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The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Karl Marx 1852

I

Hegel remarks somewhere[*] that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak,

twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce. Caussidire for Danton,Louis Blanc for Robespierre, the Montagne of 1848 to 1851[66] for the Montagne of 1793 to 1795,the nephew for the uncle. And the same caricature occurs in the circumstances of the second editionof the Eighteenth Brumaire.

Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from thepast. The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. And

just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating somethingthat did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure upthe spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes inorder to present this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed language.

Thus Luther put on the mask of the Apostle Paul, the Revolution of 1789-1814 draped itselfalternately in the guise of the Roman Republic and the Roman Empire, and the Revolution of 1848knew nothing better to do than to parody, now 1789, now the revolutionary tradition of 1793-95. Inlike manner, the beginner who has learned a new language always translates it back into his mothertongue, but he assimilates the spirit of the new language and expresses himself freely in it onlywhen he moves in it without recalling the old and when he forgets his native tongue.

When we think about this conjuring up of the dead of world history, a salient difference revealsitself. Camille Desmoulins, Danton, Robespierre, St. Just, Napoleon, the heroes as well as theparties and the masses of the old French Revolution, performed the task of their time that ofunchaining and establishing modern bourgeois society in Roman costumes and with Roman

phrases. The first one destroyed the feudal foundation and cut off the feudal heads that had grownon it. The other created inside France the only conditions under which free competition could bedeveloped, parceled-out land properly used, and the unfettered productive power of the nationemployed; and beyond the French borders it swept away feudal institutions everywhere, to provide,as far as necessary, bourgeois society in France with an appropriate up-to-date environment on theEuropean continent. Once the new social formation was established, the antediluvian colossidisappeared and with them also the resurrected Romanism the Brutuses, the Gracchi, thepublicolas, the tribunes, the senators, and Caesar himself. Bourgeois society in its sober reality bredits own true interpreters and spokesmen in the Says, Cousins, Royer-Collards, Benjamin Constants,and Guizots; its real military leaders sat behind the office desk and the hog-headed Louis XVIII wasits political chief. Entirely absorbed in the production of wealth and in peaceful competitive

struggle, it no longer remembered that the ghosts of the Roman period had watched over its cradle.But unheroic though bourgeois society is, it nevertheless needed heroism, sacrifice, terror, civil war,and national wars to bring it into being. And in the austere classical traditions of the RomanRepublic the bourgeois gladiators found the ideals and the art forms, the self-deceptions, that theyneeded to conceal from themselves the bourgeois-limited content of their struggles and to keep theirpassion on the high plane of great historic tragedy. Similarly, at another stage of development acentury earlier, Cromwell and the English people had borrowed from the Old Testament the speech,emotions, and illusions for their bourgeois revolution. When the real goal had been achieved and thebourgeois transformation of English society had been accomplished, Locke supplanted Habakkuk.

Thus the awakening of the dead in those revolutions served the purpose of glorifying the newstruggles, not of parodying the old; of magnifying the given task in the imagination, not recoilingfrom its solution in reality; of finding once more the spirit of revolution, not making its ghost walkagain.
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From 1848 to 1851, only the ghost of the old revolution circulated - from Marrast, the rpublicainen gants jaunes [Republican in yellow gloves], who disguised himself as old Bailly, down to theadventurer who hides his trivial and repulsive features behind the iron death mask of Napoleon. Awhole nation, which thought it had acquired an accelerated power of motion by means of arevolution, suddenly finds itself set back into a defunct epoch, and to remove any doubt about therelapse, the old dates arise again the old chronology, the old names, the old edicts, which had long

since become a subject of antiquarian scholarship, and the old minions of the law who had seemedlong dead. The nation feels like the mad Englishman in Bedlam [1] who thinks he is living in thetime of the old Pharaohs and daily bewails the hard labor he must perform in the Ethiopian goldmines, immured in this subterranean prison, a pale lamp fastened to his head, the overseer of theslaves behind him with a long whip, and at the exits a confused welter of barbarian war slaves whounderstand neither the forced laborers nor each other, since they speak no common language. Andall this, sighs the mad Englishman, is expected of me, a freeborn Briton, in order to make gold forthe Pharaohs. In order to pay the debts of the Bonaparte family, sighs the French nation. TheEnglishman, so long as he was not in his right mind, could not get rid of his ide fixof mininggold. The French, so long as they were engaged in revolution, could not get rid of the memory ofNapoleon, as the election of December 10 [1848, when Louis Bonaparte was elected President of

the French Republic by plebiscite.] was proved. They longed to return from the perils of revolutionto the fleshpots of Egypt [2], and December 2, 1851 [The date of the coup dtat by LouisBonaparte], was the answer. Now they have not only a caricature of the old Napoleon, but the oldNapoleon himself, caricatured as he would have to be in the middle of the nineteenth century.

The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot take its poetry from the past but only fromthe future. It cannot begin with itself before it has stripped away all superstition about the past. Theformer revolutions required recollections of past world history in order to smother their owncontent. The revolution of the nineteenth century must let the dead bury their dead in order to arriveat its own content. There the phrase went beyond the content here the content goes beyond thephrase.

