Baloch Nationalism and its Impact on

Political and Economic Development

of Balochistan (2001-2014)

THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE

UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB, LAHORE IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

By

Javeria Jahangir Roll No.1

Session 2007

Centre for South Asian Studies,

University of the Punjab,

Quaid-i-Azam Campus, Lahore.

September 2015

CERTIFICATE

This is certified that the present thesis entitled, Baloch Nationalism and Its Impact

on Political and Economic Development of Balochistan (2001-2014), is written

by Ms. Javeria Jahangir d/o Maqbool Jahangir, Roll No.1, Session 2007, Centre for

South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, for the requirement of Ph.D

degree in South Asian Studies. To the best of my knowledge the thesis is based on

original research.

_____________________

Prof. Dr. Umbreen Javaid

Director/Supervisor

Centre for South Asian Studies,

University of the Punjab,

Quaid-i-Azam Campus, Lahore

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this thesis is a result of my individual

research and I have not submitted this thesis concurrently to

any other university for any degree whatsoever.

Javeria Jahangir

Dedicated

To

My Father, Maqbool Jahangir (late),

My Mother, Amina Ambreen

And

My Little Daughter Meerab

i

Abstract

The Baloch Nationalism and their Movement include demands for political and

economic autonomy; perseverance of cultural identity; maximum control over the

natural resources and sometimes, complete independence from Pakistan. The

native inhabitants of Balochistan have been facing continuous oppression,

inequality, injustice, deprivation of freedom, ethnic rights and isolation both on

economic and political level. The Baloch nationalist leaders are continuously

demanding self-determination and independence from Pakistan along with the rights

of economic development, social and cultural identity, The Baloch Nationalist

freedom fighters, are passionately devoted to the struggle for freedom from

Pakistan. The Baloch Nationalists strongly opposed all the development projects and

viewed them as a great threat to their ethnicity and a conspiracy to grab their energy

resources, which would oppress them politically and economically. Many projects of

Mega development have been delayed due to the uncertain circumstances and lack

of suitable peaceful environment. The Baloch Nationalist Movement in Balochistan is

not only destroying the golden opportunity of progress on national and international

level but also playing an influential and vital role in changing the scenario of global

politics. The prevailing situation is providing grounds to foreign players to play their

own games, to achieve their own goals, to attain, maintain and increase their

political and economic power not only in Balochistan but also in other parts of the

world. Balochistan, due to its geo-strategic position, has always been influential on

local, national, and international politics. This present Nationalist Movement is not

only a great obstacle in the social, political and economic development of

Balochistan but has also damaged the security of region as the Baloch insurgents

are dreaming of Greater Independent Balochistan.

ii

Acknowledgements

It is an immense pleasure for me to write an acknowledgement because it is a big

occasion for me to pay my heartiest gratitude and appreciations to all those persons

who facilitated me during my research and helped me attain my ambitious goal. First

of all, I am highly thankful to Allah Almighty for giving me the strength, patience and

willpower that was required for the completion of this research work.

From the core of my heart, I am grateful to my Supervisor Prof. Dr. Umbreen Javaid;

Director, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab. She is one of the

nicest personalities I have ever met. She has been a source of encouragement and

definitely, I would not be able to complete this thesis on time without her constant

support, kind cooperation and attention. She guided me at every stage of my

research in such a polite and encouraging way that I do not have words to express

my thankfulness to her.

I am very obliged to Dr. Mujahid Kamran, Vice Chancellor, University of the Punjab,

and Prof. Dr. Kanwal Ameen, Chairperson, Doctoral Program Coordination

Committee, for their valuable help during my hard time.

I am also thankful to Mr. Jaffer Riaz Kataria; Lecturer, and Mr. Mian Muhammad

Usman, Librarian, at Centre for South Asian Studies, for their support all the time.

Finally, my family members deserve extraordinary tribute and acknowledgment.

During this research work, my mother provided me financial support and my little

daughter has always been a source of inspiration and motivation for me.

Javeria Jahangir

iii

List of Abbreviations

ASF Agribusiness Support Fund

ARI Acute Respiratory Infections

AGG Agent to Governor General

ANP Awami National Party

ADB Asian Development Bank

BDA Balochistan Development Authority

BRA Baloch Republican Army

BSO Balochistan Students Organization

BPLF Baloch People‟s Liberation Front

BLA Baloch Liberation Army

BHT Baloch Haq Talwar

BLF Balochistan Liberation Front

BRP Baloch Republican Party

BNP Balochistan National Party

BNP-A Baloch National Party Awami

BNDP Balochistan National Democratic Party

BNM Baloch National Movement

BNC Balochistan National Congress

BMDO Baloch Musallah Difai Organization

BNYM Baloch National Youth Movement

CMMC China Mining and Metallurgical Cooperation

CIA Central Investigation Agency

CARs Central Asian Republics

CCHF Crimean Congo Haemorrhagic Fever

CLL Concurrent Legislative List

DSG Defense Security Guard

GoB Government of Balochistan

GDP Gross Domestic Production

iv

Ecnec Executive Committee of National Economic Council, Pakistan

EFA (Plan) Education for All Plan

ECE Early Childhood Education

ECP Election Commission of Pakistan

FATA Federally Administered Tribal Area

FC Frontier Constabulary

FDB Fisheries Development Board

FLL Federal Legislative List

GUPC Great United Petroleum Holdings Company

GPI Gender Parity Index

ISO Imamia Student Organization

IP Iran-Pakistan

IP1 Iran-Pakistan-India

IG Inspector General

JWP Jamhori Watan Party

JUI-F Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazl

JUP Jamiat-e-Ulema-e- Pakistan

JI Jamaat-e-Islami

LeJ Lashkar-e-Janghvi

LFO Legal Framework Order

LPG Liquid Petroleum Gas

MCC Metallurgical Construction Corporation

MCC Metallurgical Corp of China

MNA Member of National Assembly

MPNR Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Resources

MDG Mega Development Goals

MMA Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal

NAP National Awami Party

NWFP North West Frontier Province

NP National Party

NP-H National Party-Hai Group

v

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

NFC National Finance Commission

NES National Economic Survey

NRO National Reconciliation Ordinance

NCHD National Commission for Human Development

OGDCL Oil and Gas Development Company Limited

PPL Pakistan Petroleum Limited

PNP Pakistan National Party

PFAR Popular Front for Armed Resistance

PPP Pakistan People‟s Party

PPPP Pakistan People‟s Party Parliamentarians

PkMAP Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party

PML-N Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz

PML-Q Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam

PADC Pak-Afghan Defense Council

PSDP Public Sector Development Program

RAW Research and Analysis Wing

SSP Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan

SEZ Special Economic Zone

SMEDA Small and Medium Enterprises Development Authority

SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute

TTP Tehrik-e-Taliban Balochistan

TAPI Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India

TCPL Tethyan Copper Prosperity Limited

TCCP Tethyan Copper Company of Pakistan

UAE United Arab Emirates

UNDP United Nations Development Program

vi

Table of Contents

Title Page

No

Abstract i

Acknowledgements ii

List of Abbreviations iii-v

Table of Contents vi-xv

List of Tables xvi-xviii

List of Maps xix

Chapter One

Introduction

1-15

1. Introduction 1

2. Literature Review 5

3. Research Methodology 12

4. Research Questions 13

5. Organization of Research 13

References 16

Chapter Two

Balochistan: Land and People

17-69

1. The Baloch and Balochistan: Origin and History 17

2. Balochistan under Foreign Powers 18

2.1 Balochistan under Persian Influence 19

2.2 Balochistan under Arab Rule 20

2.3 Mongolian Invasion 21

2.4 First Organized Baloch Confederacy 21

2.5 Balochistan under British Dominance 22

3. Accession of Balochistan into Pakistan in 1947 25

vii

3.1. Conflicts between Government of Pakistan and Baloch

Nationalists

27

4. Geographical location 28

5. Physical Features and Topography 30

5.1 Topography 30

I. The Upper Highlands 30

II. The Lower Highlands 30

III. The Plains 31

IV. Deserts 31

V. The Coastal Line 31

5.2. Rivers of Balochistan 31

5.3 Forests 32

I. Juniper Forests 34

II. Chilghoza Pine Forests 34

III. Olive-Pistacia Forests 34

IV. Olive – Acacia Forests 34

V. Kohistan Forests 34

VI. Desert Forests 35

VII. Mangrove Forests 35

VIII. Alien/Invasive Forests 35

IX. Tropical Desert Thorn Forests 35

5.4 Mountain Ranges 35

6. Climate and Temperature 36

6.1. Rainfall 37

7. Economy of Balochistan 37

7.1. Natural Resources 38

I. Copper/Gold/Silver 39

II. Chromite 39

III. Iron 39

IV. Lead Zinc 40

viii

V. Antimony 40

VI. Manganese 40

VII. Fluorite 41

VIII. Barite 41

IX. Gypsum and Anhydrite 41

X. Onyx Marble 41

XI. Sand and Gravel 41

XII. Sulpher 42

XIII. Limestone 42

7.2 Energy Resources 42

I. Natural Gas and Oil 42

II. Coal 43

III. Wind Energy Potential 43

IV. Solar Energy Potential 44

8. Agriculture 44

8.1. Fruit Production 45

I. Fruits Grown in Upland Zone 45

II. Fruits Grown in Coastal Zone 45

8.2 Food Crops 45

8.3 Irrigation and Water Supply System 47

8.4 Fisheries 48

8.5 Livestock 49

9. Communication and Infrastructure 50

10. Ethnic and Linguistic Composition 51

11. Religious Behavior 55

12. Administrative Divisions of Balochistan 55

13. Tribes of Balochistan 57

14. Prominent Baloch Tribes 58

I. The Bugti Tribe 58

II. The Marri Tribe 58

ix

III. The Mengal Tribe 59

References 60

Chapter Three

Geo-Strategic Significance of Balochistan

70-109

1. Geo Strategic Significance of Pakistan 70

2. Historical Perspective of Strategic Significance of Balochistan 70

3. Strategic Significance Due to Geographical Position 73

4. Strategic Significance of Balochistan as Marine Passage 74

5. Strategic Significance as a Safe Military Route 75

6. Strategic Significance in Trade and Commerce 75

7. Mega Development Projects of International Significance 76

7.1 Gwadar Deep Sea Port 76

7.2 Infrastructure Associated to Gwadar Port 79

I. Makran Coastal Highway 79

II. Kashgar-Gwadar Trade Corridor 80

III. Other Important Road Networks 82

IV. Rail Networks 82

V. Up-gradation of the Gwadar Airport 82

7.3 Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (TAPI) 83

7.4 Gwadar-Kashgar Oil and Gas Pipeline Project 85

7.5 Pak-Iran Joint Venture in Balochistan 86

I. Pak-Iran Oil Refinery Project 86

II. Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline Project (IP) 87

7.6 Gold/Copper Mining Projects and Strategic Importance of

Balochistan

89

I. Reko Diq Gold Mining Project 89

II. Saindak Gold/Copper Mining Project 91

8. Balochistan and International Competition for Energy Resources 92

9. Significance of Balochistan in Global Politics 96

References 104

x

Chapter Four

Baloch Nationalism: Past and Present

110-162

1. Definition of Nationalism 110

2. Definition of Ethnic Nationalism 110

3. Baloch Nationalism 111

4. Key Elements in the Formation of Baloch Nationalism 111

4.1 Cultural Heritage and Traditional Values 111

I. Salient Features of Baloch Social Life 112

II. Baloch Literature 113

III. Baloch Songs and Music 113

IV. Baloch Poetry 113

V. Baloch Language 114

VI. The Baloch Anthem: Mulk Balochi (The Baloch Country) 114

4.2 Physical Terrain 114

4.3 Tribal System and Social Organization 115

4.4 Baloch Jirga System 117

4.5 Baloch Sardari System 117

5. Historical Development of Baloch Nationalism 118

I. The Revolutionary Group 120

II. The Constitutional Group 120

6. Emergence of Baloch Nationalist Movement 120

6.1 First Baloch Revolt on the Issue of Accession to Pakistan (1948) 122

6.2 Second Baloch Revolt (1958- 59) on the Issue of One-Unit Policy 124

6.3 Third Baloch Uprising (1963-69) and Policy of „‟Basic

Democracies‟‟

126

6.4 Fourth Baloch Resistance 1973-77 129

7. Current Separatist Movement, 2005- Ongoing 130

8. Baloch Insurgents 136

9. Baloch Grievances and Main Causes of Current Insurgency 137

I. Protection of Cultural Identity 138

xi

II. Lack of Political Representation 139

III. Provincial Autonomy 141

IV. Expropriation of Resources 141

V. Financial Policies and Development Projects 142

VI. Economic Oppression 143

VII. Influx of Other Ethnic Groups and Fear of Marginalization 144

VIII. Presence of Army and Security Concerns 145

10. Governments Policies Regarding Baloch Insurgency 146

11. Interests of Foreign Powers in Baloch Nationalist Movement 149

12. Impacts of Baloch Nationalist Movements on National Level 153

References 156

Chapter Five

Political Development and Baloch Nationalism

163-227

1. Political Culture of Balochistan 163

2. Political Strains in Balochistan 164

3. Influence of Tribal Sardars on Politics 166

4. Political Attitude of Major Baloch Tribes 167

I. The Bugti Tribe 167

II. The Marri Tribe 168

III. The Mengal Tribe 169

5. Contribution of Baloch Political Parties in Political Development 170

5.1 Mainstream Political Parties 170

5.2 Baloch Nationalist Political Parties 170

5.3 Pakhtun Political Parties 172

5.4 Religious Political Parties and Their Influence 173

6. Impact of Baloch Militant Organizations on Political Environment 173

7. Religious Sectarian Groups and Impact on Political Process 176

8. Political Development in Balochistan from 2001-2014 177

9. Political Development of Balochistan during Military Regime of

General Pervez Musharraf (1999-2008)

177

xii

9.1 Triggers of Tension between Musharraf and Baloch Nationalists 179

I. Construction of Gwadar Port and Mega Development Projects 179

II. Clash of Economic Interests with the Non Baloch Communities 180

III. Musharraf‟s Support for US and War on Terrorism 181

IV. Involvement of Military in Political Decisions of Balochistan 181

V. Devolution of Power Plan (2002) 181

9.2 General Elections of 2002 and Political Scenario of Balochistan 182

I. Participating Political Parties 184

II. Influence of Military on Election Process 185

III. Election Results and Political Atmosphere of Balochistan 186

IV. Formation of Government 188

9.3 Detachment of Baloch Tribal Leaders from Political Process 189

9.4 Akbar Bugti‟s 15 Point Agenda to Musharraf Government 190

9.5 Baloch Armed Revolt against Musharraf 192

9.6 Musharraf‟s Policy to Appease Baloch Wrath: The Relief Package

2005

194

9.7 Amnesty Offer by Musharraf to Baloch Insurgents 197

9.8 Baloch Response to Amnesty Offer 197

10. Political Development in Balochistan during Democratic Regime

of Pakistan Peoples Party (2008-2013)

199

10.1 Boycott of Baloch Nationalist Leaders of Elections 2008 199

10.2 Election Process and Formation of Government 200

10.3 PPP and Political Development of Balochistan 202

I. Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package 2009 203

II. Baloch Nationalist‟s Response to Balochistan Package 204

III. Political and Financial Autonomy through 18th Constitutional

Amendment and 7th National Finance Commission Award

206

IV. Baloch Response and Attitude towards 18th Amendment and

7th NFC Award

210

11. Political Development in Balochistan during PML-N Regime (2013-

14)

212

xiii

11.1 Pre Election Violence in Balochistan 212

11.2 Baloch Nationalist„s Attitude towards General Elections 2013 213

11.3 Election Process 2013 and Balochistan 214

11.4 Election Results and Formation of Government 214

11.5 Coalition Government of Baloch and Pakhtun in Balochistan 217

References 221

Chapter Six

Economic Development and Baloch Nationalism

228-289

1. Economic Condition of Balochistan 228

2. Population Density in Balochistan 229

3. Economic Strength of Balochistan 231

4. Agriculture and the Economic Development of Balochistan 233

I. Production of Food Crops 234

II. Production of Cash Crops 235

III. Fruit Production 236

IV. Vegetables Cultivation 238

V. Condiments of Balochistan 240

4.1 Major Challenges in the Development of Agriculture Sector 240

I. Lack of Proper Water Sources 240

II. Dominance of Small Farms 241

III. Limited Job Creation 241

IV. Lack of Quality Inputs 241

V. Inadequate Allocations for Development 241

VI. Disorganized Policies For Water Use 242

VII. Improper Access to Markets and Poor Information Systems 242

VIII. Lack of Proper Financial Policies 243

4.2 Provincial Government Plans for the Development of Agriculture 243

5. Live stock/Dairy Sector in the Economic Development 245

5.1 Major Problems of Livestock Sector 246

5.2 Economic Contribution of Live Stock 247

xiv

I. Meat 247

II. Milk 247

III. Fiber 247

IV. Fertilizers 247

V. Labor and Transport 248

VI. Land management 248

6. Fisheries in the Economic Development of Balochistan 249

I. Economic Significance of Marine Capture 250

II. Economic Significance of Coastline Aquaculture 250

III. Economic Significance of Inland Fisheries 250

6.1 Provincial Government‟s Plans for the Development of Fisheries 255

7. Significance of Mining and Energy Resources in the Economic

Development of Balochistan

256

8. Infrastructure Development Projects 259

8.1 Construction of 100 Dams in Balochistan 260

I. Economic Benefits of the Project 263

8.2 Current Economic Development Plans by Provincial Government 264

8.3 Chief Minister‟s Policy Reform Unit 265

I. Employment Opportunities 265

II. Basic Infrastructure Development Strategy 266

III. Economic Corridors Development Strategy 266

IV. Development Strategy for Growth Centers 267

V. Connectivity between Growth Centers and Economic Corridors 267

VI. Reconstruction of Provincial Highways 268

VII. Development Strategy for Coastal Regions 268

9. Major Challenges in the Economic Development 269

9.1 Poverty and Unemployment in Balochistan 269

9.2 Illiteracy and Poor Condition of Education 272

I. Development Project for Education in Balochistan by

Government

274

xv

9.3 Lack of Proper Infrastructure 275

9.4 Natural Disasters and Hazards 276

I. Floods 276

II. Earthquakes 278

III. Land sliding 279

IV. Droughts 279

a. Affects of Droughts on Economic Progress 280

V. Spread of Diseases and Poor Health Awareness 281

10. Impact of Baloch Nationalist Movement on the Economic

Development of Balochistan

281

References 285

Chapter Seven

Conclusion

291-304

Bibliography 306-336

xvi

List of Tables

Sr.

No.

Table Page

No.

1 Table No. 2.1 Rivers of Balochistan 31

2 Table No. 2.2 Forests of Balochistan 33

3 Table No. 2.3 Important Mountain Ranges of Balochistan 35

4 Table no. 2.4 Metallic Minerals of Balochistan 38

5 Table No. 2.5 Non-Metallic Minerals of Balochistan 40

6 Table No. 2.6 Energy Resources of Balochistan 42

7 Table No. 2.7 Statistics on Gas Production 43

8 Table No. 2.8 Major Crops of Balochistan and Average Productivity

Index

46

9 Table No. 2.9 Population of Balochistan in Different Years 51

10 Table No. 2.10 Population of Major and Second Major Ethnic Groups in

Various Districts of Balochistan

53-54

11 Table No. 2.11 Administrative Divisions of Balochistan 55-56

12 Table No. 2.12 Tribes of Balochistan 57

13 Table No. 4.1 Levels of Baloch Jirga 118

14 Table No. 5.1 National Assembly Seats from All Pakistan in Election

2002

186

15 Table No. 5.2 National Assembly Seats from Balochistan 187

16 Table No. 5.3 Party Position in National Assembly 2002 187

17 Table No. 5.4 Composition of Senate 2002 188

18 Table No. 5.5 Baloch Militant Attacks on Government Installations

2001-2011

193

19 Table No. 5.6 Killed and Injured Persons during 2001-2011 194

20 Table No. 5.7 Composition of the National Assembly 2008 200

21 Table No. 5.8 Composition of the Provincial Assemblies 2008 201

22 Table No. 5.9 Party Position in National Assembly 2008 201

xvii

23 Table No. 5.10 National Assembly Seats from Balochistan 2008 201

24 Table No. 5.11 Provincial Assembly Party Position Balochistan 2008 202

25 Table No. 5.12 Gas Production and Consumption among the Provinces

2009

207

26 Table No. 5.13 Share in Total Transfers of Resources to the Provinces

under 7th NFC Award 2009-11

209

27 Table No. 5.14 Per Capita Transfers of Resources by Population 1990-

2011

209

28 Table No. 5.15 Elections 2013 Party Position National Assembly 215

29 Table No. 5.16 Elections 2013 Party Position Balochistan Assembly 216

30 Table No. 6.1 Demography of Balochistan 230

31 Table No. 6.2

District wise Statistics on Population and Land Mass

Balochistan

230

32 Table No. 6.3 Economic Figures of Districts of Balochistan 232

33 Table No. 6.4 Under Cultivation Area of Food Crops in Balochistan 234

34 Table No. 6.5 Production of Food Crops in Balochistan 235

35 Table No. 6.6 Regions of Cultivation of Cash Crops 235

36 Table No. 6.7 Under Cultivation Area of Cash Crops in Balochistan 236

37 Table No. 6.8 Production of Cash Crops in Balochistan 236

38 Table No. 6.9 Area under Fruit Production 237

39 Table No. 6.10 Production of Fruits 237

40 Table No. 6.11 Area under Vegetable Cultivation (Hectares) 238

41 Table No. 6.12 Production of Vegetables in Tones 239

42 Table No. 6.13 Production and Areas of Condiments of Balochistan 240

43 Table No. 6.14 Live stock Population Census Balochistan 2014 246

44 Table No. 6.15 Economic Worth of Live Stock 248

45 Table No. 6.16 Total Fish Landing and its Value on Balochistan Coast in

2013

251

46 Table No. 6.17 Area Wise Quantity of Fish on Balochistan in 2013 253

47 Table No. 6.18 Fishermen Population in 2013 255

48 Table No. 6.19 Government Plans for the Development of Fisheries 255

xviii

2012-13

49 Table No. 6.20 Worth of Minerals and Employment Cost Statistics 258

50 Table No. 6.21 Construction Strategy for 100 Dams 261

51 Table No. 6.22 Construction of 100 Dams, Package -I of 20 Dams 261

52 Table No. 6.23 Construction of 100 Dams, Package –II of 26 Dams 263

53 Table No. 6.24 Unemployed Population of Balochistan 270

54 Table No. 6.25 Statistics on Literacy Rate Balochistan 273

55 Table No. 6.26 Frequently Drought Affected Districts of Balochistan 279

xix

List of Maps

Sr.

No.

Map Page

No.

1 Map No.2.1 Map of Balochistan 29

2 Map No.2.2 Districts of Balochistan 56

3 Map No.3.1 Balochistan under British Rule 71

4 Map No.3.2 Present Balochistan with Map of Pakistan 72

5 Map No.3.3 Location of Gwadar, Balochistan 77

6 Map No.3.4 The Corridors Crossing Through Balochistan 81

7 Map No.3.5 Two Proposed Gas Pipeline Projects IP&TAPI 84

8 Map No.3.6 Gwadar, the Gateway to Central Asia and China

Trade

95

9 Map No.4.1 Conflict Areas of Balochistan 135

10 Map No.6.1 Location of 100 Dams, Package-I of 20 Dams 262

11 Map No.6.2 Location of 100 Dams, Package-II of 26 Dams 264

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

1

1. Introduction

This research is basically about the Baloch Nationalism and its impact on political

and economic development of Balochistan, which is a constant cause of conflict

between Baloch nationalists and the Government of Pakistan since 1947. In this

research, the main focus is on the historical background of emergence of Baloch

Nationalism with reference to the geo-strategic importance of this region. This

research proceeds with references to the main factors which are involved in the

political and economic development of Balochistan, while highlighting the role of

Baloch Nationalist Sardars in the process of development and analyzing the causes

behind continuous demand from Sardars of Balochistan for political and economic

autonomy.

Nationalism is defined as a belief, faith and a political philosophy that rivets an

individual who identifies himself or becomes emotionally involved to his nation.

Nationalism consists of national uniqueness, by distinction with the related construct

of devotion and loyalty which involves the social training and personal conduct that

support the judgment and actions of a state. (Despina, 2005:135-155). According to

a political or sociological viewpoint, there are two main standpoints which highlight

the genesis and foundation of nationalism. One is called the

primordialist perspective that explains nationalism as an expression of the ancient

and perceived evolutionary human tendency to classify themselves into distinct

groups based on the resemblance and similarity of birth. The second view describes

nationalism as a modern occurrence that requires the structural conditions of

modern society in order to exist. (Motyl, 2001:251). Ethnic nationalism is also a type

of nationalism, in which a nation defines itself in terms of ethnicity. The innermost

theme of ethnic nationalists is that "nations are defined by a shared heritage, which

usually includes a common language, a common faith, and a common ethnic

ancestry". (Muller, 2008) Ethnic nationalism also indicates the set of ideas of

a cultureshared group with a same cultural background and common language.

2

However it is something different from entirely cultural definitions of a nation which

prompt people to become members of a nation by cultural amalgamation and purely

linguistic definitions.

The population of Balochistan consists of many ethnic groups. The major ethnic

groups include Baloch, Pakhtuns and Brahvi. Other groups are Hazaras and those

who are usually known as „‟settlers‟‟. The small population of Balochistan has an

exceptional ethnic and tribal variety. Most of the people in cities and town

understand and speak more than two languages along with Balochi. The other

languages such as Pashto, Brahvi, Saraiki, Sindhi, Darri and Persian are also

spoken. (PILDAT, 2012:9)

Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan but at the same time, it has the

smallest amount of population that constitutes only 5% of the total population of

Pakistan. Balochistan‟s geographical area spreads over 347,190 Sq, Kilometers,

which forms 43.6 per cent of the total area of Pakistan.

(http://www.balochistan.gov.pk) this largest province is the least literate and least

developed area. It became a part of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 and got the status

of province in 1972.

The location of Balochistan connects Iranian Plateau with South East Asia, Central

Asia to its long coast line in the shores of the Arabian Sea and makes this region

geographically an important place. Balochistan is a mountainous desert area, which

shares borders with Iran, Afghanistan and on its Southern Boundary is located the

Arabian Sea with strategically important port of Gwadar on the Makran Coast, which

is a direct approach to the Strait of Hormuz. Historically Balochistan‟s western region

was the southern part of Sistan o Baluchestan province in Iran. In the east, was

Pakistani Balochistan and in the northwest, the Helmand province of Afghanistan

existed. The Gulf of Oman is located on its southern border. It shares borders with

all the other three provinces of Pakistan, North West Frontier Province (NWFP)

3

through Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) in the north, Punjab in the

extreme north east and Sindh in east.

There were four princely states under the British Raj, three states Makran, Las Bela

and Kharan were attached to Pakistan in 1947 after independence (Hasnat, 2011:

78). At that time the one part of Balochistan was known as the British Balochistan

consisted of Quetta, Pishin, Zhob, Loralai and Lasbela and the second part was

known as native Balochistan constituting Kalat, Kharan and Makran. Makran was

made a district of Balochistan, less than an area of 800 kilometers around Gwadar,

Gwadar used to be a part of Oman until Pakistan purchased it in September 1958.

(„‟Balochistan Problems and Solutions‟‟,2011) and became a part of Balochistan in

1977.

After Pakistan‟s creation in 1947, the new state had to face uprising from Baloch

nationalists of Kalat who were trying to secede in 1948 and 1958. The movement

gained energy by the time and created a regular political chaos; the government of

Pakistan had to launch a military operation in 1973 against the insurgents and

imposed heavy attacks on the baloch separatists with the help of Iran. The

movement was suppressed with the imposition of martial law in 1977. But the

nationalist-separatist groups again became active with the invasion of Afghanistan in

2001and the war in North-West Pakistan worsen the situation of conflict, and

resulted in the killings of non-Baloch settlers in balochistan by separatists since

2006.

Since Balochistan is the largest territory of Pakistan, it holds a huge amount of oil,

gas and other mineral resources, and is an exclusive economic zone of Pakistan

which spreads over 180,000 square kilometers potentially rich in oil, gas and

minerals like gold, chromite, copper, iron, marble. There are two very important

naval bases of Pakistan are located at Gwadar and Omara. Gwadar, as an

alternative to the Karachi port is of significant strategic importance to Pakistan, with

Chinese involvement (Grare, 2006: 4-5). Balochistan provides 49% of Pakistan‟s

4

energy requirements as well as Balochistan‟s natural gas production provide 36% of

Pakistan‟s total gas production. (ICG, 2006: 16). Balochistan has always remained

politically less important. The strong hold of Central Government and the

unacquainted style of the decision-making process have alienated the people of

Balochistan. There have been four insurgencies in Balochistan; in 1948, 1958, 1962

and 1973; and four military operations have been conducted against Baloch

nationalists but they all resulted in a worse chaos and enhanced the sense of

deprivation, disaffection and disappointment in the Baloch People.

The announcement of Gwadar Mega project in 2001 and the assassination of

Nawab Akbar Bugti by Pakistani Military forces in 2006, ignited Baloch nationalism

again and gave it the form of a separatist movement which soon turned into a fight

for an independent Balochistan and the province is facing another rebellion by

Balochi Nationalists groups such as the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), the

Baloch Republican Army (BRA) and the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF). These

militant groups have been fighting for their political and economic rights according to

the 1973 Constitution. The killing of Baloch nationalists in response by Pakistan

Army narrowed any more cahnces of peace. During 2011-2014, many mega projects

worth billions of rupees in collaboration with foreign countries were launched for

economic development of Balochistan, construction of mega Gwadar Port is the

most prominent and significant of all, but the plan to establish military cantonments

at Khuzdar, Gwadar, Dera Bugti and Kohlu, and involvement of other countries,

created an impression on Baloch Nationalists that the development was to be

achieved by keeping Baloch people suppressed and under pressure and the

influence of foreign communities in these projects may harm and damage the basic

Baloch National Identity.

This research brings into the light the impacts and effects on political and economic

development of Balochistan in current scenario while keeping in view the historical

background of Baloch Nationalism, its origins, role and reasons behind it‟s uprising

again and again.

5

2. Literature Review

The topic of Baloch Nationalism is not new in the history; a lot of work has been

done on this topic as it is gaining significance with each passing day. Much has been

written earlier but the present work is an effort to add knowledge and understanding

how Baloch Nationalism has played role in the development of least populated area

of Pakistan. Though it is a difficult task to go through and analyze all the literature

available, yet an effort has been made.

Nina Swidler (2014) examines tribalism and nationalism as historical

processes in Kalat which was slightly colonial in two ways. It was located on

the far reaches of the Indian Empire, and British interests were geostrategic

rather than economic. The British nominated Kalat a native state, but

eliminated the powers of the ruler in favour of Tribal chiefs and tribal

governance through Jirga (tribal court). This created tensions between local

officials and the Central Government, which was determined that the outlook

of Kalat State be maintained. Sardars and jirgas have become significant as a

traditional feature of baloch society. (Swidler, Nina (2014). Remotely Colonial:

History and Politics in Balochistan. New York: Oxford University Press)

Zahid Choudhary‟s book edited and compiled by Zaidi, Hassan Jafar. (2013).

Pakistan Ki Siyasi Tareekh (Balochistan Volume 7), comprises of more then

12 volumes which cover all the historical background of Indo-Pak, Hindu-

Muslim and Colonial conflict at the time of creation of Pakistan.. The book

provides good information about the circumstances which led to the partition

of Sub-Continent.

Maria Malik (2013) elaborates Balochistan, with a special focus on the level of

the socio-political, economic and strategic implications that are involved in

present insurgency is likely to affect Pakistan as well as the region.(Maria

Malik (2013). Balochistan Conundrum-The Real Perspective, Islamabad:

Poorab Academy.)

6

Naseer Dashti (2012) provides knowledge on the historical background of

Balochistan and Baloch nation. He states that, a group of Indo-Iranic tribes,

was called Balaschik about three thousand years ago (Dashti, 2012: 138) and

was established in the northwestern Caspian region of Balashagan. Due to

hard circumstances, they migrated towards south and eastern parts of Iranian

Plateau, and then settled in present day Balochistan. During their hard and

twisted travel from Balashagan to Balochistan, they faced discrimination,

exile, and brutality of Persian, Arab and other powers. During 17th century,

Baloch started cultural and political development and formed a nation state;

Kalat. In 1839, the British occupied Balochistan and divided it into different

parts (Dashti, 2012: 140-150). When the British left India in 1947, Balochistan

recovered its independence but soon Pakistan occupied it in 1948. The book

explains the origin of the Baloch state and their history of survival against

powerful forces. (Naseer Dashti, (2012). The Baloch and Balochistan: A

Historical Account from the Beginning to the Fall of the Baloch State. USA:

Trafford Publishing.)

Malik Siraj Akbar (2011) defines Balochistan as Pakistan‟s largest province

rich with natural gas, gold and copper on the borders of Iran and Afghanistan.

the Baloch have a harsh history of utilization and repression by federal

government and a heavy influence by the country‟s military. The writer

highlights the issue of the disappearance of hundreds of Baloch political

workers and their brutal murder by the Pakistani security services. The

government and the Baloch nationalists have confronted each other four

times since the creation of Pakistan in 1947; the ongoing conflict involves

more organized and drastic magnitude. The author takes a look at the

changes in the dimension of Baloch movement changed during last decade.

(Malik Siraj Akbar (2011). The Redefined Dimensions of Baloch Nationalist

Movement, USA: Xlibris, Corporation)

Feroz Ahmad (1999) presents a very significant work about the

ineffectiveness of ethnic politics in Pakistan. He gives a detailed picture of

different ethnic groups in Pakistan, the evolution of their group identity and

7

the social and economic conditions of the state in which they work together.

He provides a detailed analysis of the challenges of identity which the

emerging state faced with the creation of Pakistan. The volatile nature of

Pakistan‟s ethnic problem and the role of state have been emphasized with a

complete detail about the East Pakistan crisis and armed resistance in

Balochistan. The author has successfully highlighted the problems of ethnic

groups in Pakistan and the factors which are realted to their national

integration. (Ahmed, Feroz (1999). Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan. Karachi:

Oxford.)

Adeel khan (2005) has provided very valuable knowledge about ethnic politics

in Pakistan. He talks about a diverse range of issues related to ethnic conflict

in Pakistan and presents an obvious picture of centre state relationship and

the tyrannically centralizing policies of the Pakistani state. The book is a

detailed study of the absence of representative rule, provincial autonomy,

ethnic and regional restlessness and deals ethnic conflict as a political issue,

and an effort for power gain between the major and the minor elements.

(Khan, A. (2005). Politics of Identity: Ethnic Nationalism and the State in

Pakistan. New Dehli: Sage Publications)

An autobiography of Khan of Kalat state is very helpful in every research on

Balochistan. He recalls every event in pre and post independence period and

exposes many secrets. He has given a detailed account of accession of Kalat

state with Pakistan. (Baloch, A. Y. K M. (2009). 2nd Edition, Inside

Balochistan. Karachi: Royal Book Company.)

A book by Kundi (1994) provides rich information on the socio-cultural and

political aspects of Balochistan. The writer describes many socio-cultural,

political, economic and administrative aspects of Balochistan, while analyzing

them. The book is a compilation of his published articles which were written to

highlight the ancient and historical legacies of Balochistan. (Kundi, A. M

(1994). Balochistan; A Socio-Cultural and Political Analysis. Quetta: Qasim

Printers).

8

Syed Iqbal Ahmad (1992) presents very significant and valuable work the geo

strategic and political importance of Balochistan. He highlights the factors

which make this region the most significant for the security of Pakistan as a

link between South Asia, the Middle East and Central Asia. The writer also

discusses the consequences of Soviet invasion in Afghanistan in 1979 and its

impact on Balochistan and overall political situation of Pakistan. (Ahmad,

Iqbal Syed. (1992). Balochistan: Its Strategic Importance. Karachi: Royal

Book Co.)

A very important work on the historical and political background and process

is found in the book written by A.B Awan, (1995) which provides knowledge

about historical background to post-independence Pakistan and the evolution

of political process in Balochistan. He explains the nature of Baloch ethnicity

along with their struggle from a nomadic life to the British rule. Later on, the

author describes the evolution of political events and processes in

Balochistan after the creation of Pakistan. The book does not only provide

important information about domestic inconsistency but also highlights the

influence of political, economical and cultural impacts of Russia, on baloch

neighboring country; Afghanistan. (Awan, B. A (1995).Balochistan: Historical

and Political Process. Landon; New Century Publishers).

Selig S. Harrison (1981) contributes a lot in any research about Baloch

nationalism and briefly gives a good back ground to the origins of the Baloch

people then he talks about the real nature of Baloch nationalism rather than

the made up theories about nationalism. The author views Baloch nationalism

as a vibrant and self motivated observable fact which draws attention in its

own right rather than as a subsidiary aspect of the larger problems of

Pakistani and Iranian nationalism. He carefully examines Pakistani and

Iranian political and strategic attitudes to the Baloch and their demands. He

further emphasizes upon the long lasting impacts of these political attitudes

which are important in the formation of Baloch movement and affect the

probabilities for conciliation between the Baloch and Government. The book

successfully explains the major grievances of baloch nationalists such as their

9

demands for autonomy and the possibilities of due adjustments between the

Baloch and Central Government. The author also considers Russian

influence and attitude toward Baloch separatism and explains the ideology

behind the Baloch struggle for both independence and justice. (Harrison,

Selig. S, (1981). In Afghanistan‘s Shadow: Baloch Nationalism and Soviet

Temptation. New York; Carneige Endowment for International Peace)

A very precious and valuable book of Justice Mir Khuda Buksh Marri (1974).

This book, by Justice Marri really provides a valuable knowledge about the

origin, civilization, language and history of Baloch people from Tell-Harire and

Allepo in Nothern Syria to ancient Babylonian, Kerman, Balochistan and Delhi

from the beginning to the present. (Marri, Mir Khuda Bakhsh.

(1974).Searchlights on Balochs and Balochistan. Karachi: Royal Book

Company.)

Fred Scholz (2002) explores the long-term impacts of prevailing external

influence on local nomadic societies especially on Balochistan. the author

explains the externally stimulated twist of internal structures and their

importance for the development of the present time. This book presents a

valuable knowledge about the different aspects of life of nomads, tribal

societies, and Balochistan. This is a deep study of the transformation of the

nomadic structure of Balochistan into their present developed society.

(Scholz, Fred. (2002). Nomadism and Colonialism: A Hundred Years of

Baluchistan (1872-1972). USA: Oxford University Press.)

Farhan Hanif Siddique (2012) explains the Pakistani government‟s treatment

and attitude towards different ethnic groups after military operation in East

Pakistan. The author gives a detailed description about the ethnic movements

that took place after the creation of Bangladesh such as the Baloch revolt in

the 1970s, the Sindhi uprising in the 1980s and Mohajir movement in the

1990s. This book is a critical analysis of ethnicity and nationalism and

evaluates the nationalist ideology within ethnic groups as a basic factor in all

the cultural movements. He challenges the argument that nationalism is only

related to modern-industrialized socio-economic settings (Siddique, 2012: 3).

10

He takes evidence from Pakistan and tries to state that ethnic movements

originate from three distinct socio-economic territories; tribal (Baloch), rural

(Sindh) and urban (Mohajir). His provides knowledge about the origins of

Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir ethnic conflicts in Pakistan and their relations with

the central government. (Siddiqi, Farhan Hanif. (2012). The Politics of

Ethnicity in Pakistan: The Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir Ethnic Movements

(Routledge Contemporary South Asia Series). USA: Routledge.)

Robert G. Wirsing (2008) examines the current Baloch separatist insurgency

in the context of energy and natural resources of this region. The writer is of

the view that a rapid increase in the demand of energy in Pakistan and other

neighboring nations, and the turbulence in resource rich province of

Balochistan regarding their energy deposits has magnified the importance of

Balochistan on national and international level. The situation becomes more

complicated when Pakistan has not been able to cope with the separatist

movement launched by baloch tribes. The writer suggests that Pakistan

needs to renovate its policies regarding baloch demands and their protest

against government in order to control the unlimited conflict and to treat the

Baloch people as associates in energy development, not as opponents or

rivals. (Wrising, Robert.G., (2008). Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of

Energy Resources: A Changing Context of Separatism in Pakistan, retrieved

from http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a480237.pdf on 2 April, 2015)

Jason R. Murtha, (2011) gives a detailed introduction of strategic significance

of Balochistan regional affairs which is increasing day by day due to the

natural gas, oil and other precious minerals. The author explains why

Balochistan is gaining attention from foreign investor and developers. In

addition to natural resources, the geographical location of Balochistan makes

it the most important region to connect the Middle East, Central Asia and

South Asia. The emphasis of the author is upon the construction of Gwadar

Port, which is likely to play the key role in bringing economic and political

globalization to the region. But the same port is also the main cause of

current baloch insurgency and has created an unstable situation both on

11

national and international level. As many surrounding nations such as China,

India, Iran, US, Russia and Afghanistan; has their own interest in Balochistan.

(Murtha, Jason R. (2011). „‘The Strategic Importance of Balochistan‖

California: Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey.)

Martin Axmann, (2008) explains the origin of Baloch nationalism during the

20th century and analyzes the emergence of Baloch national movement in

British India. The author discusses the reasons of decline and collapse of

Kalat. The Khanate of Kalat lacked the ability to integrate itself with British but

at the same time, increased connection and attachment to British Indian

affairs, and the political, administrative, and constitutional development of

Balochistan. The author tries to highlight the facts behind the materialization

of Baloch movement and their attempt to turn Balochistan to its pre-colonial

status. He also searches into the causes of rapid rise of Baloch nationalist

movement, and the political and cultural structure of Baloch society. The book

also discusses the political demands of Baloch nationalists. The writer states

that the emergence of a Baloch national movement based on their ethnic

identity is a result of the historical and political conditions created by the

British and a reaction to the territorial, political, and cultural inclusion in the

Pakistan movement (Axmann, Martin (2008). Back to the Future: The

Khanate of Kalat and the Genesis of Baluch Nationalism 1915-1955. London:

Oxford University Press).

Mir Sherbaz Khetran, (2011) narrates that Balochistan is Pakistan's most

neglected province, where the basic facilities are still almost non-existent,

people are living as they did centuries ago. He also highlights the powerful

influence of strong tradition of the tribal system where law made by tribal

chiefs, rules all aspects of lives of people. Political and economic negligence

has made Balochistan a centre of lawlessness. The chances of civil war

continue to float and the possibilities of province's split from the rest of the

country in the wake of current insurgency. This writer attempts to explain the

major causes or factors of Balochistan crises which have strong historical

roots, demands a multi-dimensional and an urgent solution. Mir Sherbaz

12

Khetran is a Baloch native and son of the chieftain of the historic Khetran tribe

and takes keen interest in the province's political and development affairs.

(Khetran, Mir Sherbaz. (2011). Crisis in Balochistan: The Way Forward, LAP

LAMBERT Academic Publishing.)

Alexander Kouzminov, (2010) explains that Baloch people were not willing to

join Pakistan and they have always been challenging the Pakistani

Government as an independent entity. That‟s why there is a constant

atmosphere of violence in this region. He also emphasizes the role of external

forces which try to exploit baloch alienation from Pakistan. He discusses the

progress of post colonial Balochistan, its geopolitical worth, and the

fundamental grievances of the Baloch. The writer attempts to analyze the

reasons behind recent phase of violence in Balochistan and highlights the

latest position of insurgency. He predicts the possible impacts of long-lasting

violence in Balochistan on Pakistan. (Kouzminov, Alexander. (2010).

Balochistan in Turmoil: Pakistan at Crossroads. Manas Publications)

Mehmood Ali Shah‟s book is worth studying to be aware of social construction

of Baloch Society after the creation of Pakistan in 1947 onwards. The writer

provides details on gradual development of local government system in

Balochistan and keeps his focus on the function and influence of these

political systems on tribal society of Balochistan. The writer successfully

brings into light the socio-economic organization and the administrative

system of the baloch tribes. (Shah, A. M. (1994). Sardari, Jirga and Local

Government System in Balochistan. Lahore : Idara-e-Tadrees.)

3. Research Methodology

This research work is a qualitative type of study with a historical and analytical

research method. A convenient approach is adopted according to the requirement of

research work. Primary data collection was made through autobiographies of

relevant personalities and Government documents etc. Secondary sources include

13

data collection from books, journals, articles, news papers, internet search, articles,

magazines, research papers and dissertations.

4. Research Questions

In this study, an effort has been made to answers these research questions:

1. What role has been played by Baloch Nationalism in the political and

Economic Development of Balochistan?

2. What factors have led to Baloch Nationalism?

3. How can the Baloch Nationalists be brought into mainstream politics?

4. What kind of projects for economic and political development have been

launched in Balochistan during last decade and how they are beneficial for

the improvement of Baloch region?

5. How much Baloch Nationalism is effecting the process of development in

Balochistan, whether the Baloch Nationalists are rendering their co-operation

for political and economic development or not? Keeping a focus on the tribal

system and their internal conflicts.

6. What is the present scenario of political and economic development, keeping

in view the influence of an ongoing insurgency (started in 2005) in

Balochistan by Baloch Nationalists.

5. Organization of Research

The research is divided into seven chapters.The Chapter One is an introduction to

the research topic, which includes literature review, research questions, and

methodology and chapter scheme.

14

The Chapter Two; Balochistan: Land and People; provides detailed information

about the Land and people of Balochistan, its historical background with an

emphasis on Baloch struggle for protecting the integrity and identity as a unique

Ethnic Group. Moreover, it includes the basic information about natural resources,

ethnic composition, social attitude, political attitude and geographical features of

Balochistan.

This Chapter Three; Geo Strategic Significance of Balochistan; elaborates in detail

the geo-strategic significance of Balochistan, while focusing on those factors which

have given this region an increased importance on national and international level.

The strategic importance of Balochistan has great potential of becoming the major

participant in the development of Pakistan. Moreover, the reasons of developing

interests of foreign and regional nation‟s powers in Balochistan have been high

lightened in context of Mega Development Projects and geographical location of the

region. This chapter analyzes the strategic significance of Balochistan as a key

factor in global politics.

The Chapter Four; Baloch Nationalism: Past and Present; is about the historical

development of Baloch Nationalism, and a detailed discussion about baloch Tribal

System and highlights the history of uprising of Baloch nationalism which includes

the basic elements in the formation of Baloch Nationalism. Baloch tribal structure

and internal conflicts on national level have been emphasized. It discusses the

genesis of Baloch Sardari system and its influential role on the social and political

conditions of Balochistan. Baloch relations and conflicts with central government and

the history of all the baloch uprisings have been discussed with a special reference

to ongoing Baloch insurgency.

The Chapter Five; Political Development and Baloch Nationalism; provides

information on political structure of Balochistan, during the period from 2001-2014,

Government policies regarding betterment of political system in Balochistan and role

of Baloch Politicians and local Nationalists leaders. This chapter will discuss political

15

issues between Baloch Nationalists and Central Government as well as the internal

political conflicts between major political parties of Balochistan with an analytical

approach to understand the overall political structure and performance of political

institutes in the development of Balochistan.

The Chapter Six; Economic Development and Baloch Nationalism; will discuss in

detail the major projects of economic development of Balochistan, launched by the

Government of Pakistan, during 2001-2014 some of which are sponsored and

supported by foreign countries, and the impact of these projects on economic

conditions of Balochistan in context of Baloch Nationalism. The factors involved in

the success and failure of economic development programs will be studied in the

light of Baloch ideology of their ethnic identity and current insurgency.

The Chapter Seven; Conclusion; will conclude the overall written chapters with

suggestions to bring Baloch Nationalism into mainstream political and economic

scenario.

16

References

Balochistan Problems and Solutions, (2011) retrieved from

http://www.thevision21.org/article-detail.php?cid=14&aid=31 on December 9, 2014

Despina, Rothi, (2005). National Attachment and Patriotism in a European Nation: A

British Study, Political Psychology, 26. pp 135-155

Motyl, Alexander, ed. (2001). Encyclopedia of Nationalism.1., San Diego: Academic

Press

Muller, Jerry. Z., (March/April 2008) Us and Them, The Enduring Power of Ethnic

Nationalism, retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/2008-03-

02/us-and-them on 2014,Dec.8

PILDAT (March, 2012) Balochistan: Civil-Military Relations, Islamabad: Pakistan

Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency.

CHAPTER TWO

Balochistan: Land and People

17

1. The Baloch and Balochistan: Origin and History

The current land of Balochistan is divided into three parts, Northern Balochistan,

Western Balochistan and Eastern Balochistan, extended between three countries

that are Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan by a differentiating border called Goldsmith

Line. It was drawn by British General Goldsmith in 1870-1872. Balochistan became

a part of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 and got the status of province in 1972. The

location of Balochistan which connects Iranian Plateau with South East Asia and the

Central Asian States to the coastal line on the Arabian Sea provides it with a great

significance in the terms of geography.

The evidence for the origin of Baloch people and their arrival to the present land is

available through many archeological, historical and anthropology theories yet their

origin has not been recognized accurately. The Baloch always managed themselves

as a tribal union. Balochistan is the land where one of the earliest human

civilizations; Mehrgar is found in Eastern Balochistan; (PIPS, 2009:14) the Kech

civilization in Makran has its history in 4000 BC.

Baloch people have been living and ruling their land for a thousand of years as most

ancient tribes of the world. A theory about the origin of Balochs is Semitic

Connection, according to which the Baloch had a correlation with civilization of

Western Asia in the valley of Allepo. According to historians, Baloch were a Semitic

race inhabited in Syria during second millennium BC. (Britannica, 1990: 60) They

moved from Allepo to Iran and then shifted to present day Balochistan. The Baloch

people were basically nomadic, roaming in search of water, food and shelter. And

the region which became their final destination was called Balochistan, the Land of

Balochs. (Britannica, 1990: 62) Prior to their arrival from Kirman to Makran, two

other tribes, Brahvi and Pakhtun were already settled in Balochistan. It is also

mentioned in historical evidences that Kurds and Balochs were two groups of the

same tribe which migrated to Balochistan from Allepo during 4 A.D. Majority of the

18

Kurds settled down in Iraq, Turkey and North Iran and the Baloch decided to make

Mount Al Burz Valley, their homeland.

According to Marco polo, this area was called Kesmacoran, headed by an

independent ruler and the people were involved in agriculture and trading both

overland and by sea in all directions. (Spooner, 1989:609) Baloch started

immigrating into the coastal area Makran in the 11th century AD, and became strong

in 13th century with the invasion of Turkish Tribes into the Iranian Plateau from the

East. According to the Baloch Epic tradition, they belong to Arabic Origin and

Migrated from Aleppo in Syria after the battle of Karbala in 680 AD. According to the

tradition, they claim to have fought against Caliph Yazeed in the Battle of Karbala,

the epic tradition claims that Baloch were Shia Muslims who migrated from Hallab

Allepo, Syria to Bampur in Seistan, Iran and subsequently to Makran and other Parts

of Balochistan (Dames, 1907:2) but a historical evidence states that the Baloch

already existed in 1665 AD. in the region called Kirman (Baloch, 1965: pp8-9)

According to the Baloch epics, the administration of Mir Chakar and Mir Hammal in

15th and 16th century created in them a true Islamic force and after fighting on the

side of Hazrat Imam Hussain, they left Karbala and reached Sistan where they

settled in the region of Rudbar, peacefully under the rule of Shams-ul-Din, but due to

the unfriendly behavior of the next ruler , Badar-ud-Din, the Balochs had to leave

Rudbar, some tribes migrated to south east ward and some went towards south

west ward.(Elfenbein,1989:640) Another theory reveals that during 5th to 8th

centuries, Balochs migrated from the Southern Caspian to Iran and Afghanistan and

later on, they marched towards Pakistan due to unavailability of sufficient pastures

and suppression of feudal land controls.

2. Balochistan under Foreign Powers

Throughout the history, the land of Balochistan has been a significant centre of

attraction to various external powers. The geographic location of this region has

19

been a major factor in creating interest of different forces to capture the Baloch

region to enhance their political power. Being a resource rich land and a safe link to

the other countries, Balochistan has always been attacked and ruled over by various

external intruders.

2.1. Balochistan under Persian Influence

Balochistan was a link between Mesopotamia and Iranian Palteau and Indo-

Gangetic Plain, and was called as Gedrosia. Alexander the great chose as a route

for his army in 325 BC at the time of his return from India after conquering Punjab.

(Kokaislova and Kokaisl, 2012) Alexander crossed Lasbela, Hub River and Makran

Coast. After the death of Alexander, Gedrosia became a part of the Parthian Empire

which was a political power in ancient Iran and the Persian Sassanid Dynasty in 3rd

Century A.D. Sassanid Empire was the last pre-Islamic Iranian empire from 224 to

651 A.D. In 1849, Iran overpowered Baloch people in Kerman and gained control of

Bumpur.

The Baloch political condition experienced an extreme change in 19th century when

the British and Persian Empires divided Balochistan between India and the Persian

Kingdom. In the 19th and 20th century, the Baloch demonstrated their contempt for

the twisted and unfair division and revolted against British and Persian rule. Due to

that division, many parts of Balochistan were handed over to Iran and

Afghanistan. In 1928, the Persian forces again started the invasion procedure

against Baloch and occupied Balochistan. The Baloch were defeated and Western

Balochistan became a part of Persia. In 1932, the Baloch Conference of Jacobabad

chaired by Baloch Nationalist leader, Nawab Yousaf Aziz Magsi rejected the Iranian

occupation of Western Baluchistan. (Forbes, BTV). He initiated the Baloch national

independence movement to secure the Baloch cultural identity and the rich

traditional values which were badly crushed by the ruling states. In 1933, Mir Abdul

Aziz Kurd, a prominent Baloch leader, strongly opposed the partition of Balochistan

and introduced the first map of Greater Balochistan. In 1934, Magsi, the head of the

20

Baloch national movement, recommended an armed resistence for the freedomof

Balochistan.

2.2. Balochistan under the Arab Rule

The Arabs invaded Balochistan in the 7th century AD and brought social, religious,

economic and political changes into the region. Balochistan came under Islamic

influence for the first time in 40 AD, when the Arabs conquered Iran and entered into

Makran. They established their strength in the region as Daulat Mehdania Makran

and Daulat Mutaghariba Tooran (Sabir, 2010) which is now known as Kalat Zone.

The Arab rule spread the teachings of Islam in the area and the Baloch tribes

gradually embraced Islam.

The second invasion of Arabs was made from the west by an Arab General,

Muhammad Bin Qasim in 712 AD. Qasim came though Mekran, and conquered

Sindh, parts of Balochistan and Punjab up to Multan and then in 10th century, a

Turkish Sultan from Ghazna, Mehmood Ghaznavi captured the region. After that,

Balochistan came under Mughals who ruled over there for more than two thousand

years. (Mubarakpuri, 1987:256) The Arabs ruled Balochistan from 7th to 10th century.

