumscribed

by

a stone

wall.

The

carved

boulders

and

summit

of

Puma

Orco,

as

well

as the

buildings

at

the

base

of the

outcrop,

appear

to date

to the

Inca

period.

According

to the

traditions

of the

residents

of

Mollebamba,

a village

between

Maukallaqta

and

Puma

Orco,

this

latter

site,

despite

its

name,

represents

the

legendary

Tambotoco

of

the

royal

Inca.

The third location in the region associated with the royal origin myth of the Inca is a small cave

(1.8

m in

height,

2.6

m in

width,

and

6.5

m

in

length)

located

near

the

modern

community

of

Pacariqtambo

(Figure

5).

The

cave,

currently

called

Tamputoco,

(or

Tambotoco),

is

marked

on

the

Carta

NacionalCuzco

1:100,000

(Instituto

Geografico

Nacional

1973:28s).

It

is located

on the

western

face

of

a ridge,

approximately

2.5

km

east

of

the

town.

Neither

the

cave's

entrance

nor

its

intenor

shows

indications

of

worked

stone,

and

the

semicircular

entrance

of

the

cave

is unobstructed

and

visible

from

a

distance.

The

dirt

floor

contains

scattered

human

skeletal

remains.

Because

of

the

association

of

the

Pacariqtambo

region

with

the

mythical

origin

of

Manco

Capac,

the

ruins

of

Maukallaqta

and

Puma

Orco

have

been

the

foci

of

several

research

expeditions.

The

first

ofthese

expeditions,

dating

to

1912,

was

led

by

Hiram

Bingham

(1913,

1922).

Bingham's

work

in the

region

was

followed

by

two

additional

expeditions

in

the

early

1940s

led

by

Jorge

Muelle

(1945) and Luis Pardo (1946, 1957). The latter two researchers were the first to suggest that the

ruins

of

Maukallaqta

and

Puma

Qrco

were

related

to

the

Pacariqtambo

origin

myth

of

the

Incas.

They

appear,

however,

to

have

been

unaware

of

the

existence

of the

small

cave

near

the

modern

village

of

Pacanqtambo.

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LATIN AMERICANANTIQUITY

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Figure4. Large pyramid-shaped oulderat Puma Orco.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF TAMBOTOCO OF THE

PACARIQTAMBO ORIGIN MYTH

Two diffierent ocations in the Pacariqtambo region, the rock outcrop of Puma Orco and a small

cave called Tambotoco, are specifically associated with the royal paqarina of Manco Capac by the

oral traditions of the inhabitants of the region. Several lines of evidence may be investigated to

determine which of these locations most likely represents the legendary Tambotoco. The first line

of evidence consists ofthree graphic representations ofthe cave preserved in the texts of seventeenth-

century chronicles. The work of Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui contains the earliest known

drawing of the cave of Tambotoco (Figure 6). The drawing of the cave is, however, highly stylized.

Tambotoco is represented by Pachacuti Yamqui with three closely nested rectangles. The four interior

corners of the third rectangle are marked by small circles. In the center of this rectangle are two

additional nested rectangles; the first has been rotated 45 degrees while the second has been rotated

90 degrees. The nesting is terminated with a dot in the innermost rectangle. On either side of

Tambotoco is a tree said to represent the father (Apotampo) and mother (Pachamamaachi) of Manco

Capac. Pachacuti Yamqui also depicts the caves of Marastoco and Sutictoco on either side of

Tambotoco as two sets of three nested rectangles.

Two other graphic representations of Tambotoco are found in Guaman Poma de Ayala's thousand-

page letter of protest to the King of Spain. The first drawing (Figure 7) shows a coat of arms divided

into four panels (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980:62 [1615:f. 79]). The first panel contains the sun,

the second the moon, the third a star, and in the fourth panel the idol of Huanacauri is depicted

standing on top of a hill called Pacaritambo. At the base of the hill are three caves labeled

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MYTHICAL

ORIGINS

OF

THE

INCA

15

Figure5. The caveof Tambotoconearthe community f Pacariqtambo.

Tamputoco.