The February Revolution was a surprise attack, a seizing of the old society unaware, and the peopleproclaimed this unexpected stroke a deed of world importance, ushering in a new epoch. OnDecember 2 the February Revolution is conjured away as a cardsharps trick, and what seemsoverthrown is no longer the monarchy but the liberal concessions that had been wrung from itthrough centuries of struggle. Instead of society having conquered a new content for itself, it seemsthat the state has only returned to its oldest form, to a shamelessly simple rule by the sword and themonks cowl. This is the answer to the coup de main [unexpected stroke] of February, 1848, givenby the coup de tte [rash act] of December, 1851. Easy come, easy go. Meantime, the interval didnot pass unused. During 1848-51 French society, by an abbreviated revolutionary method, caughtup with the studies and experiences which in a regular, so to speak, textbook course of developmentwould have preceded the February Revolution, if the latter were to be more than a mere ruffling ofthe surface. Society seems now to have retreated to behind its starting point; in truth, it has first tocreate for itself the revolutionary point of departure the situation, the relations, the conditionsunder which alone modern revolution becomes serious.

Bourgeois revolutions, like those of the eighteenth century, storm more swiftly from success tosuccess, their dramatic effects outdo each other, men and things seem set in sparkling diamonds,ecstasy is the order of the day but they are short-lived, soon they have reached their zenith, and along Katzenjammer [cats winge] takes hold of society before it learns to assimilate the results of itsstorm-and-stress period soberly. On the other hand, proletarian revolutions, like those of thenineteenth century, constantly criticize themselves, constantly interrupt themselves in their owncourse, return to the apparently accomplished, in order to begin anew; they deride with cruel

thoroughness the half-measures, weaknesses, and paltriness of their first attempts, seem to throwdown their opponents only so the latter may draw new strength from the earth and rise before themagain more gigantic than ever, recoil constantly from the indefinite colossalness of their own goals
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until a situation is created which makes all turning back impossible, and the conditions themselvescall out:

Hic Rhodus, hic salta![Here is the rose, here dance!] [71]

For the rest, every fair observer, even if he had not followed the course of French developments step

by step, must have had a presentiment of the imminence of an unheard-of disgrace for therevolution. It was enough to hear the complacent yelps of victory with which the democratscongratulated each other on the expectedly gracious consequences of the second Sunday in May,1852. [day of elections Louis Bonapartes term was expired] In their minds that second Sunday ofMay had become a certain idea, a dogma, like the day of Christs reappearance and the beginning ofthe millennium in the minds of the Chiliasts [4]. As always, weakness had taken refuge in a belief inmiracles, believed the enemy to be overcome when he was only conjured away in imagination, andlost all understanding of the present in an inactive glorification of the future that was in store for itand the deeds it had in mind but did not want to carry out yet. Those heroes who seek to disprovetheir demonstrated incapacity by offering each other their sympathy and getting together in acrowd had tied up their bundles, collected their laurel wreaths in advance, and occupied

themselves with discounting on the exchange market the republics in partibus [i.e., in name only]for which they had already providently organized the government personnel with all the calm oftheir unassuming disposition. December 2 struck them like a thunderbolt from a clear sky, and thosewho in periods of petty depression gladly let their inner fears be drowned by the loudest renters willperhaps have convinced themselves that the times are past when the cackle of geese could save theCapitol. [5]

The constitution, the National Assembly, the dynastic parties, the blue and red republicans, theheroes of Africa, the thunder from the platform, the sheet lightning of the daily press, the entireliterature, the political names and the intellectual reputations, the civil law and the penal code,libert, egalit, fraternit, and the second Sunday in May, 1852 all have vanished like a

phantasmagoria before the spell of a man whom even his enemies do not make out to be a sorcerer.Universal suffrage seems to have survived only for the moment, so that with its own hand it maymake its last will and testament before the eyes of all the world and declare in the name of thepeople itself: All that exists deserves to perish. [From GoethesFaust, Part One.]

It is not enough to say, as the French do, that their nation was taken unawares. Nations and womenare not forgiven the unguarded hour in which the first adventurer who came along could violatethem. Such turns of speech do not solve the riddle but only formulate it differently. It remains to beexplained how a nation of thirty-six millions can be surprised and delivered without resistance intocaptivity by three knights of industry.

Let us recapitulate in general outline the phases that the French Revolution went through from

February 24, 1848, to December, 1851.Three main periods are unmistakable: the February period; the period of the constitution of therepublic or the Constituent National Assembly - May 1848 to May 28 1849; and the period of theconstitutional republic or the Legislative National Assembly May 28 1849 to December 2 1851.