Khuzdar was made its capital. (Encyclopedia of Islam, 1936: 634) Balochistan made

remarkable progress in the fields of agriculture and over all social structure was

developed by the Arab rulers. During the last years of Arab rule, the Baloch tribes

developed the tendency of establishing their own semi-independent tribal

confederation. The influence of the Arab Caliphate strated destabilizing in 10th

century and Balochistan once again slipped into Persian track. (Britannica, 1990: 62)

In the 11th century, Nasir-ud-din Subuktagin became the new ruler of Balochistan

and it was the beginning of Ghaznivid dynasty. The Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni (999-

1025 A.D.) attacked Hind and Sindh many times, and successfully gain control over

some parts of Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan. In 1219, Muhammad Khan of

Khawarizem made Balochistan a part of Saljuk Empire, which is now known as

Khewa in Central Asia. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:275) In the 1595 it became a part

21

of the Mughal Empire and later in 17th century, Nadir Shah and Abbas Safavid of

Persia captured it (PIPS, 2009:16) then Ahmed Shah Durrani of Afghanistan

established his rule in 1747.(„‟Explore Balochistan‟‟, 2013) The Khanate of Kalat

emerged in 1758 when Nasir Khan revolted against the Afghans. From 1400 to 1948

AD, hold of the ruling and invading powers on Balochistan had got weakened and

the Baloch emerged as a powerful force, the decline of Islamic Caliphate gave rise

to Baloch command and dominion. By the end of 14th century, the Baloch had got

control over most of the Balochistan (Baloch, 1983:11). The authority and

remarkable progress of Baloch social, political and cultural organization is the

feature of this era. During 14th century, the Baloch tribes who had migrated from

western parts of present Balochistan in Iran took over in the area up to Jhalanwan.

This tribal alliance which was headed by Mir Jalal was the first Baloch confederacy.

Ahmed Shah Durrani from Afghanistan started his rule in 1747. The Kalat come into

view in 1758 when Nasir Khan protested against the Afghans. Kalat remained the

dominant authority in Balochistan by the 18th century.

2.3. Mongolian Invasion

At the beginning of the l3th century, in 1223 A.D Balochistan came under pressure

of severe attacks by the Mongols. Mongolian attacks badly damaged and shattered

Baloch polity. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:275) Along with Mongols, the Turkish

invaders from the 10th to 13th century, caused heavy loss and destruction to

Balochistan and played an important role in creating a strong emotion of patriotism

in the Balochi Tribes to get them united against these forces and to become loyal to

their Tribal Chiefs.

2.4. First Organized Baloch Confederacy

In the 15th century, a Baloch leader Mir Chakar Rind launched a Baloch union which

included area from Multan, through Mari-Bugti territory to Kharan, and from the

Sulaiman Mountain in the north to Mekran coast. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:276) Mir

22

Chakar ruled for about twenty five years. During his period of influence, His

leadership and well managed policies created new values in the fields of art,

literature, bravery and devotion.

He was the man who is still idealized and loved by Baloch people with a great sense

of respect and honor. He was the first great leader who successfully managed to

control the politically and economically scattered Baloch tribes. He helped his people

by restoring the lost martial values of the Baloch confederacy. While giving them an

identity by uniting them as one nation, about three hundred and fifty years before the

British conquered Quetta and Kalat. His period is called the "classical age" (Baloch,

1977:72) He was the first leader to establish control of Baloch people over their own

land, Balochistan. The classical age ended with the death of Mir Chakar Rind in

about 1556 A.D. (Marri 1974: 17)

2.5. Balochistan under British Dominance

Before the first Afghan war in 1839, British increased their interest and involvement

into the region and they started efforts to gain control over Balochistan. For this

purpose, they adopted different strategies like military expeditions and treaties

(Gazetteer of India, 1984:289). The conract between the British and Khan of Kalat

occurred in 1838, when the Indian army crossed over the Bolan Pass to reach to

Afghanistan. (PILDAT, 2012:13) The rapidly rising threat from Russia compelled the

British to arrange for a safe passage from Kalat to Kandhar through Ahikarpur-

Jacobabad-Dhadhar-Bolan Pass-Quetta-Khojak. (Dupree, 1973:378) The British had

to choose Bolan Pass as their route because the ruler of Punjab, Ranjit Singh had

refused to allow British to cross through his region.

In 1876, British Balochistan came into existence when areas of Sibi, Pishin,

Chaman, Shararod and Thal Chotyali were taken over by British from Afghanistan.

In 1876 Sir Robert Sandeman accomplished a treaty with the Khan of Kalat to bring

the states of Kharan, Makran, and Las Bela, under British control (Isa: 2007:8).

23

According to the treaty Kalat handed over the matters of foreign affairs and defence

to British. Under this treaty, political agents were appointed by British who held

supreme power and Khan of Kalat became powerless. The British occupied Quetta

in 1877 and established their dominance in Balochistan. They divided Balochistan

into three different areas based on ethnic divisions and military strategy. (Gazetteer

of India, 1984:333) The divisions were as:

1. British Balochistan

2. Agency territories including Marri and Bugti Area

3. Native states of Kalat, Lasbela, Makran and Kharan

The Sandeman system gave the Tribal Sardars, complete self-sufficiency under the

supervision of British. They were paid their remuneration by the British. The Khan of

Kalat lost the power to run the affairs of Sardars, even the development projects

were supervised by the British political agents only. The British goal was to appease

Baloch Sardars to prevent any freedom-movement and to strengthen British

influence in a strategically significant region. Sandeman used the tribal chiefs for this

purpose by supporting them and giving other privileges like honorable titles and

financial aid. This was an important system which increased autonomy and power of

Sardars, but consequently, damaged the traditional baloch social system and

intensified class divisions. This new administrative system drastically changed the

character of the Jirga, an assembly which used to play the role of public court to

provide justice to people and a new system of Shahi (royal) Jirga was introduced

instead, (Ahmed, 1973:10) which was consisted of only the Sardars and aristocrats.

This system empowered the British with strength to control any uprising against

them while damaging the last institution of a purely tribal nature, gave rise to

unbreakable class difference and gave the Sardars vast powers over the lives and

property of the people. The Shahi Jirga was permitted to compel taxes in property

and could confiscate women. The Political Agent knowing as AGG (Agent to

Governor General) had the authority to modify all the decisions. The role of Sardars

24

was too much extended that they could take decisions independently, even against

the benefit of people. They preservation of law and order was the duty of Sardars,

establishment of levy corps was made to supervise the process. (Ahmed, 1973:10)

The levies use to recruit tribal staff with the approval of the Sardars. The Sardars

were bound to pay salaries to the tribal workers, and kept the rest of the capital with

their ownselves, which was provided by British Army for that puprospe.

In the year of 1883, British government got Bolan Pass, on permanent lease from

Kalat. (PIPS, 2009:18) British rulers gave complete freedom and autonomy to

Baloch Tribal chiefs to manage all their internal tribal affairs according to their

cultural traditions and customs. In 1893, after two fights with Afghanistan, the area

from Chitral to Balochistan, of the Durand line was ceded to Afghanistan by Sir

Mortimer Durrand. (Khan, 2009:1073). The British wanted to turn Balochistan into a

buffer zone between India and Russia, and as a protected way from Sindh to

Afghanistan. The Durand Line with Afghanistan and Goldsmith Line with Iran

borders were drawn by British colonial rulers while ignoring the significance of native

inhabitants and historic ethnic territories. These borders were drawn to create

division between the Pakhtuns and Baloch tribes of Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

The British formulated laws and regulations to support the reliance of Balochistan

and gain control over its socio-political system.

The border line of western Balochistan was fixed in 1872, when Iran conquered it.

The main objectives of the British were based on strategic and military interests, so

they did not pay attention to the economic development of Balochistan. Increased

taxes led to the landlessness of many Baloch farmers, spreading economic decline

(Khan, 2009: 1074). A new business class from the Punjab and Sindh regions came

over and gained control of economic developments in Balochistan. This activity

inspired nationalist attitude and reaction amongst the local Baloch people. (Khan,

2009: 1074). Ethno-nationalist movements started uprising throughout the 1930s,

with local elites promoting a separate state towards the end of the British Raj (Grare,

2006: 9). The British occupation of Kalat in 1839 was a significant incident in Baloch

25

history which changed the destiny of the Baloch people. The Baloch were detached

of their land and had to face long-lasting occupation by foreign forces. The social

structure of Balochistan was based on tribal communities which were the only

authority to maintain political structure of Baloch region without any concept of single

state authority. Political unity was inappropriate and an unfamiliar to the tribal mode

of their social life. ―Whilst several conquering armies including Persian, Afghan,

Sindhi and Sikh continuously overran the region, all avoided permanent control of

the tribes‖ (Khan, 2003: 282) In 17th century, the most prominent tribal confederacy

was established in Kalat, and in 18th century, a successful effort was made by Khan

of Kalat, Nasir Khan, to unite and organize the tribes of Kalat. And the first unified

Baloch Army was established operating an administrative and military system (Khan,

2003: pp 282-286).

3. Accession of Balochistan into Pakistan in 1947

Balochistan was an important land, so the demand for the inclusion of Balochistan

into Pakistan became a priority of the Muslim League. Allama Muhammad Iqbal

included and high lighted the significance of Balochistan in his famous Presidential

address of All India Muslim League in December 1930, prior to that, Quaid-e-Azam

Muhammad Ali Jinnah had also included democratic reforms for Balochistan in his

famous „fourteen points‟ of 1928. (Talbot, 1990:117). Since then, the Muslim league

continuously insisted upon the inclusion of Balochistan but there was no proper

establishment of Muslim League in that province.

The Pakistan Movement in Balochistan was initially launched by Nawabzada Yousaf

Ali Khan who was a great admirer of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Allama Iqbal. He

organized first All India Baloch Conference at Jacobabad on 29th December 1932

and introduced the Islamic political ideas in Balochistan. (Quddus, 1990:119). Later

on Quaid-e-Azam selected Qazi Isa to launch Pakistan Movement in Balochistan

and asked him to organize the Muslim League in the province. In September 1939,

26

Balochistan Provincial League was recognized as a part of All India Muslim League.

(Quddus, 1990:120)

The main objective of Muslim League was to spread its influence in Balochistan

regarding Pakistan Movement but with the hope of British withdrawal from sub

continent, the National Party and other Baloch nationalist parties joined the

movement led by Khan of Kalat for the independence of Balochistan. (Harrison,

1981:24). The British Government sent a mission, called Cripps, to Sub-Continent in

March 1946 to negotiate with Indians regarding the partition of Sub-Continent. The

Khan of Kalat approached the mission and discussed the independence only of

Balochistan. He requested the Cripps mission to restore the Balochistan‟s pre 1876

status by regaining full independence all over Kalat territories which were held or

leased by British rulers. (Baluch, 1975:255-295). Another memorandum signed by

the Baloch Sardars, was sent to the British government to join Khanate. (Baluch,

1975:144). In 1947, when the British government was about to grant independence

to the Sub-Continent, the Khan of Kalat filed a legal case for independence, arguing

that Kalat had already been given a legal independent status like Nepal based on

direct treaty relations with England and the state was not bound to deal with the

British Indian Government just like the other Indian princely states. (Baloch,

1987:174). Sardar Khan Baluch, the Secretary to the Khan of Kalat stated that ―To

begin with the question of a unified and freed Baluch race, the question of greater

Baluchistan is inevitable‖. (Baloch, 1947:20)

But in June 1947 the tribal leaders of Balochistan were asked to take decision about

the status of Balochistan, most of the Baloch Sardars decided to join Pakistan. The

Nawab of Lasbella, sardars of Kharan and Makran states, the Khan of Kalat himself

showed their willing to join Pakistan. (Shah, 1997:95). The British Government

declared Indian Independence Act on 18th July, 1947 according to which ―Two

Independent Dominions shall be set up in India, to be known respectively as India

and Pakistan‖. (Indian Independence Act: 1947).The territories of Independent

States, India and Pakistan were specified and „‟The Chief Commissioner‟s Province

27

of British Balochistan‟‟ (section 2 (2) (b) was included into Pakistan. There were no

specification of Indian State but the Act mentioned as ‗‘nothing in this section shall

be interpreted as preventing the accession of Indian states to either of the new

Dominions‘‘ (section 2 (4). Kharan, Lasebela and Makran willingly acceded to

Pakistan and the last ruler of Kalat stated that ‗‘I signed the merger documents in my

capacity as Khan-e-Azam on 30th March, 1948 (Khan. A Yar 1975:162) and having

done s upon receipt of M.A. Jinnah‘s letter, dated 2nd February, 1948, calling upon

him to: ‗‘I advise you to join Pakistan without further delay‘‘. (Baloch, 2008). In 1947,

when Pakistan got independence, princely states were given the choice of either join

Pakistan or India or to remain independent. Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan

declared Kalat as an independent state on the basis of Kalat‟s Treaty Relations

1976 with British India which were of the same status as Nepal and India. (Ali,

2005:45) The reason behind Baloch resistance was their sense of uncertainty about

the future of their ethnic identity. Both the house of parliament at Kalat refused to

join Pakistan. However, in 1948, Kalat was forced to annex to Pakistan with the help

of army, Khan of Kalat signed an accession agreement in 1948 ending Kalat's de

facto independence, (Titus, 2000:48)

3.1. Conflicts between Government of Pakistan and Baloch

Nationalists

Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, there is an on going series of conflicts in

Balochistan between government of Pakistan, Government of Iran and Baloch tribes.

There have been five major insurgencies in Balochistan till date. These insurgencies

have their roots in both historical and contemporary factors based on Baloch

Nationalism. Relations between Baloch nationalists and Central Government have

always been offensive since 1947 and turned into violent reactions from Baloch

nationalist tribes against the Pakistani military, central government and civil society

time to time. The occurrence of nationalism includes demands of the Baloch people

for political, economic and cultural autonomy.The present conflict (2005- onwards) is

the fifth insurrection in Balochistan since Independence. Prior conflicts occurred in

28

1948, 1958-59, 1963-69 and 1973-77. (the causes and factors involved in these

insurgencies will be discussed in detail in a separate chapter) all the uprisings were

associated with a stable and firm strength of nationalist sentiment. Balochistan has

constantly remained under the occupation of oppressive system. The indigenous

inhabitants of Balochistan have been facing continuous oppression, inequality,

injustice, deprivation of ethnic, economic and political rights. The Baloch nationalist

leaders are continuously demanding self-determination along with the rights of

economic development and cultural identity. The Baloch Nationalist are passionately

devoted to the struggle for freedom from Pakistan.In 1928 Iran occupied the western

Balochistan against which hundreds of Baloch tribesmen fought and sacrificed their

lives and in 1948 Pakistan invaded the Eastern Balochistan by killing hundreds of

Baloch Nationalists and annexed the Baloch territory. Baloch has never accepted

the political boundaries dividing its territory nor has accepted the occupation of these

states. Baloch nationalists have been struggling for the liberation of Balochistan.

Pakistan and Iran‟s military have carried out a number of military operations to

suppress the Baloch ambition of liberty, peace and justice till date.

4. Geographical location

Balochistan, the largest province of Pakistan is smallest in population and covers

almost 44 percent of the country‟s total land area. According to 1998 Census, its

population is about 6, 511,000. Balochistan geographically is bounded by 60 52'

east longitudes to 24 54' north latitude and 70 17‟ east longitudes to 32 6‟ north

latitude. (Census Report Balochistan, 2001:58) About 80 percent of the area is inter-

mountainous. 20 percent area consists of flood and coastal plains. The important

mountain ranges are Sulaiman, Toba-Kakar, Central Brahui, Kirthar, Chagai,

Raskoh and central Makran and Makran coast. The Greek historian, Herodotus

divided Balochistan into three parts: (Pakistan Progressive, 1980: 3)

a) Aracosia; consisting of Kandahar and Quetta region,

b) Drangiana; comprising Helmund, Seistan and Chagai, and

29

c) Gedrosia; including Mekran Coast

Balochistan is a mountainous desert area and shares borders with Iran, Afghanistan

and the Arabian Sea with strategically important port of Gwadar on the Makran

Coast, which is a direct approach to the Strait of Hormuz. Balochistan shares 900

kilometer long border with Iran and 1,002 kilometer long border with Afghanistan

(Sial and Basit, 2010:5). The Gulf of Oman is located on its southern border. It has

common borders with the other three provinces in Pakistan, North West Frontier

Province through Federally Administered Tribal Area in the north, Punjab in the

extreme north east and Sindh in east.

Map. No. 2.1 Map of Balochistan

Source: http://www.nttfc.org/balochistanMap.asp accessed on 06 May, 2015

30

5. Physical Features and Topography

Balochistan is located at the Southeast border of the Iranian plateau and

strategically connects the Middle East and South-West Asia to Central Asia and

south Asia and provides the marine frontage for the landlocked countries of central

Asia. The Suleiman Mountains cover the northeast corner and Bolan Pass is a

natural path to Afghanistan which was used by British as a passageway .The capital,

Quetta is located in the north east of the province on the bank of the river valley near

the Afghan border with a road to Kandahar in the northeast. On the east, the

Sulaiman Ranges separate it from the Iranian part, in the north, Toba Kakar, in the

west, Chagai hills separate it from Afghanistan and Iran. (Britannica, Vol. III, 1970:

60)

5.1. Topography

In the terms of Topography, Balochistan consists of the following features:

I. The Upper Highlands

The upper highlands are located in central and northeastern areas and are

surrounded by the Sulaiman Range to the east and the Toba Kakar Range to the

northwest. The height of Khorasan is 3,700 meters, about 1,500 meters above sea

levels. („‟About Balochistan‟‟ 2013). The upper highlands drain into the Indus River

including Makran, Kharan and Chaghi in the West and Sulaiman, Pab, Kirther in the

east. (Hughes, 1997:25) They descend in districts Zhob, Killa Saifullah, Pishin,

Quetta, Ziarat and Kalat.

II. The Lower Highlands

The lower highlands include the eastern Sulaiman Range, the lower ranges of

the Makran, Kharan, and Chagi on the west; and the Pab and Kirthar ranges on the

southeast. They drain southward into the Arabian Sea with an elevation ranging from

31

1970 to 3940 ft. („‟About Balochistan‟‟ 2013). Some extensions of lower high lands

exist at Gwadar, Turbat, Panjgur, Kharan and Chaghi districts.

III. The Plains

Balochistan has small area of plains whic include the Kachi plain in the south of Sibi

and extend towards Nasirabad, the southern part of Dera Bugti, and a narrow plain

along the Mekran coast stretches from Kachi to the Iranian border. The plains of

Kachi, Las Bela and river Dasht cover area in addition to the Quetta and Kalat.

(Gazetteer of India, 1976:266) Balochistan has two raised plains or plateau. One is

the Quetta Valley and the other is in Kalat. The other is the quadrangular Plateau,

measuring about 300 miles by 300 miles. On this plateau lies the ancient city of

Kalat at the height of 6,318 feet. (Britannica, VOL III, 1971: 60)

IV. The Deserts

The north western part consists of deserts mostly in Kharan which is an extension of

the Iranian Seistan and Dasht-e-Lut (Hughes, 1997:25) and Chaghi districts vast

plains are covered with black sand.

V. The Coastal Line

The coastal-line is about 760 Kilometers long, with many peninsulas. The coastal

area is located on Arabian Sea with the vertical hills. Important ports such as

Somiani, Pasni, Jiwani and Gwadar form the Coastal Line of Balochistan. (Ahmad,

1976:45)

5.2. Rivers of Balochistan

Table No. 2.1. Rivers of Balochistan

Nari River

Kaha River

Gaj River

Hingol River

32

Dasht River

Nal River

Porali River

Hub River

Mushkel River

Zhob River

Gomal River

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

The rivers in Balochistan do not flow in any particular direction. Nari, Kaha and Gaj

Rivers in the northeastern and eastern parts are the branches of the Indus River.

The southern rivers float towards the Arabian Sea. The rest conclude in lakes and

swamps, which are called Hamuns. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:26). The largest river

of Balochistan is Hingol. It flows southward and falls into the Arabian Sea. Other

southem rivers in the Mekran coastal area are Dasht, Nal, porali, Hub and Mashkel.

The Zhob River flows towards the Gomal River and joins the Indus River. („‟About

Balochistan‟‟ 2013). Mashkel is the only river which flows northward and ends in

Hamun-i-Mashkel. In Balochistan, the main water-bearing areas are along the

Quetta-Jacobabad-Hyderabad-Karachi and Quetta - Kalat - Khuzdar - Bela - Karachi

arrangements

5.3. Forests

There are different types of forests in Balochistan which play a significant role in the

supply of feed for livestock and a good potential of Balochistan in the terms of

natural resources while providing fuel wood, timber, wildlife products and other forest

products. Balochistan has only two percent forest cover of total forestry of Pakistan.

Balochistan has world‟s second largest juniper forest in Ziarat and Harboi areas of

Kalat districts. There are eight different environmental regions with a vast diversity in

plantation. This feature differentiates Balochistan from the rest of the country. The

forest area is 2,306,910 hectares in Balochistan. (Baloch, 2015, Jan.25) Forests play

33

an important role in the economic growth of any region and fulfill many other human

needs. Important forests of Balochistan are as under:

Table No. 2.2. Forests of Balochistan

Name of Forest Covered Areas

1 Juniper Forests Zarhun, Zarakhu, Takatu, Murdar, Surghund,

Ziarat, Khatuka, Chautair, Harboi in Kalat and

Targhatu

2 Chilghoza Pine

Forest

Shingher, Kaisaghar and Speraghat hills in Zhob,

Sherani and Musa Khel districts and Torghar in

Killa Saifullah

3 Olive-Pistacia

Forest

Zhob, Sherani, Barkhan, Loralai, Harnai, Killa

Saifullah, Musakhail, Kohlu, Washuk, Khuzdar,

Kalat,

4 Olive – Acacia

Forest

Sibi, Loralai, Musakhail, Zhob, Khuzdar and

Lasbella district.

5 Kohistan

Forests

Salvadora, Kandi, Ber, Tamarix, Mazri, Chagird,

Panjgur, Kech, Gwadar, Lasbella, Sibi and

Khuzdar

6 Desert Forest Kandi, Ghaz, Ber, Mazri, Haloxylon, Gugal,

Chagai, Washuk, Kharan, Nushki, Lasbella,

Kachhi, Sibi and Awaran

7 Mangrove

Forests

Lasbela, Gwadar and Pasni

8 Alien /Invasive

Forests

Lasbella, Gwadar, Kech, Barkhan, Sibi, Loralai

and Musakhail districts

9 Tropical Desert

Thorn Forests

Mekran, Lasbella, Sibi, Khuzdar and Awaran

Sources: Generated by the researcher during research

34

The details about these forests are as under:

I. Juniper Forests

The Juniper forests are located in Zarhun, Zarakhu, Takatu, Murdar, Surghund,

Ziarat, Khatuka, Chautair, Harboi in Kalat and Targhatu areas. Balochistan‟s

Junipers are one of the biggest forests in the world. A major portion of Ziarat is

covered with juniper trees.The juniper forests are spread over an area of about

2.30,000 acres. („‟The Juniper Forests‟‟, 2008) Juniper berries are used as a spice

while a kind of very useful oil is also extracted from juniper trees. They also produce

medical herbs like Epherda and Artimesia.

II. Chilghoza Pine Forests

In the north of Balochistan, Shingher, Kaisaghar and Speraghat hills in Zhob,

Sherani and Musa Khel districts and Torghar in Killa Saifullah district are the main

areas of chilgoza pine forests.

III. Olive-Pistacia Forests

Zhob, Sherani, Barkhan, Loralai, Harnai, Killa Saifullah, Musakhail, Kohlu, Washuk,

Khuzdar, Kalat, Bolan areas have forests of Pine-nuts and olives which are very

significant in terms of export and are widely used in medicines and other purposes.

IV. Olive – Acacia Forests

Theses forests are located in Sibi, Loralai, Musakhail, Zhob and Khuzdar districts

and adjoining area of Lasbella district.

V. Kohistan Forests

kohistan forests are located in Salvadora, Kandi, Ber, Tamarix, Mazri, Chagird,

Panjgur, Kech, Gwadar, Lasbella, Sibi and Khuzdar districts.

35

VI. Desert Forests

Desert forests are mainly found in Kandi, Ghaz, Ber, Mazri, Haloxylon, Gugal,

Chagai, Washuk, Kharan, Nushki, Lasbella, Kachhi, Sibi and Awaran districts.

VII. Mangrove Forests

Mangrove forests protect coastal areas from cyclones, these forests are located in

Lasbela, Gwadar and Pasni.

VIII. Alien/Invasive Forests

Theses are located in Lasbella, Gwadar, Kech, Barkhan, Sibi, Loralai & Musakhail

districts.

XI. Tropical Desert Thorn Forests

Mekran, Lasbella, Sibi, Khuzdar and Awaran districts are known for tropical desert

thornforests. („‟Forest Resource‟‟, 2015). The forests are decreasing rapidly because

majority of the population is facing energy shortage like gas and electricity and

people are cutting off trees to produce fuel and to overcome the insufficiency of

basic facilities in terms of energy and to provide food to the livestock.

5.4. Mountain Ranges

Baluchistan has many barren but rich in mineral sources mountain ranges. There

are many passes located in these mountains which connect Pakistan with

Afghanistan.

Table No. 2.3. Important Mountain Ranges of Balochistan

Sr.

No

Mountain Range Location

1 Chaghi Range Along Iran and Afghan Border

2 The Central Brahvi Range Central Balochistan as a Southern Branch of

Himalaya, Bolan Pass, Harnai Pass and Mula

36

Pass are located here

3 The Suleiman Range North to south direction equivalent to the Indus

River. Kaisargarh with a height of 3,441

meters and Takhat-e-Suleiman 3,379 meters

are the highest peaks in the North.

4 The Toba Kakar Range In the north on the border with Afghanistan

5 Bugti Hills Dera Bugti District and Sibi Division

6 Central Mekran Range Kech District

7 Giandari Range On the Border of Balochistan and Punjab in

Dera Bugti and Sibi

8 Marri Hills Kohlu Distraict in Sibi Division

9 Mekran Coast Range Gwadar District

10 Ras Koh Hills On the border between Kharan District of Kalat

Division and Chagai District of Quetta Division

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

6. Climate and Temperature

Balochistan has an extraordinary variety in the terms of landscape which is

prominently visible in climate. The climate of Balochistan contains almost all the

types such as hot, humid, temperate and cold in the various places. The major

portion of Balochistan possesses a steamy and humid climate. The Upper Highlands

face severe conditions during winter season, the temperature falls many degrees

below freezing point, whereas the summers are moderate. (Kazi, 1976:45) In the

valleys of Balochistan temperature has a variety according to their altitude, soil

structure, nearness to lakes, and direction of winds.

The valleys of Quetta, Zhob and Ziarat are usually cold with high chances of fog,

rain, and snow in winters. The valleys of Kalat and Khuzdar in Lower Highlands also

37

fall in the same category along with Panjgur in the Upper Coastal Region (Gazetteer

of India, Vol. VI, 1976:273) The plains and deserts become extremely hot during

summers and the temperature normally exceeds fifty degree centigrade. Noshki in

the north, Sibi and Dhadar in the middle, and Turbat in the Coastal region are

considered to be among the hottest. Strong winds also play a prominent role in the

climate of Balochistan. These winds blow from the North West by the mountains like

Himalaya and Hundukush from Siberia to the areas of Chagi. The Coastal region

remains under the influence of Arabian Sea and the climate is hot, humid in

summers, and moderate in winters. (Kazi, 1976:45)

6.1. Rainfall

The climate of Balochistan is semi- arid Mediterranean, with annual rainfall from 200

to 350 mili meters. („‟Provincial Disaster‟‟, 2006:11) and a changeable quantity of this

total fall in the form of snow and rain in the winter season and as extreme spell of

rain in summer. The constant aridity makes agriculture almost impossible.

Balochistan never receives the Monsoon rains like other parts of Pakistan. The

average of annual rainfall is between two to three inches in winter season.

(Gazetteer of India, Vol. VI, 1976:273) Some parts of the Lower Highlands and the

coastal areas enjoy rain mostly in the summer.

7. Economy of Balochistan

The economy is largely depends upon the production of natural oil, natural gas, coal,

and minerals which is utilized for domestic use and export. The Baloch people are

farmers basically but in the coastal area fishery is also a second big source of

income. Due to the constant political and security disturbance and tensed situation,

Balochistan is not profiting from its vast resources and therefore the people live in

poorest conditions. Limited farming and fishing is another contributing factor in the

economy of Balochistan. The important economic sectors include mining of copper,

38

gold and other precious minerals. The agriculture sector and live stock are also a

part of rural economy and livelihood.

7.1. Natural Resources

Balochistan is spreading over largest territory of Pakistan, it holds an extensive

amount of oil, gas, coal and other mineral resources and is an exclusive economic

zone of 180,000 square kilometers rich in oil, gas, gold, chromites, copper, iron,

marble, along with two coastal ports, Gwadar and Omara. Gwadar plays a substitute

to the Karachi port in Sindh province and is of great significant strategic importance

to Pakistan (Grare, 2006: 4-5). Balochistan is a rich land in terms of minerals which

are divided into two categories, metallic and Non-Metallic mineral resources.

Table No. 2.4. Metallic Minerals of Balochistan

Mineral Estimated

Deposits

Location

1 Copper 2 Billion Tons Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela

2 Gold 20 Billion Ounces Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela

3 Chromite Unknown Khuzdar, Lasbela, Chagi, Khuzdar,

Kharan, Killa Saifulla, Wad, Sonaro

and Muslim Bagh

4 Iron 200 Million Tons Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela, Mastung,

Dilband, Chilghazi, Chigendik, Amir

Chah, and Pachin Koh.

5 Lead Zinc 26 Million Tons Lasbela , Khuzdar

6 Antimony 26,000 Tons Qila Abdullah, Panjgure, Turbat and

Kharan District

7 Manganes

e

580,500 Tons Lasbela, Khuzdar, Qila

Saifullah,Chaghi and Zhob

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

39

The details about the importance of these minerals are as under:

I. Copper Gold/Silver

Balochistan has vast resources of copper and all these reserves are found in

Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela districts, in Chaghi at least 12 deposits are found with

substantial quantities of gold and silver. („‟Geological Survey of Pakistan‟‟, 2009)

Two major projects of mining copper gold are Sandak Copper-Gold and Reko Diq

copper-Gold deposits. The Sandak project was started in 1995 and is producing

15,672 tons of copper blister, 51852 ounces of gold and 97356 ounces of silver are

being produced annually.(„‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013:7) Reko Diq

deposit was discovered in 1978-79 in Chaghi as a joint venture between

Balochistan, Canada and Chile partnership. The mining of about two billion tons of

copper and twenty million ounces of gold reserves and a large scale of silver deposit

are estimated in this project.

II. Chromite

Lasbela, Chagi, Khuzdar, Kharan, Killa Saifulla, Wad, Sonaro and Muslim Bagh are

the parts of Balochistan having deposits of Chromite, („‟Mineral Resources of

Balochistan‟‟, 2013) in Zhob Valley is the most significant source chromite. Some

other areas such as Ras Koh and Wad in southern Balochistan have some deposits.

The entire amount of explored Chromite is exported.

III. Iron

The reserves of Iron are estimated at 200 million tons, and mainly found in the areas

of Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela and Mastung Districts. („‟Mineral Resources of

Balochistan‟‟, 2013) Chaghi alone produces about 30 million tons of Iron. Many other

deposits of iron have been found in Dilband, Chilghazi, Chigendik, Amir Chah, and

Pachin Koh..(„‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013:7)

40

IV. Lead Zinc

Reserves of lead-zinc have been recognized in Lasbella and Khuzdar districts at

Duddar, Gunga and Surmai areas and total reserves estimated are about 26 million

tons. Lead is used in ammunitions. (Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009 )

V. Antimony

Antimony is found near Qila Abdullah, Panjgure, Turbat and in district Pishin.

Recently found in Kharan district. Present estimate of Antimony is 26,000 tons.

Antimony is an important metal. which is used in the production of safety matches, in

cartridges, in tracer bullets and similar light signals. (Geological Survey of Pakistan,

2009).

VI. Manganese

Manganese is found in Lasbela, Khuzdar, Qila Saifullah, Chaghi and Zhob districts.

(„‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013:15). A total of 580,500 tons of manganese

has been estimated.

Table No. 2.5. Non Metallic Minerals of Balochistan

Mineral Estimated Reserves Location

1 Fluorite 100,000 Tons Maran, Phad-i-Maran and

Dilband

2 Barite 30 Million Tons Kalat, Lasbella, Uthal and

Khuzdar

3 Gypsum & Anhydrite 7 Million Tons Sibi and Lora lai

4 Onyx Marble

12 Million Tons Chagi, Khuzdar, Lasbela

and Bolan

5 Lime Stone Enormous Reserves Chaghi and Zhob

6 Sulpher 787,000 tons Chaghi and Kachi District

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

41

The details are as under:

VII. Fluorite

Significant reserves of fluorite are found at Maran, Phad-i-Maran and Dilband areas

of Mastung district. The total estimated reserves are about 100,000 tons. („‟Mineral

Reserves in Balochistan‟‟, 2013)

VIII. Barite

Vast reserves of barite are found in Kalat, Lasbella, Uthal and Khuzdar districts Total

estimated reserves are over 30 million tons. Average annual production is about

25,000 tons.

IX. Gypsum and Anhydrite

Gypsum and anhydrite deposits are extracted in Spintangi in Sibi district and at

Chamalong-Bahlol in Loralai district. („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟,2013,15).

The reserves have been estimated as over 7 million tons.

X. Onyx Marble

The high quality onyx deposits are present in the Chagai belt and also are found at

many areas in the central and western parts like Lasbela, Khuzdar and Bolan. The

main deposits are ZardKan, Patkok, Julhi, Butak, Mashkichah, Tozghi, Chilgazi, and

Zeh. („‟Mineral Reserves in Balochistan‟‟,2013). The estimated reserves of marble in

the province are more than 12 million tons.

XI. Sand and Gravel

Sand and gravel extraction is counted as the biggest mining industry in Balochistan.

The sand and gravel are used widely by the construction industry in Portland

cement, concerts, mortar and plaster. The reserves of sand and gravel are in huge

and enormous amount.

42

XII. Sulpher

The best quality deposits of Sulphur are located in Chagai district. The deposits are

found around the southern and southwestern side of a died out volcanic basin

called, Koh-i-Sultan. Some deposits of sulphur are found near Sanni in Kachi district.

(„‟Mineral Reserves in Balochistan‟‟, 2013). Total estimated reserves of sulphur are

about 787,000 tons.

XIII. Lime Stone

Balochistan has vast resources of limestone expanding from coastal region near

Karachi to the areas of Chagai and Zhob in the north. Limestone is a raw material

which is widely utilized by cement manufacturing industries. Mostly, the limestone is

found along with roads. (Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009)

7.2. Energy Resources

Table No. 2.6. Energy Resources of Balochistan

Energy Resource Location

Natural Gas Sui, Loti, Pir Koh, Uch,

Oil Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Zarghun

Coal Bolan, Sibi, Quetta, Lora Lai and Chamalang

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

I. Natural Gas and Oil

Gas and Oil are most important amongst the mineral resources of the province and

are being consumed widely for domestic use and export purposes. In 1952, the

natural gas was first discovered in Balochistan, and within a few decades

Balochistan started producing almost 50 percent of the country's natural gas by

1980. (World Bank Report, 2013: 12) Balochistan provides 49 percent of Pakistan‟s

total energy requirements as well as only the reservoirs of natural gas in Balochistan

produce and provides 36% of Pakistan‟s total gas production.(ICG, 2006: 16)

43

presently the natural gas and oil are being produced in the areas of Sui, Loti, Pir Koh

and Uch. More gas and oil reserves have been discovered at Khuzdar, Dera Bugti,

Kohlu and Zarghun. (World Bank Report, 2013:4)

Table No. 2.7. Statistics on Gas Production

Area Production Value in Pak. Rs.

Sui 281,996 (MMCFT) 22.14

Pir Koh 32,838 (MMCFT) 66.92

Uch 56, 535 (MMCFT) 3.17 US Dollars

Loti 14,085 (MMCFT) 63.20

Source: PIPS, Balochistan: Conflicts and Players, (2009). Islamabad, P.31

II. Coal

Coal is also a traditionally important mineral resource and great factor in the

economy of Balochistan. The coal production of around two million tons forms the

highest provincial share in the national coal production (World Bank Report, 2013: 5)

Coal reserves are present in Bolan, Sibi, Quetta and Lora Lai Districts. The other

areas include Khost, Shahrig, Harnai, Duki, Pir Imail Ziarat, Mach and Chamalang.

(Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009). Coal is extracted by underground mining

method. Total estimated reserves of all the coal fields are about 217 million tons.

(„‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013, 11)

III. Wind Energy Potential

Balochistan possesses a substantial probability for the development of alternative

sources of energy like wind and solar. The regions of Nokkundi in the north-western

corner and the Chaghi area have significant potential for developing wind energy

resources. Balochistan's wind resource potential was estimated to be nearly equal to

the total established generating capacity of Pakistan in 2011. (World Bank report,

2013: 12)

44

IV. Solar Energy Potential

Balochistan is considered at the highest position in the country for being potential for

solar energy. ‗‘About 40 percent of the land area of Balochistan receives direct solar

rays with an energy potential of more than 6 kWh per square meter per day, while

the rest of the province receives direct solar radiation with an energy potential of 4.5

kWh per square meter per day. Extrapolation from these numbers gives way a total

power generation potential of as much as 1.2 million Mega Watt.‖(World Bank

Report, 2013:12)

8. Agriculture

Agriculture contributes one-third of the provincial GDP and about 40 percent of

population is employed as labor force. Agriculture sector forms the great factor in the

economy of Balochistan. (World Bank Report, 2013: 51) Agricultural production

faces the shortage of water, power supply, and sufficient infrastructure. Wheat, jowar

(sorghum), maize, Barley and rice are the major food crops, while fruits are the

principal cash crops.

The main hurdle in the growth and progress of agriculture is insufficiency of water

supply. Mostly, the cultivation in large areas depends on rain water. Under-ground

water in Balochistan has fallen very low to the depths of 800 to 1000 feet. (Naseeb

Ullah, 2014). Therefore the farmers now have to rely on tube wells. Tube wells

require electricity which is also limited in Balochistan. Consequently, more than 50

percent of the agricultural land in Balochistan is facing problems and is becoming

infertile. Fruit gardens and agriculture farms are uncultivated due to the shortage of

electricity and proper water supply. In Balochistan the drought from 2000 has turned

down the water Table low and underground water sources almost dried up. (Naseeb

Ullah, 2014). Climate change is another obstacle in the rapid progress and

development in crop production. Extreme weather conditions have a major impact

on Balochistan's agriculture. In the hot regions, the extreme temperature increases

the water requirement for cultivation and ample water supply is not possible through

tube wells, high temperature also affects the underground water resources. Dry

45

years, with no rain fall, also cause a great loss to the farmers in the form of reduced

crop production. (World Bank Report, 2013: 8)

8.1. Fruit Production

Balochistan is known for the production of grapes, cherry, almonds, peach,

pomegranate, apricot, apple and date. (Waseem, 2011:28). In this regard,

Balochistan is divided into two zones, Upland Zone and Coastal Zone.

I. Fruits grown in Upland Zone The areas of fruit cultivation are Quetta, Pishin, Qilla Saifullah, Qillah Abdullah,

Zhob, Loralai, Ziarat, Kalat, Khuzdar and Mastung which are famous for the

production of apple, apricot, peach, plums, grapes, cherry, almonds, pear,

pomegranate and melons. Red and golden varieties of apples grown in Ziarat are

very famous for their delicious taste and fragrance.

II. Fruits grown in Coastal Zone

Coastal zone comprises of the districts of Turbat, Panjgoor and Kharan and Makran

are famous for the production of high quality varieties of dates. The province

produces about 130 varieties of date. (Haider, „‟Fruit Production in Balochistan‟‟).

The contribution of Balochistan in production of fruits is 16.67 percent in Pakistan‟s

total area production. (Waseem, 2011:28) high quality mango is also produced in the

tropical areas of Balochistan.

8.2. Food Crops

In terms of food crops, the land of Balochistan has been categorized for the

cultivation of different food grain in different areas according to the suitability of

climate and temperature of the region. Cold-resistant crops are grown in eastern and

southern areas and drought-resistant crops are produced in western and northern

areas. (Safi, Gadiwala, Burke, Azam and Baqa, 2014:294) However, Wheat, rice,

maize, jowar, bajra and barley are the important food crops of Balochistan. Wheat

46

and jowar are cultivated on more than 50 percent of the total cultivated area of

Balochistan. Jowar can be grown both as Rabi and Kharif crops. Wheat is produced

mostly in the dry areas. Wheat cultivation is restricted to the areas which are able to

be given sufficient and appropriate water supply.

Table No. 2.8. Major Crops of Balochistan and Average Productivity Index

Major

Crops

Areas of Cultivation Average Index

1 Wheat Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Lasbela, Quetta, Bolan, Jhal

Magsi, Harnai, Sibi, Mastung, Qilla Saifullah,

Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kharan, Washuk, Ziarat and

Musakhel

83.7 kilogram

Per Hectare

2 Rice Nushki, Panjgur, Bolan, Sherani, Washuk,

Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Gwadar, Dera Bugti, Kharan

Khuzdar, Qilasaifuula

71.7 kilogram

Per Hectare

3 Jowar Awaran district is important in high productivity of

Jowar. Other areas with moderate productivity levels

include Chagai, Nushki, Washuk, Kharan, Ladbela,

Khuzdar, Jhal Magsi, Nasirabad, Dera Bugti, Sibi,

Harnai, Loralai and Barkhan, Loralai and Musakhel.

97.4 kilogram

Per Hectare

4 Maize Sibi, Pishin, Harnai, Chagai, Nushki, Lasbela, Killa

Saifullah, Zhob, Sherani, Khuzdar, Kalat, Kohlu,

Loralai, Musakhel, and Barkhan district

95.6 kilogram

Per Hectare

5 Bajra Chagai, Panjgur, Nushki, Musakhel, Dera Bugti,

Washuk, Kharan, Gwadar, Sibi, Harnai, Loralai and

Barkhan districts.

105 Kilogram

Per Hectare

6 Barley Bolan, Jhalmagsi and Gwadar 108 kilogram

Per Hectare

Source: Safi, Ghulam Murtaza; Gadiwala, Muhammad Sohail; Burke, Farkhunda; Azam, Muhammad; and Baqa, Muhammad Fahad (2014).Agricultural Productivity in Balochistan Province of Pakistan, A Geographical Analysis, Journal of Basic & Applied Sciences, Volume 10. pp. 295-297

47

8.3. Irrigation and Water Supply System

Although, the province of Balochistan is gifted with a large territory of lands which

constitutes 44 percent of country‟s geographical area, hardly 5.6 percent land is

suitable for cultivation and agriculture. Water resources of Balochistan are described

in two categories:

a. Indus basin canal supplies

b. Water resources outside the Indus basin.

The sources outside the Indus basin consist of groundwater like springs, karezes,

tube wells, dug wells and perpetual surface water resources. Most of the perpetual

streams and springs have smaller sizes with wide sequential variation. (Javaid, &

Shahid, 2008:2) There are about three hundred dams in Balochistan, along the

irrigation plains as check dams and delay action dams. (Provincial Disaster Risk

Management Plan, 2006:19) The Irrigation network in Balochistan includes canals,

drains, tube-wells, small dams and flood protecting constructions on the major rivers.

The major source through the centuries has always been the underground water

supply system which is called Karez. But later, the construction and maintenance of

karezes became a costly issue because the farmers had to bear all the expenses for

digging and maintaining karezes. The share of expenses was according to the area

in their possession and it was not an affordable expense for majority of the farmers.

With the time, tube wells have taken place of Karezes and have become the major

source of irrigation, making water resource utilization more comfortable, efficient,

time saving and affordable. The maintenance of privately tube wells is the

responsibility of the owners themselves, while the government tube wells are looked

after by the Irrigation Department. The karezes and springs are maintained through

community contribution. („‟Productive Sectors‟‟ 2013)

Shortage of water is the critical restriction to Balochistan's agricultural development.

Agriculture sector in Pakistan mostly is dependant on water of the Indus Basin

Irrigation System. Balochistan is situated at its side-line region and relies on

inconsistent and a few consistent sources of water supplied by Indus River.

48

Balochistan has only 18 river basins for its vast region. Agriculture sector along with

livestock was badly affected by a drought from 1998–2005. To fulfill the

requirements of water for irrigation, the flood water, which accounts for almost two-

thirds of total available water, can be utilized. This flood water is called Sailaba

Water which can be stored by dams and can become a good alternate to water

supply to support the production of crops and fruits. The highest potential for the

agriculture sector lies in Sailaba farming, because of availability of unutilized flood

water (World Bank Report, 2013: 7-8)

8.4. Fisheries

Almost all the fish produced in Balochistan come from open water oceanic capture

fisheries along the 750 km coastline of the province and account for about 5.7

percent of the fish production of Balochistan. There is almost no commercial

production from managed ponds and fresh water fish farming. (World Bank Report,

2013:11). Balochistan accounts for more than 70 percent of the coastline of Pakistan

and about one-third of the country's fishermen, but because of the lack of skilled

labor and advance facilities, contributes only around 15 percent of Pakistan‟s total

fish production. (World Bank Report, 2013: 60) however, the fisheries sector in

Balochistan is a good sector to provide employment to a large number of people in

fish catching, and other small industries related to it like boat building. In coastal

areas of Balochistan, fisheries account for up to 70 percent of the local employment.

Fish produced by Balochistan, rank fourth among export commodities of Pakistan

and contribute a significant share in economy. (World Bank Report, 2013:9). More

than 135,000 tons of fish was caught in 2011 by an estimated 52,000 fishermen

operating 7,186 boats. This represents a third of the total Pakistan fish catch (World

Bank Report. 2013:9) According to Fisheries Data, Government of Balochistan 2013,

inland fisheries of Balochistan caught from the areas of Nasirabad, Makran, Kalat,

Quetta, Zhob and Sibi districts, contributed 932,700,000 Pakistan Rupees in the

economy. („‟Fisheries Department‟‟ 2013) Since Balochistan is located in large and

varied Marine fisheries resources area, especially in closeness of the Gulf of Oman,

unlike the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans this area is free of hurricanes. It can be

49

more productive than the other portion of the Indian Ocean due to the reversible

wind system and long fishing season. (The Dawn, 2003, March. 17) Although,

Balochistan coast is larger twice than the length of Sindh coast but fish production is

less than expectations due to many reasons. The fish industry is not flourishing on

modern lines because of the shortage of proper industrial frame-work. The lack of

trained specialists, or education in fisheries, modern technology of fishing,

manufacture of modern boats instead of small powered wooden boats, absence of

modern machinery and other fish finding techniques and tools, and shortage of fish

storage and preservation facilities could not properly establish fish industry in the

province .

8.5. Live Stock

The livestock sector of Balochistan adds about one-third of Balochistan's agricultural

GDP and about eight percent of its total GDP. Almost 70 percent of the total

population is directly or indirectly associated with livestock sector to earn their

livelihood. The livestock resources of Balochistan include sheep, buffaloes, pack

animals, camels and poultry but sheep and goats keeping hold dominant and

significant position among all. According to the Livestock Census 2006 sheep and

goats are counted as 53.7 and 26.4 million respectively (World Bank Report,

2013:11) for 35 percent of the national population of such animals.

Balochistan is a waterless region and climatic conditions are not supportive enough

to provide suitable opportunities for agriculture. However, sheep, goats and camels

have the ability to survive well under these harsh weather conditions and are quite

capable of change the meager vegetation into useful foodstuffs. Livestock is a multi-

puprpose sector in Balochistan's rural economy. They provide meat and milk, which

are an important source of food, it is a market product that can be sold out to earn

cash, it also provides transport and farm power and most of all, the only source to

provide wool and leather. Livestock occupies great share in the economy of

Balochistan and is a dominant factor in rural livelihoods. Majority of rural people in

Balochistan is engaged in livestock production, and some population in the urban

50

areas also maintains goats or sheep. This direct or indirect involvement in livestock

production contributes 33 percent of Balochistan's agricultural value added and 8

percent of its GDP. The livestock sector is essential in Balochistan‟s economic

progress for providing employment, income, and may be very helpful in the poverty

mitigation. (World Bank Report, 2013: 56). Sheep raising is also a good source of

income for the great majority which provides high quality wool for domestic use and

export purpose. Livestock is also important and helpful in the establishment of small

scale industry like cotton and wool manufacturing, food processing, carpet making,

textile and leather embroidery and handicrafts.

9. Communications and Infrastructure

The road network and mediums of connectivity in Balochistan are in very poor

condition. Good roads are available only in those areas where it is necessary to

provide agricultural farms easy access to markets. The total length of the highways

in Balochistan is 2,300 kilometers. („‟Provincial Disaster Risk‟‟, 2006:12) Balochistan

has the lowest concentration of roads in Pakistan. Poor connectivity and difficult

access have always been the major problems especially for the people of rural

areas. There are roads to connect the major towns, Quetta, the capital of

Balochistan, is connected to the port of Karachi in Sindh province by road. There is

also a railway network in Quetta which connects the capital with other cities and

other provinces as well. Quetta airport also offers domestic and international

services. (Awan, 1985:131)

In the urban areas of Balochistan, the buildings and houses are constructed with

cement and concrete but the economically poor majority still builds up their houses

using mud. In the rural areas, mud is widely used in house building which is the most

traditional method of structure building in Balochistan. The majority of population has

migrated to the urban areas in search of basic facilities and affecting the rural

economy by putting pressure on the urban infrastructure. The towns have the

51

facilities of water, gas and electricity but theses are not sufficient according to

demand. („‟Provincial Disaster Risk‟‟, 2006:12)

10. Ethnic and Linguistic Composition.

Table No. 2.9. Population of Balochistan in Different Years

Census Total Population Urban out of Total Population

1951 I,167,167 12.38%

1961 1,353,484 16.87%

1972 2,428,678 16.45%

1981 4,323,376 15.62%

1998 6,565,885 23.89%

2009 11,934,339 23.89%

Source: Majeed, Gulshan, (2011) National Integration in Pakistan: A Socio-Political Analysis of Balochistan (1972-2005), PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab, Lahore. P. 69

Balochistan is a land of many ethnic groups and minorities which form a multicultural

society in terms of linguistics and ethnicity. It has been estimated that there are

about five hundred tribes and sub-tribes in Balochistan (Quddus, 1990:13) Despite

of small Sindhi, Persian and Sariki communities, there are three major historical and

ethno-linguistic groups, Baloch, Pakhtuns and Brahvi. Other includes Hazaras and

ethnic minorities from other provinces like Punjabi and Hindko speaking

communities are generally known as settlers. The Punjabi community is normally

considered as non-Baloch people. Akbar Bugti introduced the term „Balochistani‟ for

those who had been living in Balochistan for a long time.(Sial and Basit, 2010:12)

Hazara tribes are found mostly in Quetta, but also found in Khuzdar, Zhob, Loralai

and Dera Murad Jamali districts other than Quetta. (Sial and Basit, 2010:14) Sindhi

and Siraiki speaking Jat or Jadgals in the plains of Kachhi, Naseerabad and Lasbela

areas while Persian speaking Dehwars in Mastung and Kalat. (Sabir, 2010:19).

52

Balochistan consists of racial and tribal multiplicity. Majority of the Baloch people can

understand and speak more than two languages, including the National Language,

Urdu. In addition to Balochi, Pashto and Brahvi languages, Saraiki, Sindhi, Darri and

Persian are also spoken. (PILDAT, 2012:9) Balochi is dominant language of ten out

of twenty three districts of the province. Brahvi is mostly spoken in Kalat districts.

Pashto language is dominant in nine districts. Sindhi language is spoken in two

districts. (Sayed Dr., 2008:21). Balochi is an Indi-Iranian language having three

major dialects known as Western or Mekrani, Eastern or Sulaimani and in the Chagi,

Kharan, and Panjgur district known as Rakhshani Balochi. (Sabir, 2010:19) The

Baloch Tribes are in majority in the south and east of Balochistan, and the majority

of Pakhtuns constitute the northern side. In the capital of the province Quetta,

Pakhtun majority is dominating whereas Baloch, Hazara, and Punjabi are in

minorities. Brahvi Tribes are mostly found in the Kalat region. Along the coastal line,

Makrani Balochis constitute the major portion of population. Persian-speaking

Dehwars mainly reside in Kalat. There are nearly 769,000 Afghan refugees including

Pakhtuns, Tajiks, and Hazaras. („‟Provincial Disaster Risk‟‟2006:12).

Brahvi is another important ethnic group in Balochistan and they constitute about

twenty-five percent of the total population. The ancient inhabitant of the Central

Balochistan known as Brahvis belonging ancient Dravidian stock (Sabir, 2010:18)

have their separate language, culture and identity. The Brahvi dominating areas are

from Bolan Pass through the Bolan Hills to the coastal area of Ras Mari on the

Arabian Sea. (Scholz, 2002:22)

The Baloch-Brahvi ethnic division was based upon the theory about their ethnic

origin as the Baloch claim their origin in Syria and Brahvi count them as a native

nation. The Brahvi maintained their origin based ethnic identity til 1970 then they

merged with the Baloch. (Sial and Basit, 2010:11) Besides their own identity many

Brahvis are very similar to the Baloch in their cultural values. Because of the cultural,

historical, geo-political and economical resemblances, Brahvis regard themselves as

Baloch. (Sabir, 2007:182) They speak a language from Dravidian group. The Brahvi

53

is the oldest language of the province. There are different opinions about origin of

this language mostly it is considered a Dravidian language.(Sindhi, 2005:51) Brahvi

a north Dravidian language separate the Balochi language is spoken in the Central

Balochistan from Quetta valley to Gizri Karachi.(Sabir, 2010:19)

The Pakhtun community constitutes another major ethnic group in Balochistan. The

estimated population of Baloch make up between 40 to 60 percent, while the

Pakhtuns form between 28 and 50 percent of the total population of Balochistan.

(Sial and Basit, 2010:11) There is always an extensive prejudice against the

Pakhtun refugees. Quetta has Pakhtuns in majority. They speak Pashto language

which belongs to Indo Arian group (Sabir, 2010:20) mostly in the northern areas of

Balochistan. The Dehwars community with a Tajik origin in Mastung and Kalat is

also an ancient inhabitant of the Balochistan. (Sabir, 2010:23) They speak a

language close to Persian known as Dewari. The Hazara community from Mongol

origin mainly lives in Quetta city has their distinct culture and language known as

Hazargi. (Sabir, 2010:23) Hazargi is a kind of Persian language that is spoken in the

Quetta city by the Hazara community while Sindhi and Siraiki in the plain areas

mostly adjourning areas to the Sindh province.