The

four

figures

of the

coat

of

arms

are

reproduced

as

background

lements

in

a

second

drawing

(Figure

8) that

depicts

the

Inca

and

his

wife

praying

during

the

month

of

Capac

Ynti

Paymi

(Guaman

Poma

de

Ayala

1980:238

[1615:f.

264]).4

The

sun,

the

moon,

and

a star,

which

we

are

told

by

Guaman

Poma

de

Ayala

represents

Venus,

are

depicted

above

the

kneeling

figures.

Behind

and

to the

right

of

the Inca

is

the

hill

of Pacariqtambo

with

three

caves

at its

base.

Both

of

these

drawings

by

Guaman

Poma

de

Ayala,

although

somewhat

reminiscent

of the

rock

outcrop

of

Puma

Orco,

appear

to

be stylized

representations

f the

cave,

and

as

such

cannot

be

directly

used

to

identify

the

actual

place

that

the

Inca

called

Tambotoco.

The

narrative

descriptions

of

the

royal

paqarina

of

Manco

Capac,

as presented

n the

Spanish

chronicles,

may

also

be examined

for

information

concerningts probableocation.As statedabove,

Figure

6.

The

caves

ofMarastoco,

Tambotoco,

nd

Sutictoco

as

represented

y

Juan

de

Santa

Cruz

Pachacuti

Yamqui.

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AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.2,

No. 1, 1991

16

Figure

7.

The Inca's

coat of

arms

according

to Guaman

Poma

de

Ayala.

thereare

two

places

in the

region

of Pacariqtambo

hat

may represent

he mythical

origin

place

of

theInca:

heoutcrop

of

Puma

Orco

andthe

caveof

Tambotoco

near he

community

of Pacariqtambo.

These

two possible

origin

places

vary,

however,

in

termsof

theirphysical

appearance.

Puma

Orco's

summit

and

several

boulders

along

ts base

have

beenaltered

by

Incacarvers,

whilethe

cave

currently

called

Tambotoco,

nearthe

community

of

Pacariqtambo,

emains

in

its natural

state.

The

simple

presence

or

absence

of Inca

stone

carving

at a site

does

not, however,

directly

aid in

the

identification

of Inca

shrines.

Both

historical

sources

and archaeological

emains

suggest

that

Inca shrinescould takethe form of eithernaturalor carvedstones. For example,the stone shrine

of

Huanacauri,

one of

the most

sacred

shrines

of the

Inca

empire,

appears

o have

been

worshiped

in

an uncut,

natural

orm(Cobo

1956:181

[1653:Book

13]).On

the

other

hand,the

intihuatanas

of

Machu

Picchu

and

Pisac,

the elaborately

carved

stones

of Sayhuite

and

Rumiquillayoc,

as well

as

MERAPJTWO

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MYTHICAL

ORIGINS

OF

THE

INCA

17

Figure

8. The Incaandhis wifeprayingduring he monthof CapacYnti Paymias drawnby GuamanPoma

de

Ayala.

the

vast

number

of

carved

stones

surrounding

Sacsayhuaman,

Kenk'o,

and

Chinchero

in the

Cuzco

region

underscores

the

importance

that

stone

carving

had

for

the

Inca.

Nevertheless,

if the

early

Spanish

descriptions

of the

Pacariqtambo

origin

myth

indicate

that

worked

stone

was

present

at

Tambotoco,

then

this

would

support

the

suggestion

that

the

carved

rock

outcrop

of

Puma

Orco

marks

the

mythical

origin

place

for

Manco

Capac.

If,

on

the

other

hand,

the

chroniclers

state

that

the

shrine

was

of uncut

stone,

then

this

would

support

the

suggestion

that

the

natural

cave

of

Tambotoco,

near

the

town

of

Pacariqtambo,

was

viewed

by the

Inca

as

the

royal

paqarina.

Brief

descriptions

of

the

cave

of Tambotoco

can

be found

in

two

chronicles.

Polo

de

Ondegardo

(1916:49-50 [1571]), a Spanish offical who lived in Cuzco for a number of years, describes the cave

of

Tambotoco

in

the

following

passage:

[C]inco

eguas

del Cuzco,

. .

. est

labrada

antiquisimamente

na

ventana

de

canteria

arrimada

a

un cerro

que

fue

antiguo

adoratorio

uyo.