The first period from February 24, the overthrow of Louis Philippe, to May 4, 1848, the meetingof the Constituent Assembly the February period proper, may be designated as the prologue of therevolution. Its character was officially expressed in the fact that the government it improvised itselfdeclared that it was provisional, and like the government, everything that was mentioned,attempted, or enunciated during this period proclaimed itself to be only provisional. Nobody andnothing ventured to lay any claim to the right of existence and of real action. All the elements that

had prepared or determined the revolution the dynastic opposition, the republican bourgeoisie, thedemocratic-republican petty bourgeoisie, and the social-democratic workers, provisionally foundtheir place in the February government.
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It could not be otherwise. The February days originally intended an electoral reform by which thecircle of the politically privileged among the possessing class itself was to be widened and theexclusive domination of the aristocracy of finance overthrown. When it came to the actual conflict,however when the people mounted the barricades, the National Guard maintained a passiveattitude, the army offered no serious resistance, and the monarchy ran away the republic appearedto be a matter of course. Every party construed it in its own way. Having secured it arms in hand,

the proletariat impressed its stamp upon it and proclaimed it to be a social republic. There was thusindicated the general content of the modern revolution, a content which was in most singularcontradiction to everything that, with the material available, with the degree of education attainedby the masses, under the given circumstances and relations, could be immediately realized inpractice. On the other hand, the claims of all the remaining elements that had collaborated in theFebruary Revolution were recognized by the lions share they obtained in the government. In noperiod, therefore, do we find a more confused mixture of high-flown phrases and actual uncertaintyand clumsiness, of more enthusiastic striving for innovation and more deeply rooted domination ofthe old routine, of more apparent harmony of the whole of society; and more profound estrangementof its elements. While the Paris proletariat still reveled in the vision of the wide prospects that hadopened before it and indulged in seriously meant discussions of social problems, the old powers of

society had grouped themselves, assembled, reflected, and found unexpected support in the mass ofthe nation, the peasants and petty bourgeois, who all at once stormed onto the political stage afterthe barriers of the July Monarchy had fallen.

The second period, from May 4, 1848, to the end of May, 1849, is the period of the constitution, thefoundation, of the bourgeois republic. Immediately after the February days not only had thedynastic opposition been surprised by the republicans and the republicans by the socialists, but allFrance by Paris. The National Assembly, which met on May 4, 1848, had emerged from the nationalelections and represented the nation. It was a living protest against the pretensions of the Februarydays and was to reduce the results of the revolution to the bourgeois scale. In vain the Parisproletariat, which immediately grasped the character of this National Assembly, attempted on May

15, a few days after it met, to negate its existence forcibly, to dissolve it, to disintegrate again intoits constituent parts the organic form in which the proletariat was threatened by the reacting spirit ofthe nation. As is known, May 15 had no other result but that of removing Blanqui and his comrades

that is, the real leaders of the proletarian party from the public stage for the entire duration ofthe cycle we are considering.

The bourgeois monarchy of Louis Philippe can be followed only by a bourgeois republic; that is tosay, whereas a limited section of the bourgeoisie ruled in the name of the king, the whole of thebourgeoisie will now rule in the name of the people. The demands of the Paris proletariat areutopian nonsense, to which an end must be put. To this declaration of the Constituent NationalAssembly the Paris proletariat replied with the June insurrection, the most colossal event in thehistory of European civil wars. The bourgeois republic triumphed. On its side stood the aristocracyof finance, the industrial bourgeoisie, the middle class, the petty bourgeois, the army, the lumpenproletariat organized as the Mobile Guard, the intellectual lights, the clergy, and the ruralpopulation. On the side of the Paris proletariat stood none but itself. More than three thousandinsurgents were butchered after the victory, and fifteen thousand were deported without trial. Withthis defeat the proletariat passes into the background on the revolutionary stage. It attempts to pressforward again on every occasion, as soon as the movement appears to make a fresh start, but withever decreased expenditure of strength and always slighter results. As soon as one of the socialstrata above it gets into revolutionary ferment, the proletariat enters into an alliance with it and soshares all the defeats that the different parties suffer, one after another. But these subsequent blowsbecome the weaker, the greater the surface of society over which they are distributed. The more

important leaders of the proletariat in the Assembly and in the press successively fall victim to thecourts, and ever more equivocal figures come to head it. In part it throws itself into doctrinaireexperiments, exchange banks and workers associations, hence into a movement in which it


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renounces the revolutionizing of the old world by means of the latters own great, combinedresources, and seeks, rather, to achieve its salvation behind societys back, in private fashion, withinits limited conditions of existence, and hence necessarily suffers shipwreck. It seems to be unableeither to rediscover revolutionary greatness in itself or to win new energy from the connectionsnewly entered into, until all classes with which it contended in June themselves lie prostrate besideit. But at least it succumbs with the honors of the great, world-historic struggle; not only France, but

all Europe trembles at the June earthquake, while the ensuing defeats of the upper classes are socheaply bought that they require barefaced exaggeration by the victorious party to be able to passfor events at all, and become the more ignominious the further the defeated party is removed fromthe proletarian party.

The defeat of the June insurgents, to be sure, had now prepared, had leveled the ground on whichthe bourgeois republic could be founded and built, but it had shown at the same time that in Europethe questions at issue are other than that of republic or monarchy. It had revealed that herebourgeois republic signifies the unlimited despotism of one class over other classes. It had provedthat in countries with an old civilization, with a developed formation of classes, with modernconditions of production, and with an intellectual consciousness in which all traditional ideas have

been dissolved by the work of centuries, the republic signifies in general only the political form ofrevolution of bourgeois society and not its conservative form of life as, for example, in the UnitedStates of North America, where, though classes already exist, they have not yet become fixed, butcontinually change and interchange their elements in constant flux, where the modern means ofproduction, instead of coinciding with a stagnant surplus population, rather compensate for therelative deficiency of heads and hands, and where, finally, the feverish, youthful movement ofmaterial production, which has to make a new world of its own, has neither time nor opportunityleft for abolishing the old world of ghosts.