Table No. 2.10. Population of Major and Second Major Ethnic Groups in

Various Districts of Balochistan

District Total

Population

Major

Ethnic

Group

% of Major

Ethnic

Group

2nd Ethnic

Group

% of 2nd

Ethnic

Group

Awaran 118173 Balochi 99.72 Other 0.094

Barkhan 288056 Balochi 58.02 Sindhi 17.70

Bolan 103545 Baloch 74.74 Other 23.2

Chaghi 202564 Balochi 93.64 Pashto 3.14

Dera 181310 Balochi 95.81 Punjabi 1.19

54

Bugti

Gwadar 185498 Balochi 97.77 Punjabi 0.81

Jafar

Abad

432817 Balochi 62.25 Sindhi 23.62

Jhal

Magsi

109941 Balochi 68.80 Saraiki 8.22

Kalat 237834 Balochi 98.56 Sindhi 0.52

Kech 413204 Balochi 99.15 Punjabi 0.33

Khuzdar 417466 Balochi 96.69 Punjabi 1.026

Qilla

Abdullah

370269 Pashto 97.44 Balochi 1.62

Qilla

Saifullah

193553 Pashto 99.21 Urdu 0.33

Kohlu 99846 Balochi 91.22 Pashto 6.63

Lasbela 312695 Balochi 64.99 Sindhi 23.95

Lora Lai 297555 Pashto 92.04 Balochi 3.42

Mastung 164645 Balochi 80.11 Other 11.46

Musa khel 134056 Pashto 78.91 Balochi 13.59

Naseer

Abad

245896 Balochi 54.93 Sindhi 30.49

Panjgur 234051 Balochi 99.56 Punjabi 0.14

Pishin 367183 Pashto 99.20 Urdu 0.19

Quetta 759941 Pashto 29.97 Balochi 27.6

Sibi 180398 Pashto 44.32 Balochi 28.6

Ziarat 33340 Pashto 99.52 Punjabi 0.13

Zhob 275142 Pashto 96.82 Saraiki 1.27

Source: Roofi, Yasmin, (2013). Ethnic Nationalism and Political Development: A Case Study of Pakistan, (1973-2000), PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science & International Relations, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. P. 130

55

11. Religious Behavior

Most of the Baloch tribes are Hanafi Sunni Muslims. Alongwith Muslim population

there is also Hindu, Christian and Ahmadi minorities residing in Balochistan.

Christian minority dominates in the district of Quetta; Ahmadi minority concentrates

in the areas of Sibi and Quetta whereas Hindus are mostly concentrated in Sibi

division. (Balochistan Census Report, 1981). The Muslims of Balochistan belong to

two schools of thought, Hanafi Sunni Muslims and Shia Muslims. There is a non-

Hanafi Zikri community in Makran. Shia Muslim Baloch are also found in Sindh and

Punjab areas. (Breseeg, 2004:73)

12. Administrative Divisions of Balochistan

Balochistan is the fourth province of Pakistan and divided administratively into six

divisions and thirty districts as under:

Table No. 2.11. Administrative Divisions of Balochistan

Sr.

No.

Divisions Regions and Districts

1 Quetta

Division

Quetta, Chaghi, Qilla Abdulla, Pishin and Nushki districts.

2 Zhob

Division

Zhob, Musakhel, Qila Saifullah, Loralai,, Barkhan and Sherani

districts are included in Zhob Division

3 Kalat

Division

Kalat, Mastung, Khuzdar, Kharan, Washuk and Lasbela

districts constitute the Kalat Division. Another district of this

region is Awaran which used to be a sub-division of Khuzdar

district till the year 1992 and started functioning as a separate

district in 1996.

4 Sibi

Division

The areas of Sibi, Ziarat, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Harnai districts

are the parts of Sibi Division.

56

5 Naseer

Abad

Division

Naseerabad Division is spread over the areas of Naseerabad,

Jafferabad, Jhal Magsi and Kacchi. The Bolan district was a

part of Kacchi district formerly, then it was made a separate

district in 1991.

6 Mekran

Division

Kech, Panjgur and Gwadar constitute Mekran Division of

Balochistan.

Source: http://balochistan.gov.pk/DistrictProfile/Profiles.htm on 22 January, 2015

Map No. 2.2 Districts of Balochistan

Source: http://www.findpk.com/yp/html/balochistan_.html on 13 March, 2015

57

13. Tribes of Balochistan

There are several tribes which compile Balochistan. Three major tribes are Baloch

Brahvi and Pashtoon.

Table No. 2.12 Tribes of Balochistan

The Baloch Tribes The Brahvi Tribes The Pakhtun Tribes

Rind

Lashar

Marri

Jamot

Ahmedzai

Bugti

Domki

Magsi

Kenazai

Khosa

Rakhashani

Dashti

Umrani

Nosherwani

Gichki

Buledi

Notazai

Sanjarani

Meerwani

Zahrozai

langove

kenazai

Khidai

Raisani

Shahwani

Sumulani

Sarparrah

Bangulzai

Mohammad Shahi

Lehri

Bezenjo

Mohammad Hasni

Zehri

Sarparrah

Mengal

Kurd,Sasoli

Satakzai

Lango

Rodeni

Kalmati

Jattak

Yagazehi

Qambarani

Kakar

Ghilzai

Tareen

Mandokhel

Sherani

Luni,

Kasi

Achakzai

Source: (http://www.balochistan.gov.pk/ )

58

Each tribe has many branches. The leader of a tribe is called Sardar and head of

sub-tribe is called Malik, Takari or Mir. They are members of district and other local

Jirgas (local court). Among the eighteen major Baloch tribes, Bugti, Mengal and

Marri tribes are the prominent and participate actively in the political and economic

matters and affairs of the region. The Talpur tribe from Sindh province also claims

their Baloch origin. Most of these tribes speak Balochi and Brahvi Languages.

14. Prominent Baloch Tribes

Three Baloch tribes, The Bugti, the Marri and the Mengal tribe are the most

prominent in terms of their political involvement and activities.

I. The Bugti Tribe

The Bugti tribe was headed by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. The Bugti tribe consists of

about 130 Baloch tribes of almost 180,000 members. (Tahir, 2008, April.4). They are

basically mountain dwelling tribes. This tribe is divided into the sub-tribes named

Rahija Bugti, Masori Bugti, Mondrani, Shambani, Mothani, Pirozani and Kalpar

Bugti. (Ahmed, 1998:392). All these tribes are greatly influenced by the Rahija Bugti

family of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti who was a prominent Baloch nationalist. Nawab

Akbar Bugti became the tribal leader in 1939.

II. The Marri Tribe

The Marri tribe resides on the Dera Ghazi border of Balochistan, native from the

Kohlo district. Their chief is Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri and founder of a separatist

movement called Baloch Liberation Army. Marri became a Marxist politician in 1958.

In 1981, he shifted to Afghanistan and organized an armed force of about 5,000 men

for the purpose of liberation movement. (Weaver, 2002:104). The Marri Tribe is also

divided into more sub-tribes

59

III. The Mengal Tribe

Ataullah Khan Mengal is the leader of the Mengal tribe with a central and dominant

role in the politics of Balochistan. Unlike the Marri and Bugti tribes, the Mengals are

less involved in armed struggle, although Ataullah never condemned and criticized

the armed resistance against central government of Pakistan. He has been an active

person in the battle with the Pakistani Army, during 1070s. Mengal exiled himself in

1980 because the domination of Punjabi community was not acceptable for him.

(Harrison, 1981:66)

60

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March 4, 2009

CHAPTER THREE

Geo Strategic Significance of

Balochistan

70

1. Geo Strategic Significance of Pakistan

There are many factors which make Pakistan a prominent and significant country of

South Asia. Pakistan is a state that connects the regions of South Asia and South

West Asia. The neighboring countries of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan possess rich

energy resources but India and China do not. China needs access to Indian Ocean

and Arabian Sea through Pakistani region, Korakaram. Pakistan provides the

straight route of 2600 kilometers to Central Asian Republics. („‟Special Article‟‟,

2013, April.12) Pakistan is a passage between South Asia, West Asia and Central

Asia, an easiest way to connect energy rich countries to deficient regions.

2. Historical Perspective of Strategic Significance of

Balochistan

The land of Balochistan has been visited by different conquerors, travelers, settlers

and traders throughout the history. Although Balochistan has witnessed many

periods of obscurity, this marvelous land never lost its geo-strategic importance as it

is close to Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia and Indian Ocean. This region has

been a passage for historian, politicians and large foreign armies like Persian,

Greek, Arab, Mongol, Ghaznavids, Ghoris, Mughals and British, which has given

Balochistan an international importance. (Gazetteer of India, 1908:274) Historically,

the land of Balochistan was used only as a facilitating passage and not for the

purpose of permanent settlement by foreign intruders. Except for Arabs and British,

who sustained for a period of three and one century respectively. The British

occupied Balochistan as a mean of communication between their Indian and Afghan

bases. They had no intentions to take advantage of the natural resources of

Balochistan. Alexander was the first warrior, who realized the significance of Baloch

region, while returning back from India. His army marched through the areas of

kalat, Quetta, Kandhar, Helmund to Kirman and Hurmuz and along Makran coast.

(Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908:275).

71

Map No. 3.1. Balochistan under British Rule

Source:http://www.thesiasat.com/2013/06/23/pakistani-medias-role-on-balochistan/ on 21 January, 2015

Alexander followed new passage between South Asia and the Middle East. In later

times, these routes gained immense strategic importance for the other invaders who

traveled from north towards Arabian Sea, or in opposite direction upwards from the

southern shores throughout the centuries. Since two thousand years, these routes

have been assuming great importance and are continuously being used. Afterwards,

the Soviet invasion into Afghanistan in 1979 created far reaching impact on the

significance of Balochistan. The location of Balochistan near Afghanistan, and most

prominently air and land routes from and to Soviet Central Asia to the Arabian Sea.

During the Arab rule, the Coast of Makran was the most suitable mean of

communication. It was largely used from 7th to 10th centuries, (Holdich, 1977: 148)

72

as the best route in the region. Many areas located on Makran Coast were

developed as military centers by the invading forces. Muhammad Bin Qasim, before

proceeding to India, established a strong base for his army in Makran. He first

occupied the regions of Panjgur and Lasbela to get secure lines of communications

before attacking Debal in Sindh. (Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol I, 1936:pp634-635) he

did not follow the old northern route, instead he discovered a new southern route

from Makran along with the Arabian Sea. Being a wise strategist, he realized the

significance of that parallel land and sea route, which would be an advantage to

utilize his land and naval forces at once.

Map No. 3.2.. Present Balochistan, with Map of Pakistan in Set.

Source :http://carnegieeurope.eu/2013/04/11/balochistan-state-versus-nation/fz4a on

11 March, 2015

73

3. Strategic Significance due to Geographical Position

The geographical location of Balochistan, which makes it a sensitive region of

Pakistan, plays the key role in determining the significance of this region both. Any

politico-military development in Afghanistan, Iran and the Gulf Region directly affects

the security of Balochistan. (Khan. Lt. Col. 1997:2) strategically it is located in the

Warm Water Belt, which has always been a region of historic interest for the super-

powers, especially Soviet Union. Because of the High mountain ranges on the east

and west, of Zagros range in Iran and Toba Kakar range in Pakistan and

Afghanistan, Balochistan provides the most convenient route to western Afghanistan

and markets of Central Asia. The plains of Balochistan are the ideal crossroads for

traders between the regions of Middle East and South Asia. The Kej, Gomal, Zhob

and the other passes located in the mountain ranges, from north to south, like Bolan

Pass, Khojak Pass and Mulla Pass are the most accessible passages and means of

communication for intruders and traders through mountains. (Holdich, 1977:290)

These passes between high mountains connect the areas of Kandhar, Quetta and

Kalat with Indus Basin. These passes also connect the Upper Highlands with the

Lower Highlands, providing an opportunity to move vertically from Arabian Sea to

Afghanistan and the Kej valley is a passage to move horizontally from East to West

direction. (Holdich, 1977:297)

Like wise, the mountains of Brahvi, Kirthat and Suleiman ranges, running from East

to West play the role of a great barrier for the movement from Makran Coast to

Afghan border and on the other hand they create hurdle in the southern direction

from the north to the Arabian Sea through central Balochistan. The Kharan desert is

also a big blockage to any movement from the West to Baloc region. The travelers

are confused to choosebetween the north route; Zahidan to Quetta; and the

southern route that constitute the areas of Panjgur to Bela. (Holdich, 1977:302)

Eventually, these two routes are the shortest passages to the Indus Basin from the

west side through Zahidan-Pishin-Dera Ghazi Khan route or Panjgur- Bela route, at

the same time, it is very difficult to move towards East away from the Indus basin

74

because the Eastern side of lower Indus river is bordered by Thar and Cholistan

deserts. The mountains in the west and deserts in the east, create a big difficulty for

any invading force from approaching to the land of Balochistan. In past times, the

most of the invaders from the west, selected the northern pass of Khyber to enter

Sub-Continent.

4. Strategic Significance of Balochistan as Marine Passage

The ideal combination of geographical location, natural resources and the peculiarity

of Baloch people are the main factors in establishing the strategic importance of

Balochistan. Balochistan is situated at the possible marine passage in the Indian

Ocean of the Eastern, Central, and Western divisions of Asia and the Indian Ocean

has high significance on international level by developing great competition for

dominating its sea paths which are now fundamental for the enormous world

business and energy transfer. Balochistan is located in the middle of the Central,

Western Southern and South-western Asia, so it is directly affected by global geo-

politics.

Located at extreme proximity to the oil-rich Persian Gulf and on the border with Iran

and Afghanistan, Balochistan covers almost the whole coast of Pakistan of about

470 miles on the Arabian Sea with a high value port, at Gwadar. (Mazhar, Javaid

and Goraya, 2012:117) The Asian countries like China and India are rapidly

increasing their demand for energy supply as emerging economic states. So, they

want to establish their regional hegemony by taking hold of world energy resources

and their transportation corridors, major land and maritime trade links routes,

Balochistan has become the focal point of global geopolitical strategy in this region.

Balochistan has got a great maritime significance with the construction and progress

of Gwadar Port because Gwadar port is strategically the access to the South Asia,

Central Asia through Afghanistan, the Middle East and the eastern coasts of Africa.

It also provides a land-route to Russia. (Ismail, 2014: 183). Balochistan has a

potential to become an international trade path and a passage for energy

75

transportation. Moreover, the large deposits of mineral and energy resources make

this region extremely important in the perspective of geo-political competition among

global powers.

5. Strategic Significance as a Safe Military Route

The region of Balochistan has got a special importance as a military route because it

has proven to be at an important position for the quick and abrupt increase of

influence and becoming more unbeaten deployment and supplying to the Central

Asia, South Asia, Middle East, China and Russia. Stations of air force and navy at

Gwadar are also useful for a keen observation on any military activity and foreign

control over important international choke point in the Persian Gulf, the Strait of

Hormuz, and the shipping trade through the Indian Ocean. (Ismail, 2014:184).

Presently, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) war in Afghanistan also

highlights the magnitude of Balochistan, being an entry point and most safe route for

the easy supply of military goods fight areas in Afghanistan.

6. Strategic Significance in Trade and Commerce

Because of a unique and outstanding physical geography, Balochistan is extremely

important in regional relationships. The vast reserves of oil and gas and other

valuable minerals, are attracting the interest of foreign investors. The Government of

Pakistan has planned and launched many important projects for economic

development in Balochistan with the support and cooperation of national and

international actors. These mega projects are meant to facilitate the transportation of

commodities and services in the entire region more efficiently and rapidly.

Topography and environment of Balochistan makes it a major site for the

construction of communication infrastructure like roads and pipelines to connect the

Middle East, Central Asian and South Asian regions, in addition, the Gwadar Port

has the prospective of making this region globalized. The projects include High-

speed Road and Rail Networks and Pipeline Projects. These projects are a benefit

for Balochistan as millions of dollars would be obtained from regional and foreign

76

organizations. Afghanistan, Iran, Central Asia, Russia, India and China, all are

interested to earn profit from these projects.

7. Mega Development Projects of International Significance

Mega Projects are infrastructure projects based on large civil-engineering such as

highways, dams, canals and ports, built for economic development. These are

equally important for the recognition of a state on national and international level.

7.1. Gwadar Deep Sea Port

Gwadar consists of 15, 216 square kilometer area and is the largest coastal district

of Pakistan, located on its south western border. It consists of 600 kilometer long

coastline that covers 78 percent of the provincial coastline and 55 percent of the

total coastline of Pakistan. Fishing is the greatest resource of the district and about

70 percent of the population is associated directly or indirectly with fishing sector.

(„‟Disaster Risk Management‟‟, 2008:11) Gwadar is situated at the doorway to the

Persian Gulf about 390 marine miles east of the Gulf of Hormuz and about 234

marine miles west of Karachi, about 80 kilometers from Iran, about 320 kilometers

from Oman, close to ports of Chahbahar and Bander Abbas in Iran, Gwadar is a

major waterway for worldwide oil supply. The importance of Gwadar was first noticed

internationally during the first Gulf War. The areas of Makran Coast including

Gwadar remained under Portuguese control in the 16th and 17th Century, Gwadar

was a property of State of Oman, gifted by Khan of Kalat to the Sultan of Oman in

the 18th century. (Zaheer, Capt. 2007:24). Gwadar was under the control of Oman

until September 1958 as it was located right on the Gulf of Oman. Pakistani Prime

Minister Feroz Khan Noon decided to purchase the region of Gwadar due to its ideal

geographical conditions. After four years of negotiations, Sultan of Oman, Said bin

Taimur sold it out to Pakistan for a payment of 3 million pounds sterling on 8th

September 1958. Although Pakistan declared Gwadar a port site in 1964 but due

financial problems, no further progress could be made in this regard. At that time

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China offered the required sources for the construction of that Gwadar port.

(Naseem, 2014:520) The construction of a port at Gwadar, the south western city of

Balochistan is the most significant factor in determining and establishing the

strategic values of Balochistan on national and international level. It is not only a

great booster to the economy of Pakistan but can also play an important role in the

political strategies of world powers to attain their economic supremacy over the

warm waters.

Map No. 3.3. Location of Gwadar, Balochistan

Source: www.aboardthedemocracytrain.com on 10 March, 2015

Gwadar is positioned near Persian Gulf as a sharing point for the natural resources

of Central Asia. (Shah, 2007:46) Gwadar port project is increasing the significance

of Pakistan‟s potential as a local center of trade and has the capability of bringing

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change in the national economy. Pakistan presently has only two commercial ports

in the Indian Ocean, Karachi and Bin Qasim, largely fulfilling the domestic needs.

Karachi and Qasim ports have reached their cargo handling capability and would not

be able to meet future demands soon. (Shah, 2007:48). Gwadar is the most suitable

alternate port amongst other potential locations of Keti Bandar, Sonmiani, Hingol,

Khor Kalmat, Pasni, Jiwani and Ormara. (Malik, 2012:59) and the Government of

Pakistan decided to build another port at Gwadar, on the outstanding geographic

location near the key shipping routes in and out of the Persian Gulf, as the central

export corridor in this region. It is about 533 km from Karachi and 120 km from the

Iranian border. („‟Gwadar Port‟‟ 2015)

In 2002 China and Pakistan signed an agreement for the construction of Phase 1 of

the Port which was completed in 2006, Phase II of the Gwadar project is in process.

(Zaheer, 2007:25) During the 1988-1992, initially a small port was constructed at

Gwadar but in 2002 the project of construction was given to China. Gwadar was

inaugurated by General Pervez Musharraf and Chinese Minister for Communication,

Li Shenglin, in 2007.(Naseem, 2014:521) It was at first built by China and is currently

undergoing further expansions. China is providing both technical and financial

assistance to extend it into a naval base.The port inaugurated practically with the

arrival of a commercial ship „Pos Glory‟ on March 15, 2008. (Malik, 2012:59) then a

ship from Canada carrying 52000 tons of wheat arrived at Gwadar Port. The honor

of this official inauguration was done on 21st of December in the year 2008. (The

Dawn, 2008, Dec. 22). The Gwadar was integrated into Balochistan in 1977. In

1993, it was decided to utilize the potential of Gwadar as a profitable place with the

construction of a deep-sea port, and the construction of roads and railway networks

was initated to connect it with the other parts of the country. The Phase I of the port

is now being used for shipping, commercial and industrial activities. Work on phase

II has been started in May 2005 at a cost of 865 million dollars. Gwadar is declared a

Special Economic Zone (SEZ) to facilitate commercial and economic development.

At present, the economic operations performed through this port generate about

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nine percent of the gross income, and the development of an economic zone would

increase the revenues. („‟Economic Gateway, 2015, Jan.22)

7.2. Infrastructure Associated to Gwadar Port

The purpose of Gwadar port was to utilize the region to enhance commercial and

strategic significance of Balochistan as well as the development of the province.

Gwadar is a port which is controlling trade and shipping transfer between the land-

locked Afghanistan and the Central Asian states. Not only it is playing great role for

the Gulf but also connects the China with the Middle East. Gwadar port is providing

golden opportunities for economic development to Baloch people and other

provinces of Pakistan as well. Keeping in view the value of Gwadar in the long-term

economic potential, it must be connected with the other parts of the country and

region through roads and communication infrastructure.

I. Makran Coastal Highway

The construction of the port provided stimulation for other major projects that include

the 700 kilometers long Makran Coastal Highway to connect Karachi with the ports

of Ormara, Pasni and Gwadar and would be extended to the Iranian border soon.

This highway provided remarkable reduction in travel time to Karachi from 48 hours

to only 7 hours. (Anwar, 2010:98) The link of Gwadar with Karachi was a most prior

requirement for the construction of the port, because there was no proper and

modern road linking Gwadar with Karachi, there are unpaved long routes between

and around the hills of Makran Range. The Coastal Highway is an essential part of

the Gwadar Mega Project itself. (Budhani and Mallah, 2007:7). Because of this

highway, the area has become valuable for international and national investors by

creating large business opportunities. It is also a shorter trade route between

Karachi and Iran. (Shah, 2007: 52) the construction and development of Makran

coastal highway is sponsored and assisted by China by providing financial and

technical assistance to Pakistan. (Kataria and Naveed, 2014:406)

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II. Kashgar-Gwadar Trade Corridor

Kashgar-Gwadar or Pak-China Motorway which is called a big trade corridor will be

about 2,000 kilometer long within the land of Pakistan. (The News, 2013, Sep.20)

This trade corridor will provide great transport facility to China, as traders can export

their commodities to the international markets through the Gwadar Port in a fast and

easy way, because this is the shortest possible route to the western provinces of

China. The economic corridor is a step to develop strategic partnership between

China and Pakistan as only an efficient transport system would provide economic

and social opportunities such as improved and fast access to markets and further

investments. Transport sector has an essential role in the economic expansion of a

region. The economic corridor from Gwadar to Kashgar will strengthen the economy

of Pakistan, Iran, Nepal, Russia, Middle East and the Central Asian Republics. (Daily

Times, 2014, Apr. 26)

The 2,000 kilometer long trade corridor from Makran Coast to Kashgar in China‟s

Xingjian province has been called a “game changer” by Prime Minister of Pakistan,

Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif. (Gulf News, 2013, Jul.13) This project will provide

China with the shortest possible route for its essential energy imports and exports

from the Gulf States, Africa and Europe. Simultaneously, the project has huge

advantages for Pakistan in up gradation of economy by developing high- rank

infrastructure, opening jobs for local people and helping as a strategic medium for

energy imports. The cost of this project is expected to be in billions of dollars. The

project includes the road and rail links passing through almost 2,000 kilometers

including vast lands of unpopulated areas in Balochistan and the northern

mountainous regions in Pakistan to the Karakoram Highway. (Gulf News, 2013,

Jul.13).

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Map No. 3.4. The Corridors Crossing Through Balochistan

Source: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2014-06/28/content_17621525.htm on 11 March, 2015

There is a plan to set up trans-freight locations along the Kashgar-Gwadar corridor

to facilitate the transportation of heavy goods, and the plan to establish economic

zones and industrial parks at the major exists of Kashgar–Gwadar corridor has been

prepared, according to which, each economic zone would be dealing with particular

products and services, while analyzing the availability of local raw material,

employees and other factors. The proposed sites for such freight stations and

industrial parks include Sust, Gilgit, Abbotabad, Lorala, Kohlu, Dera Ghazi Khan,

Bhakkar, Rajanpur, Kashmore, Jaccobabad, Khuzdar, Basima, Punjgur, Turbat and

Gwadar. (The News, 2013, Sep.20)

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III. Other Important Road Networks

Other important road projects include the Gwadar-Quetta-Chaman road, Pasni to

Gwadar road, Ormara to Gwadar and Gwadar to Turbat road are planned to be built.

Later on, these roads would be connected to each other and Pasni will be connected

to the Iranian border. The entire network will finally be connected with China through

Indus Highway. (Anwar, 2010:101)

Other important road networks include Gwadar-Turbat-Hushab-Khuzdar Road,

Khuzdar-Ratodero Road, Gwadar-Ahmedvai Road and Gwadar-Gabd-Iran road

connecting on to the highway from Chahbahr northwards. (Zaheer, 2007:25) This

road network will smooth the process of the trade from China and Central Asian

States to the Persian Gulf, Middle East, East Africa, the Indian Ocean through the

port of Gwadar.

IV. Rail Networks

A rail track Gwadar-Dalbadin is an important link which connects the existing Quetta-

Dalbadin Taftan Zahidan line but despite of strong wish of Chinese and Pakistani

Government to complete this project, the process is still pending of the construction

railway lines from Gwadar to Chinese south-western province because of the

persistent unrest and worse conditions of law and order in Balochistan. (Ismail,

2014:187) the continuous damaging attacks on railway tracks by Baloch insurgents

to stop these projects are major hurdle in the completion of this project.

V. Up-gradation of the Gwadar Airport

At present, there is a small airport at Gwadar that is suitable only for small aircrafts.

The Government of Pakistan has started working on the plan for its expansion to

provide facility of accommodating all major airlines. The planning to build a new

airport with a long runway for the landing of giant air crafts has been outlined and the

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construction will be started soon. The construction of the new modern airport will

provide great opportunities to air cargo to and from Gwadar. After the completion of

roads, railways and modern airport, Gwadar will attain the high position of a

multimodal transport service provider to the regional and international traders. It will

significantly reduce the overall cost of transport domestically while making the goods

competitive in the international market. There are chances and capacity to start Air-

Sea and Air-Land cargo services from Gwadar to the Middle East and South Asia.

The construction of Gwadar airport was approved by Executive Committee of

National Economic Council, Pakistan (Ecnec) in January 2010 at a cost of Rs. 7.7

billion. But the project has been facing delays because of its cost estimate and

design structure. But recently, Ecnec has approved the construction of the New

Gwadar International Airport with a modified and more feasible design. This will be a

46.6 billion dollars investment program for Pakistan, and China is likely to provide

662 million dollars in assistance for developing land, airport and seaport facilities in

Gwadar. The State of Oman has promised a grant of 17.5 million dollars for the

construction and the Civil Aviation Authority of Pakistan is expected to bear one-

tenth of the total cost from. Until 2014, Rs. 803 million had been spent on the

development of Gwadar air port. (The Express Tribune, 2015, Jan.13)

7.3. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (TAPI)

In near future, Gwadar is predicted to be a major centre for gas and oil supply from

Central Asia and Iran to South Asia and other regions because of its economic

practicability. Due to an incomparable and unique geo-economic significance,

Balochistan is competent enough to be an energy corridor for many states. The

conditions of war in Afghanistan, Indian competition with Pakistan and stressed US -

Iranian Relations can be major reasons of the delayed materialization of this

passage. The Gwadar port is highly significant for China‟s future in terms of energy

needs currently lies in pipeline projects. Balochistan is located at the centre of geo-

economic activity which has huge potential of enriching the surrounding regions. The

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rising geo-political and geo-economic environment has highlightened the advantage

of Balochistan in West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia.

Map No. 3.5. Two Proposed Pipeline Projects IP & TAPI

Source http://www.dawn.com/news/1134880 on 23 February, 2015

The project of moving natural gas from Central Asia to South Asia had been jammed

for many years due to persistent conditions of war and insecurity in Afghanistan. In

the beginning, agreements were made between Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan

(TAP) gas pipelines to connect Turkmenistan with southern neighbors, including

Pakistan through Afghanistan but in 2008, the project was also officially joined by

India which is now known as the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline

(TAPI) with a strong support from United States. (Foster, 2008:4) The Asian

Development Bank (ADB) is organizing the Project. In 2010, after inter-

governmental deliberations, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India signed

an agreement in Ashgabat to build the 1,680 kilometer long pipeline. (Ahmed, 2010:

3). The proposed TAPI pipeline is expected to transport about 33 billion cubic meters

per year of natural gas from the Dauletabadgas in southeast Turkmenistan along the

Herat, Helmand and Kandahar highway through southern Afghanistan, through

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Quetta and Multan in Pakistan, concluding in India. India and Pakistan will equally

divide the production, and a small percentage will go to Afghanistan. (Foster, 2008:

pp 1-4)

The contract of TAPI pipeline project is almost finalized. In 2014, Pakistani Federal

Minister for Petroleum & Natural Resources visited Turkmenistan to get the deal

finalized, which will provide a well designed intercontinental gas pipeline to the four

countries. It would be a billion dollar project as many US based companies are very

anxious to get the contract. (Daily Times, Jul.10, 2014). Turkmenistan has asked

Pakistan‟s official companies, OGDCL and PPL to participate in activities of gas

exploration under the TAPI project. OGDCL planned to drill 35 oil and gas wells

during the year 2014 and so far it had drilled six wells. OGDCL has marked 31

locations for drilling and another four locations would soon be marked to speed up

the searching process. (Express Tribune, 2014, Dec.5)

7.4. Gwadar-Kashgar Oil and Gas Pipeline Project

Gwadar-Kashgar oil and gas pipeline is another proposed project which would give a

boost to strategic importance of Balochistan on national and international level and

will provide a great support to the economic development and prosperity of Pakistan

as well as Balochistan. In 2009, China started the construction of an oil refinery at

Gwadar which is planned to link to Kashgar in China. The total length of the pipeline

is about 2, 500 kilometers. This pipeline can be also be used for moving Saudi oil to

China. (Khan, Dr.2015: 86). China is also interested in the establishment of a

petrochemical oil city in Gwadar which would include an oil refinery with

petrochemical logistics and storage facilities. Pakistan and China signed a deal in

this regard in February, 2006 when President Pervez Musharraf‟s visited China. A

Chinese company; GUPC; showed interest to carry out the viability study for the oil

city project in Gwadar with an investment of 12.5 billion dollars. The proposed oil

refinery will be capable of refining 60,000 barrels of crude oil daily. („‟Balochistan:

Iran to Establish‟‟, 2013). The project is a part of the proposed Pak-China Energy

Corridor. The pipeline from Gwadar to China will definitely save time and reduce the

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transport distance from the Gulf to China and will support improve China‟s oil

imports.

7.5. Pak-Iran Joint Venture in Balochistan

I. Pak-Iran Oil Refinery Project

Iran is intended to set up the largest refinery at Gwadar, at the cost of 4 billion US

dollars. The project will have the capacity to produce almost 400,000 barrel oil daily.

The plan was discussed in Tehran between Pakistan and Iran in December 2012.

The agreement on project was signed by Iran and Pakistan on March 11 2013, the

very day both countries announced the revival of the Iran-Pakistan pipeline project.

An oil pipeline from Iran‟s territory will be constructed to Gwadar, to carry crude oil

for processing. The proposed refinery in Gwadar would enable China to resume

work on Gwadar oil refinery which was stopped in 2009. (Fazl-e-Haider, 2013,

Mar.7) The proposed project will be completed in assistance of Pakistan State Oil

(PSO).

As Pakistan is facing energy crisis and deficiency, oil imports from Iran would be

highly supportive for Pakistan to fulfil its furnace oil requirements of about nine

million tons per year. Iran has offered Pakistan a permanent supply of 100,000

barrels crude oil per day on delayed imbursement. (Fazl-e-Haider, 2013, Mar.7).

This is one of the important proposed projects of economic developments which will

enable the two neighboring countries; Pakistan and Iran to increase their business

and commercial relations, and will bring a big enhancement to the economic

significance of Balochistan. The proposed Refinery will help transformation of

imported oil into high speed diesel which is highly demanded. (Pakistan Observer,

2003, Jan.17)

This project will help both the countries reviving their relation and promoting

economic cooperation which had been going under bitter situation for last many

years due to the political confusion. This will also provide an economic force to

Balochistan by opening gates to great job opportunities. In addition, it will fulfil the

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growing demand of high-speed multi purpose diesel. Moreover, heavy crude oil from

Iran and its related project will result in the income of about 300 million dollars per

year. (The Dawn, 2010, Mar.23). Therefore, great economic wealth and

development in Balochistan would be achieved.

II. Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline Project (IP)

This project is a great significant development which would not only enable Pakistan

to beat the prevailing energy crisis but also highly important for Balochistan itself as

its gas and oil resources are not sufficient to fulfill the mounting requirements.

Balochistan is the biggest energy supplier to the other regions of Pakistan and

increasing energy demand in the region has exaggerated the economic and

strategic importance of Balochistan. Balochistan is the only land route for the

planned pipeline, the long route which would connect Iran‟s gas field to Pakistan‟s

main supply system in Nawabshah, crosses through Baloch areas of Iran and

Pakistan. (The Dawn, 2010, Mar. 23).

The IP project is under debate since 1994. Iran signed an opening agreement with

Pakistan in 1995 and wished to expand the pipeline from Pakistan to India and

signed another agreement with India in 1999 as well and was called as Iran-

Pakistan-India (IPI) Gas Pipeline. Pakistan. (Munir, Ahsan and Zulfiqar, April 4,

2014,). In 2008, Iran showed interest in participation of China in the project. In 2010,

Iran encouraged Bangladesh to be a part of the project. In 2008, India signed a

nuclear agreement with US and in 2009, withdrew from IPI project with an objection

on cost and security matters. In 2010, the United States pressurized Pakistan to

discard the pipeline project in lieu of monetary aid for the construction of a liquid gas

terminal and electricity import from Tajikistan through Afghanistan‟s Wakhan

Corridor. (Munir, et al. April 4, 2014,)

Since the last two decades, no prominent progress has been made due to regional

politics and pressure from US because US is aware of the fact that that IP project

will bring the great projection of energy and revenues for Pakistan without US

support. The project needs completion from Pakistan, while Iran has completed the

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construction on its terrain up to Pakistan„s border. China is also wants the pipeline to

be extended to Western China. (Khan, Dr. 2015:84-85)

The project has been deferred due to the threats from United States to Pakistan

about sanctions of loans, which may be stopped if Pakistan goes for any deal with

Iran. The reason behind these warnings is the concern of US regarding the IP

project which would enable Iran to receive a large sum of foreign currency to

accelerate the process of Iran‟s nuclear weapons program.

Pakistan‟s Federal Cabinet approved the plan of constructing a pipeline on

Pakistan‟s side, with financial and technical assistance from Iran on January 30,

2013 and despite all the threats of economic sanctions and warnings from US,

President, Asif Ali Zardari, and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad started the

construction of the 7.5 billion US dollars IP gas pipeline in March 2013. (Ansaree,

2014:53). The pipeline will transfer 750 million cubic feet of gas daily to Pakistan at

the location near Gwadar, from Iran‟s South Pars field, which is the second-biggest

gas field in the world. The project will generate around 4,000 megawatts of power.

Iran has offered 500 million US dollars loan to Pakistan as compensation after US

threat for sanctions. The amount of loan will be used in the construction of Pakistani

side of pipeline which is estimated to cost Pakistan 1.5 billion dollars. Iran has

offered more amounts for the construction of pipeline and an oil refinery at Gwadar.

(Ashraf, 2013: pp1-2). IP Gas Pipeline project is facing the problem of security in

Balochistan because the major portion of pipeline will pass through Balochistan and

face major security threats especially when insurgency by Baloch Nationalists in

Balochistan is at an intensified level. There is an inclination between Baloch people

of damaging development projects with a perception that their economic interests

are being disregarded. The production of oil in Pakistan is lesser than utilization; it

has become a necessity for Pakistan to import 80 percent of its total requirement.

Although, Pakistan has abundance of gas, but the extraction in is not sufficient to

assure future demand, the pipeline project would have multi-dimensional benefits for

Pakistan‟s plan to emphasize on natural gas for power generation projects. (Khan,

2012: 127-128)

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7.6. Gold/Copper Mining Projects and Strategic Importance of

Balochistan

I. Reko Diq Gold Mining Project

Reko Diq is a located at a remote area in the north west of Chagi district which is

thinly populated desert on the wetern side of Balochistan. Reko Diq is one of the

eroded relics of volcanic centers in the Chagi volcanic chain of mountains which

moves in the east west across Balochistan between the Quetta city to Taftan railway

and the border along with Afghanistan. Rickodek is known as the “Hillock of Gold”

containing world‟s 4th largest treasures of gold and copper (Ismail, 2014:188).

Reko Diq is close to the borders of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran, at Chaghi in

Balochistan, situated at the distance of hundered kilometers from Zahedan, the city

of Iran. (Siddique: February 18, 2011) It is a fact that Balochistan has a plenty of

reservoirs of precious minerals but at the same time Pakistan has to rely upon

foreign companies for the process of exploring, mining and refining. Reko-Diq gold

can turn Balochistan into the richest province of Pakistan. It is a big need of the time

that Pakistan should convert the strategic possession in Balochistan into

opportunities for economic development. Reko Diq deposits are believed to hold

about 12.3 million tons of copper and 20.9 million ounces of gold. (Khokhar, The

News, 2011, Jul.18) The mining project at Reko Diq has always been under foreign

companies, many international forces are interested in getting contract of extraction

and exploration. An Australian firm; Tethyan Copper Prosperity Limited; started the

exploration in 1993 with the investment of thirty million dollars but in 2006 sold the

company to a Canadian and Chilean joint venture named Tethyan Copper Company

of Pakistan for 230 million dollars. (The News, 2011, Jul.18). A Chinese company,

China Mining and Metallurgical Cooperation is also trying to gain the mining license

for Reko Diq because the reserves of gold and copper at Reko Diq are four times

larger than that of Saindak. (Ashraf, 2011, Jan.4) The Balochistan Government

signed the contract for the exploration with an international mining company BHP

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Billiton in 1993, according to which Balochistan was entitled to receive 25 percent

and Billiton had rights over 75 percent. TCC continued exploration under an

agreement til 2006. (Lake Resource N.L.,2013). In 2006, Australian Mincor

Resources; Antofagasta; singned an agreement with BHP and owned Reko Diq with

37.5 per cent, Barrick Gold with 37.5 per cent, and Balochistan with 25 percent

share. (Syed, Dawn, 2013, Jan.22,) The original and initial deal was made between

BHP and Balochistan Development Authority (BDA), but this process of selling and

buying interests between so many companies created great problems and

confusions between the involved parties including Balochistan Government.

The inability of Baloch government and mishandling of the relevant issue regarding

royalty and shares pushed the project into a lingering and complex legal process in

the international court. The TCC had spent about 400 million dollars till 2006, but in

2011, the Balochistan government rejected lease application of TCC with an

allegation that the company violated the rules of agreement. After fruitless

negotiations with the Balochistan government, TCC took the matter to the

international court to seek compensation for the investement in the project. (Syed,

Dawn, 2013,Jan.22). Balochistan‟s inability to handle the Reko Diq project issues

resulted in a big loss. They lost a great chance of the economic progress dependent

upon the development of copper and gold mine in Chagi. Balochistan missed the

great chance to earn multi billion dollar foreign investment because foreign investors

had lost their interest due to the constant insurgency in the region. Due to the lack of

funds, Balochistan was not in a position to bear the expenses of the legal combat in

the international court. The Federal Government refused to provide any financial

assistance to plead the international case filed by the TCC. So, the Government‟s

incompetencey made it a disputed project where no one would be able to invest till

the court completes its trial. (Fazl-e-Haider, Dawn, 2013. Jan.22). The Baloch

Nationalists were never happy with the involvement of foreign companies in the

mining project as they thought that they were not given the justified royalty from the

reserves of their own territory. The Punjab president of Watan Party, filed a petition

in Supreme Court of Pakistan stating that Pakistan should get eighty percent share

of the assets and the exploring foreign companies should be given only twenty

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percent share. And a move was launched by Chief Minister of Balochistan Aslam

Raisani that the government of Balochistan will itself look after the Riko Diq gold

project, the vast mineral treasure worth over 3 trillion dollars and it will be linked with

Saindak Copper Project after the expiry of the contract with a Chinese company in

2011. (The Nation, 2010, May.29) The Supreme Court of Pakistan has declared void

and illegal a mining deal for the Reko Diq copper project which was signed 20 years

ago between Balochistan government and international mining companies. The

court said that the agreement reached on July 23, 1993 was in conflict with the laws

of the country. (The Dawn, 2013, Jan.22)

II. Saindak Gold/Copper Mining Project

Saindak Copper-Gold Project is situated about 1250 km away from Quetta.The

Saindak copper porphyry deposit was first recognized by Geological Survey of India

in 1901 during the British era. The Geological Survey of Pakistan continued the

investigation in early 1960 and again in 1970s when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the prime

minister of Pakistan ordered the implementation of the project to appease the Baloch

people. The dissolution of Balochistan Government by Bhutto provoked an agitation

movement and the continuation of Saindak project could be a concession for the

people of Balochistan. (The Dawn, 2012, May.16). The copper deposits at Saindak

were discovered by a Chinese firm in 1970 and the mining process was started in

1995 by a Pakistani Government company, Saindak Metals Ltd. (SML). The project

estimated reserves of 412 million tons containing on average 0.5 gram of gold per

ton and 1.5 grams of silver per ton. The mine had produced about 50,000 tons since

2003 and is expected to have the capacity to produce 15,800 tons of copper, 1.5

tons of gold and 2.8 tons of silver with the average of about 2,000 tons per month,

which means that it can produce 24,000 tons per year. (Shah, 2010:68) .The

Saindak Project in Chagi is one of the extremely large schemes that went into trial

production in 1995 at a cost of Rs17.5 billion but was closed down soon after but

was revitalized in the late 1990s and given in 2002 to a Chinese company,

Metallurgical Construction Corporation (MCC) on ten years lease with an agreement

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of an annual rent of 500,000 dollars and fifty percent share of sales to the

Government of Pakistan. (Kiani, Dawn, 2006, Sep. 20)

The Government of Pakistan decided to extend this deal for next five years after its

expiry in 2012, as MCC has agreed to give additional five percent shares to

Balochistan. Currently, Balochistan receives 35 percent shares, 15 percent goes to

Central Government while MCC gets 50 percent. After 2012, this 15 percent share of

the Centre will be given to Balochistan. And with the implementation of revised

agreement, Balochistan will receive 55 percent. (The Express Tribune, 2011,

May.17). China has also great demand for copper because of speedy economic

development and need of new infrastructure. China as the producer and buyer of

Saindak copper is a founder of transferring technology in metal mining in copper,

needs copper from Chaghi. (Fazl-e-Haider, 2006, Oct.5)

8. Balochistan and International Competition for Energy

Resources

Present Balochistan is a geographic territory of international strategic importance

moreover the factor of political problem within Balochistan where the Baloch people

are struggling for autonomy, better governance, and perhaps even independence

from Pakistan, and the impacts of this struggle on the security of not only

Balochistan but also of surrounding regions, have much high lightened the geo

strategic significance of this region. “Balochistan acts as a common denominator to

them. ‗‘In fact no policy of any of the countries competing for power in the region

could be called comprehensive and practical unless it considers Balochistan in its

defence plans. The conflicting interest of the Great Powers in the region-ranging

from peripheral to central, converge in Balochistan, in a way that they subject to

political pressures of varying degrees at various points of time and space‖ (Ahmad,

1992: 148)

Right after the creation of Pakistan and annexation of Balochistan into Pakistan, the

Baloch have been protesting against this inclusion. Baloch nationalists have been

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operating many armed campaigns to protect their economic and cultural rights.

These attempts from Baloch people have always been resulted in an armed clash

between government of Pakistan, Pakistan Military and Baloch Nationalist Groups.

These nationalist movements have gained the status of insurgency by the time.

There have been five periods of Baloch insurgencies in the history of Pakistan, in

1948, 1952, 1962, 1973 and then in 2005, which is still going on and not only

affecting the situation of law and security but also creating major obstacles in the

way to economic development of Balochistan. The many projects of Mega

development have been delayed due to the uncertain circumstances and lack of

suitable peaceful environment. The on going insurgency in Balochistan is not only

destroying the golden opportunity of progress on national and international level but

also playing an influential and vital role in changing the scenario of global politics.

The prevailing situation is providing grounds to foreign players to play their own

games, to achieve their own goals, to attain, maintain and increase their political and

economic power not only in Balochistan but also in other parts of the world. The first

two insurgencies 1948 and 1958 were considered as an internal political matter of

Pakistan which was hushed up with the help of Pakistani Military forces. But the

creation of Bangladesh, alarmed the central government to take serious interest in

Balochistan and during 1972-77 Balochistan government was dismissed by the

Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto with a military action to handle the insurgents. Iran

supported and assisted Pakistani government to control the situation but Russia and

Iraq was in favour of Baloch insurgents. 1980 Balochistan had already gained

attention of the world due to newly discovered gas, coal and copper reserves.

The proposed Iran-Pakistan pipeline projects and the involvement of China also

increased international interests in Balochistan. Moreover, the war in Afghanistan

highlighted the powerful consequence of millions of refugees reaching the

Balochistan after 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. During the Afghan

occupation, Russia was trying to influence the Baloch to lift revolt against Pakistan

once again. The Baloch insurgents were promised by Soviet that they would be

pleased with greatest autonomy after the Soviet triumphs over Afghanistan. (Shah,

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1997). The current ongoing insurgency in Balochistan was provoked during 2001-02

with the announcement of Gwadar Port and later on, the construction of Gwadar

gave rise to another nationalist militancy between government of Pakistan and

Baloch Tribal Chiefs on the issue of the security of their ethnic identity and control

over the resources of Baloch region. The lack of participation of local Baloch in the

project caused many Baloch to raise objections on the project. (Khan, 2009:1078)

The conflict converted into a powerful insurgency in 2005 when tensions shoot up

between the Bugti tribe and the central government, and the chief of Bugti Tribe,

Akbar Bugti was killed during a military action. The death of Nawab Bugti increased

the regional tensions and Baloch demanded full autonomy over the regional

economic as well as political affairs. Before 2005, the problem was restricted to few

tribes but after that incident, the circumstances became suitable for regional forces

to exploit the situation and demands of Baloch insurgents, in their own favor.

Balochistan, due to its geostrategic position, has always been influential on local,

national, and international politics. This present insurgency is not only an obstacle in

the social, political and economic development but has also damaged the security of

region as the Baloch insurgents are dreaming of Greater Balochistan which includes

the Baloch living in Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. (Ismail, 2014:181). As

Balochistan borders two very significant strategic countries Afghanistan and Iran,

and having majority of Baloch residents in Afghan and Iranian areas, any type of

unrest or violent uprising in Pakistani Balochistan would disturb regional stability

affecting the adjacent countries and consequently become a regional dispute.

Baloch insurgency may create large troubles in Iran and Afghanistan due to the

strong demand for greater Balochistan which includes Baloch areas of Iran and

Afghanistan. (Javaid, 2010:116) . Being located in the middle of the Central,

Western Southern and South-western Asia, Balochistan is always under the effects

of global geo-politics. The maritime significance and potential of port Gwadar to

connect Afghanistan and the Central Asian states to the Indian Ocean have given

rise to global geo-political rivalry and Balochistan became an ideal profitable aim for

almost all the nations.

95

Map No. 3.6. Gwadar-The gateway to Central Asia and China Trade

Source: https://www.flickr.com/search/?q=gwadar%20map on March 11, 2015

Balochistan, with plenty of energy resources and trade routes; is highly importan on

international level . This unique and valuable situation provides golden opportunity to

the global powers to instigate their regional play. The world is increasingly moving

towards multi-polarity and economic powers are increasing in the Asian regions.

USA has been at a powerful position exclusively since the collapse of the Soviet

Union. The objectives of Asian states like China and India are to become

economically more powerful to get global hegemony by controlling the major portion

of world‟s energy resources. The situation of emerging economies is likely to create

disturbance in energy supply and demand so major preference is a focus on energy

markets. Demand for energy supply of China, India, and other Asian countries is

quickly increasing, so it is the biggest requirement of time to spread their influence

over energy resources, transit corridors and important land and naval trade links. For

this purpose, Balochistan is the main focus of geo-political manipulation. The

resettlement of borders as Greater Balochistan would definitely affect the economic

expansion of China, Iran, India and Pakistan. United States have many times

highlighted the geo-strategic and geo-political significance of Balochistan and

96

supported the idea of an independent Balochistan which could provide security to

US political and geostrategic benefits.

9. Significance of Balochistan in Global Politics

In order to counter Iran, the land of Balochistan is of much importance for America.

The natural resources of China and oil of the Arab world are going to eliminate in

coming 30 to 40 years (Mazhar, et al. 2012: 120) and then the USA will have to take

help from Central Asia, Iran and Afghanistan; and for this purpose, US would to

cross Balochistan and its Coast, due to the interference of China in Balochistan, it

would not be possible for USA to attain an influential position. America would not be

able to extend its economic hegemony for a long time, it will be substituted by China

which is going to be influential over Gwadar Port and coastal line of Balochistan.

That is the main reason behind USA displeasure with the construction of Gwadar

Port in collaboration with China. When the Taliban administration ended in Kabul

and rebellious groups of Taliban crossed the Pak-Afghan border to enter into

Balochistan and organized revolutionary struggle against the aliened forces in

Afghanistan. Moreover, the re emergence of the Baloch nationalist insurgency also

complicated the internal situation of Pakistan‟s security; Balochistan obtained a new

geo-strategic significance and became focus of USA as a Trans border energy

route. The Baloch insurgency was recharged with the development of Gwadar sea

port and their demand to share the benefits of Gwadar Project attracted strong US

interest in Balochistan because it has the capacity to convert Balochistan in a main

corridor of energy transportation from Central Asia and Iran to other parts of the

region in minimum time. The US has to maintain a crucial and essential role in the

new great game of resource development in Balochistan and in other parts of Asia.

Therefore, all the three prominent factors; the Taliban militancy, Baloch insurgency

and future significance of Balochistan as an energy transit route, played a very

strong role in attaining and developing serious attention of US to Balochistan.

(Aazar, 2010:164) Prior to that, Balochistan due to its defensive proximity with

Afghanistan had a significant hand in the early triumph of US war on terror post 9/11.

97

Pakistan provided US the access to airspace and airfields in Balochistan for US

aerial bombing on Kabul to destroy the Taliban regime and their network in

Afghanistan. (Aazar, 2010:165) Balochistan has been playing a central role in the

geo strategic expansion of South and West Asia long before the US war on terror

post 9/11 but during war, Balochistan‟s territorial proximity to Afghanistan was a

great strategic advantage which was fully exploited by US forces.

American involvement in Balochistan is somehow blamed for supporting Baloch

insurgents in order to deal with the Chinese influence in Balochistan. It is believed

that CIA agents in Afghanistan provide financial support to the Baloch insurgents.

(Bansal, 2008, pp.182–200) it is discovered that the US spy agency CIA is involved

in enrollment of local agents in Balochistan to trace the members of Quetta based

Taliban Shura. The Quetta Shura is a US term for the Taliban commanders.

(Waheed, 2011, Apr.27) The incident of the arrest of a CIA Spy Raymond Davis in a

murder case of two Pakistani in January 2011 increased the tension in Pakistan-US

relations and exposed the CIA immoral actions in Balochistan. Above all, CIA‟s

activities in Balochistan are clear sign of US growing interest in this state. In

actuality, “Greater Balochistan” is the top most schemes of US, India and Israel

cooperation. (Hassan, 2011, May.04) Apparently, US propagate her concerns for the

stabilization of Pakistan, but at the same time, she has a deep interest in interrupting

those projects that would enable China to be strategically present in this region and

establish herself as an emerging economic power particularly at the Port of Gwadar.

US are also interested in mounting their influence in Gwadar and other parts of

Balochistan. Therefore, the any harm caused to Gwadar port is one of their main

interest in Balochistan. Thus, any type of violence in Balochistan protects US

interests in the region because it is helpful in delaying the development projects

between China and Pakistan.

The basic objective is to limitate increasing Chinese existence in Balochistan. China

is an economic rival to US and its presence in Balochistan is not beneficial for the

strategic and economic future of US. The Gwadar port can serve as the marine base

98

for Chinese forces which is a matter of great anxiety for US. The Indian Ocean, near

the Strait of Hormuz, a route for the export of oil from the Gulf States, will definitely

come under the observation and influence of China will create serious problems for

US in maintaining its monopoly in the region. The divergence of interests of various

powers is also worsening the situation in Balochistan. Under the unstable and

insecure circumstances in Balochistan, China will not move forward to provide any

further technical or financial assistance to Pakistan for the development and

progress of any economic project. (Mazari, 2005, Feb.2)

The clear objectives of US are to deteriorate Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan to

establish a strong hold in Central Asian Region; to harm Chinese economic welfare

in African and Middle East; by creating obstacles in the Gwadar project. This can be

possible only by supporting Balochistan Nationalist Movement to disturb the situation

and creating unfavorable environment for any economic investment by China. ‗‘CIA

supported elements are using America, United Kingdom, India and Afghanistan as

their platforms for organizing, planning and operational bases for execution of the

plan of Independent Balochistan‘‘. (Hassan, 2011, May.04) US interests are also

intended to counter Iran, The United Sates is not happy with the expansion of

Chinese energy and military assets, particularly so close to Iran and the Gulf region.

An unstable Balochistan is most preferable to US than an established and flourished

Balochistan. Any disturbance in Balochistan reduces the possibility of development

of the Iran-Pakistan oil pipeline. The US has openly shown her discomfort with the

proposed pipeline project. (Bansal, 2008:182). The US is not only interested in

Balochistan, but also has strong concerns about the massive resources of Central

Asian States and Balochistan is the most convenient available path to these

resources. US is much anxious to get control over the whole region for their future

security plans and eliminate the influence of their only rival and competitor China.

US interest in Balochistan highlights two long term objectives, firstly, US need a

secure route to the energy resources of Central Asia, and secondly to control China.

Balochistan provides the shortest passage between the Indian Ocean and Central

Asia outside of the Gulf. Therefore any unrest in Balochistan directly affects and

99

effectively discourages Trans-Afghan pipeline project, planned for transferring

Central Asian resources to South Asia as the control of economically strong and

established states of South Asia over this region will not allow US to flourish

economic hegemony.