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Cieza

de

Cabello

Balboa

Archaeological

Leon

[1553]

Sarmiento

[1572]

[1586]

de

Murua

[1605]

Sites

Pacarec Tampua Pacaritambo Pacaritamboa Pacaritamboa Maukallaqta

Tambotoco

or

Tambotoco

Puma

Orco

Marastoco

Capactocoa

Sutictoco

Pachete

Pachete

Pachecti

Huancanchat

Guamancanchbcd

Guaynac

Cancha

Huaynacancha

Tampu Quiru

TamboquiroC

TambuquiC

?

Pallata

?

HaysquisITod

Chasquitod

Yaurisque

Quirirmanta

?

Guanacaure

Guanacaure

Guanacauri

Huanacauri

Huanacauri

a

Manco

Capac and

Ayar

Brothers

emerge with

sister/wives.

b

Manco Capac

and

Mama

Ocllo

conceive

Cinchi

Roca.

cCinchi

Roca is

born to

Manco

Capac and

Mama

Ocllo.

d

An

Ayar

Brother

(either Auca

or

Cache)

returns to

the

cave and is

sealed in by

Tambo

Chacay.

They

arrived at

Pachecti and

not

having liked

the land

they

agreed among

themselves to

return along

the

trail on

which

they had

come

and they

arrived

at

Guamancancha

[Huaynacancha].

At the

time

of the

Spanish

invasion,

the

settlement

of

Pachecti

was the

fifth

and

northernmost

ayllu

(or

kin

group) of

the

Hanansaya

(upper

part) of

the

Pacariqtambo

moiety

system.

This

ayllu,

according to

local

informants and

historical

records,

was

situated

on a

small hill

immediately

south

of Puma

Orco

(Urton

1984, 1988,

1989,

1990).

Its

precise

location

on this

hill

has been

confirmed

by the

presence of

an

archaeological site

with

both

Killke

(ca. A.D.

1000-1400) and

Inca (ca.

A.D.

1400-1532)

pottery

(Bauer

1987,

1990).6

The

Pacariqtambo origin

myth

suggests

that the

royal

brothers,

after

their

brief

trip to the

ayllu

of

Pachecti,

walked

to a

place

called

Huaynacancha

where

Manco

Capac

and

Mama

Ocllo

conceived

a

child. This

child

was

named

Sinchi

Roca,

traditionally

known as

the

second

ruling

Inca. He

is

said

to

have

married a

daughter of a

local

lord

of the

Cuzco

area and

to

have

continued

the rule

of

the Incas

after

Manco

Capac's

death.

Approximately

one

kilometer

north

of

Puma

Orco

stands the

Hacienda of

Huaynacancha.

Evidence of

an

Inca

occupation at

this site

is

presented

through the

remains of

several

Inca-style

terrace

walls

noted

behind

the

main

hacienda

building as

well

as

through Inca

pottery

recovered in

the

courtyard

and

the

surrounding

fields

(Bauer

1990;

Muelle

1945). It

seems

apparent

that this

Inca

site

marks

the

location of

the

Huaynacancha

mentioned in

the

origin

myths.

From

Huaynacancha,

Manco

Capac

turned

northeast

and

followed the

course

of the

Yaurisque

River

toward

the

mountain

of

Huanacauri.

According

to

Cieza

de Leon

(1959:33

[1553:Part

2,

Chapter

6]) the

first

stop of the

royal

entourage

after

leaving

Huaynacancha was

at a

village

called

Tampu

Quiro.

Sarmiento de

Gamboa

and de

Murua

mentioned

the same

resting

place,

spelling it

Tamboquiro

and

Tambuqui,

respectively.

Using the

spelling

provided

in de

Murua,

Pardo

(1946,

1957)

suggests

that this

stop

represents a

visit to

the

site of

Hacienda

Tamboqui,

which

lies

some

12

km

to the

southeast

of

Huaynacancha in

the

Paruro

River valley

(Figure

1).

Archaeological

survey work in the valley of Paruro, however, has found no evidence of Inca remains at this hacienda.

According

to

Sarmiento

de

Gamboa

(1906:35

[1572:Book 12])

the

royal

brothers

then

walked

to

a

village

called

Pallata,

which

is

described as

being

close to

Tamboquiro. The

location

of this

village is

currently

unknown.