During the June days all classes and parties had united in the party of Order against the proletarianclass as the party of anarchy, of socialism, of communism. They had saved society from theenemies of society. They had given out the watchwords of the old society, property, family,

religion, order, to their army as passwords and had proclaimed to the counterrevolutionarycrusaders: In this sign thou shalt conquer! From that moment, as soon as one of the numerousparties which gathered under this sign against the June insurgents seeks to hold the revolutionarybattlefield in its own class interest, it goes down before the cry: property, family, religion, order.Society is saved just as often as the circle of its rulers contracts, as a more exclusive interest ismaintained against a wider one. Every demand of the simplest bourgeois financial reform, of themost ordinary liberalism, of the most formal republicanism, of the most shallow democracy, issimultaneously castigated as an attempt on society and stigmatized as socialism. And finally thehigh priests of religion and order themselves are driven with kicks from their Pythian tripods,hauled out of their beds in the darkness of night, put in prison vans, thrown into dungeons or sentinto exile; their temple is razed to the ground, their mouths are sealed, their pens broken, their lawtorn to pieces in the name of religion, of property, of the family, of order. Bourgeois fanatics fororder are shot down on their balconies by mobs of drunken soldiers, their domestic sanctuariesprofaned, their houses bombarded for amusement in the name of property, of the family, ofreligion, and of order. Finally, the scum of bourgeois society forms the holy phalanx of order andthe hero Crapulinski [a character from Heines poem The Two Knights, a dissolute aristocrat.]installs himself in the Tuileries as the savior of society.

Optsprezece brumar al lui Ludovic Bonaparte. Karl Marx 1852Eu>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>


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Hegel observaii undeva [*] ca toate marile lumii istorice fapte si personaje apar, ca s spunem aa,de dou ori. El a uitat s adauge: prima oar ca tragedie, a doua oar ca fars. Caussidire pentruDanton, Louis Blanc pentru Robespierre, Montagne de 1848 - 1851 [66] pentru a Montagne 1793-1795, nepotul de unchi. i aceeai caricatur are loc n circumstanele doua ediie a brumar XVIII-lea.

Brbaii fac propria lor istorie, dar ei nu-l fac cum doresc, ei nu-l face sub auto-selectatecircumstane, dar n circumstanele existente deja, avnd n vedere i transmise din trecut. Tradiiadin toate generaiile moarte apas ca un comar pe creierul celor vii. i, aa cum par s fie ocupatecu ei nii i revoluioneaz lucruri, crend ceva ce nu exista nainte, tocmai n astfel de epoci decriz revoluionar ei evoca nerabdare pana spiritele din trecut la serviciul lor, imprumutand de laele nume, slogane de lupta, i costume, n scopul de a prezenta aceast scen nou n istoria lumii,

n timp onorat deghizare i mprumutate limbii. Astfel, Luther pus pe masca de Apostolul Pavel,Revolutia de la 1789-1814 n sine drapat n mod alternativ n masca de Republica Roman iImperiul Roman, i Revoluia de la 1848 nu tia nimic mai bun de fcut dect s parodie, acum1789, acum tradiia revoluionar a 1793-1795. n mod asemntor, nceptor care a nvat o limbnou ntotdeauna se traduce napoi n limba sa matern, dar el asimileaz spiritul noua limb i i

exprim el nsui n mod liber n ea numai atunci cnd el se mic n ea, fr a reamintind vechi iatunci cnd el uit limba sa matern.

Cnd ne gndim la asta evocnd din mori a istoriei lumii, o diferenta izbitoare se dezvluie.Camille Desmoulins, Danton, Robespierre, St Just, Napoleon, eroii, precum i partidele i masele deRevoluia francez veche, efectuat sarcina din timpul lor - ca de desctuare i de stabilire asocietii moderne burgheze - n costume romane i cu Expresii romane. Primul distrus temeliafeudal i taie capetele feudale care au crescut pe ea. Alte creat n interiorul Franei condiiile ncare singurele libera concuren ar putea fi dezvoltate, parcelat-out terenurilor utilizate n modcorespunztor, i puterea nelimitat productiv a naiunii angajai i dincolo de graniele franceze semturate instituii feudale peste tot, pentru a oferi, n msura n care dup cum este necesar,societatea burghez n Frana, cu o adecvat up-to-data de mediu pe continentul european. Odat cenoua formatiune social a fost stabilit, coloii antediluvian disprut i cu ei, de asemenea,romnismul nviat - a Brutuses, Gracchi, a publicolas, tribune, de senatori, i Cezar nsui.Societatea burghez, n realitate, ei sobru crescute sale proprii interprei adevrai purttori decuvnt i n Says, Cousins, Royer-collards, Constante, Benjamin i Guizots; liderii si reali militariaezat n spatele birou i porc-condus Ludovic al XVIII-lea a fost eful su politic. n ntregimeabsorbit n producia de bogie i n lupta de concuren panic, n care nu mai amintit cfantomele perioada roman au urmarit peste leagnul su.