USA and Russia have always focused their interest on Balochistan to exploit the

land as a tool to make Pakistan a weaker state. Russia has encouraged the

―Secessionist Movement of Sindhu Desh, Pakhtonistan or (Independent) or Greater

Balochistan‖ (Najmuddin, 1984: 60). With the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in

1979, it was predicted that the Soviet would try to take possession of deep sea port

on the Indian Ocean, and the Baloch nationalists and their rebellious activities would

be significantly helpful to Soviet attempt. (Harrison, 1981:173) Having controlled

Afghanistan, Russia tried hard to convince the Baloch to revolt against central

government of Pakistan and the Baloch insurgents were assured by Russia that they

would be given autonomy over Balochistan after the Soviet completely conquers

Afghanistan. (Ismail, 2014:184) The Russian strategies were to establish their grip in

Kabul as their base to raise the issues of Pakhtunistan and Greater Balochistan from

the land of Kabul, and try to separate and disconnect Balochistan from Pakistan to

create a new independent state under the control of Moscow or to amalgamate it

with Afghanistan. ―Whether Russian loose their interest in Afghanistan, yet in

Balochistan and Indian Ocean its interest would not die down‖ (Ahmad, 1992: 253).

Russia also needs a suitable way to the warm waters of the Indian Oceans. Like

USA, Russia also needs to preserve its monopoly in Central Asia. All the CAS are

entirely depend on Russia for their energy projects export. Soviet Interests in

Balochistan have various aspects which are not much different than that of US.

Russia wants to control the Gulf oil, which constitute almost 60 percent of world‟s

known reserves. Any trouble in Balochistan gives Russia a chance to daunt Trans-

Afhgan pipeline or other projects. A Russian influenced Balochistan would bring the

natural resources of the Indian Ocean and Antarctica under direct control and

pressure of Russia. Fish catch from Indian Ocean and particularly from Arabian Sea,

which constitutes almost 1/3rd of total fish catch, will be transported to Central Asia

100

Republics over lands, without any trouble, in less time, thus will be more economical.

(Ahmad, 1992: 256) Balochistan is also the shortest route to the world‟s largest

untapped mineral resources of Antarctica. (Mazhar, et al. 2012:119). All these future

probabilities which can provide economical stability to Russia are related to

Balochistan.

Balochistan is the only Province with direct border with Iran. The geographical

location plays a very significant role in shaping the relations between Pakistan and

Iran in the socio-cultural and economic perspectives. Balochistan is the only factor

which can directly influence Pak-Iran relations both negatively and positively.

Unfortunately, there are some disappointing and inadequate factors which are

causing confusions, doubts and stress and making Balochistan a weakening factor

in Pak-Iran relations. Balochistan plays a key role in the Pak-Iran economic and

social incorporation. The close relation between the people of both countries on the

basis of many religious and cultural similarities significantly increases the economic,

cultural and social communication. Infrastructure projects of roads and railways

networks can make possible easy trade. The proposed venture of oil refinery in Hub

will do a lot for the promotion and betterment of economic cooperation between

Pakistan and Iran, which has been going through a tensed situation in the past few

years because of political misunderstanding over Afghanistan issue. (Khan,

2012:137). The project will be an economic momentum to this least developed

province. It will also make possible the exploration of oil and gas in Baloch region.

The project of gas pipeline between Iran-Pakistan is the most constructive feature of

economic relationship which would bring profit to both the countries equally. The

ongoing insurgency in Balochistan has badly affected the friendly relations of the two

countries as the Iranian government blame Pakistan for being associated with the

Balochistan based Jandullah Organization which is a group of Baloch nationalist

militants which is also creating political disturbances in Iranian areas with the

assistance of US. (Khan, 2012:137) Moreover, the increasing competition between

Gwadar and Chabahar Port, and strong rivalry between India, China and Pakistan to

101

increase their influence in Central Asia through these ports, have already disturbed

economic and political relations of Iran and Pakistan.

Chabahar seaport is situated at about 70 kilometer distance from Gwadar,

completed with Chinese assistance. Both ports are great competitors as both are

constructed with the same objectives in a same region. The difference between the

two lies in the fact that Gwadar port is facing many issues like the bad security

situation in Balochistan and lack of proper infrastructure of connecting links to main

highways. The project is not making progress due to slow and process of

development. While there is no such situation at Chabahar which is being developed

rapidly and also has gained attention and interest of China successfully. Not only

China but also Iran, Afghanistan and India are equally emphasizing at Chabahar

Port ahead of Gwadar as regional trade and commerce center. The Chabahar is

located outside the Strait of Hormuz, in Economic and Industrial Zone of Iran, away

from the route of intense sea traffic in the Gulf waters and provides more convenient

entrance to ships. A rail and road infrastructure is also being constructed between

Chabahar and Herat to connect with Central Asian States. India is seriously

interested in the development of Chabahar just to stay away from Pakistani route to

Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia. (Hussain, 2015:146) Chabahar is somehow is an

Indian financed Port and a plan to counter and decrease the emerging power of

Gwadar and to diminish the reliance of Central Asia on the port of Gwadar. (Khan,

2012:135) As Gwadar port is expected to improve not only Pakistan‟s but also

Chinese influence in Central Asia and beyond. Because it is a trade route for the

landlocked Central Asian States and this new trade route would have tremendous

economic impetus to Pakistan in the form of new and great investments as the

CARs will rely upon Pakistan for their trade and commerce. Chabahar is providing

India with an easy approach to Afghanistan through the Indian Ocean. An

agreement between India, Iran and Afghanistan has been signed according to that,

Central Asia and Afghanistan are bound to give special preference and tariff

reduction to Indian trade goods. (Khan, 2012:135) Therefore, Gwadar port is a

threatening factor to Indian trade through Indian Ocean. Gwadar would create

102

harmful impact on commercial interest of India by enabling Pakistan to implement

vast control over entire energy routes. Gwadar will also enable China to observe and

examine Indian naval movement in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea and any

nautical cooperation between India and Iran will be easily monitored by China.

Similarly, Iran has clear apprehensions about the use of Gwadar port by the US to

observe activities inside Iran. (Asia Times, 2005, April.29).

India is trying also to counter the Chinese sway in the Arabian Sea, Persian Gulf,

and the Indian Ocean. So India chose Iran as her strategic ally. India has spent

gigantic amount on the construction and development of Iranian Port of Chahbahar

which will facilitate Indian trade activities to Afghanistan and Central Asia through

roads and rail links. The Chinese involvement in Pakistani Gwadar and Indian

influence on Iranian Chahbahar has resulted not only in economic competition and

strategic rivalry between India, Pakistan and China but also has increased risk of

controversy for the resources of Central Asia. The antagonism between China and

India has an unfavorable impact on the Pak-Iran relations. Gwadar and Chahbahar

are the main factors in geo-strategic and economic rivalry. China is largely alarmed

by the Indian intensification in the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea. Moreover, the

progress in Indo-US relations and mutual aid for Afghanistan and Central Asia by

Iran and India became a matter of serious attention for China. (Khan, 2013: 79-80)

India is trying for good associations with Pakistani neighbors just to contain Pakistan

and to counterbalance Chinese emerging power, because China is the only power

which is quite capable of competing and suppress Indian hegemony and supremacy

in the region. As Indian navy is greater than that of Pakistan, therefore to surpass

India, Pakistan needs Chinese support and cooperation in all the Mega Projects in

Balochistan which is in the best welfare of both China and Pakistan. Through the

Gwadar, China can keep a strict watch on Indian approach and emergence in the

Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, and Persian Gulf. (Khan, 2013: 79-80).

So far as Afghanistan is concerned, she has historically been remained a dispute

between major powers. Mostly, Afghanistan remains in state of war and process of

103

nation building, so there is no functional type of economy in Afghanistan and mostly

depends on limited agriculture which does not fulfil the food requirements of Afghans

and they have to depend upon foreign donations for survival. (Shah, 2007:65) The

TAPI project is a big hope to help restore the Afghan economy as the project could

generate about 300 million dollars royalty to Afghanistan and other foreign

investments in the project may do a lot to stabilize and revive Afghan economy with

the renovation of other infrastructure. Afghanistan used to manage its trade through

the Karachi port, but now the Gwadar port will serve this purpose well. Afghanistan

has admitted the significance of Gwadar as a gateway to wealth for Afghanistan and

also has offered support for the development of the Gwadar port. (The Dawn, 2003,

Aug.5)

104

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CHAPTER FOUR

Baloch Nationalism: Past and Present

110

1. Definition of Nationalism

The term nationalism is normally applied to explain two conditions, firstly, it

describes the attitude of the people of a nation who care about their national identity,

and secondly; it refers to those steps and actions which are taken by a nation to

achieve or maintain their right of self-determination.

‗‘The territorial state as political unit is seen by nationalists as centrally belonging to

one ethnic-cultural group and as actively charged with protecting and promulgating

its traditions.‘‘ („‟Nationalism‟‟, 2015, Dec.14). Whereas an ethnic group is

categorized as a social group of people who identify themselves on the basis of

common inherited culture and social practices, they are liable to be related with a

mutual cultural heritage, history, language and ideology, and with figurative systems

like religion, folklore and ritual, cuisine, and costumes. (Siddiqi, 2012: 2)

2. Definition of Ethnic Nationalism

‗‘Ethnicity refers to rather complex combination of racial, cultural, and historical

characteristics by which societies are occasionally divided into separate and

probably hostile, political families. Ethnicity is basic since it provides for a sense of

ethnic identity where cultural and linguistic symbols are used for internal cohesion

and for differentiation from other groups.‘‘ (Laif and Hamza, 2009:50). The cultural

and linguistic are more important factors in the formation of ethnic nationalism.

These are two very features which assign a distinctive identity to a specific group.

Groups which possess a distinctive ethnic identity can be found in various states but

they exist within the state and national structures. The sense of a unique identity

creates problems only when ethnic movements take the form of nationalist

movement and try to establish their own state. (Amin, 1993:2) nationalism is the

political belief of a particular community which demands an equal and independent

status. Nationalism is an emotion of protection of interests of the inhabitants and

state. But the Ethnic nationalism defines the nation in terms of ethnicity that includes

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the same culture, social values, traditions and language of a group, which they

inherit from their forfathers.(Laif and Hamza, 2009:51-53)

3. Baloch Nationalism

Baloch nationalism claims that the Baloch people of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan

are a unique and distinctive ethno-linguistic group and should be honored as a

distinct nation. The Baloch Nationalists are of the view that ethnic loyalty is greater

than religious loyalty so the Baloch people should not be considered a nation on the

basis of Islam. (Harrison, 1978:140). This theory is totally opposite of the idea

behind the creation of Pakistan, under which all Muslims are one nation. Baloch

nationalism promotes secular ideology where racial and kinfolk‟s loyalties are most

important features of Baloch society and play an essential role in determining their

sovereign identity.

4. Key Elements in the Formation of Baloch Nationalism

The main elements which constitute the foundations of Baloch Nationalism are the

basic reasons of the Baloch nationalists‟ demands, which range from bigger cultural,

economic and political rights and political autonomy, to absolute independence and

the creation of a separate state. Divided among Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, the

Baloch are very possessive about their ethnic identity which lies in their traditional

nomadic life and they do not accept the barriers of national boundaries and any type

of central administration. According to Baloch, their nationalism has its foundation on

these basic factors:

4.1. Cultural Heritage and Traditional Values

The culture can be defined in different ways. The Cultural heritage is a blend of

language, ideas, beliefs, customs, values, attributes, codes of honor, institutions,

religion, law, ethics, rituals, fairs and festivals of a specific group of people. The

Baloch are very proud of their cultural distinctiveness with their centuries old folk

literature. The folk literature explains the magnificence of Baloch land and tales

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about their triumphant battles against the foreign invaders. (Harrison, 1978:140) and

the Baloch people have been successfully protecting the remnants of their cultural

values which have very strong and unshakable impact on the society and contribute

a lot in the formation of such circumstances which make Balochistan rich in terms of

ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity.

I. Salient Features of Baloch Social Life

The Baloch are generally sociable and friendly people. They are generally

intellectual, cultured, and cultivated. Culturally, they are rich and self dependent. A

prominent tradition of irrigation system introduced by the Baloch is Karez system,

(the underground water supply used for cultivation) is unique to Baloch society and

manifest their civilized intellect. (Baloch: 2002:09-11) The social life of Baloch

people is very simple. They are much concerned and aware of their ancient social

traditions and they feel much delight in following those values and customs. Cultural

values, customs and traditions are followed according to Islamic faith. Baloch

handicraft is world-renowned. Shalwar Qamis is the common and popular dress

among all tribes in Balochistan. In the rural areas turban is also an essential part of

the casual and formal dress. Different tribes have their own turban tying styles.

(Sabir and Razzaq, 2010:21-23)

The Baloch language and cultural heritage provides a significant base for their

theory of nationalism. A combination of social standards, value systems, traditions,

folklore and cultural environment is of the central importance in the nationalist

demands of cultural independence. The Baloch have a strong belief that their

ancient culture has been a source of strong strength which still is playing an

important role in shaping their individuality and enable them to counter the risk of

amalgamation and incorporation into the other cultures. "It is the vitality of this

ancient cultural heritage that explains the tenacity of the present demand for the

political recognition of Baloch identity". (Harrison, 1981:11)

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II. Baloch Literature

The Baloch rich folklore is widely and prominently visible in Balochi proverbs, songs

and tales. The salient feature of Baloch folklore is its strong national sentiment which

is frequently referred to the Baloch and Balochistan and the Balochi literature is a big

inspiration for nationalist emotions which has been a medium for conveying their

language, culture and national feelings to the next generation and definitely literature

has an important place in the life of Baloch and they have always successfully

protected their cultural heritage. The Baloch have preserved several myths,

proverbs, poems and songs. They are very enthusiastic about their enigma and

historic sagas which consist of long narrations in both prose and poetry.

III. Baloch Songs and Music

Balochi poetry is the oldest form of literature in the region which is always combined

with music and is considered as a worthy art. Balochi music along with folklore is an

asset to them which they transmit from one generation to the other. Music is the

most effective medium in protecting and maintaining the Balochi language and

culture. Moreover, it is a cultural link between all the Baloch communities.

Remarkable historical events are narrated through music and songs and the lyrics

are never altered. Baloch epic songs are directly related to nationalism and a great

source to gain knowledge about Baloch history customs, traditions and their moral

values like courage, bravery and honor. (Breseeg, 1981: 97-98)

IV. Baloch Poetry

Baloch literature is dependent on poetry which provides information about the

glorious history of the Baloch race, their migrations from one region to the other,

their prominent wars, religion, and belief system. Most part of their poetry is related

to the stories about rule of Rind Lashari in 15th and 16th centuries. Narrations about

their wars against other nations are salient features of the Baloch poetry and portray

the Baloch people as a free and autonomous nation which has always been stood

firm against other invading powers.

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V. Baloch Language

Language and culture are primary foundation on which the overall formation of the

perception and a sense of national identity depend. Balochi language is a uniting

knot between the several groups which identify themselves as Baloch. The Baloch

people have retained their tradition of story telling in both Pakistani and Iranian

Baloch regions. The domination of the Iran and Pakistan has motivated the Baloch

spirit to transfer their heritage to their next generations. Language has a powerful

role in their effort for their right of self determination. The Baloch people honor their

language as a proof for their distinct and separate identity. (Harrison, 181:pp-95-96)

VI. The Baloch Anthem: Mulk Balochi (The Baloch Country)

Since the 15th century, the theory and concept of Mulk Balochi is frequently being

highlighted and admired in the Baloch poetry showing great affection towards the

Mulk Balochi. The poetry of Baloch National Anthem depicts the Baloch nationalism

in a clear manner: "We have conquered all the area which is now our homeland. It is

real and true Balochistan. If we are separated and demarcated, then so what, this is

a temporary division, our soul is one. We will destroy these walls. We are like a rain

and a storm".(Bresseg, 2004:92)

The land of Balochistan is honored by the Baloch as „‟the paradise on the earth‟‟ and

the relation of a Baloch with his homeland is just like the relation of soul to its body.

According to a Baloch saying: ‗‘the place from which we came and to which in death

we will return‘‘. (Baluch, 1987:13). This deep love towards the Mulk Balochi has

given them the sense of independent identity.

4.2. Physical Terrain

The Baloch Nationalism is also has roots in their territorial homeland. Physically, it is

separated from India by the huge northern barrier of the Sulaiman Mountains On the

south, a long expansion from Kalat makes it an impossible highland country, which

faces the desert of Sindh, the underneath part of which outlines the Indian boundary.

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However, it does not have boundaries in the modern sense of the term, the Baloch

region is at present politically divided between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, is

physically a compact unit. (Baloch,1987:19).

As mentioned earlier in chapter one of this research, the western part of Balochistan

was included in Iran by the British in 1896 after the demarcation of Goldsmith line

and the larger eastern part was left under British control. The Durand Line which

was drawn by the British in 1894 assigned the small portion of northern Balochistan

to Afghanistan and Balochistan was further divided between British Balochistan and

Afghanistan, later on these borders came under the control of Pakistan, Iran and

Afghanistan. Presently the Eastern Balochistan region constitutes the Pakistani

Province of Balochistan. ‗‘For the Baloch nationalists, the whole region from the east

of Bandar Abbas; Kerman to the west of the Indus River, and from the Sulaiman

mountains in the northeast, to the Dasht-Lut in northwest, is known as Balochistan‘‘.

(Bresseg, 2004:92)

4.3. Tribal System and Social Organization

The Baloch people live into groups and sub-groups. The one is the Eastern or

Sulaimani Baloch, and second is Western or Mekrani Baloch. Sulaiman Baloch

have their dominance in Sibi District of Balochistan and the Mekran is considered

as the “original nucleus” of the Baloch people. (Scholz, 1974:27). However, the

details about the Baloch tribes have been given in chapter 2 of this research but

anyways, the Sulaiman Baluch include the Bugtis, Buledi, Buzdar, Dombki, Kaheri,

Khetran, Magasi, Marri, Mugheri, Rind and Umrani tribes while the Mekran consists

of the Buledi, Dashti, Gichki, Kandai, Rais, Rakhshani, Rind, Sangu and Sanjrani.

The Marri and Bugti; have always been leading Baloch politics and are considered

responsible for the unrest in Balochistan. The Baloch tribes and sub tribes are

independent in all their affairs and don‟t accept any external influence. Every tribe

is headed by a chief who is the authority over matters relevant to the lives and

property of their tribes. (Shah, 2007:15). The traditions and customs of one tribe

may be different than of the other tribes. Sometimes, the adoptions of the customs

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of other tribes are taken as major abuse. The structure of Baloch society is based

on blood kinship and people mostly belong to the same ancestral background and

each group has common interests and responsibility. The traditional tribal

association is mandatory for Baloch social structure. The sub-clans or tribes are

called „‟Paro‟‟ which represent a family, and the group of a few paros constitute a

clan. Numerous clans make a tribe which is called „‟Tuman‟‟. („‟Balochistan Tribal

System‟‟, 2011, July.7) The Baloch are comprised of various tribal divisions,

independent from each other and follow their domestic hierarchical constitution.

The hierarchical structure is a unique feature that differentiates the Baloch from

other tribal societies such as Pakhtun tribes. This hierarchic structure has

fundamental effect on Baloch tribal unity. The Baloch tribal structure can be

described as follow:

1. A Tribe is called Tuman which is headed by a chief who is called Tumandar.

The term tuman also refers to a Baloch village.

2. Tumans are divided into clans which are called Paras and are led by a

Muqaddam or Tukkri nominated by the tribal chief or elected by the Waderas.

3. Paras are then sub-divided into Palis which are led by Wadera.

4. Palis are further divided into family groups headed by the eldest member of

the family called a Motabar. („‟Tribal Analysis Centre‟‟, 2009). In hereditary

system, the election is made among the children of the former Mugaddam.

The position of tribal Sardar is always inherited. After the death of a Sardar,

the eldest son of late Sardar automatically becomes next sardar. In case of

any inability of the elder son, selection of next sardar is made by Muqaddams.

And the final decision of Tukkreis is accepted by all with no objection.

In Baloch tribal society, the elders and chiefs, both tribal and of family; are given

high respect because they are the main caretaker of the society. The chiefs occupy

the highest position of social administrators and judicial heads and are the most

privileged persons with a divergent superiority and their unlimited powers and

decisions are never challengeable.

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4.4 Baloch Jirga System

The Jirga system is a prominent feature of Baloch tribal culture and an essential

part of Baloch society. Jirga is an institution where the elders of tribes gather

together to handle the different disputes of people as per prevailing customs, to find

out solution to the disputes among two parties and to provide justice to them. The

Jirga occupies the position of high court and the decisions taken by Jirga are fully

respected by all. The dispute may be between the members of a same tribe or

sometimes it is between two tribes. Inter tribal disputes is another common feature

of almost all tribal societies. If a member of a tribe is involved in any matter that is

considered an offence as per laws of a tribe, the whole of his tribe is considered to

be responsible for it. Now it is the moral and social duty of the tribal Sardar to take

revenge from the other tribe.

There have been many inter-tribal disputes and quarrels, which mostly turn into

wars between tribes. There is another institution called "Mairh" or "Marka" which

deals with the disputes between tribes. The war and grudge may continue for years

till the total destruction of one tribe or till one party surrenders before the other

party. In case of acceptance of crime and surrender by one party, leaders of the

charged tribe appeal to the elders of the other party for the resolution of the issue.

The heads of the other side may take any decision which is always acceptable.

This process is known as Mairh which has great importance in baloch society. The

twenty years long Marri-Bugti war was settled in three days through Mairh.

(„‟Balochistan Tribal System‟‟, 2011, July.7) that‟s why, the Baloch tribes always

disliked and opposed any other system of law and punishment such as police

administration, because they are fully satisfied with their traditional system of Jirga

and Mairh.

4.5. Baloch Sardari System

As it is clear now that the basic entity in political organization of Baloch society is the

tribe and the loyalty to the tribal chief. The conventional type of Baloch government

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is the centuries old Sardari system in which it is mandatory for the tribesmen to give

their faithfulness to Sardars for social justice and uprightness of tribe. Sardars are

elected by a committee consisting of tribal elders. The Jirgas maintain law and order

and play the the roles of police, magistrate and court at the same time. There are

four levels of Jirga as under.

Table No. 4.1. Levels of Baloch Jirga

First Level Local Jirga

Second Level District Jirga

Third Level Joint Jirga

Forth Level Shahi Jirga

Source: Kundi, Dr. Mansoor Akbar, (2005). „‘Tribalism in Balochistan: A Comparative Study‖ in Tribal Areas of Pakistan: Challenges and Responses, edited by Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema and Maqsudul Hasan Nuri, Islamabad: Islamabad Policy Research Institute. P. 20

The details about these levels are as uncer

Local Jirga deals with disputes of low intensity

District Jirgas deal with serious crimes such as theft and murder.

Joint Jirgas handle disputes regarding tribal enmity.

The Shahi Jirga is composed of the Sardars of the individual tribe and is only

involved to resolve major issues or decision taking process such as the

decision to include Balochistan into Pakistan in 1947. (Kundi, 2005:22)

5. Historical Development of Baloch Nationalism

As it has been discussed in a previous chapter that before the creation of Pakistan,

Balochistan used to be chief commissioner‟s province governed by the Agent to the

Governor General (AGG) of India. The certain areas of Balochistan came under

British influence by the discourse of time. In 1854, the British made an agreement

with the ruler of Kalat, and in treaty in 1876, the British rulers promised with the

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Baloch Sardars to respect the independence of Baloch areas. (Ahmad, 1992:101).

The majority of Baloch population comprised almost 91 percent of the total

population. Balochistan was a multicultural region with many languages i.e. Baluchi,

Pushtu, Sindhi, Bruhi, and Persian. Six districts were managed by the British agent

and adjacent to province were the regions of tribal areas of Marri and Bugti and

states of Kalat, Kharan, Makran and Lasbela. The Balochistan was facing economic

and political backwardness and was the most undeveloped region of sub continent

which was not even able to maintain itself and had to rely upon the loans from

Central Government by the early 1940s. (Talbot, 1990:17). Balochistan was not only

economically weak but also facing lack of a proper political system and the situation

of Balochistan, both economic and political was far more different than other parts of

sub continent because British rulers didn‟t pay attention to the implementation of

democratic rules and reforms in Baloch region which they had introduced in other

regions of sub continent. (Isa, 1944:17) and almost all political reforms which were

introduced in the country were denied in Balochistan.

Before the creation of Pakistan, there was no proper administrative structure in

Balochistan The Pushto speaking areas of Balochistan such as Zhob, Loralai, and

Chaman districts along the Afghanistan border were controlled by British or tribal

administration. (Shah, 1997:94) and there was no platform available to represent the

viewpoint of the Muslims of Balochistan. (Ahmad, 1992:103). Although the Baloch

Sardars were loyal to the British but they were set free and independent in their

internal political affairs and had full freedom in their own private tribal system. The

British Political agent used to look after the overall administration of the Baloch

territories but soon they started influencing Baloch Tribes through Sundeman system

as a part of their political set up in that area. (Mahmand, 1989:164). The Baloch

nationalists started efforts to unite as a force for an independent Balochistan. The

Baloch were divided into two groups for the achievement of the same goal in a

different manner. These two groups are categorized as:

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I. The Revolutionary Group

This Baloch group was headed by Misri Khan Baloch of the Marri Tribe during 1917.

The revolutionary group of Baloch nationalists preferred to migrate from Balochistan

to Soviet Union to get support against British.

II. The Constitutional Group

The constitutionalists were educated Balochis of middle class and were in favor of

the style of the Indian nationalists. This leaders of this group; Yousaf Ali Magsi and

Abdul Aziz Kurd; organized the Anjuman-e-Ittehad-Balochistan in 1920 which was

working as an under ground political institute and was known as The Kalat State

National Party. (Breseeg, 2004:222-223) which was first organized political party in

Balochistan. This party generally known as National Party was launched in February

1937 with the same objectives like Anjuman-e-Ittehad-Balochan.

6. Emergence of Baloch Nationalist Movement

The Baloch have been struggling for the preservation of their ethnic identity and

freedom as an independent nation in Baloch regions of Pakistan and Iran, despite of

their failure as yet, Baloch nationalist movements have always been creating

problems for both countries that is why it is a matter of deep concern to both states.

Baloch nationalists had actively started advocating the idea of the "Greater

Balochistan" in early years of 20th century. The Greater Balochistan is supposed to

cover an area equal to present day Pakistan. But this movement got attention on

national and international level after the Second World War. Baloch nationalist

movements exist in Iran for the development of Baloch political and cultural identity,

but main centre for their activities has been situated in Pakistani Balochistan. Baloch

Nationalism is evolved more properly in Pakistan due to the historical circumstance

and the political atmosphere. In the 15th century, Rind-Lashari tribal Confederacy

was established in Eastern Balochistan and later on the whole Baloch region,

including Iranian portion of Baloch majority, was under the rule of Kalat 19th century

till the emergence of the question of Baloch Nationalism. (Breseeg, 2004: 8-9). It is

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important to mention that the Pakistani Baloch nationalism is more organized than

that of Iranian Balochistan. Although, Baloch nationalist movement has deep roots in

almost two thousand year long history, but the emergence of Baloch nationalism as

a struggle against the colonial system is recorded in the late 19th century, when state

of Kalat was included into present day Pakistani Balochistan. The enmity between

British and Russia that caused the British invasion of Afghanistan showed them the

way to Balochistan when they attempted to control the road to Kabul. (Breseeg,

2004:159–60). However, at that time the British were not intended to meddle with

the domestic affairs of Balochistan and established their control along the Afghan

border only.

Baloch nationalism took a modern shape with the development of the Anjuman-e-

Ittehad-e-Balochistan based in Mastung in 1920 with the objectives of establishing

political and constitutional reform in Kalat, the end of British era, elimination of the

sardari system, and the amalgamation of all Baloch areas into an independent state.

The Baloch Nationalists formed another organization with the same objectives in

Sindh province, which was called the Baloch League. In 1937, the Anjuman-e-

Ittehad-e-Balochistan became the Kalat State National Party with same goal of

achieving an independent Balochistan. The founders and members of the Party

Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Mir Gul Khan Naseer and Abdul Aziz Kurd were secular-

minded persons. (Kech, 2013, May.21). Baloch nationalism emerged in a true sense

just before the creation of Pakistan in 1947. The Nationalists Baloch leaders were

highly inspired by Russian revolution and independence movement in India led by

Gandhi and Nehru, the Baloch nationalist leaders started a campaign for an

independent Balochistan for the sake of their distinct identity like Muslims and

Hindus.

As it is mentioned earlier, The Baloch Nationalist Movements always have their roots

in Ethnic Nationalism instead of religion. While the purpose behind the creation of

Pakistan as an independent state was purely religious. After the creation of

Pakistan, the khan of Kalat declared his state independent with an option to consult

Pakistan in the fields of defense and foreign affairs only. But Kalat was forced to join

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Pakistan only after nine months of the creation of Pakistan. (Harrison, 1981:24). This

was the incident which gave rise to first Baloch conflict with the Government of

Pakistan in 1948 on the basis of Baloch Nationalism and turned into a series of

conflicts between the Pakistani state and Baloch nationalists, on many other issues;

including Baloch Nationalism; in 1958, 1962 and 1973.

The Baloch conflict which revolves around the protection of their ethnic identity was

inspired by Marxist-Leninist liberation movements which came into view shortly after

the Baloch revolt of 1962. Sher Mohammed Marri, leader from the Marri tribe,

gathered his men and formed the militant Baloch Liberation Front to fight against

Pakistan Government for Baloch Freedom. The formation of a militant violent group

resulted in another insurgency in 1973. Under the leadership of the Marri tribe,

twenty two camps were established in the areas of central Balochistan to the

northeast of the province. (Harrison, 1981:30)

The demand for an independent state reached its highest point during the 1973–

1977 when President and later Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had refused to

provide Balochistan with the rights which were promised in the democratic

Constitution of Pakistan (1973) and dissolved the government of National Awami

Party (NAP) while accusing its leaders of damaging the foundation of Pakistan.

Major fundamentals of the growing Baloch movement joined the guerilla force of the

Marris and Mengals and even Pakistani army could not eliminate the insurgency.

Later on during the regime of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq negotiations began

and resulted in the withdrawal of the army and the release of the Baloch leaders and

activists. (Ahmed, 1999:176-77) The province of Balochistan remained peaceful until

2005.

6.1. First Baloch Revolt (1948) on the Issue of Accession to

Pakistan

When the British India was divided into India and Pakistan, the Baloch states tried to

porch themselves with the British for independence but their efforts failed and British

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declared them as an independent state on August 15, 1947. This declaration was

made on the fact that since 1876 Kalat, the most influential Baloch state had been

given the status of a sovereign state under the British Raj. (Khan,1975:111).

After the creation of Pakistan, The Khan of Kalat offered Pakistan a special

relationship in which Pakistan would only maintain the matters of defense, foreign

policy, and communications in Baloch Region while the autonomy of Balochistan

would not be disturbed. Moreover, the Kalat Assembly voted in favor of independent

Balochistan, showing an interest to remain with Pakistan but not under the rule of

Pakistan. Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, who was a member of the Kalat Assembly,

stated: ‗‘If Pakistan wants to treat us as a sovereign people we are ready to extend

our friendship. But if Pakistan does not do so and forces us to accept this fate, flying

in the face of democratic principle, every Baloch will fight for freedom.‘‘ (Harrison,

1981:25). In March 1948, the Pakistani Government employed military force to

pressurize the Khan of Kalat to join Pakistan. Prince Abdul Karim Khan, brother of

Mir Ahmed Yar Khan decided to initiate a protest against Pakistani action, he

designed a separatist movement and declared a revolt against the Pakistani

Government for announcing the independence of Kalat and rejection of the

accession agreement which was signed by Ahmed Yar Khan. He formed the Baloch

National Liberation Committee and published a manifesto demanding the autonomy

of Balochistan. He also used guerrilla warfare through Afghanistan against the

Pakistan Army. This was the first example of Baloch Insurgency in the region. Karim

Khan requested the leaders of Baloch nationalist political parties to take part in the

struggle for the creation of an independent „Greater Balochistan‟.(Awan, 2013) Karim

also tried to seek help from Afghanistan because Afghanistan was against the

inclusion of Baloch and Pakhtun areas in Pakistan, but Afghanistan government did

not provide any practical support to Karim because Afghanistan wanted the inclusion

of Balochistan in Afghanistan rather than its existence as an independent state.

(Baloch, 2008, Oct.9). However, due to the lack of required support Karim Khan

agreed to negotiate with Pakistan army as a response to the request from his

brother Mir Ahmad Yar Khan. So, after a few months of guerrilla warfare conducted

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from the Afghan border, Karim laid down his arms in 1950 before Pakistan Army on

the promise of amnesty. But the government broke their amnesty agreement, Karim,

along with his companions, was arrested and sent to jail on their return to Kalat.

(Harrison, 1981:27) This was the first of many further broken agreements between

the Pakistan government and Baloch. This event is very significant and still has

great impact on the psyche of the Baloch people preventing them from trusting the

government.

6.2. Second Baloch Revolt (1958- 59) on the Issue of One-Unit

Policy

The revolt and demand of the Baloch on the issue of a distinct identity and

autonomy, was viewed as a threat to the Center because the Baloch attitude created

big problems in the process of state formation. The use of military power by the

Government and the counter response by the Baloch has been creating turbulence

and instability in the region. There was a need to bridge difference and distance

between the ethnic groups to promote the ideology of one nation. Therefore the

government tried to eliminate the concepts of distinct regional identities. This policy

is known as One Unit Policy, announced by Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali

on November 22, 1954 (Shah, 2007:32) the policy constituted a single provincial

entity that counted all the administrative units of West Pakistan including princely

states. (Justin, 2006:32) The implication of this policy in 1955 was a significant step

taken by Ayub Khan which completely changed the nature of Pakistani politics and

the political development in Balochistan. The basics of the plan were to amalgamate

the entire country into one single entity and merge the four provinces into One Unit.

The policy was also supposed to counter the strength of East Pakistan (which later

began Bangladesh in 1971) and to balance the power between two wings of the

state.

But the implication of One Unit policy did not do much in the establishment of a

Pakistani identity and brought very little development to Balochistan as it did not

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guarantee equal rights for provinces with lesser population. The lack of any

development worsened the Baloch displeasure with the government. The lack of

development was caused by the constant distrurbence in Balochistan, which made

the Central Government hesitant to carry out development projects moreover the

lack of Baloch political representation at provincial level in the regime of Military

General Ayub Khan increased tension. In addition, the unshakable traditional sardari

system did not facilitate the development projects in Balochistan. (Kundi, 1975:16).

Although, initially Khan of Kalat accepted One Unit Policy but the failure of this policy

provided grounds for the recreation of nationalist movement in Balochistan and

many political parties started gathering together. This alliance was given the name of

National Awami Party (NAP) in pursuance of their previous and fundamental

objective; the configuration of four ethnically distinct provinces, free elections, land

reform, nationalization of industry, and abolition of Pakistan‟s association with

western alliances. (Justin, 2006:32). Therefore, One Unit plan implemented by the

federal government became the cause of second outbreak of violence in

Balochistan. (Andley, 2006:4). That scheme was protested by the Baloch because

One Unit Scheme was a threat to their identity. In 1958, Khan of Kalat demanded

abolition of One Unit and recognition of Baloch political identity.

The Baloch considered One Unit Scheme as an offence against their little power at

the provincial level. Prince Karim, after got released from jail formed the People‟s

Party and started a protest against the policy. To put the situation under control, in

1958, the Pakistan Army once again reached Kalat and arrested the Khan. Pakistan

Army controlled the rebellions with force but had to face another wave of violence

when they demanded that the tribesmen turn in their weapons. (Harrison, 1981:28)

consequently a large anti-one unit movement led by Nawab Nauroz Khan Zehri,

along with his armed force led the guerrilla war to counter the Pakistan Army. This

time the insurgents gained much support from the Baloch people in comparison to

the first revolt of 1948 because of the ancient message of the separatist leadership

in response to the government‟s use of military power. The Pakistan Army employed

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heavy handed strategy against the insurgency. After a war like situation of one year,

Nauroz Khan agreed to surrender in exchange for amnesty. Nawab Nauroz was

sworn in by the army on a Quranic oath. Security forces took oath of Holy Quran that

Nauroz Khan and his companions would be given amnesty if they surrendered.

(Kakar, 2014, Sep.29) Relying on the promise, he surrendered in May, 1959.

However, promise was broken again and Nauroz Khan was arrested. According to

Baloch nationalists, Nauroz Khan agreed to surrender only for the dismissal of the

One Unit plan when he was assured of amnesty. But the Pakistan army arrested him

and five of his men were hanged on charges of treachery. Nauroz Khan himself died

in jail in 1964 at Kohlu and became the martyr of the Baloch nationalists. He is

considered a symbol of the deception by the Pakistani government. (Justin, 2006:32)

This act of breach by Pakistan Government refreshed the memory of 1950 and

provided the Baloch nationalist movement with a solid base for mistrust. It was

another significant event which re-energized the separatist attitude among Baloch

people. Following the death of Nauroz Khan the insurgency apparently ended up but

remained dormant.

6.3. Third Baloch Uprising (1963-69) and Policy of ‘’Basic

Democracies’’

The turnaround of Khan of Kalat on One Unit Policy caused Martial Law in Pakistan

and General Ayub Khan, who was trying to enhance his influence, introduced a

policy known as Basic Democracies as a political structure to initiate government

councils at the local, municipal, district and divisional level; and the officials were to

be appointed or elected. But the Baloch nationalists had doubts about the council

members appointed by government, as they were a symbol of the government‟s

intrusion in the political autonomy of local governments. After the second Baloch

conflict the martial head of the state, Ayub Khan started building military

cantonments in Balochistan and the new bases in significant areas of Balochistan

made Baloch nationalist anxious about their future and created a great sense of

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insecurity among Baloch nationalists. In addition the continuation of One Unit

Scheme, distribution of land between non-locals Baloch residents and Government‟s

forceful attitude towards Baloch leaders leveled grounds for another agitation among

Baloch Nationalists. Therefore, in 1960, the political parties of Baloch Nationalist

leaders led to the formation of National Awami Party (NAP) in opposition to One Unit

Scheme and included demand for privileged treatment for Baloch people in

government services.

Ayub Kahn also introduced a new constitution in 1962 and the elections were held

on the recurrence of political parties. In the elections of 1962, the influential Baloch

Sardars from three prominent tribes; Khair Bakhsh Marri, Ataullah Mengal, and

Ahmad Nawaz Bugti; got a chance to establish their political identity for the first time

and gained the positions of government officials as Members of National Assembly

(MNA). But they started aggressive speeches in favor of Baloch people and against

the government. The Central Government got alarmed and considered these leaders

as a threat to the aim of Basic Democracies which meant to reduce the influence of

the tribal Sardars. So, the elected Baloch leaders were immediately substituted by

new Sardars by Central Government.

This incident gave spontaneous rise to another wave of violence and the newly

appointed Sardars were murdered by Baloch Nationalists started attacks on the

Pakistani Army. Government had already removed the titles of formerly elected

Sardars, Atta Ullah Mengal was arrested under the accusation of murder, tried by a

Jirga under the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) and imprisoned. A tribal sardar,

Sher Muhammad Bijrani Marri, who was a Marxist-Leninist; formed the Baloch

nationalist party named Parari. Parari is a Baloch word used for an offended person

or a group whose grievances cannot be solved through talk. (Harrison, 1981:30).

Parari is considered as main actor in the insurgency which was responsible for much

of the violence of 1962. they created insurgent bases, spread over about

72,000 kilometers from the south to the north. (ICG, 2006:4). By the year of 1963,

Parari had established twenty two base camps throughout Balochistan with

thousands of militant fighters. (Harrison,1981:30). Their major aim was to compel

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Pakistan to share revenue generated from the Sui gas fields with the tribal sardars.

To pressurize the government, Parari used the same tactics as they used in the

revolt of 1948, such as bombing railway tracks, attacking public groups and raiding

military camps.

The Pakistan Army hit back and destroyed vast agricultural areas of the Marri tribe's

land. The response of Army also included air attacks on rebel stronghold. Although

Parari got a significant position during the decade of 1960s, but the dominant player

in the Baloch nationalist movement was NAP which always remained a strong

opponent of the government of Ayub Khan. (Nina, 2014: 30) Because not only

politicians, but many other people with deep insight in the inability and inequality of

central government‟s policies regarding political and economic development of

Balochistan which was totally failed in providing proper education and medical

facilities to the public; were active members of NAP. All NAP members were aimed

at the elimination of Basic Democracies and the conduct of direct elections and for

this purpose; they demanded the dissolution of One Unit and full political and

economic autonomy.

In 1969, Ayub Khan was succeeded by another army General, Yaha Khan. General

Yahya Khan abrogated the Constitution of 1962, dissolved the National Assembly

and the two Provincial Assemblies. Till then, the antagonism by the NAP has

reached its peak. And the pressure on Government by Parari had been raised so

high and great that Yaha Khan had to abolish One Unit Policy. So, this revolt ended

in 1969, when Yaha Khan agreed to restore provincial boundaries and new

elections. With the Baloch separatist‟s agreement on ceasefire, the One Unit Policy

was abolished and Balochistan announced as the fourth province of Pakistan,

including all the Baloch princely states and Gwadar. (ICG, 2006:4) Yahya Khan

announced the Legal Frame Work Order (LFO) on 30th March, 1970, which laid

down the basic principles to which constitution confirmed. Yahya Khan also

announced the general elections to be held on 5th October, 1970 on the basis of

adult franchise. (Shah and Khan, 2012:61). Despite strong uncertainties about the

LFO, the political parties appreciated the decision to hold elections. The Baloch

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political parties decided to participate in the elections and also issued their party

manifestos.

6.4. Fourth Baloch Resistance 1973-77

In 1970, the nationwide election were held and NAP got succeeded in establishing

government in Balochistan with Ataullah Mengal and Khair Bakhsh Marri as the chief

administrator and chairman of NAP. Ghaus Bux Bizenjo, who was highly honored

by Baloch and known as Father of Balochistan became governor of Balochistan. The

1970 nationwide election also empowered the Awami League in East wing of

Pakistan (present Bangladesh). This event again changed the political scenario of

not only Pakistan but of the Balochistan too. The results of the elections led to the

deferral of all political activities, civil war and the creation of Bangladesh. Moreover,

the removal from office of the NAP government in Balochistan by Zulfiqar Bhutto in

1973 became strong reason for another Baloch rebellion that continued for four

consecutive years.

As it is explained above that after the termination of the One Unit Policy, the

Balochistan was allowed to take part in general elections. In 1972, the Government

allowed Balochistan to hold first provincial elections, and National Alwami Party

(NAP) came into power. But the President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto removed the NAP

government and dismissed the provincial government in early 1973 with the charges

of conspiring with foreign governments and promoting negative impression of

Pakistani government among Baloch people. (Titus and Nina, 2000:60) This act of

Bhutto set off another violent Baloch insurgency expanded over about four years.

The four years of armed violence resulted in a war and involved about 55,000

Baloch fighters and 80,000 Pakistani military troops. About 5,300 Baloch militants

and 3,300 Pakistani army men were killed. (Harrison, 1996: 298) It is believed that

the militant reaction of the Baloch was a result of their contention towrads the

Punjabi community and their dominance in administrative fields. So, the removal of

the Balochistan provincial assembly was seen by Baloch nationalists as an attack on

their ethnicity. Bhutto‟s Pakistan People‟s Party gained power at the center and the

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demands of the nationalist NAP destabilized the control of the PPP and its Punjabi

support. In addition, the dominance of Punjabis in Pakistan military, and a harsh

response from them was motivated by ethnic distress. The army was very cautious

about every ethnic demand after the formation of Bangladesh in 1971. (Talbot,

2005:224). The secession of East Pakistan was a great lesson to Pakistan army that

gave rise to the fear of being repeated in Balochistan by the Baloch nationalists and

thus sought to crush the insurgency. So, just to control the situation and preventing

another ethnic separation within the country, the military takeover in 1977 and

General Muhammad Zia ul Haq came to power. General Zia, didn‟t compromise on

the issue of Baloch autonomy instead he worked on a ceasefire with Baloch

nationalists, he released Baloch prisoners and successfully hushed up the

insurgency for next twenty five years. The Baloch agreed on reconciliation due to

several reasons. Firstly, the breakdown of the insurgency in the 1973-77

discouraged many fundamental Baloch people. Secondly, the fall down of the

Afghan Government in 1978 stoped the Afghan support for Baloch insurgents and

lastly, Zia allowed Baloch nationalists to conduct elections as long as they were not

attached with any party. So, the provincial assemblies formed through such elections

had very little power. (Khan, 2009: 1077) that is why Balochistan remained peaceful

for many years, though the roots and reasons of the conflict remained unresolved,

which sprouted again in 2004.

7. Current Separatist Movement, 2005- Ongoing

The existing phase of violence in Balochistan is the 5th insurgency under

troublesome circumstances and rose up after about twenty five years of the last

conflict which was settled down by Zia ul Haq in 1979. This insurgency has been

more intense than ever, with new tactics and capabilities of the insurgents. Like the

insurgencies of 1948, 1959, 1962, and 1973, the current uprising in Balochistan has

affected almost the entire region. Balochistan has become strategically very

important not only for Pakistan, but other regional and international powers have

developed their interests too. The Army gained power again in 1999 and the military

General Pervez Musharraf became president of Pakistan. During the regime of

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Military General, Pervez Musharraf, the construction of a deep-sea port at Gwadar,

in 2002, is the most controversial event between the central government and Baloch

nationalists. The port is situated on Makran Coast at Gwadar and is an important

counterbalance to the Iranian port at Chahbahar. The project began in 2002, with

Chinese financial and technical assistance. The Pakistani government and the

Chinese government would respectively benefit fifty percent and forty eight percent

of the proceeds while Baloch people are left with only two percent. This is the main

cause of Baloch grievance. The contracts for construction have been given to

foreign firms and the greater part of the labor consists of Punjabis or other non-

Baloch employees. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 62)

President Musharraf‟s arrival and his planning for mega development projects could

not alleviate the unrest among Baloch nationalist, instead Baloch demand for

political autonomy increased on the issues of unjustified royalty from Sui gas. In

addition, the involvement of Punjabis and Sindhi communities in economic and

political system and induction of Frontier Guards and other permanent army groups

increased the level of tension. The situation became more tensed when the

government established ex-servicemen on tribal land in a large number and shifted

more Pukhtuns from NWFP to Quetta. The Musharraf Government did not

succeeded in finding a solution for disputed matter of gas, copper, silver, gold and

coal royalty. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63)

On one side, General Pervaiz Musharraf strongly believed that the mega project of

Gwadar for the development in Balochistan will be a great economic advantage to

both the local Baloch and Pakistan as a whole. But on the other side, the Baloch

nationalists looked at it from a different perspective. They argued that Balochistan

was the last province to have access to its gas resources moreover they were

always granted with excessively low percentage of the income produced from their

land. This fact made them suspicious about the government‟s intentions and

assured them of the central government‟s planned policy of resource exploitation.

So, the Gwadar port has become a point of disputation between nationalists and

government, the government is hopeful that the huge project will provide great

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benefits to Balochistan, but the Baloch are concerned that they about being

neglected badly as jobs and revenue is going to non Baloch communities and

foreign nations. Therefore, the Baloch nationalists perceive Gwadar as a central

government‟s strategy to take possession of Balochistan by shifting Punjabis and

other settlements of the military and bureaucracy in Balochistan, just to make the

Baloch people a minority in the region. According to Baloch leaders, the land of

Gwadar is being sold out to military and other non Baloch officials, against the will of

Baloch, on a very low cost and this process is not only involving outsiders in the

purely Baloch areas but also enabling them to own the land of Balochistan forever.

Moreover, the project will modify the demography of the area from a 70,000 Baloch

population to about two million, mostly non-Baloch people.. („‟The Plight of the

Baloch‟‟ 2015, March) The Baloch are of the view that Gwadar project is a major

threat to their ethnic identity and a great danger to their sovereignty over their own

state. The gas revenue issues and the Gwadar project are major disputes between

the Baloch and Central Government. They are the result of the basic grievance that

led Baloch nationalists to become violent and creating constant unrest since 2002.

The only biggest grudge of Baloch is government‟s interference with their political

and economic systems. The contradiction between Baloch and government‟s views

is responsible to push the conflict towards an insurgency.

Since 2002, the tension between government and Baloch nationalists continued and

soon it was transformed into an armed struggle by Baloch nationalists who

demanded for an independent Balochistan with full political sovereignty and control

over their resources. The current insurgency started in real manner in 2004, when

majority of Baloch people were thrown out of power, (Bansal, 2010). The Baloch

militant insurgents started armed war with the government by attacking military

cantonments, government and army officers and other infrastructure related to any

project of economic development. The insurgents mainly targeted gas pipelines,

railway tracks, bridges, power transmission lines, telephone exchanges and military

and government installations. It is believed that the nationalistic movement in

Balochistan reached at the highest level when a rape incident was reported in Sui at

the hands of a Defense Security Guard in January 2005. This suddenly ignited the

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anger of tribal Baloch people to the extent that they started armed attacks on DSG

and Frontier Constabulary (FC) employees. (Javaid, 2010:117) there was a war like

situation which lasted for four days, during that period, the insurgents totally

destroyed the gas pipeline supplies from Balochistan to industrial units in Punjab

and Sindh. It took many days to restore gas supplies. (Bansal, 2010). All these

incidents and attacks resulted in a battle in Dera Bugti. A trivial exchange of fire

between the tribesmen and the FC personnel soon turned into heavy firing of rockets

and other ammunition from both sides. This war also affected civilian population as

well. The day-long shelling claimed sixty lives from both parties. Gas supplies from

Sui were also attacked and destroyed by Baloch people, and Nawab Akbar Bugti,

the leader of Jamhoori Watan Party of Balochistan defended his people by saying

that they did it only to show the intensity of their anger and was not a part of their

struggle for independence. The Baloch tribesmen were also very offended with the

army cantonments in Balochistan. A rocket was attacked on General Musahrraf

when he was visiting Kohlu in December 2005. That attack invited a severe reaction

from the Army. A full fledged military operation against Baloch rebellions was

launched in Dera Bugti and Kohlu by Pakistan Army. (PIPS, 2009:20)

General Musharraf, in response ordered the Army to crush revolting Baloch forces of

Akbar Khan Bugti. At a conference of corps commanders in 2006, Musharraf boldly

declared that, ―the writ of the Pakistani government will never be challenged. Let that

be a warning… if anyone challenges the writ of the government, I will crush it.‖

(Pipes, 2010:21) very soon, Akbar Bugti, the Sardar of more than 200,000

tribesmen, was killed when the Pakistan Air Force bombed his cave in the

Bhambhore mountain in the Marri area.(Laif and Hamza, 2009:69) Nawab Bugti is

said to be buried in the ruins of the same cave. (Masooad, 2006:22) The

assassination of Nawab Akbar Bugti increased disorder and instability in the region

and provided solid grounds for protest against government of Pervez Musharraf.

This situation not only involved the tribal Sardars but also provide incentive to

common Baloch people for raising their voice against army and government.

Musharraf was and still is blamed for an unjustified killing of Bugti. This episode

became another grievance of Baloch towards the Central Government and the

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Army. Bugti is considered as a hero who sacrificed his life for the sake of rights of

Baloch people. His killing was condemned by almost all political leaders of the

Pakistan. (Javaid, 2010:119). The sense of hatred and anxiety which was created

by Bugti‟s death has made the whole situation more crucial and law and order

conditions of Balochistan got worse than before. Nawab Bugti‟s legacy did not die

and the armed tribal resistance in Balochistan still continues. He still occupies a

special place in the hearts of Baloch masses. After his death, military operations in

Balochistan motivated the nationalistic tendency. The Baloch people have lost their

faith in the political system and developed significant anger towards the Punjabis

and the Army.

The Baloch nationalists now faithfully think that projects of economic development

and political reforms are a part of the long history of the colonization of Balochistan

and these project are nothing but a conspiracy against Baloch people of exploiting

the resources of their land at the expense of the Baloch people. They strongly

oppose military operations which are; they think; to subjugate the local Baloch and

establish a more forceful military presence within the province (Justin, 2006:5). The

Baloch nationalists do not believe in political system introduced by government in

Balochistan as it seems to them that killing of Bugti in August, 2006 and murder of

Nawabzada Ballach Marri in 2007, clearly indicated the federal government‟s

intention to handle the demands of Baloch by eliminating their leaders, rather than

coming to a political settlement. (Bansal, 2010). In 2008, General Musharraf‟s

regime was ended. In February 2008 general elections were held and Pakistan

Peoples Party came into power and formed a democratic government. It was

expected that the end of military regime and revival of democracy would alleviate the

Baloch grievances and the situation would be normalized in Balochistan. The

president of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari from People‟s Party openly apologized to

Baloch people for past violence and injustices during his visit to Capital of

Balochistan; Quetta; and tried to cool down the rebels in a peaceful manner. But

according to Baloch nationalists, the military establishment takes its own decisions,

autonomous of the political rulers. Baloch nationalists insurgents promised and

declared a one-sided ceasefire in September 2008, but they did not receive any

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positive response and appreciation by the Pakistani government and the subsequent

killing of Baloch nationalists by Pakistan Army, instigated them to recommence their

struggle. Since 2009, Pakistani security forces are reported to have killed Baloch

leaders. This attitude and approach has deeply disappointed a major portion of the

Baloch population on permanent basis. (Bansal, 2010) In fact, the shift from the

military government to the democratic government did not help alleviating Baloch

aggression and the unsatisfied Baloch continued to express there discontent through

various attacks. In 2009, about 792 attacks resulted in 386 deaths. (PIPS, 2010) out

of which, about ninety two percent of the attacks were made from Baloch

nationalists, in 2010, 730 attacks were reported resulting in 600 deaths. (PIPS,

2011) Since then, there has been a continuous series of civilian targeting as well as

political attacks and killings. It is reported that almost 25,000 army and paramilitary

forces were involved in counter operations in Balochistan, which could not oppress

the insurgency but rather has increased ethnic grievances. (Rajsree, 2009, 215)

Map No. 4.1. Conflict Areas of Balochistan

Source:://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/Balochistan/data/balochistanmap201 on

06 May, 2015

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8. Baloch Insurgents

As it has described in chapter one of this research, there are three main tribes in

Balochistan which are headed by nationalist Sardars, The Marri Tribe, The Bugti

Tribe and The Mengal Tribe. The head of Marri Tribe is Mir Kher Baksh Marri, and

Bugti and Mengal Tribes are headed by Sardar Akbar Khan Bugti and Sardar

Ataullah Mengal respectively. The the Marris and the Bugtis, are said to be

responsible for most of the violence in the province. The tribe Mengal is less

involved in militant activities but provides strong moral encouragement to the

militants of other tribes and does not oppose any armed struggle regarding

independence of Balochistan. (Wrising, 2008:22) Mainly, there are some militant

groups organized and sponsored by these tribes which are responsible for creating

extremely bad situation of law and order through their violent activities and armed

attacks. There are many insurgent groups in Balochistan, mainly the Baloch

Republican Army (BRA), Baloch Peoples Liberation Front (BPLF), Popular Front for

Armed Resistance (PFAR), Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), and the Balochistan

Liberation Front (BLF) are famous but the BLA is the largest and most widely-known

as terrorist militant group.