Sarmiento

de

Gamboa

(1906:35

[1572:Book

12]) wrote

that the

Bauer] MYTHICAL

ORIGINS

OF

THE INCA

19

Table 1.

The

Mythical

Journeyof

Manco

Capac

from

Pacariqtamboo

Huanacauri.

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20

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol.2,No.1,1991

brothers left Pallata and continued on their journey to Cuzoo, stopping at the village of Haysquisrro.

De Murua mentions the same location but wrote the name as Chasquito. Pardo (1946) and Urton

(1989, 1990) suggest that Haysquisrro is an orthographic error for Yaurisque, a village between

Pacariqtambo and Cuzoo.

From Haysquisrro, Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote, Manco Capac traveled to Huanacauri stopping

briefly at the site of Quirirmanta. Cristobal de Molina (de Cuzco) also refers to the site of Quirirmanta

when describing the descent ofthe young warrlors from Huanacauri to Cuzco after the male maturity

rite of Wiracikoy (de Molina 1943:51 [1575]). The Pacariqtambo origin myth also states that at the

summit of Huanacauri one of Manco Capacss brothers was transformed into stone, and was then

worshipped as a shrine. The mountain of Huanacauri, one of the highest in the immediate Cuzco

area, is located on the divide between the Valley of Cuzco and Yaurisque/Pacariqtambo region

(Rowe 1944:42).

THE RUINS OF MAUKALLAQTA

AND THE PACARlQTAMBO ORIGIN MYTH

If the rock outcrop of Puma Orco does mark the mythical origin point for Manco Capac, then

the major Inca occupations of the Pacariqtambo region may be examined and interpreted in light

of the information presented in the Pacariqtambo origin myth. Critical in this investigation is the

relationship of the Inca ruins of Maukallaqta, which lie west of Puma Orco, with the Pacariqtambo

myth. It may be asked if these ruins represent a religious center for the Inca, directly tied to the

Pacariqtambo origin myth and the legitimization of the Cuzco elite, or whether they are the remains

of a regional administrative center for Inca control over the local ethnic groups south of Cuzco.

The most impressive feature of the ruins of Maukallaqta is the central court of Zone 1 (Figure

9). This court of fine Inca stone masonry measures approximately 13.5 meters across and is laid

out on a north-south alignment. Each of its three sides has three large triple niches (Figure 10). The

niches measure approximately 2.80 meters at the base and are recessed more than one meter into

the walls. Although their height is difficult to determine, because of poor preservation of adobes at

their tops, the niches would have measured more than three meters high.

While each of the nine niches is striking, the central one on the north wall deserves special

attention (Figure l l). Unlike the other eight niches in the central court, this one has no back wall,

but rather a niche-entrance, which provides access to a passageway leading into an inner chamber

of the court, composed of four adjacent rooms in a line with a smaller connecting room off its

southeast corner. The central court of Maukallaqta includes an outer chamber as well, to the east

of and sharing a wall with the inner chamber. The outer chamber consists of two rooms and a small

side room, also oF its southeast corner. The two chambers share a common inner-wall and are

connected by three small windows (Bauer 1990, 1991).

Archaeological research was conducted at the site of Maukallaqta during 1984 and 1986. During

these field seasons surface collections and excavations were made at the site (Bauer 1990, 1991).

Although limited excavations in the inner chamber provided no evidence of the exact activities

which took place in it, this small cluster of rooms with restricted access most certainly represents

an area of nonpublic, sacred activities. Given the ruins' close proximity to Puma Orco, it is possible

that the inner chamber was used for an oracle of Manco Capac. If the inner chamber of Maukallaqtass

plaza did house an image of the first mythical Inca, then the unusual niche entrance between the

plaza and the inner chamber may have represented a window or cave through which the image of

Manco Capac could have emerged The reemergence of Manco Capac on certain ceremonial oc-

casions, such as the installation of a new successor, would have reestablished the Inca elite as, in

the words of Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, the mancopchurincuzvo. The ruins may have represented

a religious pilgrimage point for the Incas. The pilgrimage, retracing the mythical route of Mance

Capac, could have taken the travelers to the shrine of Huanacauri near Cuzco and then continued

down the Yaunsque River Valley, past the site of Huaynacancha, to Maukallaqta.