Dar unheroic dei societatea burghez este, totui nevoie de el eroism, sacrificiu, teroare, rzboi

civil, i rzboaiele naionale de a aduce-o n fiin. i n tradiiile austere clasice ale RepubliciiRoman, gladiatori burgheze gsit napoi cu idealurile i formele de art, de auto-decepii, c aunevoie s-i ascund de ei nii coninutul burghezo-limitat de luptele lor i pentru a meninepasiunea lor pe plan ridicat de tragedie istoric mare. n mod similar, la un alt stadiu de dezvoltarecu un secol mai devreme, Cromwell i poporul englez-au mprumutat de la Vechiul Testamentdiscurs, emotii, precum i iluzii pentru revoluia lor burghez. Atunci cnd scopul real a fost atins itransformarea burghez a societii engleze au fost realizate, Locke nlocuit Habacuc.

Astfel, trezirea morilor n aceste revoluii a servit scopul de a glorifica luptelor noi nu, parodiind devechi, de glorificare a dat n sarcina imaginaie, nu cameri de soluie n realitate; de a gsi o datmai mult spiritul revoluiei, nu face fantoma sa mearga din nou.

Din 1848 pn n 1851, doar fantoma a revoluiei vechi circulat - de la Marrast, rpublicain enGants jaunes [republican n mnui galbene], care sa deghizat n Bailly vechi, pn la aventurier


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care ascunde caracteristicile sale triviale i respingtoare n spatele fier Masca moartea luiNapoleon. O naiune ntreag, pe care au considerat c a dobndit o putere de micare acceleratprin intermediul unei revoluii, dintr-o dat se gsete amplasat n spatele ntr-o epoc defunct, ipentru a elimina orice ndoial cu privire la recidiva, datele vechi apar din nou - cronologia vechi,Denumirile vechi, edicte vechi, care au devenit de mult timp un subiect de burse anticar, iarslujitorii vechi ale legii, care prea mort de mult. Naiune se simte ca englez nebun n Bedlam [1],

care crede c triete n timp a faraonilor vechi i plnge de zi cu zi de munc grea el trebuie sefectueze n minele de aur din Etiopia, immured n aceast nchisoare subteran, o lamp de palfixate la capul, supraveghetor de sclavi n spatele lui, cu un bici lung, precum i la ieirile oharababura confuz a barbare de rzboi sclavi care neleg nici muncitori, nici forat fiecare alte,deoarece acestea vorbesc nici o limb comun. "i toate acestea," ofteaz nebun englez, "se ateaptde la mine, o Freeborn britanic, n scopul de a face aur pentru faraoni." "Pentru a plti datoriilefamiliei Bonaparte", ofteaz naiunii franceze. Englezul, atta timp ct el nu a fost n mintea luidreapta, nu a putut scpa de FIXE sale ide de aur miniere. Francez, att timp ct acestea au fostangajate n revoluie, nu a putut scpa de amintirea lui Napoleon, ca alegerile din 10 decembrie[1848, cnd Louis Bonaparte a fost ales preedinte al Republicii Franceze prin plebiscit.] A fostdovedit. Ei au dorit s se ntoarc de pericolele revoluiei la fleshpots din Egipt [2], i 02 decembrie

1851 [Data de lovitura de stat de ctre Ludovic Bonaparte], a fost rspunsul. Acum, ei au nu numaio caricatur a lui Napoleon vechi, dar Napoleon vechi nsui, caricaturizat ca el ar trebui s fie nmijlocul secolului XIX.

Revoluia social a secolului al XIX-nu poate lua poezia sa din trecut, dar numai de la viitor. Ea nupoate ncepe cu ea nsi nainte de a deposedat departe tot superstiia despre trecut. Revoluiileanterioare cere amintiri ale istoriei lumii din trecut, n scopul de a nbui propriul lor coninut.Revoluia din secolul XIX trebuie s lsm morii i ngroape morii lor, n scopul de a ajunge laconinutul propriu. Exist fraza a mers dincolo de coninutul - aici coninutul depete fraza.

Revoluia din februarie a fost un atac surpriz, o sechestrarea a societii cunotin veche, iaroamenii au proclamat aceast lovitur neateptat un act de importan mondial, inaugureaza onoua epoca. La 2 decembrie revoluia din februarie este chemat la distan ca un truc cardsharp lui,i ceea ce pare a rsturnat nu mai este monarhie, dar concesiile liberale care au fost stors de la ea,prin secole de lupt. n loc de societate care au cucerit un coninut nou pentru sine, se pare c statula revenit numai pentru a forma cea mai veche, ntr-o regul simpl nerusinat de sabie i de clugrulCowl. Acesta este rspunsul la lovitura de principal [neateptat accident vascular cerebral] a luniifebruarie, 1848, dat de lovitura de tte [erupii cutanate act] din decembrie, 1851. Uor vin, uormergem. ntre timp, nu a trecut intervalul de neutilizat. n timpul 1848-1851 societatea francez,printr-o metod revoluionar abreviat, prins cu studiile i experienele pe care ntr-un curs regulatmanual, ca s spunem aa, de dezvoltare s-ar fi precedat revoluia din februarie, dac acesta din

urm ar fi mai mult dect o simpl ruffling de suprafa. Societatea pare acum s fi retras n spatelepunctul de plecare, ntr-adevr, acesta trebuie mai nti s creeze pentru sine punctul de plecarerevoluionar - situaia, relaiile, condiiile n care revoluia singur modern devine grav.