The BLA is working on the agenda based on Baloch nationalist tendencies and

fighting against Central Government for the liberation of Balochistan. This group is

considered an underground, secret organization which is working under the

guidance of Marri Tribe. Although, BLA is considered to be active from 1970 with a

big support from Soviet Union, it was officially formed in 1999 by Balach Marri until

his assassination in 2007, now his brother, Hyrbyair Marri is leading the group.

(Grare, 2013:5)

BLA strictly stands for an independent Greater Balochistan, which includes Iranian

and Afghan areas of Baloch population as well. The main objective of BLA is to

reduce the government‟s presence in the province and for this purpose; they target

the areas which are abundant in natural resources and where the government has

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initiated different projects for economic development such as gas pipelines and oil

fields. Their campaign is designed to damage the economic stability of central

government in Balochistan to reduce the influence of government and army officials.

The most common targets are soldiers and government employees.. Journalists

from out side the Balochistan are also their prominent targets. The BLA attacks

include both bombings and armed assault. BLA is estimated to have more than

3,000 fighters; most of them are tribal men. (Grare, 2013:5) BLA has been declared

a terrorist group by the central government, and is banned in 2006 for its violent and

anti state activities. („‟List of Banned‟‟ 2014, Oct.24). The organization of BLA

consists of various training camps under different leaders. Weapons in Balochistan

are easily available which are supplied from Afghanistan. Generally, BLA use

Kalashnikovs, rockets, grenades and land mines. („‟What are Short Term

Objectives‟‟ 2012, Nov.5)

Another group of insurgents is known as Baloch Republican Army (BRA) which has

also been banned by government of Pakistan due to its militant attacks and violent

activities. It is supposed to be working under the leadership of Brahamagh Bugti, the

grand son of Akbar Bugti. BRA is also known as a wing of Baloch Republican Party

(BRP), which used to be associated to Bugti Tribe. (Brwon, Dawod, Irantalab, Naqi,

2012, June.21) BRA targets gas pipelines and attacks on military convoys and

recently has been able to pull off more refined attacks on paramilitary checkpoints.

9. Baloch Grievances and Main Causes of Current

Insurgency

The use of forcing tactics instead of peaceful talks by the federal government has

always been the major cause of bitterness in Baloch nationalists and the main factor

in making them rise as a militant force rather than a political unit. The policies of the

federal government towards Baloch and Balochistan have always been playing a

very crucial role in formation of Baloch nationalist movements. In the entire past and

present Baloch occurrence, the most important responsibility for activating the

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conflict, lays with the policies of an arrogant centre towards Balochistan. Twice, in

1948 and then in 1973-77, Baloch insurgency took place in the period of civilian

government. And in the other three instances; 1958-59, 1962-63, and 2005-till now;

Baloch militant protest regained its power under the rule of army. In all these five

insurgencies, the Baloch armed struggle has mainly been a reaction to central

government‟s heavy-handed policies. For their survival and protection of rights, the

four major Baloch nationalist parties formed Baloch Ittehad (alliance) on September

14, 2003 at Dera Bugti for what they called Baloch rights within Pakistani federation.

Prior to 2005, the Baloch protest was restricted to the parts of Kohlu and Dera Bugti

districts accounting for a seven per cent of Balochistan, but after the death of Bugti

in 2006, militant violence has overwhelmed about eleven districts and the

assassination of Bugti brought together about 380 Baloch leaders in a grand Jirga,

which was called after 137 years for a common cause, held on September 21, 2006.

Musharraf was of the view that there were only three sardars who were responsible

for creating problems, but on the contrary, 85 Baloch sardars participated in the jirga

and resolved to move International Court of Justice over the violation of accord

signed between the state of Kalat and government of Pakistan back in 1948.

Ironically, 70 of these sardars were allegedly the beneficiaries of state patronage.

(Kakar, Dec.7, 2014) Grievances of Baloch nationalists revolve around political and

economic deprivation, cultural identity, provincial autonomy, control over natural

resources, more representation in Central government, more and justified share

from gas revenues, abolition of military camps in Baloch region and limiting Army‟s

presence, abuse of human rights, lack of trust in the government, destruction of

Baloch identity through heavy invasion of non Baloch outsiders. (Javiad, 2010:113)

I. Protection of Cultural Identity

In fact, the army of Pakistan has never been in favor of distinct ethnic identities.

General Zia ul Haq, an army ruler, has openly declared that: ‗‘I would really like to

break up the existing (four) provinces and replace them with fifty-three small

provinces, erasing ethnic identities from the map of Pakistan altogether‖ (Grare,

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2006: 3). But the Baloch have always been very sensitive about their cultural identity

spread over more than 2,000 years. There are many examples of Baloch unity under

the banner of their cultural identity such as the amalgamation of forty-four tribes

under the leadership of Mir Jalal Khan in the 12th century, the confederation in the

15th century, and the establishment of the Khanate of Balochistan in the 17th

century (Grare, 2006: 6). The central government has been reluctant to recognize

Baloch as a distinctive nation on the basis of their ethnicity and this response is

growing nationalist demands which have tended to strengthen separatist movements

II. Lack of Political Representation

The military has never paid attention to Baloch demands autonomy and they only

find military solutions, rather than political ones. This preference was a major cause

of armed insurrections in 1948, 1958, and 1973 (Khan, 2009: 1080-1084). But the

Baloch were given participation in the political process during the decades of 1980s

and 1990s, that‟s why these decades remained peaceful to some extent. General

Zia-ul Haq ruled Pakistan for about eleven years and put many efforts to please the

Baloch sardars. His policy was to support US in Afghanistan by throwing out the

Soviet Army and for this purpose, he tried to appease the wrath of Baloch Sardars

and win their loyalties by adopting different strategies to gain peace in the region.

His policies created a corrupt political culture in Balochistan. (Ahmed, 1999:177) Zia

received war material from US in huge quantity to help Afghanistan to counter Soviet

Union and consequently, the provinces of NWFP and Balochistan became the base

for Afghan Mujahids.

After 1988, with the end of Zia regime the Baloch tribes were given political

representation during the democratic governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz

Sharif, and tensions between Baloch and government seemed to be settled down.

Baloch nationalist were given an opportunity to express their grievances through

elected representatives on national and provincial level. In the 1988 elections,

Baloch National Alliance (BNA) which was an alliance of tribal leaders and left-wing

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nationalists, headed by Akbar Bugti; won many seats in the provincial assembly.

(Andley, 2006:5). But again in 1999, the removal of civilian government by Pervez

Musharraf refreshed the most recent Baloch insurgency (ICG, 2006: 6). Musharraf

manipulated the constitution to give power to the Federal Government, and transfer

the hold of power to military at the local level. This act went beyond the authority of

provinces and frustrated the Baloch for demand for greater provincial autonomy.

(ICG, 2006: 7). Musharraf's policy of eliminating the power of provincial governments

also affected Baloch representation at both the federal and provincial levels. This

new system motivated the sense of political marginalization and economic

exploitation in Baloch nationalists. (Bansal, 2008: 185).

The strong feeling of being oppressed in the political system of Pakistan is another

big cause of the uprising Baloch nationalism. According to Baloch nationalists, there

has always been an imbalance in representation of Baloch ethnicity in the Federal

Government and they are rarely appointed on any key positions in the Central

bureaucracy and Federal Government. (Bansal, 2008: 186). In addition, there are

only a few hundred Baloch in the armed forces, with very few in senior positions.

These facts promote sense of deprivation among Baloch nationalists and helped

increasing hatred for the military governments. (Khan, 2009: 1082). Baloch

representation in the armed forces is very low, about only 1.3 percent of the total

armed forces while the Punjabis dominate on superior positions in civil services and

Army. (Rizvi,2000:240)

The lack of representation on political and administrative level, gave rise to Baloch

fear of marginalization and feelings of isolation. So they react to rescue their land

and resources for the Baloch people. The central government‟s policy of keeping

Baloch people away from democratic political system has reduced the possibilities of

integration of Baloch people into Pakistan. Baloch nationalist firmly believe that

democracy denied to them, appears in the forced Baloch merger into Pakistan in

1948, the One Unit scheme in 1955, the 1973–77 uprising, and the 2002 elections.

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III. Provincial Autonomy

A key demand of the Baloch nationalists is a desire for increased political autonomy

over the province. In the political structure of Pakistan, more power and decision

making authority has been granted to the Central Government at the expense of the

provinces, as a result, demands for increased autonomy have been a constant

feature of Baloch nationalism since 1948. The agitation among the Baloch and

government on the issue increased when Musharraf further centralized the

government, giving more dominating role to Centre. (ICG, 2006: 7). Moreover, prior

to Musharraf, the two democratic governments of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto,

did not fulfill their promises to increase autonomy to Balochistan, in addition the

Musharraf used military forces to find solutions to the political and administrative

grievances of the Baloch people which provoked a violent intensification in the

conflict (Khan, 2009: 1081).

IV. Expropriation of Resources

The central government‟s projects and plans to utilize the natural resources of

Balochistan for the benefit of the central government and other provinces, these

natural resources exist in the form of minerals and energy resources. In past, these

energy resources have been a key reason to various intrusions in Baloch region.

(Harrison, 1981:7). The gas field, founded in Sui, located in Balochistan was the

biggest natural gas field in Pakistan. Balochistan provides about 45 percent of the

national demand for natural gas. But unfortunately, many regions in Balochistan are

still without gas transmission facilities, even some areas near and around the Sui

gas field. Only four of the twenty-six Balochistan districts receive natural gas. (Fazl-

e-Haider, Dawn, 2006, Feb. 6) although, Balochistan is abundant in natural gas, but

has gained very little benefit from its own gas fields as compared to Sindh and

Punjab. Gas was firstly supplied to Multan and Rawalpindi in Punjab in 1964 on

priority bases but Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, remained deprived of this facility

till 1986 and waited for its share of gas. Gas was supplied to Balochistan only when

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a Corps Headquarters was established there. Dera Bugti was also facilitated with

gas supply when a military camp was established there in mid nineties. (Grare,

2006:5). Balochistan was and still is the poorest province of Pakistan, both

economically and financially even after the 65 years of creation of Pakistan. During

Musharraf regime, the military developed their camps and operation centers at

centering resource-rich areas of Balochistan. No doubt, Musharraf took significant

steps to expand oil drilling and other mineral exploration in the province, but

according to Baloch nationalists, all these development projects were launched

without the consent of the Baloch. (Wirsing, 2008:4) The expropriation of natural

resources is the most persistent grievance of the Baloch.

V. Financial Policies and Development Projects

The Baloch are of the view that the government has been evidently prejudiced in

making the financial policies regarding Balochistan and all the mega projects for

economic development were initiated without the consent, counsel, or profit sharing

of the Baloch. In 2002, during Musharraf regime, Pakistan received international

attention as the critical supporter of the United States in the Afghanistan War.

Musharraf smartly and wisely utilized this global attention to initiate the Gwadar

Mega Project with intentions to construct a deep-water port that would be able to

compete with the best ports in the world. This project was initially decided in 1992,

during Nawaz Sharif regime. This was a cooperative project and the financial and

technical partner of this project was China. Gwadar is located in the middle of the

Balochistan coast near the resource rich areas of Balochistan. The port would

transform the small Baloch town of Gwadar into a grand economic zone. (Wirsing,

2008:16) . As this project was to gain attention of various international elements, and

may become the centre point of economic benefit to regional and global powers,

which would definitely invite foreigners as labors and traders, many Baloch feared

this project would place them in the minority within their own territory. In response to

this development project, Baloch insurgents launched multiple attacks on Gwadar

and other key development projects related to this port. This campaign gained

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international attention when two Chinese engineers working on the Gwadar project

were assassinated by Baloch tribal men in 2006. The government of Pakistan

ignored the concerns that the Baloch had over Gwadar for the sake of major

economic progress on national level. Once again the Baloch resistance movement

began to undermine the Pakistani writ in the region.

The Baloch tribes think that all the developmental projects in Balochistan are for

greater economic benefit only of the government and the military institutions as The

Gwadar project was completely under the control of the central government. Initially,

Baloch nationalists did not oppose the port but following developments such as

establishment of a land market, a military base and the huge inflow of non-Baloch

population in Balochistan, were not discussed with the Baloch. This led Baloch

people to feel dissatisfied with the government and developed the fear of becoming

a minority in their own land.

VI. Economic Oppression

Economic oppression has been a long-term factor and cause of aggression among

Baloch nationalists. „‘Since the mid-1970s its share of the country‘s GDP has

dropped from 4.9 to 3.7 percent. Balochistan has the highest infant and maternal

mortality rate, the highest poverty rate, and the lowest literacy rate in Pakistan.‘‘

(Sanaullah. 2007: 5). The central government of Pakistan has been making efforts to

support Baloch economy by initiating different development projects, but

unfortunately, nothing helped due to the harsh and non cooperative attitude of

Baloch nationalists. The utilization of the natural gas has always been the most

prominent Baloch grievance since 1952. The Constitution of 1973 determined the

provincial gas royalties at 12.5 percent, prior to that, the price of gas from each

province was based on per capita provincial income. This policy resulted in a much

lower than Sindh and Punjab, and Baloch were given less share in royalties and

revenues than other major provinces. Furthermore, the government had more

reduced the Balochistan‟s share in royalty citing the need to recover operating costs.

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(Kupecz, 2010:100) This step taken by central government extremely deprived

Balochistan and the dismissal of the government in 1973 by Bhutto, also left Baloch

people with almost no practical hold over their own land recourses.

VII. Influx of Other Ethnic Groups and Fear of Marginalization

The Baloch and Pakhtun divide is also counted as another big cause of Baloch

unrest and factor in uprising of Baloch nationalism on the basis of their ethnic

identity. This issue is of historical as well as current importance. Baloch-Pakhtun

divide was actually motivated by British in the region. The British had to follow the

strategy of using Afghanistan as a buffer state against Russian growth and for this

purpose they fought several wars in Afghanistan. And to gain their hold on the land

of Balochistan, the British constructed an extensive infrastructure including road and

rail links in the northern parts of Baloch region, along with Afghan border which was

heavily inhabited by Pakhtuns. This infrastructure, which is still a major medium of

commercial transportation from Balochistan to Afghanistan, provided the Pakhtuns,

in the north of Balochistan, with great opportunities to achieve economic progress

than the Baloch.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 further provoked the Baloch

apprehension of political domination by Pakhtuns, because Afghan Pakhtuns, as

refugees, migrated across the border into Baloch regions in thousands. To Baloch

people, these migrant Pakhtuns were nothing than a foreign nation which fled into

their own land without their permission. Political domination of Pakhtuns was

confirmed by the success of the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, a Pakhtuns

nationalist party which was formed in 1989. (Khan, 2005:124) Underdeveloped

economic conditions during British period and increased Pakhtun migration are

important factors in motivating Baloch nationalism. Domination by Punjabi

community is another historical conflict driver since the British period. The British

were also preferential in giving administrative control of the region to the Punjabi

people under an arranged political structure which was in favor of the British

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interests instead of the Baloch people. The administrative and military institutions

were under Punjabis while Balochs were completely ignored. (Talbot, 2005:56) The

Baloch people at that time were small and disjointed inhabitants of Balochistan so

they were directly and badly affected by British policy more than any other ethnic

group. The trend of economic and political dominance of Punjabis and Pakhtuns set

by the British became the structural legacy of Balochistan which continued till the

partition of subcontinent and the simultaneous departure of the British in 1947.

The Baloch tribes could never trust Punjabi and Pakhtun majority and this

atmosphere of mistrust gave rise to Baloch disobedience and caused the

implementation of the One Unit Scheme in 1955. According to Baloch theory, the

One Unit Policy was an attempt by Punjabi community to merge the ethnically

dissimilar provinces of Pakistan in their own interests; into a single administrative

body just to get aligned against another powerful ethnic nation, Bengalis of East

Pakistan, which was a very powerful and superior group being large in number living

in East Pakistan. Although the Baloch revolt against One Unit was ended in 1958

through government oppression and the arrest of numerous Baloch leaders. For the

next many years, Balochistan was treated like a colony where Punjabis and other

non-Baloch groups were holding the administrative posts. Furthermore, resource

utilization by the Central Government, low literacy, and high level of poverty weighed

down balochistan. (Khan, 2003:287)

VIII. Presence of Army and Security Concerns

The Baloch tribes also have a great sense of hatred towards the security agencies in

Balochistan. The Frontier Corps (FC) which is a para-military force operating under

the guidance of federal government is highly mistrusted by Baloch nationalists. The

Baloch repeatedly accused FC for misconduct, dishonor, threats and the use of

force. The problem is that, the security personnel are not local Baloch and the

Baloch strongly demand the exclusion of FC check posts. Baloch also demand the

elimination of the army and the release of political captives for the re-establishment

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of peace. (Andley, 2006:6) Pervaiz Musharraf had a mind to establish new army

cantonments in Balochistan at Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Gwadar; (Javaid, 2010:119),

as these areas of Balochistan are considered most sensitive due to the mega

development projects and resistance form Baloch towards these plans. But almost

all the Baloch tribes strongly opposed the idea of building army cantonments in

these areas and it became the major demands of Baloch people that there would be

no army camps because the military cantonments were viewed by Baloch tribes as a

settlement for further repression and control and not for the purpose of development.

Due to the strong opposition, the idea of building cantonments was withdrawn in the

next regime of civilian government of Pakistan Peoples Party.

10. Governments Policies Regarding Baloch Insurgency

Throughout the history, the central government has been trying to integrate Baloch

people into Pakistan and for this purpose different strategies have been adopted to

control and cease the current Baloch insurgency. In this regard, Pakistan‟s first

policy was a “closed-border” policy that did little to help the Baloch people, this policy

was made to defend the Baloch‟s traditional sense of autonomy but , during Bhutto‟s

regime as prime minister, a new policy named “forward policy” was introduced that

gave more emphasis to the need for development and integration of Balochistan.

(Siddiqi, 1991:37)) This was an attempt to integrate the province and to maintain the

writ of the government but this policy resulted in the third insurgency in 1973 but

after Bhutto, a new army dictator, General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, took the charge

of country and imposed marshal law. He took some significant steps to appease the

Baloch insurgents by releasing about six thousand Baloch prisoners, captured by

Bhutto government during the third insurgency. Furthermore, he declared amnesty

for other remaining Baloch insurgents, including those hiding in Afghanistan.

(Harrison, 1981:40) No doubt, Zia‟s policy of amnesty and reconciliation did a lot to

put down the insurgency but practically he did not do anything else to address the

problems of Baloch and did not pay sufficient attention to eliminate the causes of

Baloch insurgency forever. During Zia‟s reign until 2002, Baloch problems and

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demands were not so big to handle but being constantly ignored by the central

government, the Baloch nationalist could not remain calm for a long time and it was

only after the start of the fourth insurgency in 2004-05 that the government began

taking serious steps to attempt integration. The most significant step taken since

2002 was the creation of the Senate Committee on Balochistan. In 2004, the

establishment of this committee was ordered by government it was given the task of

responding to the challenges in Balochistan. The government dealt with not only the

law and order situation but also paid attention to the political demands of the Baloch.

The result was a report that recommended significant changes in the government‟s

military, political, economic, and energy policies regarding the Baloch.

(„‟Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan‟‟, 2005:9) The committee was given the

task to inspect the situation in Balochistan for making recommendations for

improvement of conditions and promotion of inter-provincial harmony. The

Committee prepared a detailed and comprehensive report by the end of 2005 and

gave recommendations for many plans and reforms such as an increased share of

natural gas revenues, implementation of the job quota for Baloch people in the

central services, representation on the Gwadar Port, construction of new dams to

alleviate drought conditions and stoppage of unkind treatment of citizens at security

check points maintained by the Frontier Corps personnel throughout the province.

(„‟Senate of Pakistan‟‟, 2005:95-101).

The Baloch nationalists gave a profound response to the committee‟s report and a

70 percent drop in insurgent violence from the previous three months was

significantly noticed. After the end of Musharraf regime in 2008, the new Pakistani

President, Asif Ali Zardari committed to solve the Baloch issue. He initiated the

“Balochistan Package,” which was a combination of measures aimed at addressing

the demands of the Baloch and integrating them into the nation. (The News, 2009,

Dec. 8). President Asif Ali Zardari promised Baloch tribes to solve their problems

and fulfill their demands through negotiations which were a non violent, democratic

way to address the Baloch grievances. Therefore a parliamentary committee was

formed to look into Balochistan‟s issue. The suggestions made by the committee

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were given the name of the Agaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package which was

presented in the Parliament on 24th November 2009. (Javaid, 2010:121). That

package covered almost all the conflicts such as constitutional issues, economic

matters, natural resources, political and administrative issues. Along with this

Balochistan Package, 7th National Finance Commission Award in December 2009

and the 18th amendment to the constitution of Pakistan were also initiated by the

Zardari Government.

The Balochistan Package included:

Release of Baloch political prisoners

Political dialogue with the province

Establishment of a commission to investigate into the death of Nawab Akbar

Bugti

A judicial inquiry into the killing of Baloch leaders

Elimination of the idea of building army cantonments at Kohlu and Sui

Withdrawal of army forces from these areas

Under the 7th NFC award, more resources were transferred to Balochistan while the

18th amendment fully restored a parliamentary democracy, giving more power to the

provincial governments. (PILDAT, 2012:20). These three steps taken to address the

insurgency in Balochistan can be termed as major and historic changes to reshape

and readjust the balance of power between provincial and federal governments. The

regime of Peoples Party ended with the general elections 2013 and Mian

Muhammad Nawaz Sharif from Pakistan Muslim League became prime minister of

Pakistan for the third time. The PML-N, the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party and

National Party together won with majority in the Balochistan Assembly and mutually

agreed to form a combined government. Prime Minister Nawaz Shrif promised

Baloch people to provide them basic facilities and jobs to and bring development in

education, health, agriculture, irrigation and other sectors with a further commitment

to remove the deprivation of the Baloch people. (The Dawn, 2013, May.20)

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11. Interests of Foreign Powers in Baloch Nationalist

Movement

There has always been a belief in Pakistan that some outsiders are playing a role in

the Baloch insurgency. The geographical location and huge mineral and energy

resources of Balochistan, make this land extraordinarily important for almost all the

world and specially a mark of special interest among regional political actors such as

the US, India, Russia, UAE and Afghanistan, all have one common interest in this

region and an independent Balochistan is in high favor of their geo-strategic

interests. Pakistan has always been claiming that the Baloch insurgents possess

highly refined artillery and modern military training which may be a clear sign of

foreign support and interference in the province. (The News, 2005, Feb. 2)

A major example took place in 1973, during Bhutto regime; when Pakistan

government found an ammunition store at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad. Weapons

including about three hundred submachine guns and forty eight thousand 48,000

rounds of ammunition were located by Pakistanis officials. Akbar Bugti was the only

Baloch Sardar at that time that fully supported central government in dismissal of

NAP government in Balochistan and got the designation of Governor of Balochistan.

He had administered the worst military operation against the Baloch insurgents

during 1973-77 revolt. The government claimed that the Iraqi weapons were being

sent to help out the Baloch insurgents. („‟What are Short Term Objectives‟‟ 2012,

Nov.5)

India developed its interest in Afghanistan in 1970s after the creation of Bangladesh

and simultaneously, India started its efforts to put Balochistan in the same condition

through encouraging an insurgency in Balochistan. For this purpose, India exploited

the enmity between the state and the rebellious Baloch Sardars. The aims of India

were to keep away Pakistan from the energy resources to turn Pakistan into an

economically weak state. This kind of economic and political instability would

damage the strength of Pakistan to survive as an independent state. The

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Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) occurred during the era of 1970s as the most

active insurgent group with a strong leaning towards Soviet Union. It is believed that

BLA received arms from the Soviet Union and the insurgents were secretly trained

there. The Baloch leaders have openly listed India among their sponsors. Grand son

of Akbar Bugti, and a BLA leader, Brahamdagh Bugti, had accepted help from India

and Afghanistan. ―We love our Indian friends and want them to help and rescue us

from tyranny and oppression. In fact, India is the only country which has shown

concern over the Baloch plight. We want India to take Balochistan‘s issue to every

international forum, the same way Pakistan has done to raise the so-called Kashmiri

issue. We want India to openly support our just cause and provide us with all moral,

financial, military and diplomatic support.‖ (Khan, 2011:4)

The style of attacks with modern weapons clearly shows the fact that the Baloch

rebels have received proper military training. Such a large scaled mutiny cannot be

managed without heavy funding as they cannot rise on their own. It is estimated that

the financial expenditure of BLA is about 50-90 million rupees monthly. Supposedly,

they are getting considerable amount from Afghanistan through US. („‟What are

Short Term Objectives‟‟ 2012, Nov.5). It is said that US has been encouraging

Baloch separatist movements for a long time through the help of India by

encouraging India to reinforce its spy network in Afghanistan and helped India open

consulates along the Afghan border. The Indian consulates were used as centers of

Indian intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the Baloch

rebels are receiving financial and other assistance through these Indian centers. In

2004, the Chief Minister of Balochistan Jam Muhammad Yusuf openly declared that

the RAW had established almost forty terrorist camps all over Balochistan. The

Pakistani officials have been continuously referring to Indian involvement and also

have expressed their doubt about Iranian and US involvement. (The News, February

2, 2005)

The Gwadar port is estimated to be the focal point of an energy and trade passage

to and from China and the Central Asian Republics. China has got legal right on

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Gwadar as it has invested a lot in this project financially and technically. China has

also invested in a coastal highway to link Gwadar with Karachi. China is also

involved in the Saindak gold and copper mining project in Balochistan. China and

India have been engaged in several trade plans for their joint benefits but there has

always been a sense of rivalry and an economic competition between the two

countries. So, India may not desire to see the development of Gwadar port as

profitable for China as well as for Pakistan. The former Governor of Balochistan,

Owais Ahmed Ghani stated ―India is not only helping annoyed people with weapons,

but is training them as well, India is financing the insurgency and Afghan warlords

and drug barons of arming the militants‘‘(Aziz, „‟Foreign Hand‟‟ 2009)

India has established nine training camps along the Afghan border to provide military

training to the members of the Baloch Liberation Army. India and the UAE are also

alleged for providing armed and economic assistance to Baloch rebels. The aim is to

create hurdles in the construction of the Gwadar port. Russian government has been

directly involved in supporting the Baloch insurgents. Former president Pervez

Musharraf had also raised the point with US officials in September 2007 and he

asked the US to get involved on issue of attempt from Afghanistan and India to

destabilize Balochistan. Musharraf stated that ‗‘Pakistan had proof that India and

Afghanistan were involved in efforts to provide weapons, training and funding for

Baloch extremists through Brahamdagh Bugti and Baloch Marri, two Baloch

nationalists, who were living in Kabul.‖ (The Express Tribune, 2012, Dec 3)

Afghanistan has also played role in supporting Baloch separatist movements. It is

believed that during the first three insurgencies, the Baloch militant insurgents

were provided with political and logistic support by Afghanistan. The first

insurgency in 1948 led by Abdul Karim, was initiated during his stay in Afghanistan.

(Harrison, 1981:26) and he was seeking support from both Soviet Union and

Afghanistan. Although, Karim received significant support from Afghanistan but

Baloch nationalists never admitted it openly. (Harrison, 1981:26). When Karim

instigated the second Baloch insurgency in 1958, again Karim had appealed

Afghanistan for support of the insurgency.(Harrison, 1981:28).

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During the third insurgency of 1962, Afghanistan directly and openly supported

Baloch rebels. The prime minister of Afghanistan, Mohammad Daud granted

permission to Baloch insurgents the Pararis to establish their camps along the

Afghan-Pakistan border. These camps were initially established to provide refuge to

the Baloch migrants but in fact, these refugee camps were largely utilized as Baloch

insurgent headquarters. (Harrison, 1981:39) that‟s why, when Zia ul Haq extended

amnesty to the Baloch rebels, he also included Baloch living in Afghanistan and

allowed them to return to Pakistan. (Harrison, 1981:40)

The government of Pakistan also suspects Iran of supporting Baloch militants. Iran is

of the opinion that Pakistan; in collaboration with US; is planning to turn Balochistan

into a front base for a future offense against Iran. (Daily Times, 2005, Jan. 29)

because Iran is ambitiously trying to become the favorite passage to the sea for

Central Asia at Pakistan‟s expense, and for this purpose, has built its own port at

Chahbahar with Indian support to counter Pakistani Gwadar Port. But Iranian

government never admitted any involvement in Balochistan, claiming that Iran has

no intentions to harm the Gwadar project by helping Baloch Militants. (Daily Times,

2005, Feb.7)

However, Iran does not need to get involved in the Baloch insurgency directly as

Iran probably would not be able to openly oppose Pakistan because both countries

have a common interest of exporting Iranian gas to India, and an revolution in

Balochistan would only spoil the chances of building a gas pipeline through the

province and consequently, it would be a big economic loss to both the countries.

(Daily Times, 2005, Feb. 5) The only concern of Iran regarding Baloch insurgency is

the unrest caused by Iranian Baloch, living within the territory of Iran and supporting

their Pakistani Baloch companions for the liberation of Baloch regions located in

Iran. It was for this reason that Iran assisted Pakistan during the insurgency of 1973

to help it put down the Baloch rebellion. The Government of Pakistan has doubts

about the role of United States as a probable agitator. It is believed that US would

use Balochistan against Iran and would also get China out of the region by

supporting Baloch insurgents. (Daily Times, 2005, Jan. 30). US have been seeking

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permission from Pakistan to open a US consulate in Quetta and install CIA to watch

the Taliban based Quetta Shura. However, Pakistan did not allow this. („‟Govt. to

Give Proof‟‟, 2012, Feb.19) it is said that the US and British intelligence agencies are

supporting the Baloch militants to destabilize the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project and

to weaken the Gwadar port from becoming purposeful due to Chinese involvement

which would definitely be a major threat to US interests in the Gulf region. But the US

intentions are never clearly explained by Pakistan, it is difficult to understand

whether US is opposing the Baloch nationalists because they get support from Iran

or whether US is supporting the Baloch because they are aggressive towards China.

The US involvement is also seen as a part of the “Great Power game” between

global powers in Central Asia since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. It is widely

believed that the US wants to compete China and Iran through controlling the oil

supply lines of Middle East and Central Asian States, ‗‘US is using its Greater

Middle East initiative to dismantle the major Muslim states and redefine borders in

the region‘‘. (The News, February 3, 2005.). On the other hand, the Baloch

nationalists put blame on government of Pakistan for conspiring with the US to crush

down the Baloch fight for freedom.

12. Impacts of Baloch Nationalist Movements on National

Level

The condition of law and order in Balochistan is getting worse with the passage of

time and has become a matter of serious attention on national, regional and

international level. The sense of hatred among various ethnic and linguistic groups

of Balochistan has given rise to target killing. This target killing, as an action and

reaction is leading to high degree violence and distraction. Consequently, a lot of

people belonging to different fields, such as doctors, teachers, professors etc. have

left Balochistan due to uncertain circumstances and fear of being killed. This

migration has put very bad affect on the already insufficient organizations in

Balochistan. Due to security threats the non Baloch government officers are afraid of

going there. This situation has totally damaged the administrative structure of

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Balochistan. (Javaid, 2010:118). The current on going insurgency has created

various challenges for Pakistan. Unlike the previous Baloch uprisings, it cannot be

controlled and getting longer than any of the past movement, and has involved the

armed struggle more widely which has affected almost all the areas in Balochistan

from rural mountainous regions to the city centers. This time, it is not a conflict

between the Nationalist Sardars and Central Government, but the movement has

also involved Baloch women and youth who fully support the armed groups and

struggle for an independent Balochistan. Moreover, during the past insurgencies, the

Baloch tribes and insurgents used to attack only army camps and infrastructure

related to government projects, but this time, the insurgents are also attacking at non

Baloch residents and other minorities to throw out all the non Baloch nations to

protect their ethnicity and to preserve their own identity and land.

The current Baloch resistance has got more attention of international and regional

powers than any previous insurgency. In 2012, the U.S. Congress supported the

demand for a free Baloch land. The conflict in Balochistan has significant influence

on India-Pakistan relations as Pakistan has accused India of supporting the Baloch.

(Akbar, 2014, Mar.11) The death of Akbar Bugti in 2006 and murder of Balach Marri

in 2007 were main motives behind target killings of Punjabi and other non-Baloch

ethnic groups in Balochistan. Target killings have continued till now and the intensity

of such killings was very high during the last many years. Such attacks have spread

to Noshki, Khuzdar, Mastung, Gwadar, Turbat and Kech, where this type of violence

was moderately low in the past. (Kaleem, Herald, October 2008: 64). It is reported

that in 2010 only, almost 252 Punjabi settlers were assassinated in targeted killings.

(ARY News, 2010, July. 27). A constant insurgency in Balochistan is becoming a

great threat to the image and development of Pakistan as it would split the nation in

different ethnic groups as it has gained the status of a separatist movement. The

Baloch demand and armed struggle and separatist movement for an independent

Balochistan have strategic impacts not only on Afghanistan, India and United States

but also it has economic impacts on Iran, UAE, China and Central Asia. In addition,

it has very strong affect on people all over Pakistan. The Baloch nationalist

155

movement for an independent state can set trend for more movements for separate

lands for Pakistan‟s other ethnic groups. And consequently, the central government

would lose more administrative control than they have today. It is predicted that the

even the existence of Pakistan could be at great risk. (Khan, 2009, Time

Magazine). This situation would bring dramatic changes in the economic, political,

and strategic landscape of South and Southwest Asia. There are numerous other

problems such as social unrest, poverty, illiteracy, and economic underdevelopment

which are a result of this ongoing crisis. Furthermore, international pressure from

India, Iran, China, Afghanistan, and Central Asia is complicating and weakening

Pakistan‟s position on international level. These countries have strategic energy and

economic interests tied up in Balochistan by means of pipelines, ports, and roads.

Although, the government of Pakistan has a vast range of resources to put down any

insurgency such as a highly competent army, well-equipped police force, and a

broad network of paramilitary forces, but the government of Pakistan has been

unable to control insurgent violence in Balochistan and to resolve the issues

regarding their old grievances. Consequently, the government of Pakistan has not

succeeded in bringing the Baloch people into the mainstream. (Pakistan Times,

2010, Jan. 21). The peaceful integration of the Balochistan into the nation of

Pakistan has become the most sensitive and significant issue because it has

involved many other serious domestic, regional, and international

factors.Domestically, Balochistan is a symbol of great economic development for

Pakistan and a possible way out of current economic decline. Pakistan would

achieve great development through utilizing the rich natural and energy resources,

establishing international oil and gas pipelines and completing the construction and

utilization of Gwadar seaport. Balochistan is a potential economic advantage to

Pakistan and without political stability in this region; it is not possible to succeed at

even one of these mega projects. Additionally, a separatist movement among the

Baloch is threatening even the existence of the Pakistani state as it could motivate

existing movements among the other ethnic groups such as Sindhi and Pakhtun and

could result in the collapse of Pakistan as a state.

156

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CHAPTER FIVE Political Development and Baloch

Nationalism

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1. Political Culture of Balochistan

The political culture and behavior is normally determined by the climatic conditions

and geographical location of a region. The extreme geographical features of

Balochistan such as mountains, plains, coastal areas and extreme weather

conditions in different parts of this land have a major role in the formation of political

attitude and character of people living in various areas. According to the variation in

culture due to different climatic and geographic location, the Baloch people are

divided into following six main cultural units. (Khan, 1996:264)

I. Southern coastal area of Makran

II. Western areas of Chaghi and Kharan

III. Eastern Chaghi, Kalat, Khuzdar and Bolan Pass

IV. Kachchi, Sibi, Southern Naseerabad and Lasbela

V. Northen Naseerabad and Marri-Bugti areas

VI. Quetta city

The overall political culture in Balochistan is based upon a very narrow minded and

unsophisticated approach and attitude due to chronic tendency of illiteracy and

fundamental traditions of sardari system especially in rural areas. However, the

diversity in geographic location and culture is a key factor in the formation of various

different political attitudes. Therefore, the political approach and attitude, varies from

one cultural unit to the other. The population of Marri-Bugti areas and Naseerabad is

fully under the control of their tribal chiefs and do not know much about their political

and basic rights. In fact, they have no awareness about their individual and collective

social rights. They have learnt only to follow the instructions and orders from their

tribal sardars, and are supposed to obey them just like puppets. The political system

in rural or tribal structure is heavily influenced by tribal elites who do not allow their

people to deviate from the prevailing old traditions. The other cultural units

comparatively have some awareness about their rights but they are still bound to

remain within the limits of their social norms and traditions. Historically, the

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population of Balochistan is comprised of two major ethnic groups, the Baloch and

the Pakhtuns. The pakhtun community is distinct from baloch in their political

approach due to a different cultural background and traditions.

2. Political Strains in Balochistan

All the baloch uprisings against Central Government, including the ongoing

nationalist movement, are nothing but a revolt against an unfamiliar culture and

political and administrative structure; and a forceful movement for their cultural,

social, political and economic rights. Unfortunately, people of Balochistan could

never be accommodated in the policy making process, and always been under-

represented. Although, the Senate of Pakistan provides representation for all

provinces but it does not has the power of taking financial and political decisions.

These duties are performed by the National Assembly where Balochistan has only

14 seats out of 342. There are 30 districts in Balochistan; but the divisions of

constituency according to the population; confined the seats to only fourteen,

therefore, the Baloch are not represented in majority.

The political issues revolve around the economic exploitation of strategic and natural

resources especially when the local people do not benefit from their own resources.

The best example in this regard is the discovery of Sui gas in 1952, which was

discovered in the Bugti area by Burma Shell and under the India Mining Act 1935;

Balochistan was entitled to get five percent of the revenue. But when Nawab Akbar

Bugti, the then defense minister of Pakistan, demanded the due amount, he was told

by legislation that all resources above and underground belong to God and the state.

(The Daily Times, 2012, Oct. 10) Nawab Akbar protested against the injustice and

resigned. Due to the agitation caused by Bugti tribesmen, Burma Shell signed a rent

agreement with Bugti. The deal continued til 2005 and then Musharraf ordered

Pakistan Petroleum Limited to stop the rent. That step created tensions between

Bugti and Musharraf. (The Daily Times, 2012, Oct. 10) the matters related to sui

gas such as revenues, compensation, employment, gas generating and distribution

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companies; remained the causes of tension between Bugti and the Federal

Government for many years . The governments of Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif and

General Pervez Musharraf, all were of the view that Nawab Bugti was obtaining

money from Central Government on behalf of the Bugti workers at gas plants but

actually he was utilizing that amount to blast the gas pipelines whenever the central

government was not ready to comply with his own wishes. (Laif and Hamza, 2009:

66). However, the award of political, economic and cultural rights, according to the

Lahore Resolution of 1940, has always been the only demand of all the baloch

political leaders. But there were no political dialogue in this regard between Central

Covernment and Baloch leaders in the past instead they have always been

suppressed by the military, especially during the last decade, and the demand for

autonmoy turned into the demand for the right to self-determination and total

separation from Pakistan. The interests of military in Balochistan are always

strategic rather than political for many reasons:

The coastline of Balochistan has three naval bases and the Gwadar Port is

the most significant route for all the oil exports from the Gulf pass.

Balochistan shares borders with two strategically significant countries; Iran

and Afghanistan.

Balochistan is a second line of defense against India and the vast deserted

lands of Balochistan and the strategic resources are very attractive to army.

Because the uninhabited lands are ideal and safe places for testing nuclear

and other conventional weapons. The Baloch Sardars were offended with

nuclear test at Chaghi Hills without consulting the provincial government. (Laif

and Hamza, 2009: 63)

The baloch nationalist always blame military for treating Balochistan like a colony.

The military has a record to change all the democratic and political set up of

administrative institutions in its favor, which creates problems for the democratic

government. Military‟s intervention in the political process has always been criticized

and condemned by democratic governments. The Baloch are of the view that the

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military is the real ruler of Balochistan even during democratic regime. Pakistan is a

multi-national state, not an identical one. This factor has never been recognized by

the Pakistani political administration, which has always been trying for the

implementation of a unitary political, cultural and socio-economic structure for all.

Baloch are of the view that they have a different cultural and political history, and

they should be treated as a distinct ethnic community and should be given their due

cultural and socio-economic rights which have always been denied by central

government of Pakistan. (The Daily Times, 2012, Oct.10)

3. Influence of Tribal Sardars on Politics

The society of Balochistan is mainly based on tribal system which has been clearly

described in the Chapter 4 of this research. The sardars of baloch tribes are

considered the elites of their society. The majority of baloch sardars take active part

in the political process of Balochistan. There are three big tribes in Balochistan

which have always been very prominent and influential in the political history of

Balochistan. These are Marri, Mengal and Bugti tribes. All the sardars of these tribes

are active political leaders and heads of their own political parties. They always

participate in national and provincial level elections to win more strength and to

attain the position of powerful political figures. The politically influential sardars are

categorized as:

I. Religious minded leaders

II. Nationalist leaders

The areas of Chaghi, Kalat and Turbat are influenced with religious minded leaders

whereas the nationalist leaders do not include religion in their political manifesto.

(Khan, 1996:269). They are so powerful personalities that they even do not have to

ask for votes to win national or provincial elections. They are the masters of the fate

of their people and they are sure of their victory because of their full control over

their areas of jurisdiction. Sometimes, there are various areas which are inhabited by

many tribes and all the tribal sardars participate in elections. Under such

circumstances, usually, the leader of a larger tribe always wins by seeking support of

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other smaller tribes. Traditionally, all the sardars are highly conscious of maintaining

their control over their territories and they strongly oppose any kind of change or

development which may enlighten the people and give them awareness about their

rights. That is the main reason that baloch sardars are always blamed for keeping

the baloch people backward in terms of education and progress. Education brings

drastic change in the thoughts and lifestyle, provides better opportunities for good

income and thus an educated and enlightened population may learn to demand for

their basic rights and may protest against inhuman attitude of baloch sardars. So,

the development projects and education is the biggest danger to the rule of the

baloch sardars. Although, the majority of baloch tribal sardars is highly educated, but

they never let their people get educated just to keep them dependent and

suppressed forever.

4. Political Attitude of Major Baloch Tribes

Three Baloch tribes, The Bugti, the Marri and the Mengal tribe are the most

prominent in terms of their political involvement and activities.

I. The Bugti Tribe

The Bugti tribe was headed by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti and consists of about 130

Baloch tribes of almost 180,000 members. They are basically mountain dwelling

tribes. The tribe is again divided into the sub-tribes named Rahija Bugti, Masori

Bugti, Mondrani, Shambani, Mothani, Pirozani and Kalpar Bugti. (Ahmed,1998:392).

All these tribes are greatly influenced by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti who was a

prominent Baloch nationalist. Nawab Akbar Bugti became the tribal leader in 1939.

Akbar Bugti belonged to an educated and renowned family. Bugti studied at Oxford

University and served at various significant and positions in Balochistan as governor,

chief minister of Balochistan‟s first provincial government in 1988 and federal interior

minister. (Ahmed,1998:392). He was the founder and leader of a political party

Jamhori Watan Party (JWP) which was established in 1990. He was assassinated in

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August, 2006 by Pakistani armed forces during General Pervez Musharraf regime. It

was Nawab Bugti who raised the issue of royalties of gas field in Dera Bugti, which

fulfils the 39 percent of the country‟s total gas needs. The issue of revenues

generated by gas field in Dera Bugti has been the main cause of fifth on going

armed conflict between the Baloch tribes and the Government of Pakistan since

2005.

After Akbar Bugti‟s death, his two sons, Nawabzada Talal Akbar Bugti, and Jamil

Akbar Bugti and a grandson, Shah Zain Bugti refused to lay down weapons and

continued on fighting for their rights and complete autonomy over Balochistan and its

natural resources. His grandson, Nawab Sardar Brahamdagh Khan Bugti, is also

considered the leader of Baloch nationalists. After the death of Nawab Bugti,

Brahamdagh Khan decided to work for the political and economic rights of the

Baloch people independent of Jamhori Watan Party and he established another

political party named Baloch Republican Party (BRP) to promote nationalist feeling

among young Baloch to fight for their freedom and full control over their motherland

resources.

II. The Marri Tribe

The Marri tribe is located on the Dera Ghazi border of Balochistan, native from the

Kohlo district. Their chief is Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri and founder of a separatist

movement called Baloch Liberation Army. Marri became a Marxist politician in 1958.

In 1981, he organized a guerilla force for liberation movement. (Weaver,

2002:104)The Marri Tribe is divided into more sub-tribes:

Gazni

Bejarani

Zarkon

Lohrani

The total population of the Marri tribe is around 98,000 and their relations with the

Central Government have always been aggressive. (Tahir, 2008, April.4). The

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political philosophy and approach of the Marri tribe is closer to the communists. The

tribal chief, Nawab Khair Bukhs Marri, took refuge in Kabul, Afghanistan when he

was unable to resist the Pakistani military in 1979. Nawab Marri, along with his men,

stayed in Kabul till Russian withdrawl from Afghanistan. Khair Bakhsh Marri prefers

armed struggle for independence of Balochistan. He lost his son Balach Marri in his

fight for independence, who also was a leader of Baloch Liberation Army.

(Balochistan Express, 2007, Nov. 22).

III. The Mengal Tribe

Ataullah Khan Mengal is the leader of the Mengal tribe, and has a central role in the

politics of Balochistan. Unlike the Marri and Bugti tribes, the Mengals are less

involved in militant confrontation, although he never condemned and criticized the

armed resistance against Central Government of Pakistan. He has been an active

person in armed struggle during the rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Mengal exiled himself

in 1980 because the domination of Punjabi community was not acceptable for him.

(Harrison, 1981:66)

Attaullah Mengal started his political career with National Awami Party led by a

Pakhtun nationalist Wali Khan. Atualla Mingal became the first chief minister of

Balochistan in 1972 to 1973. He started his nationalistic political career when under

the banner of NAP he held a meeting of Pakhtun and Baloch nationalists in London

and declared the independence of the North-West Frontier Province and

Balochistan. After that meeting, he was arrested in 1973 and the military operations

were started in Balochistan to defeat the Baloch nationalists (BBC Urdu, February

11, 2005). After got released from jail, Atualla Mengal went to London, and in the

mid 1990, he returned back and established the Balochistan National Party in 1996

and his son Akhtar Mingal became Chief Minister of Balochistan. Akhtar Mengal was

sent to jail by Pervez Musharraf in 2006 on account of terrorism and involvement

with the present Baloch insurgency. (Tahir, 2008, April.4).

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5. Contribution of Baloch Political Parties in Political

Development

Political parties in Balochistan can be divided into three categories:

Mainstream political parties

Baloch and Pakhtun nationalist parties

Religious political parties.

5.1. Mainstream Political Parties

Mainstream political parties in Balochistan include:

Pakistan People‟s Party

Pakistan Muslim League-N

Pakistan Muslim League-Q

Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazl

Jamaat-e-Islami

These parties believe in parliamentary politics as the only way to find better solution

to the conflict and crisis between Baloch Nationalists and federal government. All

mainstream political parties except the Jamaat-e-Islami are included in the ruling

combination of Balochistan. Mainstream political parties are usually in favor of

Baloch demands.

5.2. Baloch Nationalist Political Parties

Baloch nationalist parties include:

National Awami Party

National Party

Pakistan National Party

National Party-Hai Group

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Baloch National Party (Mengal)

Baloch National Party-Awami

Jamhoori Watan Party-Aali

Jamhori Watan Party-Talal

Baloch National Movement

National Awami Party (NAP) was created in 1956 by Nauroz Khan which represents

Baloch independence movement. Pakistan National Party (PNP) is a moderate

Baloch group founded by Ghous Baksch Bizenjo in the 1970, Baloch National

Movement (BNM) led by Ataullah Khan Mengal, Baloch National Party (BNP) was

formed from the merging of the PNP and BNM in 1996. (Grare, 2006: 7-8). The BNP

demands full provincial autonomy. (Baluch, 2002:16)

Jamhori Watan Party was initially founded by Nawab Akbar Bugti. In 2003

Balochistan National Democratic Party (BNDP) decided to merge with the main

faction of Balochistan National Movement (BNM) which was headed by Abdul Hayee

Baloch. The merger of BNDP into BNM created a new party named National Party

chaired by Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch. (Majeed, 2011:105) the National Party is a

strong opposition to the development projects in Balochistan like construction of

Gwadar port, and it demands for Baloch rights to be the masters of their own political

and economic affairs. (ICG, 2006:10)

All these parties believe in Baloch nationalism and demand for political autonomy,

and full control of the natural resources of Balochistan. They also have a great

sense of disliking for intrusion of central government in the provincial matters. This is

an interesting fact that the Baloch nationalists have traditionally been part of

parliamentary politics and have been associated with mainstream politics at the

provincial and federal level. About a decade ago, Baloch leaders like Nawab Akbar

Bugti, Nawab Khair Bux Marri and Sardar Ataullah Mengal were part of the

parliamentary procedure. There are some conflicts and differences found between

and among Baloch tribal leaders and their political nationalist parties. Mengal tribal

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chief Ataullah Mengal and Akhtar Mengal believe in parliamentary politics, they have

a rejection against violent politics and try to remain within the structure of the

federation. Khair Bukhs Marri believes in fighting for a separate homeland with the

help of violent and armed reactions against government. Interestingly, Marri‟s son,

Changez Marri is a member of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. The grandson of

Akbar Bugti, Brahamdagh Bugti demands an independent Balochistan through

armed insurgency while Bugti‟s sons Talal and Aali, prefer parliamentary politics.

Both Talal Bugti and Aali Bugti are heads of their own splinter groups of Jamhoori

Watan Party. While Brahamdagh Bugti leads his own political party under the title of

Baloch Republican Party. (Majeed, 2011:104)

5.3. Pakhtun Political Parties

There are two prominent Pakhtun political parties:

Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party

Awami National Party

Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party was created by Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai

(Majeed, 2011:106) in 1987. The concern of Pakhtun political parties is rooted in

Pakhtun nationalism. These parties are of the view that Baloch and Pakhtuns are

two nations in Balochistan. Pakhtuns have their own unique and separate culture,

language, identity and particular areas of intense inhabitants. The main cause

behind the formation of PKMAP was a dispute between a Pakhtun leader Khan

Abdul Samad Khan and Baloch leader Khair Bakhsh Marri on elevating Balochistan

as an administrative province. PKMAP strongly advocates the belief that there

should be a separate province for pakhtuns or form a or they may be merged with

Pakhtun majority in NWFP. (Shahid, 2002: 79-81). Pakhtun nationalists support

Baloch ideology and struggle for provincial political and economic autonomy but

reject the use of violent means.

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5.4. Religious Political Parties

The major parties include:

Jammiat-e-Ulema-e Islam

Jammiat-e-Ulema-Pakistan

Religious political parties do not oppose the struggle of the Baloch people based on

the ideology of nationalism but mostly they do not support their militant actions. They

promote the theory of nationalism which is based on Islam, not on ethnicity.

6. Impact of Baloch Militant Organizations on Political

Environment

Currently there are many insurgent groups in Balochistan:

Baloch Republican Army (BRA)

Baloch People‟s Liberation Front (BPLF)

Popular Front for Armed Resistance (PFAR)

Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA)

Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF)

Lashkar-e- Balochistan

Jhalawan Baloch Tigers

Baloch Musallah Difai Organization (BMDO)

The Baloch Haq Talwar (BHT)

Balochistan Students Organization (BSO)

BLA is the most famous nationalist group which strongly demands separation of

Balochistan and alongwith other militant organizations like Balochistan Liberation

Front (BLF), Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Lashkar-e-Balochistan and

Jhalawan Baloch Tigers have been resisting against the Central Government. (Iqbal,

2008:2) These groups or parties are called responsible for attacks on gas pipelines,

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power transmission lines, security check posts, security forces, railway tracks,

government offices, official residences and civilians. („‟Balochistan Problems and

Solutions‟‟, 2011) In 2010, Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Liberation Front, Baloch

Republican Army, Lashkar-e-Balochistan and Baloch Musallah Difai Organization

were banned by the Government. (Sial and Basit, 2010:20)

The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is leaded by Marri chiefs and has strong hold in

Kohlu, Khuzdar, Quetta, Sibi, Ziarat, Mand, Mastung, Kalat, Makran and Hub

districts. BLA‟s objectives are based on demands for an independent State or more

authority over Balochistan. BLA considers government‟s projects such as Gwadar

Port as an opportunity for the Punjabi community to overpower the Baloch nation.

BLA is largely supported by Baloch people from Afghanistan and Iran. In 2006,

General Pervaiz Musharraf put a ban on the BLA as a terror organization. (The

Nation, 2006, April.10). The Blaoch Haq Talwar (BHT) is also headed by the Khair

Bux Marri to resist the military rule in Balochistan. The Government of Pakistan has

accused his son; Balach Marri for the insurgency of 2005. (Andley, 2006:6)

The Baloch Republican Army is led by Brahamdagh Khan Bugti. It is influencial in

Dera Bugti, Quetta, Mastung, Kalat, Noshki, Naseerabad, Jaffarabad and Chagi.