The suggestion that the ruins of Maukallaqta are related to the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the

Inca is supported by a number of references in Spanish documents. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:

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MYTHICAL

ORIGINS

OF

THE

INCA

21

Bauer]

l

|

Wall

|

Niche

2 Excavation

Area

O Inca

Burial

---Canal

SCALE

0

5m.

Figure

9.

The

central

court

of

Maukallaqta.

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LATIN AMERICANANTIQUITY

[Vol.2,No.1,1991

Figure 10. The west wall of Maukallaqta's central court.

68 [1572:Book30]), for example, while reviewing he legendarydeeds of Pachacuti nca Yupanqui,

notes that an oracle did exist at the place of Pacariqtambo. n addition, Cieza de Leon (1985:113,

1959:195 [1553:Part2, Chapter32]), who may have confused Pacariqtambowith Tampu Quiro,

mentions three major oracles associatedwith the Pacariqtamboorigin myth. It is Cobo, however,

who after discussing a version of the Pacariqtamboorigin myth, provides the most detailed de-

scriptionof an Inca state installationbeing built at the site of Pacariqtambo n commemorationof

the mythical appearanceof Manco Capac. Cobo wrote:

[D]emas de lo que contienen las dichas fabulas,tengo por no pequeno indicio en apoyo de mi opinion el

haber los Incas fundado un pueblo en aquel asiento de Pacarictampu labrado en el, para ilustrarle7 n

grandioso realpalaciocon un templo suntuossimoque aun duranhoy dia sus ruinasy se ven en ellas algunos

idolos y estatuasde piedra [Cobo 1956:64 (1653:Book37Chapter3)].

Besideswhat is contained n the mentioned ables,I considerno small evidence n favor of my opinion, [that]

the Incas founded a village at the site of Pacariqtambo, nd built on it, in order o make it famous, a grand

and royal palace with a splendidtemple, which ruins still stand today, and in them there can be seen some

stone idols and statues.

Cobo's descriptionof an Inca ruin south of Cuzco is importantas it appears o representan early

visit to the Pacariqtambo egion. It is possible that Cobo's account of a grandand royal palace

built by the Incaas a monument o MancoCapacrefers o the ruinsof Maukallaqta.Morespecifically

still, his description of a splendid temple may refer to the impressive central court and inner

chamberof the site. The stone idols and statues he mentions may well have been the two pumas

carved on the summit of Puma Orco.

Another mportantdocument that links the ruins of Maukallaqtawith the site of Pacariqtambo

has been found by Urton in the archives of the Ministerio de Agricultura:Cuzco (Urton 1989,

1990). The document is a petition fromayllu Pachecti to the Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos

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Bauer]

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

23

Figure 11. The central niche of the north wall of Maukallaqta's central court.

Indigenas requesting official recognition of Pachecti as a rural community. In the petition, the author,

Hilario Galindo G., uses archival documents dating back to 1614 to record the modern land

boundaries of the community. Galindo specifically states that the old town of Pacariqtambo lies

within the lands owned by aylluPachecti (Archivo del Ministerio de Agricultura: Cuzco 1964; Urton

1989, 1990). Because the ruins of Maukallaqta represent the only large set of ruins within the

boundaries of aylluPachecti, there can be little doubt that the reference to the old town of

Pacariqtambo in the document refers to Maukallaqta.

If Maukallaqta is the place called Pacariqtambo in the Spanish chronicles, then there is evidence

to suggest that the Inca occupied Maukallaqta until the Spanish conquest and that Hernando Pizarro

and Diego Almagro (the Younger) actually visited and looted the site. Cieza de Leon wrote:

[Y] por ellos fue determinadode hazer en aquel lugaruna nueva poblacion,a la qual pusieronpor nombre

Pacaritambo; fue hecha brevemente,porqueparaello tuvieron ayudade los naturalesde aquellacomarca

y andando os tiempos, pusierongran cantidadde oro puro y en joyas con otras cosas preciadasen aquella

parte, de lo qual ay fama que ovo mucho dello HernandoPivarroy don Diego Almagroel movo [Ciezade

Leon 1985:14 (1553:Part2, Chapter6)].