Revoluiile burgheze, cum ar fi cele ale secolului XVIII, furtun mai rapid din succes n succes,efectele lor dramatice ntreac unul pe altul, oamenii i lucrurile par stabilite n diamante spumante,ecstasy este ordinea de zi -, dar ele sunt de scurt durat, n curnd au atins apogeul lor, precum iun lung Katzenjammer [pisicii Winge] ia de cal al societii nainte de a nva s asimilezerezultatele sale furtun i-stres perioada de luciditate. Pe de alt parte, revoluiile proletare, cum arfi cele ale secolului XIX, critica n mod constant ei nii, n mod constant se ntrerupe n cursul lor,a reveni la aparent realizat, n scopul de a ncepe din nou, ei batjocorind cu minuiozitate crud de

jumti de msur, deficienele , i meschinrie de ncercri primele lor, par s arunce n josadversarii lor doar att acesta poate ntocmi o noua putere de la pmnt i creterea nainte de a ledin nou mai mult dect oricnd gigantic, recul n mod constant de la colossalness nedeterminat


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propriile obiective - pn cnd o situaie este a creat ceea ce face imposibil orice ntoarcere,precum i condiiile n sine striga:

CNAM Rhodus, HIC Salta![Aici este trandafirul, aici dans!] [71]

Pentru restul, fiecare observator corect, chiar dac el nu ar fi urmat cursul de limba francez pas cupas evoluia, trebuie s fi avut o presimire de iminena unei ruine nemaiauzit-a pentru revoluie. Afost suficient s aud zgomote satisfcui de victorie cu care democraii felicitat reciproc cu privirela consecinele preconizatei graioase ale doua duminic din luna mai, 1852. [Ziua alegerilor -termen Ludovic Bonaparte a fost expirat] n mintea lor c a doua duminic din luna mai a devenit oanumit idee, o dogm, cum ar fi ziua de reapariia lui Hristos i nceputul de mileniu, n minteaChiliasts [4]. Ca ntotdeauna, slbiciune a luat refugiat n credina n minuni, crede c inamicul sfie depite atunci cnd el a fost doar chemat la distan n imaginaie, i a pierdut orice nelegere aprezenta ntr-o glorificare inactiv a viitorului, care a fost n magazin pentru ea i fapte a avut nminte, dar nu a vrut s efectueze nc. Acei eroi care ncearc s infirme incapacitatea lor de ademonstrat - prin oferirea de cellalt simpatia lor i obinerea mpreun ntr-o mulime - a legat

snopi lor, colectate coroane de flori lor lauri n prealabil, i a ocupat-se cu actualizarea pe piaavalutar republicilor din partibus [ adic, doar cu numele], pentru care au organizat deja chibzuit apersonalului de stat, cu toate calm a dispoziiei lor modest. 02 decembrie ia lovit ca un trsnetdintr-un cer senin, iar cei care n perioadele de depresie mic lasa cu bucurie temerile lor interioare fi

necat de ctre cele mai puternice chiriasi vor fi, probabil, s-au convins c au trecut vremurile cndflecreal de gte ar putea salva Capitoliul . [5]

Constituia, Adunarea Naional, partidele dinastice, republicanii albastru i rou, eroii din Africa,tunet de la platforma, fulgerul foaia de presa de zi cu zi, ntreaga literatur, numele politice ireputaia intelectuale, civile legii i codul penal, Libert, Egalit, Fraternit, iar a doua duminic dinluna mai, 1852 - toate au disprut ca o fantasmagorie nainte de vraja unui om pe care chiar idumanii si nu fac pentru a fi un vrjitor. Votul universal pare s fi supravieuit doar pentrumoment, astfel nct, cu mna proprie se poate face voina trecut i testamentul naintea ochilortoat lumea i s declare n numele poporului nsui: "Tot ce exist merit s piar. "[De la Faust allui Goethe, Partea I.]

Nu este de ajuns s spunem, aa cum fac francezii, c naiunea lor a fost luat prin surprindere.Naiuni i femeile nu sunt iertate or nepzit n care aventurier primul care a venit de-a lungul le-arputea nclca. Se transform astfel de discurs nu rezolv enigma, ci doar s formuleze n moddiferit. Rmne de explicat modul n care o naiune de treizeci i ase de milioane poate fi surprinsi livrate fr rezisten n captivitate de ctre trei cavaleri de industrie.

S recapitulm n linii generale fazele pe care Revoluia Francez au trecut prin din 24 februarie1848, pn n decembrie 1851.

Trei perioade principale sunt inconfundabil: perioada februarie; perioada de constituire a republiciisau Adunarea Naional Constituant - mai 1848 la 28 mai 1849 i perioada de republiciiconstituionale sau legislative Adunarea Naional - 28 mai 1849 i 2 decembrie 1851.