Brahamdagh Khan Bugti is a prominent Baloch leader. He is the grandson of Nawab

Akbar Bugti. After the split of Jamhoori Watan Party, Brahumdagh Khan Bugti

formed his own faction; Baloch Republican Party. After the death of Akbar Bugti in

2006, he escaped to Afghanistan where he stayed for many years then he got

asylum in Switzerland in 2011. Baloch Republican Party has been financing and

heading terrorist activities in Balochistan. („‟Brahamdagh Bugti Says‟‟ The Dawn,

2012, April.6) Baloch Liberation Front is led by Mengal tribes and has strong

influence in Awaran, Makran and Quetta, Amir Nasir son of Mengal is the founder of

the BLF. Lashkar-e-Balochistan, subjugated by a subtribe of Mengals, is activated in

Lasbela, Makran, Khuzdar, Kalat and Quetta districts. Lashkar-e-Balochistan is

following an anti-state plan, it was created to contradict the objectives of BLA and

BLF and to enhance the authority of Mengals. Baloch Musallah Difai Organization

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(BMDO) is an anti-separatist organization which was founded by Naseer Mengal, the

chief of a Mengal sub-tribe, to counter the influence of Attaullah Mengal. (Sial and

Basit, 2010:20) BMDO came in the view after the murder of Secretary-General of

Balochistan National Party; Habib Jalib. It is active in Quetta and Khuzdar. (Almeida,

Dawn, July 25, 2010.) Balochistan Students Organization is a political wing of

Baloch youngsters. BSO was founded in1967 and supports the cause of an

independent Balochistan. Somehow the people associated with BSO are involved in

aggressive activities. BSO does not take part in elections. Some of its branches are

linked National Party and Balochistan National Party. (PIPS, 2009: 109-110.) In the

beginning, BSO was under influence of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. Shah

Muhammad Marri, a prominent Baloch leader, started a campaign for an

amalgamation of Baloch nationalism and the Marxism. He introduced the guerilla

fighting known as Pararis. These Pararis were greatly involved in violent activities

during the years from 1969 to 1972. (Breseeg, 2004:340) The BSO is divided into

three main wings:

BSO-Azad (Independent)

BSO-Pajar, or Bajar

BSO- Mutahidda (United)

BSO-Pajar and BSO- United are the student wings of Balochistan National Party and

National Party. BSO-Azad is an independent wing and is not aligned with any

political organization. BSO-Azad ideologically supports armed struggle and activities

of Baloch Liberation Army and Baloch Republican Army. BSO-Azad was formed in

2006 and is a result of an alliance of three wings of this organization, BSO-

Mutahidda, headed by Dr. Imdad Baloch, BSO-Mengal, of Amanullah Baloch, and

BSO-Hai group, of Asif Baloch. The BSO-Azad is active in those areas which are

under the influence of nationalist political parties. Being a student organization, BSO

has developed a very strong campaign for an independent Balochistan in colleges,

universities and other institutions of higher education in Balochistan. (Sial and Basit,

2010:28)

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7. Religious Sectarian Groups and Impact on Political

Process

In Balochistan, many religious sectarian groups are present which are accused of

being involved in militant and violent activities in the name of religion. These

sectarian groups include Afghan and Pakistani Taliban known as Tehrik-e-Taliban

Balochistan (TTP), al-Qaeda, Lashkar-e-Janghvi (LeJ), Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan

(SSP), Imamia Student Organization, (ISO) and Sipah-e-Muhammad are established

in Balochistan. (Rana, The News, July 29, 2012.) another ethno-sectarian group

Jundullah is also active in Balochistan. (Sial and Basit, 2010:21). These religious

organizations follow their own agenda based on religious ideologies that is somehow

different than that of Baloch cause of struggle for independence. ‗‘Their presence is

partly the result of Pakistani security agencies pushing them there from Punjab,

partly a result of a vast network of Deobandi madrassas, and partly a consequence

of the Islamization policies pursued by the federal state since the 1970s. At the

same time, some analysts credit the Afghan refugee camps in the province as a key

source of recruits for the Taliban.‘‘ (Grare, 2013:17). The close proximity of Quetta to

the Afghan border provides opportunity to Afghan refugees to Baloch region. The

movement of Taliban between Pakistan and Afghanistan is very easy an unchecked.

The areas of Nawankilli, Khurtabad, Pakhtunabad, Killi Khotik Chashma and Killi

Raiti Bulledi in Quetta have large number of Afghans. (The News, 2010, July. 27)

The presence of Taliban is much distinct in Chaman, Khurtabad and Gulistan areas

located on the border of Quetta. Afghans population constitutes almost thirty percent

of total population. (Sial and Bast, 2010:23)

Pakistani Taliban emerged in Balochistan in 2009. They do not admit their

association with the banned organization of Pakistani Taliban, Tehrik e-Taliban

Pakistan (TTP). The TTP claims to have an agenda to fight against only non-

Muslims foreign forces that attack and occupy Islamic countries. The TTB rejects

armed struggle against Pakistani security forces and law-enforcement agencies

rather they show their enmity only against the enemies of Islam. (The News, 2009,

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March .4). Jundullah is an anti-Shia militant squad which is based in the Iran

bordering Chagi, Kharan, Panjgur, Kechand and Gwadar. (The Daily Times, 2007,

April.5) Jundullah identifies itself similar to anti-Shia groups in Balochistan such as

Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan to suppress the Shia Muslims of

Balochistan. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (Lej) and the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) are

two major anti-shia groups and largely supported in Balochistan. LeJ was actually

based in Afghanistan but after the destruction of their camps in Kabul and Kandhar

by US forces in 2001, the moved to Balochistan and settled down in Quetta. SSP is

a supporter of LeJ and provides support for sectarian insurgents of Lashkar-e-

Janghvi. The Imamia Student Organization is popular among Shia youth and is

playing its role in sectarian violence. (The Friday Times, 2012, Aug. 3)

8. Political Development in Balochistan from 2001-2014

This research is intended to analyze the process of political development in

Balochistan during the years from 2001 to 2014. During these fourteen years, the

politics of Pakistan has been in the hands of three different rulers. From 1999 to

2008, political system remained ceased during the rule of Pervez Musharraf. After

the general elections of 2008, Pakistan Peoples Party got a chance to form central

government. In the general elections of 2013, Pakistan Muslim League (N) won and

formed central government of Pakistan. Balochistan has witnessed two democratic

and one military regime during this period.

9. Political Development in Balochistan during Military

Regime of General Pervez Musharraf (1999-2008)

After the fourth baloch insurgency of 1973-77 during Bhutto era, the situation of

Balochistan remained slightly peaceful due to the strategic policies of reconciliation

by Gen. Zia ul Haq. This peace lasted for about twenty five years; even the regime

of democratic rule of PPP and PML (N) during the 80‟s and 90‟s, did not witness any

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uncontrollable violence in the province. The angry baloch nationalist leaders started

to take part in national and provincial politics, though they never backed out of their

basic demands. Many prominent and offensive baloch Sardars rendered their

cooperation to the Central Government for the betterment of political situation in

Balochistan. Two major political parties were established during the democratic era;

Jamhori Watan Party (JWP) by Nawab Akbar Bugti and Balochistan National Party

(BNP) by Sardar Mengal. But the period of democratic government could not remain

stable due to challenging and difficult political circumstances. On 12 October, 1999,

Military General Pervez Musharraf dismissed the democratically elected government

of Nawaz Sharif and imposed marshal law in the country. The political process was

ceased once again and the Baloch nationalists completely rejected military rule.

Pervez Musharraf imposed emergency and declared himself Chief Executive of

Pakistan, he put ban on all the political activities and political parties of Pakistan and

introduced the policy of devolution to centralize the powers. (Ali, 2012:172) the

Constitution of Pakistan was abandoned and suspended, National Assembly,

Senate and all provincial assemblies were dissolved. In August, 2002, he

introduced LFO (Legal Frame work Order) to introduce more changes into the

constitution of Pakistan to got strength as the President of Pakistan. Through LFO,

he assigned the authority of dissolving national and provincial assemblies. In

addition, he also got the power of appointing provincial governors and got control

over Election Commission of Pakistan too. (Askari, 2013:28) all these steps were

taken to assure his own victory in next general elections. Though, initially he did not

show any intentions of holding new elections in ninety days as per policy. On

October 17, 1999 he addressed the nation on television and presented his seven

points as an agenda of his government. (Ali, 2012:173) These points are as under:

I. Reshaping the nation‟s confidence and uplift of the moral of people

II. Disparity removal between the provinces to achieve the goal of national

integration.

III. Rebuilding investing policies to accelerate the economic condition of

Pakistan

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IV. Preservation of law and order and provision of justice

V. Removal of political elements and activities from key institutions

VI. Decentralization of powers to the masses

VII. Introduction of a quick process of accountability for a corruption free

society.

Musharraf totally ignored the political demands and problems of baloch people;

instead he laid the emphasis completely on economic development. Balochistan,

which was already facing the socio economic problems of high rate poverty, illiteracy

and unemployment, had to suffer a lot in the years of Musharraf regime. The military

operations against baloch insurgents, biased policies and poor control resulted in

extreme decline of Balochistan and became the main cause of significant turn down

in social and political development. (The Dawn, 2008, Nov.2)

9.1. Triggers of Tension between Musharraf and Baloch

Nationalists

I. Construction of Gwadar Port and Mega Development Projects

Musharraf started many mega development projects in Balochistan such as Gwadar

port, Mirani dam, coastal highway, cantonments and the mining of copper and gold,

but due to the defected and improper policies and management, these projects did

not improve the economic as well as political stability of Balochistan as the

development can only be achieved through political stability, trusted local

participation, education, employment opportunities, increased income and peace.

Musharraf believed in the forceful development instead of participatory development,

and that manner was never acceptable for baloch nationalists. Musharraf tried to

bring development in the region by the establishment of military cantonments and

check posts to suppress the politically susceptible Baloch people. (The Dawn, 2008,

Nov.2), which gave rise to chronic and historical grudge of baloch nationalists

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against military and became the root cause of another baloch revolt. The tension

between the government and nationalist baloch people provoked with the

announcement of mega developmental projects especially the construction of

Gwadar Port with Chinese involvement and assistance, because the

commencement of this project opened the roads for political migration from other

provinces and from China in Balochistan. The influx of Pakhtun, Punjabi and other

foreigners in Balochistan was viewed as an intended effort to marginalize the Baloch

in their own land (Bansal, 2006:50) so the Baloch Sardars strongly opposed and

rejected the construction of Gwadar Port.

II. Clash of Economic Interests with the Non Baloch Communities

The issues such as the demand for provincial autonomy, larger share of revenue

and development funds, payment of insufficient gas royalty, lack of economic

development, proper political representation and control over the natural resources;

have always been major causes behind clash between baloch people and all the

democratic and military governments. The announcement of new mega

infrastructures and proposed industrial zones, opened doors to qualified and skilled

workers and labor from Punjab, Sindh and other areas of Pakistan, in addition,

Musharraf government awarded major work orders to people from Punjab and Sindh

provinces. Since Musharraf took hold of the government, the Baloch leaders have

been feeling insecure due to the army cantonments and the mega projects,

especially the Gwadar port. The baloch nationalist leaders viewed it suspiciously as:

"In the name of gigantic projects is a plan under way to settle the Punjabis in

Balochistan," (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63). The heavy influx of the Punjabis,

Pakhtuns, Sindhis and Chinese work forces increased the level of apprehensions

about the intentions of government. The already under stress Baloch people;

developed a sense of rivalry regarding their economic interests with the Chinese and

other Pakistanis. Moreover, many ex-servicemen were appointed in tribal areas and

government inducted more pakhtuns from NWFP to Quetta. Some baloch Sardars

were bribed and disinherited by wealthy Punjabis and army personnel. Musharraf

failed to formulate an acceptable procedure for royalties. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63)

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All these steps were alarming to baloch leaders as they could lose their hold over

their own region.

III. Musharraf’s Support for US and War on Terrorism

The incident of 9/11 2001 totally changed the scenario of world politics. The US

government confidently put all the blame on Afghan Taliban and decided to attack

Afghanistan and announced to commence a war against terrorism. Pakistan was

also forced to support and provide assistance to the US as Pakistan was the

neighboring country of Afghanistan and could provide the easiest access to

Afghanistan. Moreover, Pakistan was among those few countries that had

recognized the Taliban government in Kabul. (Khan, 2011:94). Another phase of

tension between Musharraf and Baloch nationalists started when Musharraf

independently allowed US to use the areas of Pasni, Gwadar, Dalbandin and

Jacababad as their basis to fight against Afghan Taliban without consulting baloch

leaders.

IV. Involvement of Military in Political Decisions of Balochistan

Moreover, Musharraf took another dictatorial decision to involve army for the safety

and security of Chinese and other non baloch workers at the construction site for

Gwadar Port. The Baloch nationalists flared up with that decision and their

resistance got increased. The involvement of military in political decisions without

the prior approval of Baloch nationalist worsen the tension and led to sporadic

attacks on military installations, gas pipelines, foreigners, army check posts, and on

civilians.

V. Devolution of Power Plan (2002)

In 2000, Musharraf initiated a policy to transfer administrative and financial power to

local government. That policy was called political devolution. The policy was

introduced to give strength to local control and accountability and to provide power

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to backward people by bringing them into mainstream, the policy of devolution

weakened and destabilized the already established political parties on national and

provincial level. With the result, the provincial governments lost their power and

control over the provinces. (ICG, 2004:6). The devolution policy was less helpful in

minimizing corruption and enhancing democracy, instead it made military rule much

stronger and dominant. Subsequently, the risk of internal conflicts increased to a

remarkable level.

Under the Devolution of Power Plan, the new local governments were to be elected

through voting. District and sub-district governments were established in 101

districts to work under Provincial Local Government Ordinance 2001. Every district

had a Nazim and Naib Nazim; equal to mayor and deputy mayor, an elected council

and administration. (ICG, 2004:i) In 2001 Pervez Musharraf announced the Local

Government Ordinance, 2001, the new political set up was a step towards the

establishment of a powerful representative local government, and initially the district

nazim was given full authorities over police, district administration and revenue. The

post of Nazim was equivalent to chief minister of the districts. This new policy was of

devolution was also disliked and rejected by baloch Sardars.

9.2. General Elections of 2002 and Political Scenario of Balochistan

General Pervez Musharraf got his position of President of Pakistan verified through

Supreme Court of Pakistan under the law of necessity and gained above mentioned

powers to amend the constitution for the security of his president ship in future.

Being the president of Pakistan, he was asked by the Supreme Court of Pakistan to

hold general elections within a period of three years. (Khan, 2011:94). General

Musharraf then introduced various controversial amendments to the constitution

after the decision of the Supreme Court. The notification for general elections was

issued in August, 2002 and the polling day was fixed on 10 October, 2002. (Rizvi,

2013:28) the coming up days witnessed drastic change in political scenario and

attitude of political parties throughout Pakistan, especially in Balochistan. The US

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war on terrorism and support provided to US by Pervez Musharraf caused great

frustration among the Pakhtun population of NWFP and Balochistan. The baloch and

Pakhtuns; both from Balochistan and NWFP have always been very close to

Afghanistan due to Baloch and Pakhtun community in that neighboring country.

Therefore, to show the unity with Afghan brothers, and to oppose Musharraf‟s war

against Taliban, thirty five political and religious parties and groups formed the Pak-

Afghan Defense Council (PADC). The three major religio-political parties of PADC

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (F), Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (S) and Jamaat-i-Islami, and their

Pakhtun leaders were in the favor of Taliban regime in Afghanistan and had strong

ideological and political affiliations with them. (Khan, 2011:95) PADC strongly and

jointly disapproved Musharraf‟s policy of war against Taliban. In response to their

protest, Musharraf started a concentrated effort against the major religio-political

parties and blamed them for being involved in terrorist activities along with Taliban.

Maulana Samiul Haq of JUI (S) the Chairman of PADC insisted upon the military

government to end the crack down against religious parties (The News, 2002, Jan.

13). In January 2002, General Pervez Musharraf banned the six religious groups of

different sects for their association with terrorists in and outside the country. These

included:

Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan

Tehrik-i-Jaferya Pakistan,

Lashkar-i-Jhangvi,

Jaish-i-Muhammad,

Lashkar-i-Tayaba and

Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Muhammadi (The News, 2002, Jan.17).

These organizations were branches of the major religio-political parties so this ban

was strongly criticized by PADC. In May 2002, Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) was

formed by PADC as an electoral union to contest Elections of 2002. (Khan, 2011:95)

MMA included six political parties including:

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Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazalur Rehman Group)

Jamaat-i-Islami,

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Samiul Haq Group)

Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan,

Markazi Jamiat Ahle Hadith Pakistan and

Islami Tehrik-i-Pakistan.

Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani became the president of MMA. It was announced by

the alliance that MMA was formed to introduce the concepts of freedom and unity in

real manner; and a pure Islamic and democratic system will be formulated in

Pakistan.

I. Participating Political Parties

Before the elections, Musharraf established another faction of Pakistan

Muslim League in his own favor and gave it the name of PML-Q. Q stood for

Quaid-e-Azam and Musharraf promoted his party as the biggest leading

political party of Pakistan. Perhaps he was inspired of a previous army ruler,

General Ayub Khan. (Gilani, 2013:61) but unlike Ayub Khan, he did not

became the president of PML-Q, instead he chose a prominent and strong

politician, Ch. Shujaat Hussain to hold the seat of president of PML-Q. This

party was the biggest supporter for Musharraf in the elections 2002 and was

often called „‟The King‟s Party‟‟.

Pakistan Peoples Party and Muslim League-N also participated in the

absence of their leaders; Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif respectively.

Four other small parties united as National Alliance (NA), which included

Millat Party, National People‟s Party, Sindh Democratic Alliance and Sindh

National Front.

The alliance of six major religio-political parties; MMA; has been described

above.

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From Balochistan, Balochistan National Movement (BNM), Jamhori Watan

Party (JWP) and Balochistan National Party (BNP), Balochistan National

Democratic Party (BNDP) and Balochistan National Congress (BNC)

participated. (http://ecp.gov.pk/GE/2002/GE2002.aspx)

In the absence of their leadership, the PPP established a new party as

Pakistan People‟s Party Parliamentarians,(PPPP) to participate in elections

without any legal complications. PPPP was headed by Makhdoom Amin

Fahim (Rizvi, 2013:29).

II. Influnece of Military on Election Process

The campaign for 2002 Elections could not be justified as a fair process as

Musharraf had been openly criticized for manipulating the whole procedure in favor

of PML(Q) and National Alliance (NA) for his own victory. It is said that military

regime of Musharraf pressurized the politicians to join PML(Q) to gain majority in

king‟s party. The main stream political parties like PPPP and PML (N) were being

disturbed by putting different blames through NAB to level the grounds in favor of the

PML(Q). The national television was also projecting PML (Q). Election Commission

of Pakistan itself was campaigning for the PML(Q) by showing its symbol in the

sample polling advertisement in the national media (Khan, 2011:100). The

Governors, Chief Ministers, Chief Secretaries, and some of the Nazims campaigned

for the PML(Q). it is reported that the offices of the Governors of Punjab and Sindh

were working as campaign Cells for Musharraf‟s party. („‟Election Observer Group

Reports‟‟, 2006: 19-45). Different political parties blamed military government for

harassing and arrest of their workers. It is widely believed that the elections were

engineered by the military regime and had extraordinarily affected the electoral

process for the October 2002 Elections. His aim was to form a parliament which

would give all the powers and authority to the president-cum-army chief of Pakistan.

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III. Election Results and Political Atmosphere of Balochistan

MMA successfully grabbed the attention of a large population including Pakhtuns,

just because of its anti-US approach and promise of establishing a pure Islamic

system in Pakistan. The MMA called the election as a referendum between the US

agents (Musharraf Government) and Islamic forces and requested the people to vote

for MMA to free the country from the US influence. MMA fielded 183 candidates for

272 seats of the National Assembly out of which 45 were returned. After computing

the women‟s and minority seats, the total members of MMA were 59 in the house of

342. MMA got majority in provincial assemblies of NWFP and Balochistan and

emerged as the largest party of Balochistan with 13 seats. PML(Q) was the second

largest party with 11 seats. The third largest group was of independents. The final

party position of Balochistan Assembly showed that MMA got 18 seats adding the

reserved seats and independents that joined MMA, as compared to 21 of PML(Q) in

the house of 65 members. The Baloch ethnic parties like Balochistan National Party

(BNP) and Jamhoori Wattan Party (JWP) could not be able to grab the attention of

their voters and it was also an exceptional change in the political scenario of

Balochistan. MMA exploited the Islamic sentiments of the Baloch and Pakhtun

people, this was the biggest reason of MMA‟s success in Balochistan because MMA

was the only party that was evidently opposing General Musharraf and his role in

war on terror. Through MMA‟s success, people of Balochistan showed their mistrust

upon General Musharraf and his policies regarding Afghanistan and US.

Table. No. 5.1. National Assembly Seats from All Pakistan in Election 2002

Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p.62

Name of Party Votes % Seats Won

PPPP 26 63

PML (Q) 26 78

PML (N) 12 15

MMA 11 45

MQM 3 13

Independent 9 28

All Others 13 30

Total 100 272

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Table No. 5.2. National Assembly Seats from Balochistan

Party

All Balochistan Balochistan-1

Quetta Zone

Balochistan-2

Kalat and Makran Zone

Votes % Seats Votes % Seats

MMA 22 6 38 4 11 2

PML (Q)/ Others 16 2 13 - 17 2

JWP 8 1 0 - 14 1

PKMAP 8 1 19 1 1 0

BNP 11 1 - - - -

Independent 7 1 4 0 9 1

Regional/Others 39 3 26 1 48 2

100 14 100 6 100 8

Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Dr. (May 2013). (May 2013). Electoral Data: Its Deconstruction and Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative

Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p-64

Table No. 5.3. Party Position in National Assembly 2002

Sr. No. Party Seats Won

1 Pakistan Muslim League-Q PML-Q 130

2 Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal MMAP 59

3 Pakistan People‟s Party Parliamentarian PPPP 63

4 Pakistan Muslim League-N PML-N 18

5 Muttahida Quomi Movement MQM 18

6 Pakistan Peoples Party PPP 19

7 National Alliance NA 16

8 Balochistan National Party BNP 1

9 Jamhori Watan Party JWP 1

10 Pakistan Awami Tehreek PAT 1

11 Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf PTI 1

12 Pakistan Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party PPMAP 1

13 Independent Candidates IND 14

TOTAL 342

Source: http://www.geo.tv/election2008/statistics_links.html#2 on 30 June, 2015

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Table No. 5.4. Composition of Senate 2002

Sr. No. Province General Seats Women Technocrats Total

1 Islamabad 2 1 1 4

2 Punjab 14 4 4 22

3 Sindh 14 4 4 22

4 NWFP 14 4 4 22

5 Balochistan 14 4 4 22

6 FATA 8 0 0 8

Total 68 17 17 100 Source: http://www.geo.tv/election2008/statistics.html on 30 June, 2015

IV. Formation of Government

Pakistan Muslim League (Q) was the largest party in National Assembly with 118

seats. The second largest party was PPPP with 80 seats and third largest was the

MMA with 59 seats. None of them was in a position to shape the government. MMA

negotiated with PML(Q) to form combined government but they could not reach at

any decision. The military regime tried to deal with MMA for the formation of central

government but negotiations failed due to some major demands from MMA; firstly

they demanded the post of prime minister and secondly, they wanted a confirmation

from General Musharraf that he would leave the seat of Chief of the Army Staff. The

MMA also demanded the abolition of pro-US policies adopted by Musharraf and all

those demands were not acceptable to General Musharraf for many reasons. Firstly,

when Musharraf agreed to join hands with US in their war on terror, after 9/11, his

alliance with a party having pure Islamic ideology and sense of hatred for US war

against Afghanistan, would have create a negative impact on Pak-US relations,

secondly MMA was demanding the post of Prime Minister for Maulana Fazalur

Rehman which was never acceptable even on the national level. General Musharraf

himself stated that the Maulana personally tried to convince him for the post of Prime

Minister and assured a very friendly approach towards the US. Moreover he was

also ready to lend a support against Al-Qaeda and all other extremists. (Musharraf,

2006:175-176). General Musharraf wanted to make PML-Q the most powerful party

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as to form the supporting government. So efforts to win majority did not stop and

PML-Q succeeded in gaining support from some independent members of National

Assembly, some members from other different parties also agreed to co-operate

with PML-Q. PML- Q also got the support of MQM, which had 17 National Assembly

seats, in addition, the defectors from the main stream party, PPPP were also

approached to support PML-Q to form the central government and they succeeded

in winning the support of 10 members of PPPP, from national assembly .(Rizvi,

2013:30) PML-Q nominated Zafar ullah Jamali for the post of Prime Minister, the

inauguration session of National assembly was held on 16 November, 2002 and

elected Mir Zafar ullah Jamali as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. The Balochistan

assembly was inaugurated on November 28 and Jam Mir Muhammad Yousaf, from

PML-Q, took the oath as the head of an aliened government. (Rizvi, 2013:31)

9. 3. Detachment of Baloch Tribal Leaders from Political Process

The three prominent baloch Sardars; Ataullah Mengal, Nawab Khair Bukhsh Marri

and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti remained absent from political scenario during this

period, their major emphasis was on their inter-tribal affairs or protest against military

regime of Musharraf through other means instead of taking part in political process.

Their absence and inactive role as political leaders created a vacuum in the political

set up of Balochistan and provided golden opportunity to religious minded political

parties to gain control over the political matters of Balochistan. Khair Bukhsh Marri,

and Sardar Attaullah Mengal, had been in self exile, and Nawab Bugti had confined

himself to Dera Bugti. During the absence of the former two leaders, Balochistan

had been facing various tribal disputes and many tribal sardars were killed in

clashes among various tribes. (Baloch, 2002, Oct.18.The Dawn) When Marri and

Mengal returned to Balochistan, they were expected to become more active political

leaders, but those prevailing tribal disputes were more important to them so they

devoted their time to the resolution of such clashes. Their absence from political

scene caused many important developments. The religious parties had got a chance

190

to establish themselves and they had also started influencing the areas of Baloch

nationalists.

Nawab Bugti could very efficiently play a leading role in Baloch politics by uniting all

groups of Baloch nationalists including Pakhtun nationalist community because he

was equally honored by the Pakhtuns. But his political inactivity provided a chance

to his opposite elements of creating problems for him by inciting inter tribal feuds.

His appointments in tribal conflicts affected his political role and there was no other

such influenced person who could re-unite the scattered nationalistic politics. Sardar

Ataullah Mengal, was disqualified from taking part in the 2002 election because he

did not possess graduate degree, which was made mandatory by constitutional

amendments to participate in elections. Nawab Marri did not pay much attention to

politics when he returned from Afghanistan after fourteen years; he gave all his time

to the rehabilitation of his companions. Moreover, he had to face a rebellion from a

fraction of his own tribe; Bijarani Tribe; who had refused to accept Nawab Marri as

their chief. (The Dawn, 2002, Oct.18)

9.4. Akbar Bugti’s 15 Point Agenda to Musharraf Government

In 2004, the leader of Jamhoori Watan Party, and chief of Bugti tribe, Nawab Akbar

Khan Bugti formulated a 15-point charter of demands on behalf of baloch

nationalists and forwarded it to National Security Council to resolve Balochistan all

the issues. The 15-point demand included:

i. Provincial autonomy according to the will of the baloch people.

ii. Baloch people should be considered as the real owners of their natural

resources and their own affairs should not be interfered.

iii. Balochistan government should be given powers to deal with all the

administrative, financial and planning matters and schemes related to

mega projects including Gwadar and other infrastructure such as coastal-

belt schemes.

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iv. The revenue generated from mega projects should be totally at provincial

government‟s disposal. employment in the projects should be the right of

the local population;

v. The establishment of army cantonments at resource rich areas should be

abandoned and land acquired by force be returned to owners.

vi. Rectification of the revenue record.

vii. Senate should represent the four federating units and inclusion of

Islamabad and Fata in the Upper House by canceling the amendments

made during Zia ul Haq's regime.

viii. The levies force recruited by the ISI in the Marri area to suppress

tribesmen should be disbanded.

ix. All armed forces from central Balochistan should be withdrawn.

x. The provincial government should control all civil armed forces.

xi. The provincial assembly should be authorized to draw laws for

Balochistan.

xii. In the federating units the federal law should not override the provincial

laws.

xiii. Problems of gas companies should be resettled

xiv. All prisoners kept under various political reasons allegations should be

released. (The Dawn, 2004, Sep.22)

But General Musharraf, just like a military dictator, refused to negotiate over these

points with Bugti and other Baloch Sardars, and preferred a forced implication of law

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and order through army actions and tried to resolve all the political issues by using

power instead of peaceful talks.

9.5. Baloch Armed Revolt against Musharraf

Although, the reasons behind baloch conflict which started during Musharraf regime

and took the form of an ongoing insurgency, have been discussed many times from

different angles in the previous chapters of this research, however it is needed to

give the highlights again just to maintain the continuity of the topic. The harsh and

non cooperative attitude of Musharraf Government provided a strong cause of

resistance to baloch tribes, as a reaction, BLA launched a large scale militant

movement and started attacks on government installations. The JWP leader Nawab

Akbar Bugti considered army reaction as a matter of disrespect and an attack on

their honor. So he fully supported the baloch rebellions. The militant protest resulted

in various attacks on military and Sui gas installations. In January 2005, the

nationalists started to detain Sui gas field. The fight lasted for four days with heavy

firing from both sides and Nawab Akbar Bugti supported banned groups. The

situation got more tensed when Musharraf and Commander of the Paramilitary force

were attacked by the insurgents during their visit to Kohlu, where a new army

cantonment was to be established. (Ahmad, Daily Times, 20 Dec. 2005). The

military responded in a hostile way and Musharraf threatened Baloch Sardars, he

said, ―It is not the 70‘s and we will not climb mountains behind them, they will even

not know what and from where something has come and hit them‖ (Zaidi, Herald,

2005). The baloch Sardar, Mengal gave reply as: ―It is not the 70‘s for us, it is also

not the 70s for them. If there is any change, it will be for all. If we have to face

severe consequences of change, then they will also not be in a comfortable

position‖. (Hussain, News Line Magazine, 2005:23).

The same year, In December, BLA fired rockets on a meeting between Musharraf

and some tribal chiefs in kohlu. In response, the security forces attacked the Marri

tribes and not only hurt Marri tribesmen but also damaged some area of Dera Bugti.

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(Shahid, Daily Dawn. 19 Dec. 2005) The Baloch militants were viewed as

challenging force to the writ of the government. The whole Balochistan came under

the influence of their attacks. They blamed Musharraf for using poisonous gases to

smash the baloch militants. It is reported that at least six army brigades and

paramilitary forces were involved in the operation against baloch people with heavy

ammunition such as combat jets, gunship helicopters and artillery to hammer baloch

militant camps (ICG, 2006:9)

Table No. 5.5. Baloch Militant Attacks on Government Installations 2001-2011

Year Target Killing Bomb Blast Rocket Attacks Sabotage Acts

2001 19 42 22 9

2002 25 40 25 25

2003 20 33 30 30

2004 20 40 20 30

2005 40 69 30 40

2006 95 210 150 90

2007 90 250 140 110

2008 80 290 112 80

2009 203 340 280 103

2010 353 329 275 120

Source: Saeed, Rehana Hashmi, (2013) The Politics of Ethnicity: An Issue to National Integration to Pakistan, PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, Punjab University, Lahore, Chapter 3, Page no. not available, accessed from accessed from www.eprints.hec.gov.pk/10860 on 30 June 2015

194

Table No. 5.6. Killed and Injured Persons during 2001-2011

Year No. of Attacks Killed People Injured People

2011 640 710 853

2010 737 600 1117

2009 792 386 1070

2008 692 296 807

2007 536 224 564

2006 403 277 676

2005 154 92 190

2004 130 70 160

2003 100 65 165

2002 90 50 140

2001 10 45 100

Source: Source: Saeed, Rehana Hashmi, (2013) The Politics of Ethnicity: An Issue to National Integration to Pakistan, PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, Punjab University, Lahore, Chapter 3, Page no. not available, accessed from www.eprints.hec.gov.pk/10860 on 30 June 2015

9.6. Musharraf’s Policy to Appease Baloch Wrath: The Relief

Package 2005

A significant step was taken in 2002 with the announcement of the Senate

Committee on Balochistan to resolve the issues between government and baloch

Sardars. The objective behind the formation of the committee was to discuss matters

ranging from security issues especially the de-escalation of the confrontation

between security forces and Bugti tribal militias, to the other issues such as the jobs

for local baloch, renewal of royalties, provincial monetary awards, legal check on

non-local landownership, and the purchase of land for military cantonments. The

parliamentary committees proceeded with the hope that the solution to all these

various issues could be determined within the federal frame (Gazdar, 2006:4100). In

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2004, the Prime Minister Ch. Shujaat Hussain ordered the establishment of this

committee to pay attention to the political demands and respond to the grievances of

baloch people. The result was a report that recommended significant changes in the

government‟s military, political, economic, and energy policies regarding

Balochistan. („‟Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan‟‟, 2005:9) The committee

was formed to inspect the circumstances in Balochistan and to give suggestion for

improvement. The Committee submitted its report in 2005 which has been

discussed in detail in chapter four of this research. However, the reopr included

many reforms regarding revenues, Gwadar Port , jobs and check posts. („‟Senate of

Pakistan‟‟, 2005:95-101).

The Baloch nationalists gave a profound response to the committee‟s report and a

significant drop in insurgent violence was noticed. Although the representatives of

Balochistan National Party, National Party and Jamhoori Watan Party boycotted the

parliamentary committee‟s meetings because there was no clause to address the

demand of Provincial Autonomy which was the nucleus issue. He said; ‗‘the

committee had vindicated their apprehensions about its incompetence as it had

reiterated the Mushahid‘s report which was already made public and which offered

only ‗cosmetic resolutions‘ of the problem‘‘. (The Dawn, 2015, June.24). The

recommendations of the report were declared public in June, 2005 after several

discussions with baloch leaders. The approved recommendation were named as

The Relief Package for Balochistan and included:

A development package for the province worth Rs. 10 billion.

The package includes Rs. 1 billion for hospitals, Rs. 2 billion for Sui, Rs.3

billion for Gwadar and Rs.4 billion for the improvement of Quetta.

5.4 percent of job quota in the federal government for Baloch people.

In the job quota the people of Gwadar would be given first priority, then from

Makran and then from entire Balochistan. The Baloch apprehension being

outsiders' dominance in new jobs that are to be created by the mega projects

currently under way in the Gwadar area, it has been suggested that the first

preference for such jobs should be local candidates, and the second

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preference should be given to people of Mekran and other parts of

Balochistan.

Fishermen disturbed due to the construction at Gwadar, would be given

proper compensations.

Gas and petroleum royalty should be rewarded to the areas from where they

were extracted.

The royalty arrears, the volume of which is to be determined by the relevant

provincial and federal authorities, be paid soon.

Baloch people would be representated on the board of directors of the Oil and

Gas Development Company and the Sui Southern Gas Company.

5.7 percent of all posts lying vacant with the Federal government should be

filled with candidates from Balochistan in line with an earlier constitutional

commitment

A one-time waiver on gas charges would be provided in local areas and

Balochistan is likely to have a share of more than Rs.6 trillion as arrears of

gas royalty which would ultimately help develop civic facilities of the so far

neglected areas.

The Chief Justice of the Balochistan High Court would investigate the

irregularity in the land Sale at Gwadar.

The Coast Guards and Frontier Constabulary would only check smuggling of

drugs and other goods in the border areas and all other checkposts would be

eradicated.

To manage the affects of droughts, construction of new dams would be

initiated including waiver of government dues. (The Dawn, 2015, Jun. 24)

But these parliamentary recommendations could not be helpful enough to control

outrageous baloch militants as there was no proper implementation seen in this

regard. Moreover the constant attacks by baloch militants and counter attacks by

military, had reached at its peak after a rape incident of a lady doctor by FC

personnel in the same year. The violence and anger of baloch people went out of

control with the assassination of Nawab Bugti on 26 August 2006 by the military

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forces of Musharraf. This great incident brought a new and more powerful wave of

aggressive revolt in Balochistan and Bugti‟s death made baloch tribes more united

and determined about their cause. He became the hero and symbol of Baloch

resistance for their identity and independence. Consequently, the violence broke out

across Balochistan the Musharraf government was still insisting to establish “the writ

of the government” by using all means (The Dawn, 2006, Feb.4). This time the

insurgency got support not only from the other tribes but most of the Baloch living in

other countries were involved ideologically in their struggle for identity.

9.7. Amnesty Offer by Musharraf to Baloch Insurgents

When all the tactics applied by military failed to subdue the baloch militants and their

damaging attacks, Musharraf adopted a new policy to control the wide spread

insurgency by baloch militant groups by taking a step towards the process of

reconciliation and announced amnesty for all baloch insurgents and showed his

interest in peaceful talks with a promise that government would not take any action

against all those baloch insurgents willing to surrender. He stated: "Our doors are

open to everybody willing to negotiate for peace and development in Balochistan, I

would not beg anybody to come to the dialogue table, If somebody wants to meet

me, he should come forward… I am ready to meet him," (Shahid, The Dawn, 2006,

Dec.9) he stated that he wanted the development of neglected Balochistan. ―And for

the purpose, I am ready to hold talks with anybody, I don‘t believe in finding

temporary solutions. I want permanent solutions to all issues," he said. (Shahid, The

Dawn, 9 Dec.2006)

9.8. Baloch Response to Amnesty Offer

But the political leaders and tribal Sardars of Balochistan rejected his offer because

of his typical rude attitude as he warned them to be ready for more destruction by

army in case they would not accept his offer of amnesty. The baloch leaders viewed

that kind of threat as an insult to their honor and dignity. Weapons are always

considered a part of Baloch personal luggage and a sign of their honor. No serious

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efforts have been made by any government to de-weaponize the province in the

past and it has always been a tradition of Baloch tribes to take refuge in the hills of

Balochistan while protesting against government. According to baloch tribes, the

army itself was responsible for their armed protest by launching a military operation

against Nawab Bugti, which resulted in his assassination and caused an extensive

resentment against the military. The conditional offer of amnesty by Musharraf was

viewed with great sense of hatred by many Baloch leaders as quoted in the national

newspapers. Nawabzada Baramdagh Bugti, the grandson of Akbar Bugti and the

founder of a split wing of Jamhori Watan Party; Baloch Republican Party; went to

self-exile after that assassination of Akbar Bugti; rejected the offer and said: ―The

Baloch resistance is not confined to just two tehsils (in Balochistan). Militants are

forcefully resisting government forces in vast areas of Balochistan, the rulers are

trying to find a way to pull their forces out of the area because of the severe

resistance being offered by Baloch insurgents‘‘. (Shahid, The Dawn, May 19, 2007).

Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo of the National Party declared that the suggestion of

surrender was very annoying to baloch people as they were offended with the tone

adopted by Musharraf. The Baloch were struggling for their rights and Musharraf

should not have been treated them as foreign invaders by ordering them to

surrender with the threat of terrible penalty. ―Such threats are hurled only when

someone is fighting a foreign enemy or those who are against the state. This is not

the case in Balochistan. People are struggling for their legitimate rights, after the

killing of Nawab Bugti, General Musharraf should have apologized to the nation, and

especially to the Baloch people.‖ (Shahid, The Dawn, May 19, 2007). Almost all the

political leaders and insurgent groups unanimously rejected the offer and were

totally against the attitude adopted by Musharraf. They all were of the opinion that it

was military that forced Baloch people to take up arms for their constitutional and

legal rights. In a tribal society, everyone hates the word “surrender”. ―If they are

really sincere about resolving the Balochistan issue, they should hold meaningful

negotiations with Baloch and Pakhtun leaders and settle all issues, otherwise, the

situation would worsen. They are taking whimsical decisions without any respect for

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people‘s will, now, the situation is beyond amnesty and such offers would not bring

about any change.‖ (Shahid, The Dawn, May 19, 2007)

10. Political Development in Balochistan during

Democratic Regime of Pakistan Peoples Party (2008-

2013)

Pervez Musharraf was elected as the President from a parliament, but when five

weeks were left in the expiration of his term, he issued the controversial National

Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) on October 5, 2007, under which all the cases

against many politicians were closed. (Rizvi, 2013:33) After that Benazir Bhutto,

Chairperson of PPP and Nawaz Sharif, leader of PML-N, the two big leaders of

mainstream political parties returned to Pakistan. Benazir Bhutto arrived on Oct 18,

2007, and Nawaz Sharif on Nov 25, 2007. The return of these political leaders

brought electrifying change in the election environment. (Mehdi, The Dawn, Apr.16,

2013) but prior to election 2008, the murder of Benazir Bhutto on 27 December,

2007, caused a change in the leadership of PPP and his husband; Asif Ali Zardari;

decided to lead PPP as acting chairperson in the coming up elections. According to

the available data, 49 political parties participated in 2008 elections, out of which

only Balochistan National Party, Balochistan National Party (Awami) contested for

National and Provincial assemblies. Most of the nationalist parties boycotted the

2008 elections because of the killing of Akbar Bugti. Their decision caused a

massive manipulation in the polling process. (Grare, 2013:11)

10.1. Boycott of Baloch Nationalist Leaders of Elections 2008

Most prominent Baloch nationalist parties did not contest the general elections in

2008 as a protest against military operations, extrajudicial killings and the illegal

detention of political workers. Three parties, Jamhori Watan Party, Balochistan

National Party (Mengal) and National Party decided to boycott the elections

2008.(Rizvi, 2013:34). The absence of major political leaders and their parties in

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2008 elections provided a golden opportunity to tribal leaders who were more pro-

establishment to take over an election whose reliability always remained

questionable and who could never get a chance to come forward in the presence of

prominent nationalist baloch leaders. With the abrasion of state authority and the

control of security forces over vast areas, Balochistan was rapidly moving towards a

disappointing situation of lawlessness.

10.2. Election Process and Formation of Government

The general elections 2008 were contested mainly between three mainstream

political parties PML-N, PML-Q and PPP. This time, the PPP, led by Asif Ali Zardari,

topped in the tripartite elections. The party got three million votes, 95 general seats.

Moreover, it won in all the provinces of Pakistan. With the addition of seats reserved

for women and minorities, the PPP‟s numbers at the federal level went to 122. The

co-chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party, Asif Ali Zardari was elected the President in

September 2008. (Mehdi, The Dwan, Apr.16, 2013)

Table No. 5.7. Composition of the National Assembly 2008

Province General Seats Seats Reserved for

Women

Total Seats Reserved for Non

Muslims

Federal

Capital

2 - 10

Punjab 148 35

Sindh 61 14

NWFP 35 8

FATA 12 -

Balochistan 14 3

Total 272 60

Grand Total 342

Source: Election Commission of Pakistan, General Elections 2008, Report Volume II, p- (ii), retrieved from www.ecp.gov.pk/Misc/ReportGeneralElection2008Vol-II.pdf on 13 July, 2015

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Table No. 5.8. Composition of the Provincial Assemblies 2008

Assembly General

Seats

Seats Reserved for

Women

Total Seats Reserved for

Non Muslims

Total

Punjab 297 66 8 371

Sindh 130 29 9 168

NWFP 99 22 3 124

Balochistan 51 11 3 65

Total 577 128 23 728

Source: Election Commission of Pakistan, General Elections 2008, Report Volume II, p-(iii) retrieved from www.ecp.gov.pk/Misc/ReportGeneralElection2008Vol-II.pdf on 13 July, 2015

Table No. 5.9. Party Position in National Assembly 2008

Party Votes % Seats

PPP 31% 89

PML-Q 23% 42

PML-N 20% 68

MQM 7% 19

ANP 2% 10

Independent 11% 30

All Others 6% 13

Total 100% 271 Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Dr. (May 2013). (May 2013). Electoral Data: Its Deconstruction and

Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p 65

Table No. 5.10. National Assembly Seats from Balochistan 2008

Party All Balochistan Balochistan-1 Quetta-Zhob Zone

Balochistan-2 Kalat and Makran Zone

Votes% Seats Votes% Seats Votes% Seats

PPP 22 4 23 2 22 2

PML-N/IJI 4 - 8 - 1 -

PML-Q/O 5 4 23 1 23 3

JUI-F/MMA 13 2 23 2 6 -

Independent 24 3 13 1 33 2

Regional/Others 34 1 10 1 15 1

Total 100 14 100 6 100 8 Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Dr. (May 2013). (May 2013). Electoral Data: Its Deconstruction and

Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p-67

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Table No. 5.11. Provincial Assembly Party Position Balochistan 2008

Party Seats

PPP 14

PML-N 0

PML 19

MQM 0

ANP 4

MMA 9

PML-F 0

BNP-A 7

PPP-S 0

NPP 0

MJUF 1

JUI-S 0

NP 1

PMLZ 0

Independent 10

Total 65 Source: Party Position National Assembly, (2012, Dec.18) retrieved from

http://ecp.gov.pk/Misc/PartyPosition/PAPosition.pdf on 14 July, 2015

10.3. PPP and Political Development of Balochistan

When Zardari became the president of Pakistan, Balochistan had been suppressed

politically and economically by the military and the baloch people were completely

alienated from the mainstream politics. The leading Baloch political parties;

Jamhoori Watan Party, Balochistan National Party (Mengal) the Pakhtoonkhwa Milli

Awami Party, and the National Party of refused to the 2008 elections.

During Musharraf regime, the massive attacks from both sides pushed Balochistan

back to the Stone Age. In addition, arrests of many political leaders and workers,

ban on political activities and most importantly, killing of Akbar Bugti, had completely

alienated the Baloch people and caused serious problems in the relations between

Government and baloch nationalists. Due to the policies adopted by Musharraf,

Balochistan lost ideological support for the Baloch people in the other provinces of

Pakistan. Asif Ali Zardari, adopted an understanding political approach to address

the baloch grievances and deprivations. Zardari, in his maiden speech mentioned

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that, ―for every hope, we need a plan and for every plan, we need an agenda,

without doubt, a heavy national agenda challenges your government. This is the

agenda of moving quickly to heal the wounds of past, to restore the trust in the

federation; tendering an apology to the people of Balochistan was a long overdue

step. The release from the captivity of the former chief minister of Balochistan is also

a positive move. The resolution recently of the long standing dispute and payments

of billions of rupees to Balochistan is a step in the right direction but much more

needs to be done…the federation, it needs to be strengthened for this the bitterness

of the past must give way to reconciliation and harmony. I believe that the 1973

constitution is the only consensus document that can freshen such a social contract.

I also request the government to start the consensus building process on the

provincial autonomy and allotment of resources through a new formula that meets

the needs of a united federation.‖ (Chandran, 2008:3)

I. Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package 2009 The federal leadership made efforts to calm tension; the PPP apologized for the

abuses committed in Balochistan. Asif Ali Zardari showed intentions to restore

Baloch confidence in the Center. The government constituted an all party

parliamentary committee to explore the Baloch sufferings and give proposals for

their resolutions. During Musharraf regime, two committees were also formed to

negotiate with the Baloch leaders but their recommendations were not accepted by

the baloch nationalists. In October 2009, the Reconciliatory Committee on

Balochistan disclosed its plan for settlement with Baloch nationalists, the renovation

of provincial institutions, and a new formula to reallocate resources. (“Balochistan

Matters,” The Dawn, October 28, 2012.). A political development took place in

November 2009 when Baloch were assured for more political autonomy. On

November 24, the government presented a 39-point plan before the Parliament for a

more sovereign Balochistan, the “Balochistan Package.” This included the safe

return of political leaders in exiles, the release of Baloch political activists from jails,

the army‟s withdrawal from significant areas, job opportunities, and more provincial

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authority to Balochistan to control its own resources. In the Balochistan Package,

the government tried to cover and address all preliminary Baloch grievances,

including the most controversial issues such as the release of political workers from

jails, political dialogue, investigations into missing persons, and judicial inquiries.

The package also included provisions related to the economic situation of

Balochistan and showed an initiative to transmit additional funds and to create jobs

for baloch people. (Grare, 2013:12) To show the real concern about the baloch

grievances against military and government, The Balochistan Package also gave

recommendations for the formation of a commission to investigate the incident of

assassination of famous baloch leader, Akbar Bugti including the judicial

investigation into the circumstances of killing of other prominent baloch leaders. The

baloch were also assured of the withdrawal of army and construction of proposed

army cantonments at Kohlu, Sui and Dera Bugti. In addition, the baloch leaders were

promised for holding serious efforts to locate the missing persons during insurgency.

(PILDAT, 2012:20). It was proposed that no more mega development project would

be launched in Balochistan without seeking consent from baloch government.

Special development plan for the rehabilitation of people of Kohlu, Sui and Dera

Bugti was presented and one billion rupees for the settlement of local people from

these areas, was also promised. The provincial and district government shall be

awarded with more share in gas revenues and profits from explorations and the

areas of gas exploration would be provided with gas facility on priority basis. In

addition, representatives from Balochistan would be appointed at OGDCL and PPL.

(Hamid, 2009:12)

II. Baloch Nationalist’s Response to Balochistan Package

As usual, the extremist baloch nationalist leaders immediately objected to the plan

because they wanted complete provincial autonomy in terms of political and

economic matters. Some moderate Baloch nationalists also showed their concerns

over those proposals due to their old apprehension of being deceived and they could

not be convinced that self-government was the only solution to all the issues and

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problems faced by Balochistan and its people. All the major Baloch nationalists

rejected the Balochistan Package and it could not be put into operation in its true

sense. Despite all the efforts by government for the settlement of the crisis, the

situation of peace in Balochistan was getting bad to worst. Suicide bombing, target

killing, sectarian violence, rocket fire, bombing on military cantonments and

government installations were not stopped by baloch militants.

The Baloch nationalist called the Balochistan package a charity for Balochistan and

they totally rejected it. The Baloch union of eight parties; BNF rejected the proposal

at once without leaving an option of negotiation on it with the government instead

they demanded complete independence. Harbiyar Marri, a son of Khair Bakhsh

Marri said: ‗‘no change had come in the mindset of the Pakistani rulers, we even

cant imagine any agreement with Pakistani rulers until and unless Balochistan

becomes an independent State‘‘. (The News, 2009, Nov. 25) . He further objected

on the formation of only a judicial commission by the President Asif Ali Zardari, to

investigate into killing of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti while he was spending millions to

look into the killing of Benazir Bhutto through United Nations.

Baloch leader and former President of National Party, Abdul Hayee Baloch also

rejected the package and demanded for Constitutional rights; ‗'Pakistan is a multi-

national State and all nationalities should be given equal rights‘‘, (The News, 2009,

Nov. 25) he further stated that it was Pervez Musharraf who killed Akbar Bugti but

PPP government is not taking any action against him. Attaullah Mengal stated as :‘'I

deem even any comment on this package an insult, rulers of this country did not

bother during last 60 years to know what is the real problem of Balochistan‘‘.Senator

Abdul Malik Baloch called the package a fraud and nothing else, 'without accepting

the right of ownership of Balochistan on its resources and coast, problems will not be

solved‘‘, Jamil Bugti, son of Akbar Bugti viewed it as a strategy to switch the

concentration of people from National Reconciliation Ordinance issued by

Musharraf. Packages, committees and commissions were no more trustworthy for

Baloch people. They rejected the package and demanded for a social contract which

should guarantee the rights of self-determination to the baloch people. Pakhtun

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Khuwa Milli Awami Party also refused to accept the Balochistan Package with the

objection of being absolutely ignored in the Package. (The News, 2009, Nov. 25)

Former head of Jamaat-i-Islami Balochistan Abdul Haq Hashmi was of the opinion

that the demand for provincial autonomy has always been an important problem of

Balochistan which the government did not include in the package.

III. Political and Financial Autonomy through 18th Constitutional

Amendment and 7th National Finance Commission Award

The issue of Provincial autonomy has always been one of the biggest matters of

concern between provinces and the federal government. An effort to resolve this

issue in a political manner was made by PPP, with the 18th amendment in the

constitution of Pakistan on April 8, 2010. (Mujahid, 2012:145). The 18th Amendment

brought important institutional changes as it eliminated the Concurrent Legislative

List (CLL) of the Constitution and made some changes in the Federal Legislative List

(FLL). The CLL was transferred to the provinces, with the only exception of

electricity which was brought under FLL. Fifteen Ministries and seventeen Divisions

of the Federal Government were delegated to the provinces. The economic authority

of the provinces was simultaneously improved though some functions of ministries

remained at the federal level, but also being transferred as a joint responsibility of

the federal and provincial governments. The 18th Amendment was aimed at more

balanced and decentralized structure of government of Pakistan with an increased

empowerment by the provinces. (Pasha, 2011:7) the constitution of Pakistan, 1973,

had been modified many times by the army dictators according to their own interests

and requirements. With the 18th amendment, it became more democratic and

parliamentary which was needed for political instability in Pakistan. It was a great

demand of time to reinstate the 1973 Constitution and to modify the authorities

which were given to the president by Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharaf. The

changes made in the Constitution by military dictators had destabilized the

democratic institutions and deprived the provinces of their legal rights. (Mujahid,

2012:149). Therefore, the 18th amendment is called the historic event which

207

abolished the Concurrent Legislative List and entitled the Provincial Governments to

legislate on their subjects. Under the amendment, 102 articles were reviewed, 69

articles were cancelled, 20 articles were substituted and inserted 7 new articles. It

also revoked 4 articles and the 6th and 7th Schedules. It inserted article 25-A

according to which the state is responsible to provide free education to all children.

(„‟18th Amendment Bill‟‟, 2010, April.19). The new amendment brought a significant

change to the political culture of Pakistan as it introduced parliamentary type of

government instead of semi-presidential. Under the new amendment, North-West

Frontier Province was renamed as „Khyber Pakhtunkhwa‟ and the word

“Baluchistan” was replaced with the word “Balochistan” and “Sind” with the word

“Sindh”. („‟18th Amendment Bill‟‟, 2010, April.19)

The 18th amendment was aimed to address the baloch demand of control over their

natural resources through Article 172-3 which states that the Provincial and Federal

Government will be mutual and equal owners for any Mineral Oil and Gas explored

in Balochistan. The Article 158 states that: ―The Province in which a well-head of

natural gas is situated shall have precedence over other parts of Pakistan in meeting

the requirements from that well-head, subject to the commitments and obligations as

on the commencing day‖. (Tareen, March 6, 2015)

Table No. 5.12 Natural Gas Production and Consumption among the Provinces

2009

Province Total Gas Produced

MMIC (Percent of Total

Production)

Total Gas Consumed

MMIC (Percent of Total

Production)

Consumption as

Percentage of

Production

Sindh 1,000,415 (70%) 459,369 (37.59%) 45.91%

Punjab 68,608 (4%) 638,008 (52.21%) 930%

KPK 26,370 (1%) 42,480 (3.48%) 161%

Balochistan 318,188 (22%) 82,138 (6.72%) 25.81%

Total 1,413,581 (100%) 1,221,995 (100%)

Source: (PILDAT, 2012:15)

208

Many division and areas of Balochistan are still deprived of gas supply for domestic

use despite Balochistan being the key supplier of Gas. The 18th Constitutional

Amendment predicted a formula for fair and acceptable distribution of financial

resources through 7th National Finance Commission Award. But according to a

report, the 18th Amendment did not benefit Balochistan in its real sense as most of

the key ministries were not transferred to provinces. The Labour Ministry was

devolved but revenue generating was kept under the Federal Government. Similarly

the matters related to ports and electricity is shared subject under Federal

Legislative and provinces were not given complete control over them. (Tareen,

March 6, 2015)

The Article 160 of the Constitution has made compulsory for the president of

Pakistan to constitute NFC Award after every five years. National Finance

Commission was formed for the resource distribution. The National Finance

Commission reviews the formula for the distribution of funds, taxes and other

fiscal resources among the Center and the four provinces of Pakistan namely,

Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa.( „‟NFC Award‟‟, 2010,

July.9).These revenues are further distributed by provinces among lower levels of

the provincial government to run the matters of a province. The NFC Award had

been delayed for about last 13 years, which was announced during PPP regime in

2009. (Qudrat Ullah, 2009, Dec.14). The NFC Award, announced by PPP in 2009

was signed in Gwadar by the Finance Ministers of the four provinces and the

Federal Government. The 7th NFC Award increased Balochistan's share to 9.09 per

cent, made an amount of Rs. 83 billion in the first year of implication. Due to the

extraordinary economic requirements of Balochistan, the share of Punjab was

dropped by 1.27 per cent, Sindh by 0.39 per cent and the NWFP by 0.26 per cent.

This allotment is based on 82 percent weight age to population, 10.3 percent to

poverty, 2.5 percent to revenue generation, 2.5 percent to revenue collection and 2.7

percent to area. (Dawn. 31 December, 2009). PPP claimed that the 7th NFC Award

was constituted to efficiently address the economic deprivation of all the provinces

and their discontent with the federation; especially of Balochistan, because the

share of Balochistan had been increased more than it were in past.