They decided to build a new settlementon that spot, to which they gave the name Pacaric-Tampu; nd this

was quicklyaccomplished, or they had the help of the natives of the region n this work. And as time went

by, they brought o that place a greatquantityof pure gold and jewels, and other valuablethings, of which

it is believed that HernandoPizarroand Don Diego de Almagro he Youngeracquireda largepart [Ciezade

Leon 1959:32 (1553)].

The change of the site's name, from Pacariqtambo to Maukallaqta, most likely resulted from the

Spanish reduccionreduction) movement. Before the arrival of the Spaniards the indigenous pop-

ulation of the Pacariqtambo region was located in dispersed kin group settlements scattered across

the western side of the Molle Molle River, south of Maukallaqta (Bauer 1987, 1990, 1992; Urton

8/10/2019 Bauer 1991

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24

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

1984, 1988, 1990). In 1571, the Spanish administration in Cuzco, under the authority of Viceroy

Toledo, implemented the reduction of the scattered settlements of the Andes into large centralized

towns. During this movement the settlements, which formed and defined the rural moiety system

of the Pacariqtambo region, were reduced to a central location and the modern village of Paca-

riqtambo was founded (Ulloa 1909). With the establishment of the

reduccion

ettlement of San

Pedro de Pacariqtambo, the former Inca installation would have been referred to as the old town

of Pacariqtambo or simply Maukallaqta (Mauka = old, llaqta = city).

SUMMARY

Like many societal origin myths, the Pacariqtambo myth suggests that the existing social order

was deterrnined by a set of events that occurred outside the social order in a primordial setting of

time and space. The social order of the Inca, like that of other societies, was hence seen to be

unchangeable by human actions, because its establishment involved the operation of powers that

were beyond the norrnal range of human existence. Furthermore, like many divine kingships, the

ancestral origin of the Inca dynasty was linked to a mythical journey from the periphery of the

kingdom to its center. Manco Capac was a stranger-king who through marriage to his sister, Mama

Ocllo, and their mythological conquest ofthe indigenous inhabitants ofthe Cuzco Valley, legitimized

his right to found the sacred city of Cuzco, and their descendants' rights to rule the empire.

However, unlike many other societies, Andean peoples believe that the ancestral founders of kin

groups emerged from sacred locations in the landscape, called paqarinas. hese origin places were

not abstract, nonlocalized notions, but were linked with recognizable, topographic features of the

landscape. Sacred origin places are found throughout the Andes and represent principal foci for

indigenous religious rites. Consequently, within the Andean logic of paqarinas,he Inca associated

a region south of Cuzco, and a specific cave in that region, with the mythical appearance of Manco

Capac.

This study provides evidence suggesting that the outcrop of Puma Orco, in the Province of Paruro,

may represent the royal

paqarina

f the Inca. In addition, it is suggested that the ruins of Maukallaqta,

perhaps once called Pacariqtambo, may have held an oracle of Manco Capac. Although the evidence

presented in this study has enabled us to map the route that the mythical Incas are thought to have

taken from the royal paqarinao the Valley of Cuzco, the route should not be seen as a simple

journey, nor the sites as simply shrines, but instead as a medium through which the Inca established,

defined, and legitimized the spatial and social relationships that existed between the ruling Cuzco

elite and the populations surrounding Cuzco. By establishing their origin place outside of the Valley

of Cuzco, the ruling Incas portrayed themselves as powerful conquerors of the region, who had

triumphed over the local inhabitants and who had won the right to rule. In this way, the major

Inca installations south of Cuzco can be seen as components of the processes of mythification and

mystification of centralized rule which took place during the development of the Inca empire. The

establishment of a temple complex at the site on the eve of imperial expansion would have reaffirmed

the sacred role of the ruling elite in the social-ritual organization of the empire and strengthened

their claim to dynastic power.

Acknowledgments. This work has profited from critical readingsprovided by Paul Goldstein, Alan Kolata,

MartinaMunsters,Don Rice, CharlesStanish, Gary Urton, and three reviewers or Latin American Antiquity.