Prima perioad - din 24 februarie, rsturnarea lui Ludovic-Filip, la 4 mai 1848, edina AdunriiConstituante - perioada februarie adecvat, poate fi desemnat ca prologul revoluiei. Caracterul sua fost oficial exprimat n faptul c guvernul acesta a improvizat el nsui a declarat c a fost

provizoriu, i la fel ca guvernul, tot ceea ce a fost menionat, a ncercat sau enunat n aceastperioad se proclam a fi doar provizoriu. Nimeni i nimic nu sa aventurat s se orice pretenie ladreptul la existen i de aciune real. Toate elementele care au determinat preparate sau revoluie -


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opoziie dinastic, burghezia republican, burghezia democrat-republican mic, iar muncitorii social-democrate, au considerat provizoriu locul n guvernul februarie.

Acesta nu ar putea fi altfel. Zilele din februarie destinat iniial o reform electoral prin care cerculpolitic privilegiat printre clasa posed n sine a fost s fie extins i dominaia exclusiv aaristocraiei financiare rsturnat. Cnd sa ajuns la conflict real, cu toate acestea - atunci cnd

oamenii montate pe baricade, Garda Naional meninut o atitudine pasiv, armata a oferit nici orezisten serioas, iar monarhia a fugit - republica prea s fie o chestiune de curs. Fiecare parte seinterpreteaz n felul su propriu. Dup ce a asigurat aceasta cu arma n mn, proletariatulimpresionat amprenta asupra ei i a proclamat ca acesta s fie o republic social. Nu a fost indicat,astfel, coninutul general al revoluiei moderne, cu un coninut de care a fost n contradicie cel maisingular la tot ceea ce, cu materiale disponibile, cu gradul de educaie atins de ctre mase, ncircumstanele date i relaiile, ar putea fi realizat imediat n practic. Pe de alt parte, preteniiletuturor elementelor rmase care au colaborat la revoluia din februarie au fost recunoscute de ctrecea mai mare parte au obinut n guvern. n nici o perioad, prin urmare, nu gsim un amestecconfuz de fraze mai mare zburat i incertitudine real i stngcia, mai entuziast lupta pentruinovare i mai adnc nrdcinate dominaia rutin vechi, de armonie aparent mai mult ntreaga

societate; i mai mult nstrinare profund a elementelor sale. n timp ce proletariatul parizian ncdelectam n viziunea largi perspective care s-au deschis n faa sa i se complcea n discuiile seriosmenite de probleme sociale, vechile puteri ale societii s-au grupat, asamblate, reflectat, i a gsitun sprijin neateptat n masa naiune, ranii i micii burghezi, care au luat cu asalt toate dintr-o datpe scena politic, dup barierele de monarhia din iulie a czut.

A doua perioad, din 4 mai 1848, la sfritul lunii mai, 1849, este perioada de constituire, fundaie,a republicii burgheze. Imediat dup zilele din februarie, nu numai c opoziia dinastic a fostsurprins de republicani i republicanii de ctre socialiti, dar toate Frana de la Paris. AdunareaNaional, care sa ntrunit pe 4 mai 1848, au aprut de la alegerile naionale i a reprezentatnaiunea. A fost un protest viu mpotriva preteniilor din zilele din februarie i a fost de a reducerezultatele revoluiei la scar burghez. n zadar proletariatul parizian, care a sesizat imediatcaracterul acestei Adunri Naionale, a ncercat la 15 mai, la cteva zile dup ce sa ntlnit, pentru anega existena acesteia cu fora, s-l dizolve, s se dezintegreze din nou n prile sale componente,

n form ecologic care proletariatul a fost ameninat de ctre spiritul reacia a naiunii. Dup cumse tie, 15 mai nu a avut alt rezultat, dar c a scoate Blanqui i tovarii si - care este, liderii realeale partidului proletar - de la scena public pentru ntreaga durat a ciclului avem n vedere.

Monarhia burghez a lui Ludovic-Filip poate fi urmat dect de o republic burghez, adic, n timpce o seciune limitat a burgheziei a hotrt n numele regelui, toat burghezia va pronuna acum, nnumele poporului. Cererile proletariatului Paris sunt prostii utopic, la care capt trebuie s fie pus.

Pentru aceast declaraie a Adunrii naionale constituante proletariatul parizian a rspuns cuinsurecia din iunie, evenimentul cel mai colosal din istoria rzboaielor civile europene. Republicaburghez a triumfat. Pe de o parte se afla aristocraia financiar, burghezia industrial, clasa demijloc, mica burghezie, armata, lumpenproletariatul organizat ca Garda Mobile, luminileintelectuale, clerul, i populaia rural. Pe partea lateral a proletariatului la Paris sttea nimeni nafar de el nsui. Mai mult de trei mii de insurgeni au fost mcelrii, dup victoria, icincisprezece mii au fost deportai fr judecat. Cu aceast nfrngere proletariatul trece n fundalpe scena revoluionar. Acesta ncearc s apsai din nou nainte de fiecare data, de ndat cemicarea pare s fac un nou nceput, dar cu cheltuieli tot sczut de rezisten i ntotdeaunarezultate mai uoare. De ndat ce unul dintre straturile sociale de mai sus, devine n fermentulrevoluionar, proletariatul intr ntr-o alian cu el i aa parts tot nfrngeri care diferitele pri

sufer, unul dup altul. Dar aceste lovituri ulterioare devin mai slabe, mai mare suprafata a societiipe care sunt distribuite. Liderii mai importante ale proletariatului din Adunare i n presa cdeavictim succesiv la instanele de judecat, iar cifrele ce n ce mai echivoce venit s-l conduc. n