209

Table No. 5.13.Share in Total Transfers of Resources to the Provinces under

7th NFC Award 2009-11

1990-91

1991-92

1996-97

1997-98

2005-06

2007-08

2009-10

2010-11

Total Federation Transfer to provinces, (Rs. In Billions)

33.8 65.8 139.4 131.7 316.0 506.7 718.3 1068.7

Punjab 55.3 45.1 51.3 47.0 47.1 47.3 47.2 46.7

Sindh 24.0 23.9 24.9 23.8 30.1 29.8 29.3 26.7

KP 12.7 19.0 15.9 17.8 14.4 14.8 15.2 17.1

Balochistan 7.9 12.0 7.9 11.4 8.4 8.0 8.3 9.5

Pakistan 100.0 100.0

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: (Pasha, 2011:31)

Table No. 5.14. Per Capita Transfers of Resources by Population 1990-2011

1990-91

1991-92

1996-97

1997-98

2005-06

2007-08

2009-10

2010-11

Punjab 0.953 0.778 0.884 0.810 0.821 0.824 0.822 0.815

Sindh 1.030 1.026 1.069 1.021 1.270 1.257 1.235 1.127

KP 0.948 1.418 1.186 1.043 1.043 1.072 1.099 1.234

Balochistan 1.453 2.264 1.491 1.647 1.647 1.569 1.565 1.857

Pakistan 1.000 1.000

1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000

Source: (PILDAT, 2012:20)

Baloch people have been blaming the central government responsible for their

underdevelopment, political and economic backwardness. But after the NFC award

and 18th amendment, Balochistan received extraordinary and exceptional and more

autonomy. Balochistan got increased finances and political powers to improve its

socio-economic condition. The 18th amendment was a step towards fulfillment of

baloch demand for provincial autonomy. They received Rs. 83 billion in 2010-11

compared to Rs. 29 billions in 2009-10. Balochistan was also awarded with Rs.120

billions in gas development surcharge arrears imminent since 1954. The increase in

funds and gas price and the repayment of gas arrears helped raise revenue by 95

percent to Rs. 116 billions in 2010-11. (Fazl-eHaider, The Dawn, August, 25, 2012)

210

IV. Baloch Response and Attitude towards 18th Amendment and 7th

NFC Award

The Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms was consisted of

representatives from almost 14 political parties and Federally Administered Tribal

Area (FATA) to prepare a unanimous draft bill. (Nawa-i-Waqat, April 5, 2010).

Senators Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo of the National Party, Agha Shahid Bugti of the

Jamhori Watan Party, and Israrullah Zehri of the Balochistan National Party were the

prominent Baloch leaders who signed the 18th Amendment Bill. (Mujahid, 2012:151)

Many Baloch nationalist could not get representation in Parliamentary Committee on

Constitutional Reforms as they boycotted the general elections 2008.

Although, after the 18th amendment, a large number of legislative powers were

transferred to the province as political autonomy, and the fiscal share was raised up

to fifty percent according to the demand of baloch nationalists, but the Baloch

nationalists completely rejected the constitutional reforms except the National Party.

(Mujahid, 2012:152) All major nationalist groups declared that they would not

compromise on anything less than full autonomy and independence. To them, no

relief from the government was acceptable, and they kept on insisting for an

independent Balochistan. After the military operations launched by Musharraf

against the baloch insurgents, which could not be stopped even by democratic PPP

government, the baloch nationalists were not ready to accept any reconciliation and

relief from Pakistan government. Since 2001, there has been an uprising among

baloch nationalists and the demand for separation of Balochistan from Pakistan as

an independent state had become phenomenon of the day by Baloch militants.

Other modest nationalist parties such as BNP and NP have also been demanding

provincial autonomy. (The Dawn, 2010, Mar.28). .The PPP government was sure

about the constitutional reforms package that it would really tackle the demands of

the Baloch nationalists. But almost all the nationalist groups showed distrust on the

pledges of government. Habib Jalib, Secretary General of the Balochistan National

Party showed his distrust on government because the Frontier Corps check-posts,

211

which were promised to be abolished in Aghaz-e-Huqooq-i- Balochistan package

were not removed. He also demanded the right of self-determination and provincial

autonomy. He said that, "Pakistan has failed and its constitution has failed to solve

the Baloch issue. We want the United Nations to intervene and play the role of a

mediator," (Mujahid, 2012: 155). In this way, the biggest Baloch nationalist party;

BNP; which used to be considered a slightly moderate in its views and ideology, took

a strong stance against constitutional reforms and unconditionally rejected them by

saying that the government „April-fooled‟ the Baloch with the constitutional package.

(Mujahid, 2012: 155) BNP was not a part of the constitutional committee and the

new Concurrent List was entirely unsuitable in the present war-like circumstances in

Balochistan.

They were of the view that the 18th Amendment or the Balochistan package was

presented only to trap and suppress them and to divert their attention from their

goal; the independent Balochistan. Another incident stimulated violent protests

throughout the province with the assassination of BNM president, Ghulam

Muhammad Baloch and his two companions, Muneer Ahmed (known as Lala

Muneer) and Sher Muhammad, by security forces on April 3, 2009 in Turbat.

(Bansal, 2010:269). The most rebellious nationalist party; Balochistan National

Movement (BNM) announced its support for the armed struggle of Baloch Liberation

Army (BLA). On the other hand, member of the Parliamentary Committee for

Constitutional Reforms and Vice-President of the National Party, Senator Hasil

Bizenjo appreciated the 18th Amendment and called it the biggest success since the

1973 Constitution. He expressed his views that even the most prominent and

influential baloch leaders such as Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Khair Bux Marri and

Ataullah Mengal, struggled a lot for the abolition of the concurrent list but they could

not convince Zulfiqar Bhutto on their demand, so it should be declared it as a great

achievement of baloch people. (Mujahid, 2012:153). Senator Dr. Malik Baloch,

President of the National Party and member of the Constitutional Reforms

Committee, said that some Baloch demands were accommodated by PPP and the

abolition of concurrent list and giving 50 percent share to provinces on oil and gas

212

was a remarkable progress, though the demand for complete provincial autonomy

was neglected but even then, ―…it will be disaster if the implementation of 18th

amendment is stopped.‖ (Mujahid, 2012:153)

11. Political Development in Balochistan during PML-N

Regime (2013-14)

In 2013, the tenure of PPP came to an end and the next general elections were held

on 11 May, 2013. This time, PML-N got majority and formed the central government.

Nawaz Sharif., the leader of PML-N was selected as Prime Minister of Pakistan.

11.1. Pre Election Violence in Balochistan

Prior to elections, the situation of law and order had got very critical throughout

Pakistan especially Balochistan Target killings, bomb blasts, kidnapping and militant

assaults on political leaders, government officers, common people and government

infrastructure had become the routine of the province. The held of peaceful elections

had become a challenge to all the administrative institutes of government. The same

issue was being faced by the political parties of Balochistan and they were confused

about peaceful elections. On March 12, 2013, the Baloch Liberation Army killed the

District Commissioner of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) in Quetta;

Muhammad Ziaullah Qasimi; and also issued a warning, „‟ "We will not let Pakistan

hold elections in Balochistan," (Akbar, 2013) the other armed baloch groups; BRA

and BLF also showed the same intentions of disrupting the election process in

Balochistan. (The Express Tribune, 2013, Feb. 9). The extraordinary challenges of

law and order created by violent activities of Taliban, different sectarian group,

ethnic nationalists and armed groups of political parties; brought the political parties

under pressure. The incident of the assassination of the election officer was a

warning to the politicians and they had to limit their election campaigns due to the

fear of attacks on their candidates and voters. Sardar Akhtar Mengal, president of

the Balochistan National Party (BNP) blamed Pakistan security forces for the

213

situation of Balochistan and said that arrest of the political leaders and extra-judicial

killings by security forces had made the election process too difficult to hold. In 2008,

major political parties of Balochistan boycotted the general elections just to oppose

the military rule and policies of General Pervez Musharraf and as a protest against

Akbar Bugti‟s nuredr. Moreover, the military dictatorship made the Baloch people

believe that the 2008 elections were a campaign by Pakistani military and

intelligence agencies to control their province and their mineral wealth and they were

being kept away deliberately from country's civil, armed and foreign services. But

their decision of the boycott brought into power a disliked and dishonest government

in Balochistan that even the ruling PPP was required to discharge it on January 14,

2013 although the Balochistan government remained under PPP. (Akbar, 2013)

11.2. Baloch Nationalist‘s Attitude towards General Elections 2013

The situation in Balochistan became worse during the democratic period of PPP, the

elected government could not do much to alleviate the level of baloch militant

resistance during its rule of five years. The PPP government had failed to provide

security to the lives and property of the population of Balochistan. The issues of

enforced disappearances, target killing, ethno-sectarian violence, and kidnapping for

ransom had become a routine matter. These were reasons which were discouraging

the political parties to bring themselves into the electoral ground. Apart from the

warnings from baloch militant groups and volatile situation of Balochistan, many

political parties decided to participate in elections 2013 to get the people of

Balochistan their legal rights and for the restoration of democracy. In this regard,

the major political parties such as Balochistan National Party Awami, Balochistan

National Party, Pakhtun Khawa Milli Awami Party, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat-e-

Ulema-e-Islam announced to take part in political process. (The Express Tribune,

2013, Mar.27). The Election Commission of Pakistan tried to convince the political

leaders of Balochistan to come forward and participate in electoral process and not

to repeat the same blunder as they committed in 2008, when baloch boycott cleared

214

the grounds for an unwanted government. The army chief General Ashfaq Pervaiz

Kiyani has also advised the political forces of Balochistan to contest the elections

and assured them of security. („‟Baloch Nationalist Parties Participation‟‟, 2013,

Apr.9) Till the last week of March, almost all the prominent Baloch nationalist political

parties agreed to participate in the elections.

11.3. Election Process 2013 and Balochistan

There was an atmosphere of irregular violence in most parts of the country, and

despite an alarming security situation, but the voters turned out in large numbers to

caste their votes on May 11, 2013. Fear of attacks overwhelmed the voting process

in Balochistan. To ensure peaceful elections and to provide security to the voters

and other officials, more than 70,000 security personnel were appointed in different

areas of Balochistan. (The Express Tribune, 2013, May.12) particularly in the

Baloch-dominated districts although the baloch militant separatist groups such as

the BLA, BLF and BRA had threatened the whole population of the province against

using their constitutional right to vote. Baloch-dominated districts such as Kech,

Panjgur, Awaran remained closed due to the strike call from baloch insurgents,

consequently these areas showed a low turnout. It is reported that most of the

polling staff did not reach the polling stations in these areas due to the fear of Baloch

separatists, in Pakhtun dominated districts, the situation was better when people in a

large number came out to caste their votes. (The Express Tribune, 2013, May.12)

11.4. Election Results and Formation of Government

The Pakistan Muslim League (N) under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif won the

largest number of seats; 123 of the 272 parliamentary seats, but still it had to secure

six more seats to form the government. („‟Nawaz Sharif‟s PML‟‟, 2013, May.14) This

shortage of seats resulted in a „‟hung parliament‟‟ where no party was in majority.

The PML-N defeated its two political strong rivals; the Pakistan Peoples Party and

Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf. PML-N succeeded to win the support of about

215

nineteen independent candidates to fulfill the requirement and became the winning

party to form a simple-majority government. The leader of PML-N, Nawaz

Sharif became the new Prime Minister of Pakistan for the third time

Table No. 5.15. Elections 2013 Party Position National Assembly

Party Genera

l Seats

Independen

t

Wome

n

Minorities Total

Pakistan Muslim League (N) 126 19 26 05 176

Pakistan Peoples Party 31 0 7 1 39

Pakistan Tehraik Insaf 28 0 6 1 35

Muttahida Qaumi Movement 18 0 4 1 23

Jamiat Ulmai Islam (F) 10 0 3 1 14

Pakistan Muslim League (F) 5 0 1 0 6

Jammat Islami 3 0 1 0 4

Pakhtunkha Mili Awami

Party

3 0 1 0 4

National Peoples Party 2 0 1 0 3

Pakistan Muslim League 2 0 0 0 2

Awami National Party 1 0 0 0 1

Balochistan National Party 1 0 0 0 1

Qawmi Wattan Party 1 0 0 0 1

National Party 1 0 0 0 1

Pakistan Muslim League (Z) 1 0 0 0 1

All Pakistan Muslim League 1 0 0 0 1

Awami Muslim League 1 0 0 0 1

Awami Jamhuri Ittehad 1 0 0 0 1

Independents 8 0 0 0 8

Total

Source: Party Position in Election 2013, retrieved form

http://electionpakistani.com/ge2013/party-postion.html on 12 July, 2015

216

Table No. 5.16. Elections 2013 Party Position Balochistan Assembly

Party General

Seats

Independent Women Minorities Total

Paikistan Muslim

League-N

10 5 3 1 19

Pakistan Peoples Party

Parliamentarian

0 0 0 0 0

Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf 0 0 0 0 0

Muttahida Qaumi

Movement

0 0 0 0 0

Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam-

F

6 0 2 0 8

Pakistan Muslim

League

5 0 1 0 6

Pakhtunkhawa Milli

Awami Party

10 0 3 1 14

Jamaat-e-Islami 0 0 0 0 0

Pakistan Muslim

League-F

0 0 0 0 0

National Party 7 0 2 1 10

Qaumi Watan Party 0 0 0 0 0

Awami National Party 1 0 0 0 1

Awami Jamhori Ittehad 0 0 0 0 0

Balochistan National

Party

2 0 0 0 2

National Peoples Party 0 0 0 0 0

Pakistan Muslim

League-Z

0 0 0 0 0

Jamote Qaumi

Movement

1 0 0 0 1

217

Pakistan National

Muslim League

0 0 0 0 0

All Pakistan Muslim

League

0 0 0 0 0

Bahawalpur National

Awami Party

0 0 0 0 0

Majlis Wehdat

Muslimoon Party

1 0 0 0 1

IND 3 5 0 0 3

Total 46 5 11 3 65

Source: Party Position, Provincial Assemblies, retrieved from http://ecp.gov.pk/overallpartypositionPA.pdf on 12 July, 2015

11.5. Coalition Government of Baloch and Pakhtun in Balochistan

Nawaz Sharif, as the Prime Minister of Pakistan, made his first effort to calm down

the nationalist parties in Balochistan. He met the leaders of PKMAP and National

Party and announced the nomination of Dr Abdul Malik of National Party as the

Chief Minister of Balochistan, for the designation of Governor, he asked for a

nominee from Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party. (The Nation, 2013, Jun. 2)

Nawaz Sharif was of the view that the tensed situation and political distress in

Balochistan could only be dealt through good governance and democracy could be

the only best solution to eliminate violence. PML-N won 8 out of 51 seats in the

provincial assembly of Balochistan while the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party of

Mahmood Khan Achakzai won 9 seats. So, despite having majority in the Provincial

Assembly of Balochistan, he decided to set good traditions and the posts of Chief

Minister and Governor were given to the coalition partners to address the old

grievances of Baloch nationalists because prosperity, development and progress

can only be achieved in a peaceful environment. The objective behind bringing the

218

nationalists parties into power in Balochistan was to appease baloch uprising against

government and to address their long-held grievance of lack of political

representation in the mainstream politics of Pakistan. Abdul Qadir, a newly elected

Member of Parliament of PML-N said. ―We are in talks with all nationalist parties,

they are our priority and we hope that we will form a coalition government with them,

we want to form the government with both the Baluch and Pakhtun nationalist

parties,‖ („‟Balochistan:Nawaz Shrif Looks to‟‟, 2013, May. 15) Nawaz Sharif chose

Dr Abdul Malik Baloch, as the Chief Minister of Balochistan for many reasons. He is

not a tribal sardar, and does not belong to any family of previous rulers. He belongs

to an educated middle-class family. (Shahid, The Dawn, June 3, 2013). in the

general elections of 1988, he had won a seat in Balochistan Assembly from the

platform of Balochistan National Alliance headed by Akbar Bugti and Ataullah

Mengal. He is the founder of BNM.

In 2004, the National Party was formed with the merger of Dr Malik‟s BNM and Mir

Hasil Khan Bizenjo‟s National Democratic Party. Dr Malik is the most well-liked

leader of the National Party. During his election campaign in 2013, he successfully

won support from tribal sardars who won their traditional seats. (Shahid, The Dawn,

June 3, 2013). The first talk given to Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch by Prime

Minister Nawaz Sharif was to start reconciliation process with the baloch insurgents

to stabilize the political and security situation of Balochistan through dialogue.

(„‟Nawaz Sharif Calls‟‟, 2013, June.11) The settlement of all the issues was

necessary for the settlement of baloch constant revolt, and it could be done only by

winning their trust so that all the baloch leaders and political parties could be brought

into mainstream politics and work for the betterment and development of the

neglected province. Nawaz Sharif adopted the policy of joint working to create a

friendly atmosphere between central government and baloch nationalists.

The step towards formation of a joint government of Baloch, Pakhtun and Punjabis,

and to get all the political parties involved in the political process was appreciated by

Baloch and Pakhtun leaders of Balochistan. Leader of PkMAP, Mahmud Khan

Achakzai expressed his gladness over broad heartedness showed by Punjab and

219

said that Punjab attitude towards Balochistan was democratic in its real sense and

democracy along with political cooperation was highly needed to counter terrorism

and corruption and Pakhtun and Baloch would extend full support to Central

Government. „‟If Punjab would take one step for friendship and reconciliation,

Pakhtuns and Baloch will respond by taking two steps‘‘. (The Nation, 2013, Jun. 2)

The gesture of friendship shown by Nawaz Sharif was warmly welcomed by Baloch

and Pakhtuns. The representatives of both ethnic groups were happy about his

decision to overcome the problems of Balochistan through joint efforts. They

assured the central government of PML-N of their full cooperation in government‟s

efforts for political peace in the burning region through bringing all the political

parties together.

Mir Hasil Bizenjo of National Party appreciated Nawaz Sharif for taking along the

leadership of small communities. He also showed his determination that they would

not repeat the things that caused bitterness between Balochistan and Central

Government during last decade.(The Nation, 2013, Jun. 2). Nawaz Sharif

recommended that the civil and military leadership should plan a joint approach to

ensure long-lasting peace in Balochistan and the security forces should play their

role to secure peace and develop harmony in Balochistan. He insisted that the

military and civil leadership should work in collaboration to adopt a combined

approach to bring peace. PML-N claimed that it was committed to the resolvution of

Baloch problems and would putt it on the way to progress and development.

The Government promised that Balochistan would be providing utmost resources for

resolving all the disputes and issues such as shortage of electricity, gas supply,

health, education and unemployment. Balochistan was granted Rs 8 billion for

completion of Gwadar-Rato Dero and Khuzdar-Naag highways and Rs 10 billion for

Kalat-Chaman highway. (The Daily Times, 2014, Jan.31). Nawaz Sharif assured the

Baloch people that Gwadar-Khanjrab Highway Project would be an affirmative step

towards economic development of Balochistan and would create numerous jobs for

them. in addition, 90 percent of revenue earned thorough the highway would be

220

given to the provinces that the highway passes through. PML-N was intended to

provide solar energy in rural and remote areas for agriculture and household

purposes. ―This program on one hand redresses power shortage problem for the

domestic consumers, on the other it would provide sufficient power for agriculture

purpose.‖ (The Daily Times, 2014, Jan.31) The prime minister announced a Youth

Business Loan program for the establishment of small business.

In the beginning of their tenure, the PML-N was determined to eliminate terrorism

and sectarianism from not only Balochistan but from all parts of Pakistan. Regarding

the problem of sectarian violence in Balochistan, the federal government promised

to ruin all the violent and militant organizations involved in terrorist activities. All

these promises made by Nawaz Sharif in the initial days of PML-N regime, were

higly admired and appreciated by Baloch nationalist political leaders.

221

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CHAPTER SIX

Economic Development and Baloch Nationalism

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1. Economic Condition of Balochistan

The economic development of Balochistan has always been a great subject of

confrontation between the Baloch people and federal government. Despite other

political issues, the problem of economic development and maximum control over

the natural resources of Balochistan has been a key factor in all the major conflicts

between Baloch nationalists and federal government of Pakistan. This is also one of

the main causes behind Baloch demand for a separate and independent land. The

Baloch nationalists have always been blaming federal government for keeping

Baloch people economically suppressed and deprived of their rights over their own

resources. In fact there are many other hurdles in the economic development of this

province, the region is mostly mountainous with large number of areas which are

located in remote places and are almost unapproachable moreover the problem of a

thin population is a big hurdle in development and progress. The 6.51 million

population of Balochistan is spread over a huge area of about 347190 sq.

kilometers, which constitute a very low population mass of 18.8 persons per square

kilometer. Small population which is broadly scattered with a rural nature and style of

life and poverty, are the major obstructions in the economic development of

Balochistan.

The economic development of Balochistan highly requires the enormous investment

to develop basic infrastructure and provide basic facilities of education, source of

income and health to the Baloch people to lift and improve their living standards. The

process of economic development in Balochistan has been going on a very slow

pace because of the low population density, lack of basic facilities and the absence

of proper infrastructure. Balochistan is a richest land in terms of natural resources

yet the poorest province of Pakistan. The natural resources of the province have

been under developed and remained idle for a long time. These numerous natural

resources of the land which include not only mineral deposits of precious stones and

metals like iron, copper and uranium but also valuable and vast energy sources such

as gas, oil and coal, can be utilized to gain the highest economic development. The

proper utilization of these natural resources can turn Balochistan into one of the

229

richest regions of the world. The coastal areas of Balochistan have also been

remained underdeveloped inspite of their strategic importance and economic

potential. Balochistan has always been least developed and behind in terms of

economic and social development as compared to the other provinces of Pakistan.

Since Balochistan has been given the status of the fourth province of Pakistan in

1972, the economy of Balochistan has prolonged 2.7 times by the year 2005 which

is the smallest long-term growth in all the other provinces during the same time

period. During the last decade, Balochistan‟s contribution to Pakistan‟s GDP has

remained about only 4 percent. (Gazdar, 2007:3)

2. Population Density in Balochistan According to the Census 1998, the population of Balochistan was estimated at 6.6

million, about 5 percent of the total population of Pakistan. Using the inter-censal

growth rate per district, the current population is close to 8.8 million. And according

to Government statistics, this is estimated as 8.5 million in 2014. In urban areas,

houses and other buildings are generally made of cemented material. But the

informal settlements in the poor urban residential areas, houses are also built of mud

and concrete mix. In rural regions, residential and other structures are often made of

mud. There are about 9,000 rural settlements meagerly spread across the province.

(„‟Balochistan Profile‟‟, 2012, Apr.11) The urban growth rate is about 4.5% per

annum. There is also a tendency of migration from rural to urban areas due to the

facilities of electricity, water and gas supply which is causing a negative effect on the

rural economy byputting pressure on the urban infrastructure and services.

Quetta was found the highly populated district with about 750,000 people in the

Census of 1998. Jafferabad and Turbat got second highest rate of over 400,000

populations. The average rate for Balochistan was about 2.5 percent, districts of

Awaran, Kalat, Turbat and Sherani had growth rates of less than one percent.

(UNDP, 2011:.3). in Quetta, Jafferabad and Qila Abdullah, it exceeded 100 persons

per sq. km. Density was as low as 4 persons per sq. km. in the southern districts of

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Awaran and Kharan. Overall, the population density in Balochistan was just below

19 persons per sq. km., compared to an average of 166.3 persons per sq. km. for

Pakistan as a whole. (UNDP, 2011:.3)

Table No. 6.1. Demography of Balochistan

Population Census 1998 6.5 million/5 % of total population of

Pakistan

Current Estimated Population

(2014)

8.5 million

Rural Population 76.1%

Urban Population 23.9%

Growth Rate 2.36%

Population Density 23 persons per km

Total Fertility Rate 4.08%

Population Doubling Estimated

Time

30 years

Net Addition in 1 Year 176000

Source: Population Welfare Department, Government of Balochistan, retrieved from http://www.balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1271&Itemid=100430 on 1 June, 2015

Table No. 6.2. District wise Statistics on Population and Land Mass

District Annual Growth Rate

Population 1998

Projected Population 2010

Area Sq.Km

Population Density

Urban Proportion

Awaran 0.40 118,173 123,972 29,510 4.00 -----

Barkhan 3.09 103,545 149,186 3,514 29.50 7.4

Bolan 1.15 288,056 330,421 7,499 38.40 13.7

Chaghi 2.95 104,534 148,175 50,545 4.00 17.7

Dera Bugti 3.33 181,310 268,620 10,160 17.80 8.5

Gwadar 2.99 185,498 264,168 12,637 14.70 5.4

Jafferabad 2.92 432,817 611,367 2,445 177.00 19.8

Jhal Magsi 2.86 109,941 154,212 3,615 30.40 7.4

Kalat 0.76 237,834 260,454 6,622 35.90 14.2

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Kharan 3.11 116,541 168,302 48,051 4.30 13.4

Khuzdar 2.45 417,466 558,168 35,380 11.80 28.3

Kohlu 2.00 99,846 126,629 7,610 13.10 9.7

Lasbela 3.03 312,695 447,389 15,153 20.60 36.9

Loralai 1.40 297,555 351,579 9,830 30.30 11.8

Mastung 1.31 164,645 192,476 5,896 27.90 14.7

Musakhel 2.29 134,056 175,908 5,728 23.40 8.6

Naseerabad

3.86 245,894 387,372 3,387 72.60 15.6

Panjgur 2.23 234,051 304,966 16,891 13.90 9.1

Pishin 3.57 367,183 559,359 7,819 47.00 6.3

Q.Abdullah 4.46 370,269 625,054 3,293 112.40 15.3

Q.Saifullah 1.58 193,553 233,614 6,831 28.30 13.1

Quetta 4.13 759,941 1,235,066 2,653 286.40 74.4

Sibi 3.43 103,746 155,500 7,796 23.10 32.1

Turbat 0.50 413,204 438,690 22,539 18.30 16.6

Zhob 1.81 193,458 239,923 20,297 13.60 15.9

Ziarat 0.21 33,340 34,190 1,489 22.40 1.9

Nushki 3.27 98,030 144,228 ------ ------ -----

Harnai 3.90 76,652 121,314 ------ ------ -----

Sherani 0.22 81,684 83,867 ------ ------ -----

Washuk 3.05 90,368 129,596 ------- ------- -------

Total Balochistan

2.47 6,565,885 8,799,421 347,190

18.9 23.9

Source: Population Census 1998, Population Census Organization, Government of Pakistan.

3. Economic Strength of Balochistan There are many factors that can be counted as growth pillars for the economic

structure of Balochistan. There are much dissimilarities between Balochistan and the

other provinces in terms of potential sectors of economic growth. The other three

provinces of Pakistan have comparatively more population than that of Balochistan

so these provinces enjoy a labor-abundant economy with potential growth in

agricultural industrial, manufacturing and other service sectors, Balochistan is

comparatively behind in terms of human resources, agricultural growth and industrial

investment due to the small population. The service sector of Balochistan is the only

sector which has growth potential and is closely connected with the national and

other regional economies. The following table shows the economic contribution and

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activities going on in different districts of Balochistan as the major source of

livelihood of the population of these areas:

Table No. 6.3. Economic Figures of Districts of Balochistan

Sr. No.

District Economic Activity

1 Dera Bugti Sui Gas Plants and Wells

2 Awaran Live Stock and Agriculture

3 Barkhan Live Stock and Agriculture

4 Kachchi Live Stock and Agriculture

5 Chaghi Agriculture and Copper Mining

6 Gwadar Gwadar Sea Port, Fisheries, Live Stock and Gas Pipelines

7 Jaffar Abad Live Stock and Agriculture

8 Jhal Magsi Live Stock and Agriculture

9 Kalat Live Stock, Agriculture, Oil and Gas.

10 Kech Live Stock and Agriculture

11 Kharan Live Stock and Agriculture

12 Kohlu Oil, Gas Live Stock and Agriculture

13 Zhob Live Stock and Agriculture

14 Khuzdar Live Stock and Agriculture

15 Killa Abdullah Live Stock and Agriculture

16 Killa Saifullah Live Stock and Agriculture

17 Lasbela Oil, Gas, Livestock and Dadr Zinc Project

18 Loralai Live Stock and Agriculture

19 Mastung Live Stock and Agriculture

20 Musakhel Live Stock and Agriculture

21 Naseerabad Live Stock and Agriculture

22 Panjgur Oil, Gas, Live Stock and Agriculture

23 Pishin Live Stock and Agriculture

24 Quetta Agriculture and Business

25 Sibi Livestock

26 Ziarat Tourism, Live Stock and Agriculture

27 Washik Agriculture

28 Nushki Live Stock and Agriculture

29 Harnai Live Stock Source: Majeed, Gulshan, (2011). National Integration of Pakistan: A Socio-Political Analysis of Balochistan, (1972-2005), PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab, Lahore. pp. 88-90

It is evident from the above table that the economy of Balochistan revolves around

the following sectors and these are the growth pillars of Balochistan:

233

Agriculture

Livestock

Fisheries

Mining and Energy Resources

Development Projects of Infrastructure

4. Agriculture and the Economic Development

The contribution of agriculture to the economy of a region or state is very much

significant. Agriculture and related occupations are helpful in reducing

unemployment and in making the people as well as the region, self-sufficient and

independent in terms of food and money. Agriculture sector of Balochistan

contributes almost 52pc to Balochistan‟s GDP and can be called the backbone of the

rural economy where it is the main source of income for the majority of Baloch

people. (The Dawn, 2015, Apr. 16). Like other parts of Pakistan, the people and

economy of Balochistan also depends much on agriculture, but since Balochistan is

mostly a dry and barren land with constant water shortage and continual droughts,

agriculture in Balochistan depends on non-staple high-value products. The high

altitude northern areas are focused mainly on horticulture, while field crops are

cultivated in the irrigated northeast regions that are close to the Indus Basin.

Agriculture sector contributes one-third of the provincial GDP and is a main source

of income for more than 40 percent of the labor force, and provides a livelihood to

more than half of the Baloch population. („‟Balochistan Economy, 2014, April.28) The

agricultural crops contribute about three-fifths of Balochistan's agricultural value-

added. In the rural arrears of Balochistan, almost one out of two families is involved

in agricultural activities as crop farmers or agricultural laborer. Crop production is an

essential factor in raising rural incomes and reducing poverty. The crop cultivation

sector has been going through various ups and downs for the last many years. The

value of production experienced a rapid increase during the decade of 1900s, but

later on, the severe and constant droughts during 1999 and then in 2002-03 caused

a remarkable decline in the production volume by about 7 percent. So, Balochistan

234

had to shift its agricultural production from food crops to higher value crops like

vegetables and fruits and this step compensated for the decline in the value of

production. Water supply is a major required restriction on the development of

cultivated land, that‟s why only about 6 percent of Balochistan's area is under

cultivation and the fluctuations in crop production and the area under crops are

generally related to the availability of water. There has been some increase in

productivity per hectare, especially for wheat, but yields for most crops remain lower

than in other provinces. Being the largest province of Pakistan, Balochistan has

gifted with a high potential to cultivate and produce wheat and other crops in huge

and remarkable quantity that are directly helpful in the development of economic

condition of the province and of Pakistan too. On the basis of different ecological

factors, Balochistan is divided into five ecological zones where more than 65 crops

are cultivated during Rabi and Kharif seasons.(Majeed, 2011:80). The area of

Chaghi, about 4.5 million hectares is considered most suitable for wheat cultivation.

Due to its location in an arid zone, only 2.6 million acres of the total land of

Balochistan is under cultivation.

I. Production of Food Crops

Food crops which are grown in Balochistan include wheat, maize, rice, jowar, barley

and bajra. The regions of their cultivation have been explained in chapter one. Any

other detail in this regard will be a repetition. Now the following tables illustrate the

area under cultivation and production rate of different food crops in Balochistan.

Table No. 6.4. Under Cultivation Area of Food Crops in Balochistan

Area in ‘’000’’ Hectares

Year Wheat Rice Maize Jowar Bajra Barley Total

2000-01 324.4 142.9 2.5 19.2 0.6 20.8 510.4

2001-02 333.6 116.5 2.7 17.5 0.5 21.2 492.0

2002-03 340.8 163.6 2.9 21.3 0.4 21.1 550.1

2003-04 340.9 159.8 5.2 23.8 0.3 20.8 550.8

2004-05 343.1 161.5 5.2 21.8 0.6 17.5 549.7

2005-06 310.0 206.4 5.5 34.8 1.1 15.8 573.6

2006-07 408.9 193.9 5.9 37.2 1.3 17.2 664.4

2007-08 410.5 136.2 5.4 28.2 3.8 17.6 601.7

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2008-09 408.9 190.1 5.5 29.7 3.4 15.8 653.5 Source: Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Vol. 1. page.5

Table no. 6.5. Production of Food Crops in Balochistan

Production in "000" Tonnes

Year Wheat Rice Maize Jowar Bajra Barley Total

2000-01 614.2 412.1 2.5 17.3 0.4 24.3 1070.8

2001-02 640.6 335.2 2.9 16.0 0.3 25.0 1020.0

2002-03 654.7 467.4 3.1 18.8 0.2 24.8 1169.0

2003-04 663.4 412.6 5.2 20.7 0.2 24.5 1126.6

2004-05 637.6 421.6 5.3 19.0 0.5 20.4 1104.4

2005-06 649.9 529.1 6.2 29.0 0.8 19.1 1234.1

2006-07 872.1 478.2 6.5 30.8 0.9 21.2 1409.7

2007-08 868.6 331.4 5.0 21.2 2.2 22.2 1250.6

2008-09 868.2 643.7 6.2 25.1 2.1 20.0 1565.2

Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. page.5

II. Production of Cash Crops

The cash crop of Balochistan includes cotton, sugar cane, tobacco and guar seed.

The following tables illustrate the details about the regions on cultivation and

production statistics.

Table No. 6.6. Regions of Cultivation of Cash Crops

Cash Crop Regions of Cultivation Cotton Chagai, Loralai, Musa Khail, Barkhan, Kohlu, Kachhi, Sibi, Dera

Bugti, Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Bolan, Khuzdar, Awaran, Kharan, Lasbela, Jhal Magsi

Sugarcane Sibi, Musa Khail, Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Tomboo, Kachchi, Lasbela.

Guar Seed Sibi, Kachchi, Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Tomboo, Bolan, Khuzdar, Kharan, Lasbela, Turbat, Gwadar, Jhal Magsi

Tobacco Pishin, Killa Abdullah, Loralai, Musa Khail, Barkhan, Zhob, Killa Saifullah, Kohlu, Jhal Magsi

Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. P 120- 204

236

The details of statistics on area and production are as under:

Table No.6.7 Under Cultivation Area of Cash Crops in Balochistan

Area in Hectares

Year Cotton Tobacco Sugarcane Guarseed Total

2001-02 40400.0 1045.0 700.0 2137.0 44282.0

2002-03 40800.0 1335.0 800.0 1606.0 44541.0

2003-04 39100.0 1412.0 800.0 1951.0 43263.0

2004-05 37100.0 1633.0 400.0 2071.0 41204.0

2005-06 37800.0 2083.0 300.0 3239.0 43422.0

2006-07 41600.0 2368.0 500.0 6997.0 51465.0

2007-08 21900.0 1794.0 500.0 6931.0 31125.0

2008-09 34550.0 1883.0 770.0 8594.0 45797.0 Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. p. 106

The Following table shows the average production of each cash crop:

Table. No. 6.8 Production of Cash Crops in Balochistan

Production in Tones

Year Cotton Tobacco Sugarcane Guarseed Total

2001-02 20292.6 1519.0 35000.0 1433.0 58244.6

2002-03 22146.6 1933.0 40600.0 1046.0 65725.6

2003-04 16652.5 2039.0 38600.0 1141.0 58432.5

2004-05 16040.1 2361.0 22500.0 1228.0 42129.1

2005-06 16618.5 2973.0 14500.0 1925.0 36016.5

2006-07 18268.4 3357.0 25300.0 4543.0 51468.4

2007-08 9593.5 2586.0 28100.0 3820.0 44099.5

2008-09 15167.5 2717.0 37870.0 5223.0 60977.5 Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic

Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. p 106

III. Fruit Production

Balochistan produces various varieties of fruits. The details about areas of cultivation

and quantity of production are as under:

237

Table No. 6.9. Area under Fruit Production

Area in Hectares

Fruit 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09

Citrus 1338 1339 1340 1340 1418

Mango 1409 1403 1403 1518 1535

Banana 1470 386 388 388 525

Apple 101948 102273 102802 103279 102951

Grapes 12768 12886 13631 15080 15118

Pomegranates 10723 10726 11013 11026 11022

Guava 591 596 598 600 575

Dates 48126 48136 48152 50766 50862

Apricot 26496 26596 26908 28901 28710

Peach 9469 9514 9616 9499 9500

Pear 97 97 147 147 149

Plum 3867 3893 3960 3968 3839

Almond 9923 10006 10470 10717 10659

Fig 115 115 82 85 85

Loquat 51 51 51 51 51

Chikoo 540 591 596 596 610

Coconut 1122 1122 1123 1123 1124

Cherry 1173 1181 978 1003 995

Pistachio 171 201 185 189 190

Papaya 812 837 838 840 849

Melons 12015 12278 11887 12565 12260

Others 1371 1414 1249 1496 1668

Total 245595 245641 247417 255177 254695 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits,

Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. pp. 9-10

Table No. 6.10. Production of Fruits

Production in Tones

Fruit 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09

Citrus 6035 6120 5805 8419 8407

Mango 6469 6479 5818 8523 8541

Banana 2931 3631 190 7291 5726

Apple 220280 220896 219535 313605 306534

Grapes 47701 47449 45229 74009 74758

Pomegranate 31619 31661 29835 39468 43604

Guava 2578 2845 2587 3765 3718

Dates 252161 252317 172131 249694 248594

Apricot 187167 178694 158338 220276 218601

238

Peach 18149 18233 17734 25333 25362

Pear 431 431 455 659 673

Plum 26338 26454 26333 37345 35128

Almond 21667 21883 21944 25710 25588

Fig 171 182 149 217 217

Loquat 192 192 192 279 279

Chikoo 3282 3277 1933 2798 3131

Coconut 7075 7075 7094 10286 10286

Cherry 2017 2080 1629 2321 2314

Pistachio 597 632 536 773 773

Papaya 4528 4475 3599 5218 5166

Melons 137513 140923 137285 79842 142072

Others 4171 4240 3083 6214 6265

Total 983072 980169 861434 1122045 1175737 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits,

Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. pp. 10

IV. Vegetables Cultivation

The vegetables of Balochistan are grown both in Kharif and Rabi season. The

details about vegetables and production are as under:

Table No. 6.11. Area under Vegetable Cultivation (Hectares)

Vegetable 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09

Kharif Season Vegetables

Lady Finger 2882 2877 2868 2737 2748

Squash 722 765 550 526 442

Brinjal 1075 1131 1187 1580 1130

Bitter Gourd 463 582 524 483 458

Bottle Gourd 379 426 486 438 462

Pumpkin 1145 1214 891 868 819

Lufa 396 418 276 213 132

Cucumber 470 605 631 772 741

Tomato 4762 5196 5604 9069 8014

Others 659 606 380 401 398

Total 12953 13820 13397 17087 15344

Rabi Season Vegetables

Radish 1188 1668 1632 1719 1536

Turnip 1334 1378 1248 1523 1298

Carrot 3329 3445 2934 2952 3100

Spinach 1298 1251 891 939 1812

239

Cauliflower 1212 1430 1703 2104 2665

Cabbage 415 494 605 621 651

Peas 770 743 907 1283 1298

Sugar Beet 306 306 109 2 2

Tomato 9596 10179 11412 11468 10954

Beans 622 608 631 610 622

Others 445 525 478 607 642

Total 20515 22027 22550 23828 24580

G. Total 33468 35847 35947 40915 39924

Potatoes 3268 2796 2815 3140 2302 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits,

Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. P. 19

Table No. 6.12. Production of Vegetables in Tones

Vegetable 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09

Kharif Season Vegetables

Lady Finger 17064 17138 17162 6822 16710

Squash 4526 4850 3594 2305 2864

Brinjal 7920 8342 8759 7745 8348

Bitter Gourd 3922 5098 4597 1998 3761

Bottle Gourd 3120 3390 3505 2380 3605

Pumpkin 10031 10790 8042 4364 7419

Lufa 2571 2731 1799 570 859

Cucumber 3462 4452 4655 3550 5415

Tomato 38411 42325 46065 41065 62365

Others 3703 3479 2348 696 2427

Total 94730 102595 100526 71495 113773

Rabi Season Vegetables

Radish 20043 28320 27705 29228 26269

Turnip 21078 21908 19586 24076 20758

Carrot 57823 59620 51199 51644 54431

Spinach 22048 21267 15646 16486 32208

Cauliflower 19798 23704 27760 33822 44083

Cabbage 6486 7690 9426 9670 10154

Peas 8749 8445 10367 14531 14701

Sugar Beet 6732 6732 2349 43 43

Tomato 143249 151308 170099 171281 164302

Beans 5857 5717 5938 5778 5879

Others 5792 6914 6307 8046 8431

Total 317655 341625 346382 364605 381259

G. Total 412385 444220 446908 436100 495032

Potatoes 47463 41478 41830 31711 34608 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. P. 20

240

V. Condiments of Balochistan

The following table shows the production and areas of the cultivation of condiments.

Table No. 6.13. Production and Areas of Condiments of Balochistan

Condiments 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09

Area in Hectares

Onion 31422 38077 38185 46044 32533

Garlic 251 273 214 166 686

Chilies 2333 2582 2868 4207 4230

Coriander 3035 2877 3054 2982 2630

Production in Tones

Onion 578697 699209 701620 742605 607015

Garlic 2183 2365 1676 1384 5995

Chilies 3372 3797 4199 2994 6179

Coriander 1613 1512 1606 1571 1423 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing),

Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. (December, 2009) P. 22

4.1. Major Challenges in the Development of Agriculture Sector The agriculture sector in Balochistan is facing a number of problems that are

creating obstacles in the development of agriculture. Due to these challenges, the

agriculture in Balochistan is hardly able to play a vital role in the economic

development of the province. The most important challenges can be identified as

follows.

I. Lack of Proper Water Sources

In Balochistan, the usual and regular sources of water like canals, tube wells and

others ways of irrigation are mostly out of the reach of the farmers and the majority

of people have to rely upon rainfall or flood water. The water gained from rainfall is

not always sufficient for a proper growth as the most land areas are located in the

barren and dry zone. In years of low rainfall or low flood water, the production from

these farms decreases significantly. This factor has a direct affect on the income of

many farmers too.

241

II. Dominance of Small Farms The Baloch farmers have mostly small agricultural holdings, the majority has an area

of less than ten hectares for cultivation and there are other farmers in large number

who possess an area of less than only two hectares. (World Bank Report, 2013:51).

This small size of land for cultivation is not suitable for the use of heavy agricultural

machinery, these limitations result in less productivity and does not meet the

requirements of the market. With the result, the small farmers can not earn sufficient

amount. Their low income makes it difficult for them to use more advanced methods

of production.

III. Limited Job Creation

Due to the small size of farms, there is no opportunity of employment from out side

the family. About 96 percent of farmers do no hire labor and all the matters are

looked after only by the family members of the farmers. Among farms of less than 10

hectares, only 2 percent of the farmers employ permanently hired labor. (World

Bank Report, 2013:52)

IV. Lack of Quality Inputs

The majority of farmers in Balochistan are not able to utilize quality seeds and

proper fertilizer. Most of the seed dealers are located in central Balochistan and due

to the long distances between markets and small farms; the distribution of seeds is a

difficult task for the private sector. Therefore, the unavailability of proper seeds and

fertilizers results in lower yield and the agriculture productivity has to suffer a lot.

V. Inadequate Allocations for Development Although, the agriculture sector including livestock is the main source of livelihood

for majority of the Baloch population, but the Annual Development Plans of

government have not been appropriately designed to fulfill all the requirements of

this significant sector. According to the World Bank report, ‗‘It received only 3.5

percent share of the provincial Annual Development Plan in 2004-05. Moreover, the

242

share decreased from 7.6 percent in 2002-03. Even including water, the share of

development funding declined from 42 percent in 2002-03 to less than 15 percent in

2004-05.‘‘ (World Bank Report, 2013:52)

VI. Disorganized Policies For Water Use

The agriculture sector is facing great injustice in the distribution of public-sector

support to rural population since it has not been provided any aid from the

Government of Balochistan in the form of subsidizing electricity for tube wells use.

This negligence results in the waste of both water and electricity. The over pumping

of water has seriously lowered the water table in numerous districts of Balochistan

and has led to the pulling out of groundwater. In districts with a large population, the

level of underground water has decreased so low that the electric tube wells are

bored to a depth of more than 1000 feet to reach the water. The reason behind this

imbalance is the huge subsidy which is provided to only about 2.5 percent of the

crop farmers of Balochistan and the majority of farmers are neglected. Moreover, the

farmers using electric tube wells for water supply and irrigation are generally richer

than those using diesel operated tube wells, or those relying on Sailaba or

Khushkaba.

VII. Improper Access to Markets and Poor Information Systems In Balochistan, the agricultural marketing system is full of flaws and weak. The

clearance of the profitable produce is totally dependent upon consumer markets

which are located in distant areas of the country. This inadequate system restricts

the direct contact of farmers and growers to the agricultural markets and marketing

information. So they have to be totally dependent on contractors or middlemen for

the sale of their production. It causes a lot of financial loss to the farmers. Moreover,

there are no proper storage facilities available to the farmers. The deficiency of

refrigerated transport for fruits and vegetables, and the lack of processing and

packaging facilities further deteriorate the marketing system of agricultural products.

243

VIII. Lack of Proper Financial Policies Recently, the agriculture in Balochistan is progressing with improvement in farm

growth and the production of cotton, apples, vegetables and rice has been claimed

to have increased but the agriculture in the province is still overwhelmed by

numerous multifaceted problems. Small-scale Baloch farmers are not able to invest

in their land to grow more crops due to severe financial restriction and poverty.

Although, the farmers are given the option to take loans from banks under

exploitative and manipulative terms and conditions, but these loans do not contribute

much in the development of poor farmers as the terms and conditions of the banks

and the amount of interest further compress the farmers financially. Thus they are

never unable to come out of poverty. In addition, the rise and fall in the price of

agricultural productions really destroys the economic conditions of the farmers.

Moreover there are no proper and adequate policy formulations by the Government

on provincial level. The farmers are neither provided with modern agricultural

training nor are they equipped with new and advanced crop technologies. This type

of negligence and lack of beneficial plans and policies is a big constraint in the

development of agriculture sector and the improvement of crop yield. No

comprehensive survey has been carried out by the Provincial Government of

Balochistan to determine the problems and difficulties of farmers. (The Dawn, 2015,

April. 16)

4.2. Provincial Government Plans for the Development of

Agriculture

The agriculture sector of Balochistan is of major economic significance as it has the

potential to make the province self-reliance for food and can give greatest

employment prospects to the Baloch people. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the

government to utilize maximum potential of the agriculture sector by introducing

latest modern techniques and advanced trainings about traditional and cash crops to

the farmers. A Model Floriculture Farms project in collaboration with Balochistan

Floriculture Association is being launched by the Balochistan Horticulture

244

Cooperative Society. The objective of the project is to introduce floriculture business

as a potential source of earnings for the farmers of the province with a

corresponding grant support of Agribusiness Support Fund (ASF). The project also

includes the development of floriculture industry through education and training to

the farmers. In this regard, the government of Balochistan is putting efforts for the

establishment of markets, cold storage facilities and Information Technology

Infrastructure. The project is designed into two phases. Firstly, eight model

floriculture farms have been established in different areas of Balochistan while in the

second phase, a Flower Market is planned to be established in Quetta. Another plan

of developing information technology infrastructure to provide online information to

the farmers regarding trading and the market rates of their commodity is also in

progress. (Ahad, 2012, Dec.6). The present chief minister of Balochistan, Dr. Abdul

Malik Baloch has announced the year of 2015 as the year of growers, livestock

farmers and fishermen. (The Daily Times, 2015, Apr. 8). The government of

Balochistan is fully aware of the fact that the development of agriculture, livestock

and fisheries sectors, and latest training to growers, cattle farmers and fishermen

would add a lot to eliminate the backwardness and poverty in the province. As

agriculture in Balochistan is facing the very serious matter of reduction of water

table, it is the biggest need of the time that farmers should be imparted latest

scientific training and education which would facilitate them in the cultivation of such

crops and fruits which require less water. A large portion of Baloch population

depends on livestock and the government should take solid steps to provide

guidance and support to livestock farmers to increase cattle breeding. Through the

modern techniques Balochistan can become self-sufficient in the production of fruits,

crops, agri commodities and meat. In addition, the development of agriculture sector

would bring huge foreign exchange through export of these products. “The provincial

government would soon organize a convention of experts in Quetta in order to

create awareness among the people associated with agriculture, livestock and

fisheries, while also inviting progressive farmers from all the districts to the event,

The government is serious to focus on imparting training to fishermen, ensuring

international stranded packing for fish products and seeking a better market for fish.‖

245

(The Daily Times, 2015, Apr. 8). The chief minister has also announced two projects

of cutting wool and qualitative processing and packing with the cooperation of

Australia in Balochistan. The government of Balochistan is determined to revitalize

natural pastures too. (The Daily Times, 2015, Apr. 8).

5. Live stock/Dairy Sector in the Economic Development The people of Balochistan have been involved in livestock rising throughout the

centuries. It is the oldest occupation of the Baloch people. And it still has the status

of the major occupation where 73 percent of the total Baloch population is relying on

it as a source of their livelihood. It is a fact that almost 93 percent of Balochistan is

considered rangeland and the problems of overgrazing, water shortages, and

droughts have led to a major loss of natural meadows and at present only 33

percent of the total land is practically available as grazing land. Livestock rearing is

found mostly in the central and western districts. („‟Balochistan Economy‟‟,2014,

April.28). Livestock in Balochistan is a major sector housing about 20 percent of the

national stock. In-spite of ecological limitations and being arid and semi-arid

province, live stock sector contributed 8 percent to the total GDP of Balochistan in

2010 at present the Livestock contributes 55 percent of Agriculture value added,

11.4 percent of National GDP of Pakistan and more than 47 percent in the economy

of Balochistan. (Govt. of Balochistan, Web Document, 2015: 4) At present only 28

percent rangelands are considered fair to good for livestock production. Hence,

except for some areas of upper and lower highlands in North Eastern part of

Balochistan having best ranges of the province which support 76 percent of the

livestock, the southern plains with big land mass have the poorest ranges support

only 24 percent of the livestock population. Livestock has always been a part of the

socio-cultural and socioeconomic life of Baloch people.

The animal resources play very fundamental role in the economy of Balochistan and

have a socioeconomic importance in poverty reduction and food security. The

population of small ruminant in Balochistan has a considerable portion of the total

246

population. The sheep population is about of about 48 percent and goats population

constitutes 22 percent of Pakistan where sheep are 46 percent in the entire sheep

population of the country.

Table No. 6.14. Live stock Population Census Balochistan 2014

Sr. No Live Stock Estimated Population

1 Cattles 3,802,156

2 Buffaloes 679,276

3 Sheep 14,748,207

4 Goats 14,438,994

5 Camels 428,034

6 Horses 83,555

7 Mules 13,973

8 Asses 570,875

9 Poultry 6,885,238 Source. Live Stock & Dairy Development Department, Balochistan, Web Document,

January 2015. p 11 retrieved from www.balochistan.gov.pk

5.1. Major Problems of Livestock Sector In Balochistan, there are numerous factors which restrict and affect the output of

animals and the development of live stock sector. These factors include animal

diseases, shortage of vegetation on ranges and reduced marketing facilities. The

policies relating to livestock agriculture are not always friendly. Unfortunately, there

is no government for the livestock farmers for live stock education and training

according to the modern techniques. (Govt. Web Document, 2015:4). The land of

Balochistan has always been a victim of constant droughts and is again passing

through another phase of drought these days. Droughts badly affect the survival of

livestock and agriculture which are the foundations of economy of Balochistan. It is

reported that about 20 to 25 percent livestock are damaged by drought and perished

only in Naushki district. The situation is serious in Khuzdar, Kharan and other

districts due to delay in providing them any relief by the government. Droughts

always result in the lack of drinking water and vegetation and this deficiency directly

247

harm the livestock sector as the milk production declines due to the shortage of

fodder and water. This situation causes nutritional and income problems for the

farmers. Moreover, droughts cause reduction of water reservoirs and damage to

different crops that would lead to a rise in food prices. Insufficient food intake causes

malnutrition and different diseases both in animals and farmers. According to

Provincial Disaster Management Authority, 29 out of 32 districts were affected by the

drought. (The Daily Times, 2015, Mar.17)

5.2. Economic Contribution of Live Stock The livestock not only a great source of food production but they also are used in

different products which can generate profit to support the economy of a region and

a state as well.

I. Meat

Live stock is the only source to provide meat as a major food item.

II. Milk

Mammalian livestock such as buffaloes, goats, camels and sheep are a source of

milk. Moreover the milk gained from these animals is further used in the making of

other dairy products like yogurt, cheese and butter.

II. Fiber

Livestock produce a range of fiber and textiles. High quality of wool is collected

through Sheep and goats. In addition, the skin of cows and sheep are processed to

get leather. Bones, hooves and horns of livestock are also used in different products.

IV. Fertilizers

Manure of live stock is used as a natural fertilizer on fields to increase crop yields. In

the rural areas, the manure is also used in house building as plaster for walls and

floors. It is also used as a fuel in stoves. The blood and bone of animals are also

used in making different products like fertilizers and other chemicals.

248

V. Labor and Transport

Animals such as horses and donkey have always been used as a mode of transport

throughout the centuries and in the present time they can be used for mechanical

energy as well. In ancient times, livestock were the only available source of non-

human labor and they still are serving the same purpose in the agricultural activities

like ploughing the fields and transporting goods.

VI. Land management

The grazing of sheep and goats is very helpful in controlling the growth of wild plants

on the cultivation lands. There are many areas which are prone to wild fires de to

severe dryness, goats and sheep are set to graze on these dry lands where they

remove the flammable material and reduce the risk of fires.