Their criticisms and suggestionsare gratefullyacknowledged.Additional aid was provided by Luis Barreda

Murillo and Alfredo Valencia Zegarraas well as members of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura n Lima and

Cuzco. The researchpresented n this work was conductedthrough he generoussupportof foundations,cor-

porations,and individuals. Majorfundingwas provided by The L. J. Skaggsand Mary C. SkaggsFoundation,

The Organization f AmericanStates,The Institute or New WorldArchaeology,The AmericanCanFoundation,

andthe Fulbright-Haysellowship ommittee.This workwas firstpresented n 1988 at The InternationalCongress

of Americanists,Amsterdam.

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G.

1984

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espacio

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la practica

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1988

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University

of Texas

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Austin.

NOTES

' In a

recent

article

and

book,

Gary

Urton(1989,

1990)

presented

a detailed

study

ofthe Pacariqtambo

rigin

myth

of

the

Inca

from the

point

of view

of the

rural

community

of

Pacariqtambo.

Urton's

ethnographic

and

ethnohistorical

nalyses

document

and

explore

the

presentation

f self-interested

epresentations

f

the past,

by

Spaniards

and

indigenous

nformants,

during

the immediate

Postconquest

and

Republican

eras.

Through

his

research,

Urton

was

also

able to

identify

the locations

of Puma

Orco

and

Maukallaqta

s the

legendary

places

of Tambotoco

and

Pacariqtambo.

This

investigation

on the

Pacariqtambo

rigin

myth,

anoutgrowth

f the

Pacariqtambo

Archaeological

roject

(198o1987),

was conducted

ndependent

of

Urton's

research.

This

work

differs

from

Urton's

research

n its

reliance

on

information

presented

n

theSpanish

chronicles

and

on

data

gathered

during

my

archaeological

work

in

the Pacariqtambo

egion.

While

there

is

some

overlap

and

similarity

between

the

two

studies

both

make

distinctlyseparatecontributions o the studyof Incamythohistory.

2 Urbano

(1981)

has

published

a collection

of the

Pacariqtambo

rigin

myths.

See

Muelle

(1945)

and

Pardo

(1946,

1957)

for

early

discussions

of

Maukallaqta

nd

Puma

Orco

in

relation

o the

Pacariqtambo

rigin

myth,

and

Bauer 1990,

1991)

fora description

of recent

archaeological

esearch

at

these Inca

sites.

3 A Spanish

eague

was

approximately

5.5

km.

4

The logic

of the

coat

of

armsis

explained

elsewhere

n

the chronicle

by

Guaman

Poma

de

Ayala

(1980:82

[1615:f.

62]):

[Q]ue

auia

de salir

de Pacari

Tanbo

un

Capac

Apo

Ynga

rrey

lamado

Mango

Capac

Ynga,

hijo del

sol y

de

su

muger

a

lunay

ermano

de luzero.

Y su

dios

auiade

ser Uana

Cauri,

queste

rreyania

de

mandar

a

tierra

y

auia

de ser

Capac

Apo

Unga.

That

there

wassupposed

o leave

from

Pacariqtambo

Capac

Apo

Ynga

[Royal

Lord

Inca]

king

named

Royal

Manco

Inca,

son of

the sun

and

of his

wife

the

moon and

brother

of

[the]

morning

star.

And

his god

was to

be Huanacauri,

hat

this

king

was to

rule

the

earth

and was

to be

Capac

Apo

Ynga.

5 The territory

between

the modern

town

of Pacariqtambo

nd

the

Inca

ruins

of Huanacauri

was

included

within

an

archaeological

urvey

ofthe Province

of

Paruro

hattook

place

between

1984

and 1985.

The

research

design

as

well as

the boundaries

and

procedures

of this

survey

are

described

n Bauer

1990).

Also

see Pardo

(1946,1957)

and

Urton

(1989,1990)

for

descriptions

f

Manco

Capac's

ourney

from

Pacariqtambo

o Cuzco.

6 For

a discussion

of

the Prehispanic

ettlement

pattern

n

the area

of

Pacariqtambo

ee

Bauer

1987,

1990,

1992).

Received

May

10, 1990;

accepted

January

17,

1991