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partea aceasta se arunc n bnci doctrinare de schimb experimente, i asociaiile lucrtorilor, prinurmare, ntr-o micare n care renun revolutioneaza a lumii vechi prin intermediul acestuia dinurm resurse proprii mari, combinate, i urmrete, mai degrab, pentru a realiza mntuirea eispatele societii, n mod particular, n termen de condiiile sale limitate de existen, i, prin urmaresufer neaprat naufragiu. Se pare a fi incapabil, fie pentru a redescoperi maretia revoluionar nsine sau de a ctiga o nou energie din conexiunile nou intrate n, pn cnd toate clasele cu care se

luptau n iunie s-au ntins pe pmnt se afl alturi de ea. Dar, cel puin, cedeaz cu onoruri demare, lumea-istoric lupt, nu numai Frana, ci toat Europa tremur la cutremur iunie, n timp ce aurmat infrangeri din clasele superioare sunt att de simplu avantajos cumprate de care au nevoieexagerare neruinat de victorios parte pentru a putea trece de la toate evenimentele, i s devin mairuinoas n continuare partidul nvins este eliminat din partid proletar.

nfrngerea insurgenilor din iunie, pentru a fi siguri, ar fi pregtit acum, au nivelat terenul pe carerepublica burghez ar putea fi nfiinat i construit, dar a artat n acelai timp c, n Europa, la

ntrebrile n cauz sunt altele dect cele de la "republic sau monarhie." Ea a artat c aici"burghez republic" semnific despotismul nelimitat de o clas peste alte clase. Aceasta a doveditc, n rile cu o civilizaie veche, cu un dezvoltat formarea de clase, cu condiii moderne de

producie, precum i cu o contiin intelectual, n care toate ideile tradiionale au fost dizolvate demunca de secole, republica nseamn n general, numai form de revoluie politic a societiiburgheze i nu forma sa de via conservator - ca, de exemplu, n Statele Unite ale Americii deNord, n cazul n care, dei exist clase deja, ele nu au devenit nc stabilite, dar continuu schimbe is schimbai elementele lor n flux constant, n cazul n care mijloacele moderne de producie, n locde coincide cu o populaie excedent stagnant, mai degrab compensa pentru deficitul relativ decapete i mini, i n cazul n care, n cele din urm, micarea febril, tineresc al producieimateriale, care are de a face o nou lume proprie, nu are nici timpul, nici posibilitatea de a plecatpentru abolirea vechii lumi de fantome.

n timpul zilele din iunie toate clasele i partidele s-au unit n partidul ordinii mpotriva claseiproletare ca partid al anarhiei, a socialismului, a comunismului. Ei au "salvat" societatea din Ei audat afar de cuvintele de ordine ale vechii societi, "proprietate, familie, religie, ordine," s armatalor ca parolele i-au proclamat la cruciaii contrarevoluionar "dumanii societii.": "n ! acest semnvei birui "Din acel moment, de ndat ce unul dintre numeroasele partide care s-au adunat sub acestsemn mpotriva insurgenilor din iunie ncearc s dein cmpul de lupt revoluionar n interesulei de clas, nainte de a se duce n jos strigtul:" proprietate, familie, religie, ordine. "Societatea estesalvat la fel de des ca cercul contractelor sale conductori, ca un interes mai exclusivist estemeninut mpotriva unui larg unul. Fiecare cerere de simple reforme financiare burgheze, alliberalismului cea mai obinuit, a republicanismului mai formal, a democraiei cel mai superficial,este n acelai timp criticat ca un "atentat la societate" i stigmatizat ca i "socialismul". Final preoii

ridicate de "religie i ordine" n sine sunt conduse cu lovituri de picior de la trepiede lor Pythian,scos din paturile lor, n ntunericul nopii, puse n penitenciare utilitare, aruncate n temniele sautrimis n exil; templul lor este distrus la sol, gurile lor sunt sigilate, stilouri lor rupte, dreptul lor derupt n buci n numele religiei, al proprietii, al familiei, de ordine. Fanatici burgheze de ordinesunt mpucai n jos, pe balcoanele lor de gloate de soldai bei, sanctuarele lor interne profanat,casele lor au bombardat pentru amuzament - n numele proprietii, al familiei, al religiei, i deordine. n cele din urm, drojdia societii burgheze face falanga sfnt al ordinii i Crapulinski eroulinstaleaz el nsui n Tuileries, ca [un personaj din poemul lui Heine "Cei doi Cavalerii", unaristocrat dizolva.] "Salvator al societii."

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