Table No. 6.15. Economic Worth of Live Stock

Sr. No

Item Quantity Worth in Billion Rupees

1 Milk 2.95 Billion Liters 206.56

2 Beef 89.83 Million Kgs 26.95

3 Mutton 81.82 Million Kgs 40.91

4 Poultry Meat 8.69 Million Kgs 2.61

5 Poultry Eggs 476.00 Millions No

3.32

6 Poultry Feathers 0.72 Million Kgs 0.01

7 Hides 0.90 Million Nos. 1.08

8 Skins 10.23 Million No 2.05

9 Wool (000.M.Ton) 14.77 Million Kgs 1.18

10 Hair (000.M.Ton) 8.67 Million Kgs 0.65

11 Edible Offal (000 Tones) 89.00 Million Kgs 0.62

12 Fats (000.M.Tones) 83.44 Million Kgs 2.50

13 Bones (000.M.Tones) 22.25 Million Kgs 1.11

14 Horns & Hoves (000.M.Tones)

13.47 Million Kgs 0.40

15 Guts & Casing (million no.) 22.25 Million No. 0.56

16 Blood (000 Tones) 27.80 Million liters

0.27

17 Trotters 40.91 Million No. 0.53

Total Worth: 291,31 Billion Rupees Source. Live Stock & Dairy Development Department, Balochistan, Web Document, January 2015. p 12 retrieved from www.balochistan.gov.pk on 30 May, 2015.

249

6. Fisheries in the Economic Development of Balochistan

Fishing is mostly the only major occupation of the people of many coastal areas of

Balochistan as there are no other opportunities for agricultural or industrial activities.

The fishing is the greatest source of direct employment to an estimated 400,000

people, which makes around 3 percent of the total population of Balochistan,

proportionately more in the coastal areas which is up to 70 percent and the

contributes less than 1 percent to Pakistan‟s GDP; in comparison to 8 percent

contribution to GDP from livestock. Fish product exports ranks fourth among other

export commodities from Pakistan which account for about 8 million US dollars.

(„‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:6-7). And the major and significant portion

of this fish export is generated from Balochistan. In addition, it provides a source of

livelihood and income to 400,000 people who are involved in auxiliary industries

such as boat repair and engine workshops, transport and net supply. At present all

these industries are working under private sector and provide employment to

inhabitants in the fish landing areas. Boatbuilding has been viewed as a potential

future major industry and Small and Medium Enterprises Development Authority

(SMEDA) has acknowledged many areas in fisheries that could be developed as an

industry for boatbuilding. („‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:6-7). The

fisheries of Balochistan are divided into four main sub-sectors. These include:

Marine capture

Brackish coastal water (coastal aquaculture)

Inland open water capture

Inland closed water (freshwater aquaculture)

These all subcategories have been discussed earlier in Chapter One. The details

about the economic contributions of these categories will be discussed here

according to the requirement of this chapter.

250

I. Economic Significance of Marine Capture Marine capture is the largest source of fish catch in Balochistan and the majority of

the fish is produced by marine capture along the 1,130 kilometer long coastline from

Sindh in the East to Iran in the West. More than 135,000 Tones of fish was caught in

2011 by an estimated 52 thousand fishermen operating 7,186 boats. („‟Balochistan

Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:1). Balochistan makes about a third of the total Pakistan

fish catch. The major species caught are sea catfish, hairtail, and sardines. There

have been substantial variations in catch of individual species groups every year,

though the total catch has not varied more than about 7 percent during the last

decade. The catch is worth more than 12,698 million Pakistani Rupees and

contributes less than 1 percent to Pakistan‟s Gross Domestic Product. It is estimated

that almost 300,000 people are directly or indirectly engaged in fish industry. In

Balochistan, there are about eight major sites for fishing along with another 30

smaller sites. Gwadar and Pasni are the most important fish catch sites.

II. Economic Significance of Coastline Aquaculture At present, there is no significance of coastal aquaculture due to the lack of proper

commercialization of this category but has a good potential to play an important role

in the economy of Balochistan if paid attention and managed in a suitable way. The

major positive advantage of aquaculture is the long coastline with suitable and

comparatively unpolluted clean water which provides vast opportunities for shrimp

farming. („‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:3). This is being done on a very

small scale and not has resulted in any significant commercial project. The Fisheries

Development Board (FDB) is putting efforts to categorize and discover pond sites

and establish a shrimp hatchery at Jiwani. Besides shrimps, there are many other

types of species that could likely be farmed in Balochistan.

III. Economic Significance of Inland Fisheries About 5.7 percent of all the fish production of Balochistan is produced by inland

fisheries which is completely a process of open-water fish catch where fish are

caught in small dams. This type of fishing works under a contract system and the

251

rights are auctioned off. The current system of auctioning the rights of fishing is not

based upon equity point of view so it also does not encourage investment by rights

holders to increase production.

Table No. 6.16. Total Fish Landing and its Value on Balochistan Coast in

2013

Commercial Total Quantity in M. Tons Total Value in Pak Rupees

Flatfish 2844.133

441,214,192

Sardine 11766.218

243,518,164

Other clupeiform 8432.155

196,013,223

Wolf herring 965.130

27,213,188

Spanish mackerel 5043.123

1,051,493,418

Mackerel 2031.103

711,354,193

Tuna 9430.174

621,425,100

Sea catfish 15513.381

354,819,418

Eel 2131.140

71,313,116

Barracuda 2432.110

191,865,183

Marline 1970.131

167,493,173

Mullet 2660.153

201,413,178

Threadfin fish 674.223

69,086,433

Large Grouper 3261.123

201,314,125

Small Grouper 4433.120

134,315,194

Cobia 2500.103

148,018,191

Scad 2331.174

107,018,914

Indian mackerel 10432.160

501,322,716

252

Queenfish 3618.218

801,413,155

Trevally 2164.520

435,764,100

Dolphin fish 1533.184

35,463,111

Grunter 2300.136

256,410,914

Large croaker 1981.338

921,117,163

small croaker 10963.000

801,223,570

Emperor 1683.113

218,058,528

King soldier (Sea Bream) 1474.127

929,376,034

Pomfret 3530.132

951,314,623

Hair tail 16436.188

751,319,234

Shark 3973.131

176,814,128

Ray 3681.001

601,928,625

Guitarfish 843.682

31,201,523

Shrimp 2845.131

612,894,188

kiddi 4630.500

101,560,556

Crab 1832.132

86,594,300

Ivory shell 480.138

18,617,816

Lobster 980.267

596,811,664

Cuttlefish 971.120

16,518,404

Jellyfish 383.199

17,446,414

Grand Total M. Tons. 155155.111 RS. 13,802,059,169 Source: Fisheries Data, 2103, Directorate of Balochistan, retrieved from http://balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=1304&Itemid=677 on 1 June, 2015

253

Table No. 6.17. Area Wise Quantity of Fish on Balochistan in 2013

Fish Jiwani Pishukan Gwadar Surbandar Pasni Ormara Damb Gaddani Total Qty in M.Tons

Flat Fish 120.200 44.983 64.137 133.299 1315.156 360.144 725.900 80.314 2844.133

Sardinals 295.200 346.805 1718.729 2813.680 928.231 600.303 4953.158 110.112 11766.218

Other cluieform

79.800 44.282 1368.130 1568.655 1410.184 613.553 2959.352 388.199 8432.155

Wolfhairring

124.194 38.282 490.166 36.064 200.562 40.184 0.710 35.771 965.130

Large makral

262.900 213.114 3051.555 359.240 342.859 368.900 31.677 413.232 5043.123

Small makral

63.600 78.153 942.832 323.184 280.664 135.330 84.230 123.110 2031.103

Tuna 1082.800 1436.154 5195.324 288.751 717.178 138.194 442.668 129.105 9430.174

Sea cat fish

1400.500 618.134 1935.183 45.080 2018.366 3380.180 5244.998 870.940 15513.381

Eels 105.300 399.256 452.120 144.814 537.603 331.114 71.654 88.122 2131.140

Barracuda 136.500 145.807 961.305 321.535 520.228 200.161 63.441 83.133 2432.110

Marlin 96.300 123.711 944.971 159.128 541.586 41.254 0.000 63.181 1970.131

Mullets 170.300 155.231 1068.955 70.895 424.106 680.425 35.118 55.123 2660.153

Thread finfish

67.400 6.480 194.322 30.165 163.163 68.184 35.105 109.404 674.223

Large grouper

44.800 149.897 822.345 127.850 1379.534 370.106 48.180 318.411 3261.123

Small grouper

48.400 158.120 1051.492 112.730 2033.318 484.118 188.709 356.233 4433.120

Cobias 35.900 173.506 518.855 226.915 527.406 518.113 118.290 381.118 2500.103

Scad 0.000 41.431 206.785 182.090 495.321 300.392 874.984 230.171 2331.174

Indian mekeral

1179.000 794.058 2859.435 1181.955 2034.295 1160.251 325.000 898.166 10432.160

Queen 1418.400 529.329 869.545 68.284 384.195 150.103 68.231 130.131 3618.218

254

fish

Travelly

322.400

239.566

562.243

22.480

474.437

188.132

132.111

223.151

2164.520

Dolphin fish

107.300 32.867 550.760 116.920 333.420 218.123 60.513 113.281 1533.184

Grunter 270.100 135.658 763.778 313.844 443.286 190.131 75.118 108.221 2300.136

Large croaker

501.500 220.793 455.154 147.200 242.396 230.126 70.001 114.168 1981.338

Small croaker

381.800 313.531 3301.095 451.095 3513.634 1188.113 1362.181 451.551 10963.000

Emperor 27.000 176.448 829.521 170.265 279.452 78.164 108.113 14.150 1683.113

King Soldier

(Sea Bream)

34.200 83.354 817.865 127.095 185.928 98.124 0.000 127.561 1474.127

Pomferets 640.600 528.919 697.865 358.365 579.901 523.153 78.108 123.221 3530.132

Hairtail fish

1271.972 455.430 5482.673 1090.074 2095.601 1318.164 3536.339 1185.935 16436.188

Sharks 1931.800 221.123 624.561 232.188 601.851 253.103 0.000 108.505 3973.131

Rays 324.628 297.084 1650.737 173.184 577.138 403.126 0.000 255.104 3681.001

Guitar fish 457.800 0.000 304.625 65.675 8.286 0.000 0.000 7.296 843.682

Shrimp 199.300 301.835 828.475 317.280 762.925 132.004 80.132 223.180 2845.131

Kiddi 0.000 148.179 287.720 113.160 732.114 174.132 1318.522 1856.673 4630.500

Crabs 88.100 105.623 389.720 102.188 597.157 177.230 100.000 272.114 1832.132

Ivory shel 91.200 31.032 0.000 0.000 171.575 104.218 0.000 82.113 480.138

Lobster 194.500 11.898 290.361 118.610 319.760 45.138 0.000 0.000 980.267

Cuttle fish 13.300 58.792 427.425 172.225 116.086 35.189 0.000 148.103 971.120

Jelly fish 65.300 0.000 104.599 18.183 134.599 18.183 0.000 42.335 383.199

G. Total 13654.294 8858.865 43085.363 12304.345 28423.501 15315.562 23192.543 10320.638 155155.11

1 Source: Fisheries Data, 2013, Directorate of Balochistan, retrieved from

http://balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=1304&Itemid=677 on 1 June, 2015

255

The information about the population involved in the fisheries sector to earn their

livelihood is as under:

Table No. 6.18. Fishermen Population in 2013

Category Jiwani

Pishukan

Gwadar

Surbandar

Pasni

Ormara

Damb

Gaddani

Total

Full Time Fishermen

3680 2664 6684 2758 6835 3811 4823

4220 35475

Part Time Fishermen

1214 1186 2530 1309 3414 1460 2618

1470 15201

sporadic Fishermen

680 614 1018 475 1318 1123 1290

783 7301

Total 5574 4464 10232

4542 11567

6394 8731

6473 57977

Source: Fisheries Data, 2013, Directorate of Balochistan, retrieved from http://balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=1304&Itemid=677 on 1 June, 2015

6.1. Provincial Government’s Plans for the Development of Fisheries. Like other sectors, fisheries sector also requires a lot of development strategies

and for a rapid progress. For this purpose, many programs for development have

been designed by the provincial government. The following table shows the status

of currently on going development programs and future plans for the development

of this significant sector.

Table No. 6.19. Government Plans for the Development of Fisheries Sector 2012-13

On Going Government Schemes

S.No Name of Scheme Cost in Million Rs.

1 Fisheries Infrastructure (Auction Hall, Certification Laboratory, Fiber Glass Boat Building Yard and Nets etc.

200.000

2 Development of Fishermen Colonies on Balochistan Coast

180.000

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Future Plans

S.No Name of Proposed Scheme Estimated Cost in Million Rs.

1 Modification of boats and provision of insulted ice box, plastic crates, onboard flake ice plant & life jackets

372.127

2 Construction of jetty at Tak, Ormara 1400.000

3 Institutional strengthening and capacity building on concerned Government agencies and stake holders.

150.000

4 Up gradation of 100 fishing boats as per European Standard

250.000

5 Construction of 09 boat repairing workshops 20.000

6 Training programme for the capacity building of Fisheries Department

20.000

7 Development of fish hatchery at Sabakzai Dam at Zhob

60.000

8 Trout fish raceway system at Kalat, Ziarat and Rod Mulazai.

39.000

9 Fisheries Research Centre at Pasni 190.000

10 Inland Fisheries Training Centre at D.M Jamali 250.000

11 Fish Market at Quetta 120.000

12 Fisheries Offices & accommodation facilities on different stations

550.000

Source: Fisheries Department, Development Schemes 2012-13 retreived from http://www.balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=81&Itemid=130 accessed on 1 June, 2015

7. Significance of Mining and Energy Resources in the

Economic Development of Balochistan

Balochistan is a rich land in terms of mineral and petroleum deposits. During the

last decade, Balochistan contributed one-fifth to Pakistan‟s mining GDP with 0.23

percent and the mineral mining in from Balochistan was generating Rs. 3.4 billion

in annual revenue. Coal production in the province exceeds 232 million metric tons,

while the production of shale gas is over 130 million metric tons. Other important

minerals are copper, iron ore, marble and limestone. Chaghi is the centre of the

greatest variety of minerals including copper mines. Coal production is mainly

attributed to Quetta and Loralai while Lasbela is producing high amount of

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limestone and shale. Gas and Oil are more important amongst the mineral

resources of the province and are being consumed widely for domestic use and

export purposes. In 1952, the natural gas was first discovered in Balochistan, and

within a few decades Balochistan started producing almost 50 percent of the

country's natural gas by 1980. (World Bank Report, 2013: 12) presently the natural

gas and oil are being produced in the areas of Sui, Loti, Pir Koh and Uch. More gas

and oil reserves have been discovered at Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Zarghun.

Natural gas and coal are the most significant mineral deposits in Balochistan. In

1995, Balochistan was producing about 56 percent of Pakistan‟s total production

but by the year of 2007, the percentage decreased to the level of 22.7 percent. At

present, Balochistan it is the second largest producer of natural gas of the country.

The total coal reserves of Balochistan are estimated about 459 million tones and

contribute more than 50 percent of Pakistan‟s total coal production. Uranium and

other precious metals such as copper, gold, silver and platinum are also found in

huge quantity. („‟Balochistan Economy‟‟,2014, April.28).

Sui gas generated from Bugti constitutes almost 45 percent of the country‟s total

gas production. There are more than 80 gas wells that are producing about 720-

750 million cubic feet of gas per day. The total gas reserved are said to be about

9.625 trillion cubic feet. It is estimated that The Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL)

is gaining natural gas from Balochistan of worth Rupees 85 billion but the federal

government pays only Rs. 7 billion to the province as gas royalty. The royalty fixed

for gas is about 12.5 percent which is much less than that of other provinces of

Pakistan. Sui Gas generated from Balochistan is highly demanded by the industrial

sector and is the only source of energy supply to different economic sectors such

as power generation, agriculture, commerce, fertilizer manufacturers and

chemicals and household use in the whole country. The worth of Balochistan‟s

minerals was estimated at about Rs. 38 million in 2005-06, out of the worth of

natural gas is about Rs. 31. („‟Balochistan Economic Report‟‟, 2008:52). Along with

gas and oil, coal has also been a traditionally important mineral resource and great

factor in the economic development of Balochistan. The coal production of around

two million tons forms the highest provincial share in the total coal production of

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Pakistan. Coal reserves are found in the areas of Bolan, Sibi, Quetta and Lora Lai

Districts. There are six coal mining areas in Balochistan which include Khost–

Shahrig–Harnai, Duki, Sor Rang–Daghari, Pir Imail Ziarat, Mach and recently

mining was started in Chamalang. („‟Geological Survey of Pakistan‟‟, 2009).Total

estimated reserves of all the coal fields are about 217 million tons. („‟An Overview

of Mineral Potential, 2013:11). Balochistan has also possesses immense resources

of copper ore found in Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela districts, in Chaghi at least 12

deposits are found which contain gold and silver in significant quantities. Two major

projects of mining copper gold are Sandak Copper-Gold and Reko Diq copper-Gold

deposits. The Sandak project was started in 1995 and is producing 15,672 tons of

copper blister, 51852 ounces of gold and 97356 ounces of silver are being

produced annually („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential, 2013:7). Reko Diq deposit

was discovered in 1978-79 in Chaghi as a joint venture between Balochistan,

Canada and Chile partnership. The mining of about two billion tons of copper and

20 million ounces of gold reserves and a large scale of silver deposit are estimated

in this project. The following table describes the worth and value of different

important minerals of Balochistan:

Table No. 6.20. Worth of Minerals of Balochistan and Employment Cost Statistics

Minerals Average daily employment (Nos)

Employment Cost (Rs.)

Gross Value (Rs.)

Intermediate Cost (Rs.)

Miscellaneous Cost (Rs.)

Gross Value Added (Rs.)

All Minerals

22,788 2,767,056 46,417,673 7,630,139 530,352 38,257,182

Antimony 42 1,512 2,002 100 40 1,862

Barite 465 27,592 174,404 9,086 568 164,751

Chromite 578 38,724 109,881 3,253 1,027 105,601

Coal 8,756 901,286 3,922,119 647,627 11,757 3,262,735

Copper 1,274 193,411 2,237,180 231,091 7,222 1,998,867

259

Crude Oil 35 4,145 39,473 6,072 118 33,282

Dolomite 4 56 80 5 2 73

Fluorite 13 477 3,237 160 50 3,027

Granite 48 2,658 3,655 412 11 3,232

Limestone 1,495 108,793 220,812 8,653 1,335 210,824

Megnesite 30 1,012 1,177 83 16 1,079

Marble 2,263 87,245 291,353 14,650 287 276,415

Natural Gas

6,148 1,267,598 38,912,537 6,683,592 506,993 31,721,952

Serpentine 42 3,754 5,790 449 18 5,323

Shale Clay 1,595 128,793 493,973 24,907 908 468,158

Source: United Nations Development Fund, Report 2011. p 6

8. Infrastructure Development Projects

The government of Balochistan and Federal Government of Pakistan have always

been striving for the betterment of the over all economic condition of the province.

Many programs for the development of different economic sectors have been

initiated and launched during last decade. These development plans are designed

to alleviate the basic socio economic problems in the province which are causing

obstacles in the economic growth and progress of the province. The education,

health, agriculture, forestry, fisheries, live stock and mining sectors along with

coastal development and infrastructure are the foundation of economy for any state

and region. In Balochistan, many development projects for all these sectors have

been planned in collaboration with other national and international organizations.

Apart from the projects for internal progress of the population of Balochistan, there

is a great need to improve the economic condition of Balochistan according to

international standards to fully utilize the potential of this most significant region of

Pakistan. For this purpose, construction of many large civil-engineering based

260

infrastructure projects such as highways, dams, canals and ports is most important

for overall economic development of Balochistan. The completion of such projects

will not only beneficial for the economy of Pakistan but also bring dynamic changes

in the province as the Baloch population will be provided with excellent job

opportunities and better income. The better economic and financial condition is

always helpful in alleviating the major socio economic problem of poverty and

consequently leads to the formation of an economically strong and healthy society

with a lot of chance of further improvement and progress. During his regime in

2001, President General Pervez Musharraf, launched many mega development

projects in Balochistan, which would believed to be the best solution to the

economic problems of Balochistan. Development projects like construction of

Mekran Coastal Highway, Gwadar deep sea port, Kachi and Miran Dam will

generally benefit the Baloch people. The Gwadar Sea Port, Makran Coastal

Highway and Kashghar-Gwadar Economic Corridor are the most important projects

but these have come under detailed discussion from every aspect and angle in the

Chapter 3 of this research. Any more detail in this regard would be a mere

repetition of words. There are other development project for the economic growth

and progress of Balochistan which need to be highlighted in this chapter. Those

projects include Federal Government‟s projects of high scale infrastructure that

include the construction of various dams, roads and other coastal development

plans as under:

8.1. Construction of 100 Dams in Balochistan

Droughts and floods have been a significant feature of Balochistan. the shortage of

water due to insufficient rain causes droughts and excessive rains cause floods.

Both are highly harmful to the economic growth and development. The construction

of various Dams is most important to cope with these issues:

a. Proper water supply to agricultural lands

b. Prevention of floods by containing excessive rain water

c. Supply of clean drinking water to the population.

261

d. Ground Water Recharge

e. Control of Soil Erosion

f. Poverty Alleviation

g. Unemployment Reduction

Realizing the need of time, the Federal Government of Pakistan decided to build

around 100 new dams in five packages. The package -1 includes the construction

of 20 dams and package II is designed for 26 dams. The Package III, IV and V are

for the construction of 50, 50 and 48 dams respectively. The package I of 20 dams

was launched in 2009 and is in its advanced stage of completion and is hoped to

be completed soon. Sixteen out of twenty dams have been completed. The

implementation of the construction of 26 more dams under package II is also in

progress and scheduled to be completed by the end of 2015. (http://100dams.org/)

Table No. 6.21 Construction Strategy for 100 Dams

Packages No. of Dams Time Zone Planning Status

Package-I 20 2008-09 to 2012-13 Substantially Completed

Package-II 26 2011-02 to 2013-14 Under Implementation

Package-III 50 2013-14 to 2018-19 Plan Prepared

Package-IV 50 2018-19 to 2023-24 Plan Prepared

Package-V 48 2023-24 to 2028-29 Plan Prepared

Source: http://100dams.org/scope.htm accessed on 10 June, 2015

The details about the location and construction of dams under package –I is as

under:

Table No. 6.22. Construction of 100 Dams, Package -I of 20 Dams

North Zone South Zone

Name of Dam District Name of Dam District

Spezendai Dam Ziarat Uthandaro Dam Lasbela

Surghund Dam Loralai Sasool Dam Khuzdar

Tor Khan Dam Q.Saifullah Sur-e-Aab Dam Panjgur

262

Bund Dam Musakhel Jodair Dam Awaran

Darmin Dam Chaghi Taigh Dam Khuzdar

Bostan Dam Pishin Chapchal Dam Kalat

Arambai Dam Q.Abdullah Chiltan Dam Mastung

Barak Dam Quetta Kashi Dam Khuzdar

Kumbri Dam Bolan Makola Dam Gwadar

Bahlol Dam (Project dropped) Zhob Darwar Dam(Suspended) Kech

-------- ------ Miskin Dam(Suspended) Gwadar

--------- ------- Shabok Dam (Dropped) Washuk

Source: http://100dams.org/list1.htm accessed on 10 June, 2015

Map No 6.1. Location of 100 Dams, Package-I of 20 Dams

Source: http://100dams.org/location.htm on 10 June, 2015

263

Table No. 6.23 Construction of 100 Dams, Package –II of 26 Dams

North Zone South Zone

Name of Dam Location Name of Dam Location

Nahar Kot Dam Barkhan Katki Khaisar Dam Kalat

Dhudar Dam Jhal Magsi Shashlok Dam Kalat

Mirdazai Dam Musakhel Thank Dam Kech

Makhal Dam Q.Abdullah Hushtri Dam Khuzdar

Malgagi Dam Q.Saifulla Lohi Dam Khuzdar

Murgha Dam Q.Saifullah Kukar Dam Lasbela

Dargai Dam Loralai Duley Kanak Dam Mastung

Kaluwaal Dam Nushki Asimabad Dam Mastung

Manzari Dam Pishin Marrave Dam Mastung

Tang Noshar Dam Quetta Romro Dam Gwadar

Murghabal Dam Shirani Nivano Dam Panjgur

Sharig Dam Sibi Harambo Dam Khuzdar

Dabar Dam Zhob Rakhsani Rai Dam Kalat

Zawa Dam Ziarat Mirap Anari Dam Kalat

Source: http://100dams.org/package2.htm accessed on 10 June, 2015

I. Economic Benefits of the Project

There are many benefits which are expected from the construction of these dams

as under:

a. Dams will contain water caused by heavy rains and therefore prevent floods,

therefore the majority of population, agricultural areas and infrastructure will

be secured from being damaged by floods.

b. The conserved water will be provided directly to the population for drinking

and irrigation. These dams have the capacity to irrigate about 25,850 acres

that constitute about 10, 466 hectares of cultivation lands.

264

c. The project will be helpful in providing good job opportunities to the major

portion of population during and after construction.

Map No.6.2 Location of 100 Dams, Package-II of 26 Dams

Source: http://100dams.org/location2.htm on 10 June, 2015

8.2 Current Plans for Economic Development

There are many schemes for Development of Balochistan which are being

executed by the Provincial Government through Public Sector Development

Program (PSDP). These schemes include the development of irrigation

infrastructure, education and health facilities, agriculture and industrial

265

development to enhance the socio-economic condition of the people and the

province.

8.3. Chief Minister’s Policy Reform Unit

The provincial government of Balochistan is fully aware of the fact that the rapid

progress and development of the province is the biggest need of the time. For this

purpose, the Chief Minister of Balochistan Dr Abdul Malik Baloch has established

the Chief Minister‟s Policy Reform Unit. This unit consists of competent economists

working in the leadership of Dr Kaiser Bengali, who is the Balochistan‟s

representative in the National Finance Commission. (Gondal, 2015: 8) the main

task and focus of this unit is the preparation of the development strategy for

Balochistan to change the economic geography of Balochistan as soon as

possible.

I. Employment Opportunities

The strategies are based on the fact that Balochistan is a rich province in the terms

of resources with a small population which can be managed very easily by

adopting appropriate economic strategies. The progress of economic sectors has a

potential to create about 1.5 million jobs which will definitely alleviate the ratio of

unemployment to less than 5 percent. The government of Balochistan is

committed to create an equal, progressive, educated and healthy society that

ensures full employment for the people of Balochistan. The better opportunities for

the employment will be created through systematic and proper utilization and

development of the natural resources to bring out Balochistan from a horticultural

and pastoral age to an economically advanced state. There has been no physical

and social infrastructure development for a long time in Balochistan. In most of the

areas, people are living without roads, electricity, education and health facilities,

water supply and employment opportunities.

266

II. Basic Infrastructure Development Strategy

The development strategy is designed for the development of basic infrastructure

and endorsement of primary sectors to create a strong foundation for advanced

expansion and development of secondary sectors. The basic infrastructure

includes water supply sources, means of communication like roads and rail

networks, development of energy sector, education and health. In the industrious

sectors, the major attention would be paid to the better production of fruits and

vegetables, improved conditions of livestock, fishing sector, forestry, mining and

other subsequent industries. The development strategy also acknowledges the

importance of economic corridors and corresponding growth expansion. Much

emphasis would be laid on the areas with important economic activities. Such

areas greatly require the facility of better connectivity on priority basis.

III. Economic Corridors Development Strategy

There are six Economic Corridors which are emphasized in the development

strategy to provide connectivity to and among following potential areas: (Gondal,

2015: 9-10).

Corridor 1 comprises of the north-east districts which are producing

non-staple high value products such as fruits, vegetables, wool and

minerals, including coal, and chromite.

Corridor 2 comprises of gas fields and canal irrigated agricultural

areas which are producing major food and cash crops.

Corridor 3 covers the trade route that connects the port city of

Karachi with Chamman on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border via

Khuzdar and Quetta.

Corridor 4 is a part of the Gwadar-Kashgar trade route and runs

along Turbat, Panjgur, Besima and Khuzdar.

Corridor 5 comprises the link between the copper belt in Chagai and

Gwadar via Mashkel and Buleda.

267

Corridor 6 is the coastal belt where the fishing industry is located.

IV. Development Strategy for Growth Centers

The growth nodes are areas defined as those areas where industrial and social

sector development can be concentrated on the basis of population, production

and availability of transportation network. The growth nodes are identified on the

basis of population density and potential for economic development. The growth

rate, agricultural and mineral production, live stock population, agricultural

production and means of communications are the major factors which play very

significant role in determining the future economic potential and importance of a

specific area.

The Chief Minister‟s Policy Reform Unit is working on a comprehensive analysis of

population, available infrastructure and natural resources and has discovered

about 14 growth centers which include Quetta, Chaman, Zhob, Loralai,

QilaSaifullah, SIbi, DeraAllahyar, Kharan, Khuzdar, Panjgur, Nokundi, Turbat,

Gwadar and Hub Chowki. These regions of Balochistan have been recognized as

growth centers which can become a good source for the formation of further growth

nodes by developing infrastructure between the existing growth centres.

V. Connectivity between Growth Centers and Economic Corridors

In order to connect the economic corridors and growth centres, an inclusive road-

rail alignment plan has been designed by the provincial government. The plan

includes economically strategic highway routes, national and provincial highways.

Most of the roads are in very poor condition in the growth centres and need to be

upgraded according to international standards. The valuable fruits, vegetables and

fish products are badly damaged while traveling through these broken roads and

result in a great loss to the producers and farmers. In this regard, the development

268

strategy has projected the reconstruction of several national highways. Major of

these are:

653 kilometers long highway starting from Gabd-Jiwani-Gwadar-Pasni-

Ormara-H ub Chowki-Karachi

790 km long highway from Chaman border to Quetta-Mastung-Khuzdar-

Hub Chowki to Karachi.

Kuchlaq (Quetta)-KilaSaifullah-Zhob-Danasar highway

VI. Reconstruction of Provincial Highways

The development unit has also anticipated reconstruction of nine provincial

highways, having total length of 2,933 kilometers (Gondal, 2015: 9-10). and

suggested four new alignments which are as under:

Nokundi-Mashkel-Turbat-Gwadar highway

Dalbandin/Noshki-Kharan-Besima highway

Grawag-Panjgur-Awaran-Bela highway

Highway from Hoshab to Bela.

After the completion of the above strategic road and rail networks, all the Economic

Corridors will be connected to each other as well as with the Growth Centers. This

construction would enable productive exploitation of the huge and varied resource

base and promote productivity, trade and development in a speedy and easy way.

VII. Development Strategy for Coastal Regions

Balochistan possesses more than 700 kilometers long coastline with 38 fishing

sites. There are three deltas in Balochistan which possess great potential for

outstanding and exceptional aqua-culture especially shrimp and oysters. these

sites include Jiwani, Kalmat and Miani Hor. the high quality coastal highway

269

connects all the sites from Jiwani in the west to Uthal in the east and onwards to

Karachi. On the basis of possibilities, almost ten fish landing sites have been

allocated for the further development including Gwadar and Pasni, which are

already working as major fish harbors.

9. Major Challenges in the Economic Development

The province of Balochistan has been facing a lot of socio economic problems

which are directly affecting the political as well as economic development of the

region. The issues of education, poverty, unemployment and natural calamities are

major of all which are definitely a big challenge to the progress and development of

this most important province of Pakistan. A brief analysis of these major challenges

is as under:

9.1. Poverty and Unemployment in Balochistan The term „Poverty‟ is usually attached with low and insufficient income, and it has

rather has many more dimensions. In fact there are many other significant factors

associated with the appropriate definition of poverty. These factors include lack of

health facilities, education and adequate source of income. And by any means,

Balochistan is the poorest province of Pakistan in every aspect despite the reality

of being the richest land in the terms of natural resources. It is reported that only 20

percent of the total population have the facility of clean drinking water, whereas the

rest of about 86 percent population do not have access to pure water. The

electricity supply in the villages and other rural areas of Balochistan is about 25

percent only as compared to other provinces of Pakistan. (Fazl-e-Haider, „‟Higher

Poverty‟‟). The number of total unemployed people in Pakistan is about 3.05 million

out of which about 0.06 million unemployed people belong to Balochistan which

constitute about 20 percent of total unemployed people of Pakistan. (PILDAT,

2012:7)

270

Table No. 6. 24 Unemployed Population of Balochistan

Area Male Female Total

Rural 0.2% 0.2% 0.4%

Urban 0.1% 0.1% 0.2%

Balochistan 0.3 % 0.3% 0.6%

Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 2010-11 from http://finance.gov.pk/survey/chapter_11/12-Population.pdf accessed on 1 June 2015

Balochistan is a least developed region in terms of urbanization. Only 23.3 percent

population of Balochistan is urban while the rest of the population belongs to the

rural areas. (PILDAT, 2012:11). The discovery of Sui gas in Balochistan brought

significant development in overall industrial sector of Pakistan but unfortunately, no

industrial development has been established on the land of the producer,

Balochistan. The lack of industrial development has been the biggest cause of

unemployment in the province. Sui gas was discovered in 1956, but Balochistan

survived without gas facility till 1976 when the LPG (Liquid Petroleum Gas) was

introduced in the capital city; Quetta. It is a misery that the areas of Sui itself, are

not provided with gas pipe line connections as yet. In Ziarat district, majority of the

local population is still has to use wood as fuel and other household use. Despite

other problems and issues, poverty and unemployment have been the major and

most important problems in Balochistan since there is no noticeable effort by

government to reduce unemployment and alleviate the other reasons of poverty in

Balochistan. The negligence of the government can be blamed as the main cause

of poverty and unemployment in Balochistan. It is a fact that in past no proper and

adequate policies have been adopted by federal government towards Balochistan.

No serious efforts have been made by any government; whether it is military or

democratic government; for the betterment of common people of Balochistan. The

Baloch people always blame the Federal Government for a non serious attitude

towards job creation in private sector of Balochistan even when the situation was

peaceful. It is reported that during last five years, the government of Balochistan

271

has been provided with hundred of billion Rupees by Federal Government for the

development projects regarding poverty alleviation. In addition, after the approval

of 7th NFC award in 2010, Balochistan was given a remarkable increment in its

share of finances. (Aamir, 2014, Sep 1, „‟Rising Poverty‟‟). The large amounts

provided by federal government is sufficient enough for the initiation of useful

economic development projects but unfortunately, all the funds are totally at the

disposal of the politicians and bureaucrats of Balochistan who show least interest

in the development of this region. The unfavorable and selfish attitude of the ruling

class and government administration is the biggest cause of the plight of Baloch

people. These development funds should be spent to improve and develop the

Agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, mining, forestry and livestock sectors because the

majority of Baloch population is directly or indirectly reliant on these sectors for

their livelihood. A report about the economic conditions of Pakistan titled

„Clustered Deprivation‟ was prepared by the Sustainable Development Policy

Institute (SDPI) with the financial and technical assistance of United Nation

Development Program (UNDP) in 2013. According to the report ‗‘Balochistan

remains at the top of the poverty list with 45.68 percent of its population living

below the poverty line; followed by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with 41.71 percent; Sindh

with 36.27 percent and Punjab, showing the lowest figure, at 35 percent of its

population‘‘. (Shah, The News, 26 June, 2013)

The same was reported in 2014 as „‟The highest incidence of poverty prevails in

Balochistan with 52 per cent of the households living under the poverty line,

followed by 32 per cent, 33 per cent and 19 per cent respectively in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Punjab, said the report presented to all provincial

governments during the last month of 2013.‟‟ (Sumra, 25 Feb. 2014, The Express

Tribune). The surveys by SDPI are conducted on the basis of five dimensions to

asses and calculate the level of poverty. These dimensions include basic facilities

and progress rate of education, health, water supply and sanitation, household

assets/amenities and satisfaction to service delivery. Additionally, according to the

United Nations standard, if a person is taking less than 2,350 calories per day and

272

earning less than 1.25 dollar per day has also been regarded as living below the

poverty line. (Shah, The News, 26 June, 2013). In the budget for 2014-15,

Balochistan government has allocated development funds for different projects

which are said to be helpful for poverty alleviation but these projects are mostly

related to the construction of roads and other infrastructure which should not be the

first priority. Instead, the development funds should be spent to improve and

develop the Agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, mining, forestry and livestock sectors

because the majority of Baloch population is directly or indirectly reliant on these

sectors for their livelihood.

9.2. Illiteracy and Poor Condition of Education

The literacy rate in Balochistan has always been lowest as compared to the other

provinces of Pakistan. The Baloch society is tribal in nature and low level of

education is both a foundation and outcome of a constant underdevelopment and

underprivileged living standard and life style. For the economic development of

any state or region, high literacy ratio is highly desirable. The population is counted

as human resource, which is needed to be educated, trained and developed to

achieve the aims of faster growth and development in almost all the sectors of the

economy. This is a fact that development can never be achieved with under

developed and illiterate human resources. Balochistan has the lowest proportion of

literate adults in all Pakistan and the lowest estimated participation rate in primary

education. Due to the prolonged poverty, there are very limited people who can

bear the expenses of education, majority of people belong to lower class and do

not afford education both financially and in terms of physical access. The literacy

rate is higher among the middle and upper classes. In 1998, a mere 26.6 percent

of the total 6.5 million populations were found literate. The overall literacy rate in

Balochistan is 47.7 percent with marked difference in male and female literacy

rates that are 61.5 percent and 24.2 percent respectively. Male literacy rate is two

273

and a half times that of female literacy rate. The following table shows the

percentage of literacy among Baloch population:

Table No. 6. 25. Statistics on Literacy Rate Balochistan

Year Urban Rural Total

Men Wome

n

Total Men Wome

n

Total Men Wome

n

Total

1998 62.4

%

35.3% 50.3

%

27.8

%

8.8% 18.9

%

36.5

%

15.0% 26.6

%

Source: Population census organization 1989, 1999.

The data clearly indicates the poor education ratio in Balochistan especially in the

rural areas. The traditional tribal structure of the society in rural areas, do not

support or encourage the women population to get educated even on primary level.

So the ratio of literate women in tribal areas is extremely low. Balochistan‟s

education sector is characterized by low enrolment and high failure rates. Schools

are not available in every area and the overall condition of available schools is very

poor. Untrained teachers and poor quality teaching methods are among the key

problems in the education sector. The report of Economic Survey of Pakistan 2009-

10 shows Balochistan much behind in the literacy rate, which is 47.7 percent as

compared to 59 per cent in Punjab, 56 per cent Sindh and 49 per cent in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa. The Gender Parity Index (GPI) is the ratio of female enrolment to

the male enrolment. A GPI of more than one indicates that in proportion to every

male in the school, there is more than one female. The GPI index score for

Balochistan is 0.35 which is lower than Punjab (0.69), Sindh (0.61) and Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa (0.49). (Siddique, 2010, June.7) Majority, rather half of the total

population of Balochistan is uneducated. The literacy rate in some remote areas as

low as ten per cent. There were more than 22,000 settlements in Balochistan and

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the number of government-run primary, middle and high schools was about 12,600.

(The Dawn, 2013, Dec.19). Poverty, poor health conditions, lack of basic

infrastructure and transport, worsening law and order situation, financial and social

limitations are major reasons which are responsible for the worst circumstances of

education in Balochistan. According to the National Economic Survey (NES)

Balochistan has the least number of educational institutions including both public

and private sector, the lowest literacy rate, the lowest ranking in the Gender Parity

Index (GPI). About 8.6 percent out of the 10,381 educational institution‟s buildings

are not in good condition. About 24.7 percent of these need major repairs while

36.6 percent require minor repairs. Only 30.2 percent are in satisfactory conditions.

About six percent of the schools in Balochistan are not set up in proper building,

nine percent do not have the facility of electricity, 12 percent institutions are without

clean drinking water and 11 percent are without toilet. Balochistan has the smallest

number of educational institutions that constitute 10,381 against the national

number of 216,490. (The Daily Times, 2012, Jun. 12)

I. Development Project for Education in Balochistan by Government

The Government of Balochistan is working on a project for the development of

education sector in assistance with National Commission for Human Development

(NCHD) and UNESCO. This plan is called EFA Plan (Education for All) designed to

improve the educational conditions to alleviate the level of poverty in Balochistan

with the help of quality education. EFA is started in all the thirty districts of

Balochistan. The process was started in April 2010 and the Provincial EFA Plan

spans the period from 2011 to 2015 to match with the (MDG) Millennium

Development Goals. (GoB, Education Deptt. 2011:6). The Balochistan EFA Plan

would emphasize on:

i. Early Childhood Education (ECE)

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ii. Primary Education

iii. Adult Literacy

According to the report: ‗‘Currently the coverage of ECE in Balochistan is minimal.

Only 1.6% children in the ECE age group are enrolled in ECE classes being

managed in some districts in collaboration with UNICEF. Out of more than 1.195

million primary age children, the overall GER at primary level is 78.7%. Boys‘ GER

is 87.4% whereas girls‘ GER is only 68.6%. The overall literacy rate is 47.7%.

Overall NER at primary level at 44% with boys 51% and girls 36%. The targets set

under the EFA Plan 2011-15 are 50% coverage in ECE, 100% access to primary

and 64% literacy rate.‘‘ („‟Education for all‟‟. 2011:8). The establishment of about

9,726 ECE centers and 50 percent of child enrollment is targeted by the end of

2015. The goals and aims of this plan include activation of nonfunctional schools,

establishment of new primary schools, fulfilling the demand of all basic facilities in

schools, development of school libraries, covering teacher shortage in primary

schools and teacher training programs and up gradation of primary schools to the

middle level. Over 6,200 new primary schools are targeted to be established to

provide hundred percent access to primary students. Over 18,000 adult literacy

centers will be established to meet the target of 64 percent adult literacy in 2015.

The total budget for both public and private sectors for meeting the EFA targets is

Rs.122.805 billion (Equivalent to US 1.462 billion US dollars. („‟Education for All‟‟,

2011:6-9)

9.3. Lack of Proper Infrastructure

The road network and connectivity is not up to the standard and can be called

poorest in the country. Roads are available only in the areas where it is necessary

to connect farms to the local market. The length of the national highways in

Balochistan is about 2,300 km and no development has been made for a long time.

(„‟Balochistan Profile‟‟, 2012, April.11) Balochistan has the lowest density of roads

among all the provinces of Pakistan. This problem of unavailability of proper road

infrastructure is a major issue in the lives of population living in the rural areas. The

276

poorest quality and condition of existing roads and highways is not fit for fast,

comfortable and safe traveling as they are not capable of handling heavy traffic.

9.4. Natural Disasters and Hazards

Unfortunately, the land of Balochistan has always been a victim of natural

calamities and hazards which not only cause heavy damage to the natural and

human resources but also badly affect the process of economic development.

These natural calamities like floods, earthquakes, droughts, cyclones, tsunami and

land sliding frequently attack different regions of Balochistan and consequently

cause unbearable and irreparable loss especially to live stock, agricultural and

fisheries sectors. These calamities bring a lot of destruction to the economy and

are largely responsible for increasing the level of poverty in the province.

Balochistan has been facing a number of catastrophes over the last many years.

The cyclone Yemyin in 2007, Ziarat earthquake in 2008 and repeated flooding

since 2010 till 2014 have resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives and vast

destruction of infrastructure. The province has a tendency of going through

different disasters almost throughout the year and the efforts for rehabilitation of

victims are always in process. This „‟all the time‟‟ situation is continuously hamper

the progress of economy of the province. Balochistan lacks the qualified and

experienced human and technical resources to deal with the constant damage

caused by natural hazards, moreover, the week financial condition is a big hurdle in

the rehabilitation of victimized population. The detail about these natural calamities

and their affect is as under:

I. Floods

Floods in Balochistan are caused by heavy rainfalls and dam bursts. These

types of floods are called flash floods. Balochistan witnessed major destruction

caused by the flash floods during the years from 2008 to 2013 and still is in the

process of rehabilitation.

277

The flood of 2010 hit about thirty villages in the northeastern parts of

Balochistan and created serious damage to human lives and

property. In the areas of Bolan, Naseerabad, Barkhan, Sibi and

Kohlu, almost 50,000 people were affected and some deaths were

also reported. („‟Balochistan Flood 2010‟‟, 2012, April.11)

The flood of 2011 was also caused by heavy rain, hailstorm and snow

fall which badly affected the areas of northern and central

Balochistan. Quetta, Ziarat, Loralai, Nushki, Chaghi and Mastung

were largely affected where many houses were destroyed and

washed away.

The flood of 2012 was also a result of heavy rain falls. That flood was

spread over three provinces, Sindh and Punjab were also got

affected. The districts of Jaffarabad. Naseerabad, Killa Saifullah, Jhal

Magsi and Loralai were largely damaged. („‟Seasonal Monsoon‟‟

2012, Sep.28) Due to very heavy rainfalls, a powerful burst led to the

flooding which caused significant damage and casualties in the

affected areas. Not only houses but other infrastructure including

transport links such as roads and bridges were destroyed. Moreover,

the rains and flood water washed away tens of thousands of acres of

crops along with livestock and poultry in many areas.

The year of 2013 also brought another disaster in the form of flood

caused by monsoon rains in the Koh-e-Suleman Range which lasted

for about 6 days at a stretch. The flood hit almost 342 villages of 13

districts out of which the districts of JhalMagsi, Jaffarabad, Sibi,

Loralai, Khuzdar and Lasbela were worst affected. („‟Damages of

Flood 2013‟‟, 2014, April 16) The flood resulted in the loss of about 21

lives. More than 3,000 houses were destroyed and a heavy loss was

caused to crops and livestock, 63969 hectares of crop land was badly

damaged.

Most recently in June 2015, unpredicted heavy rains in Shah Noorani

area of District Khuzdar have caused a heavy flood in the local rivers

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and water straits. Sixteen casualties have been reported by now with

almost fifty houses are damaged. („‟Situation Bulletin-I‟‟, 2015,

June.5)

II. Earthquakes

Frequent earthquakes are also a prominent feature of Balochistan which have

been played havoc many times with the different regions of Balochistan during last

decade. Like floods, earthquakes also cause massive destruction to the

infrastructure and human lives. The most prominent earthquakes during last

decades occur in 2008 and 2013. In October 2008, an earthquake magnitude of

6.4, hit the Ziarat and Pishin districts. That earthquake was followed by a series of

tremors and affected the mountainous regins of Ziarat and Pishin. About 300

people were killed by landslides and by the collapsing other infrastructures. In the

Ziarat District the villages of Warchum, Wam, Kala China, Kawas, Ahmadun,

Gogai, Tangai, Spezanda were worst hit while in the Pishin District villages of

Khushab, Balozia, Khanozai, Rodh Malazia and in the Harnai District the area of

Zardalu suffered a lot in terms of casualties and destruction of infrastructure.

(„‟Ziarat Earthquake‟‟, 2012, April 16) During the year of 2013, an earthquake of

7.8-magnitude hit the border region of Iran and Pakistan in April and damaged the

areas of Mushkhel and many villages of Washuk districts. („‟Earthquake Washuk‟‟,

2013, May 10). The earthquake resulted in vast destruction of houses, shops,

government buildings and schools. Hundreds of houses were distorted and

thousands of people became shelter less. Almost ninety percent of area in

Mushkhel was totally destroyed. The earthquake also caused death to many

human lives and live stock. During the same year, the regions of Awaran, Kech,

Gwadar, Kharan and Panjgur witnessed two powerful earthquakes in a same week

of September, of 7.2 and 7.7 magnitudes respectively which resulted in about 399

human deaths and 599 people were seriously injured.

279

III. Land Sliding

Due to heavy rains in monsoon season, there is always a risk of flash flood and

consequently, land sliding is a common factor in many regions of Balochistan

especially the areas of southern part of Balochistan. Bolan is the only district which

frequently witness land sliding. The districts of Turbat and Gwadar experience the

accidental land sliding every year. The Shadikor dam is located near Pasni, which

over flows normally during heavy rains and causes floods and land sliding.

IV. Droughts

In Balochistan, droughts occur from a shortage of rain over an extended period of

time, the other reasons include floods and earthquakes which are equally

responsible for the loss of crops and destruction of pastures. Consequently,

humans and livestock have to face the problem of food and water shortage and

deficiency. Balochistan has always been passing through droughts. The districts

of Kalat, Chaghi, Naukundi and Zhob were severely affected by drought at many

times. The drought which prevailed in the province from 1997 to 2003 was by far

the longest dry spells The average rainfall in Balochistan is very low as compared

to other parts of the country. During the period from 1997 to 2003, a food crisis

developed due to lack of rain. The drought phase from 1997 to 2003 was one of

the worst in the history of Balochistan and is considered as the major cause behind

slow economic development. The growth rate came down to 2.6 percent and the

drought caused a loss of about 25 billion Pak Rs. to the national exchequer in the

year 2000-2002. („‟Droughts in Balochistan‟‟, 2012, April 11).

Table No. 6.26 Frequently Drought Affected Districts of Balochistan

Most Severely

Affected

Kharan, Washuk, Chaghi, Nushki, Panjgur, Kech,

Gwadar, Awaran, Jhal-Magsi, Bolan,

Dera-Bugti, Kohlu, Sherani

Severely Affected Sibi, Mastung, Kalat, Khuzdar, Lasbela, Musakhel,

Qilla Abdullah

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Moderately Affected Qilla Saifullah, Barkhan, Ziarat

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

a. Affects of Droughts on Economic Progress

The affects of the long droughts on the economic growth and consequent socio

economic issues are as under:

Food items became very rare and expensive in the affected areas due to the

shortage in stock. The people already going through difficult time could not

afford to buy proper food.

Insufficient food in-take caused malnutrition and consequently different

diseases prevail in the affected areas.

Droughts caused fodder shortage which badly affected livestock-rearing,

which plays an important role in the rural economy. 80 percent of livestock

died in severely affected areas.

About 80 percent of apple trees and orchards were destroyed.

Large population migrated from drought affected areas to other safe regions

in search of food and water, it caused heavy load on the resources of other

regions.

The drought also contributed in increasing the rate of different diseases

such as Tuberculosis and Hepatitis which affected thousands of people

especially women and children because of insufficient and poor diet.

After the horrible and most damaging phase of drought from 1997 to 2003,

Balochistan is again passing through another dangerous stage of drought

developing conditions. The most important sectors of livestock, agriculture and

overall the economic scenario of the province is at great risk of damage once

again. („‟Balochistan Press Briefing‟‟, 2014, Oct.29)

281

V. Spread of Diseases and Poor Health Awareness

The problem of infectious diseases in majority of Baloch population is one of the

major socio economic issues that need great attention. Mostly the Baloch people

are living in poverty and their poor condition does not allow them to adopt a healthy

life style. Lack of basic facilities like clean drinking water and proper food is the

main cause behind different types of diseases. Moreover, due to illiteracy the

majority of people do not have awareness regarding hygiene. This type of non-

awareness has resulted in the devastating spread of communicable disease that

directly affects the economic development of a society. Control of infectious and

contagious diseases has been unsuccessful due to an overall weak system which

includes deficient training of human resource, and non-availability of the proper

health facilities. The common diseases which are badly affecting and upsetting

development activity in Balochistan include:

Malaria, Acute Respiratory Infections (ARI), Ringworm, Chicken Pox, Rubella,

Scabies, Measles and Tuberculosis. During the drought of 1999 to 2003, another

dangerous infection was noticed which is called Crimean Congo Hemorrhagic

Fever (CCHF) in Loralai district. („‟Communicable Diseases‟‟ 2012, April.11)

10. Impact of Baloch Nationalist Movement on the

Economic Development of Balochistan

The process of economic as well as political development in Balochistan had

remained stagnant over the last decade due to another phase of insurgency by

Baloch nationalists. Any conflict or crisis is always very harmful to the overall

progress of a region or state but this time, the movement and armed struggle of

Baloch militant insurgents spread almost over the whole province and badly

affected the social, economic and political conditions of Balochistan. Since January

2005, the resource-rich and strategically very important region, Balochistan, is

undergoing another phase of violent activities and militant attacks that has created

a real security threat to development projects by creating hurdles in undertaking

several mega development projects, most especially the construction of Gwadar

282

Port and infrastructure related to it. Additionally, the other sectors like education,

mining industries and fisheries have to suffer a lot and resulted in a weak economy.

Baloch people and nationalists don‟t have faith in federal government and all the

development projects as they view them as a great threat to their ethnic identity,

natural resources and their territory. Therefore, they have been trying their best to

damage the economy, development projects and infrastructure just to keep the

province in their own control. Keeping in view the destructive affects of the

insurgency, the military government of General Pervez Musharraf started counter-

insurgency operations soon after the death of Akbar Bugti. Counter-insurgency

strategy of Pervez Musharraf proved to be moderately successful in making the

Gwadar port partially operational, regardless of all the difficulties created by the

nationalist insurgents.

The fifth baloch insurgency started in 2005 in Balochistan, has not only been

responsible for a significant security threat but also became the root cause for

economic instability and decline as the construction of mega development projects

remained incomplete due to unfavorable and dangerous circumstances for foreign

workers. Due to constant attacks on installations and workers, Balochistan

remained the most unstable area. According to a report, almost 435 bomb blasts

by the Baloch insurgents were recorded from 2004 to 2008 and about 54 training

camps of Baloch militants had been established across Balochistan. (Iqbal, 2008:2)

Additionally, militant groups were also radically increased in number and strength.

It has been highlighted in previous chapters that there are many militant groups in

Balochistan, which are fighting against federal government. But Baloch Liberation

Army (BLA) is the most prominent amongst them that is using violent means for the

separation of Balochistan from Pakistan. The other militant organizations include

Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Lashkar-

e-Balochistan and Jhalawan Baloch Tigers have been responsible for mass

destruction. These organizations were banned by Pervez Musharraf for being

involved in various attacks on gas pipelines, power transmission lines, power

pylons, security check posts, FC forts, security forces, railway tracks, oil tankers,

government offices, pro-government tribesmen, official residences, local civilians

283

and non Baloch outsiders. In Balochistan nationalist insurgent groups were also

threatening Punjabi and other non Baloch school teachers and educationalists. The

basic demand of the insurgents was the exclusion of the subject Pakistan Studies

from the school and other syllabus. They stopped hoist of Pakistani Flag and

National Anthem of Pakistan in the schools of Mastung, Noshki, Qalat, Gwadar,

Khuzdar and Quetta. (Human Rights Watch, 2010:2) Not only Baloch insurgents

but TTP also threatened to attack all private schools in Mastung district and warned

the administration to replace the western style of uniform with the local dress of

Shalwar Kameez. Female students were warned to be clad in full Islamic veil called

Hijab. (The Frontier Post, Peshawar, 2010, May.16)

The overall situation of security in Balochistan continued to be very uncertain

through out the last decade and got worse till 2010. It did not remain a simple

conflict between federal government and Baloch nationalists but took the form of a

serious and complicated combination of nationalist insurgency, militant attacks,

political and sectarian based target killing, Taliban presence in the northern part of

the province, attacks on educationists, NATO supplies, enforced disappearances

and illegal abductions. Frequent attacks on political leaders and security forces

personnel by Baloch insurgents were not only a strategic change but also

highlighted their transformation from an undeveloped group struggle to a more

organized rebellious movement. (PIPS, 2011:27). In the beginning years of the

construction of mega development projects in Balochistan, almost 737 attacks by

Baloch insurgents were recorded. (PIPS, 2011:2) these 737 attacks including 614

attacks by nationalist insurgents, 105 militant attacks, 12 sectarian attacks and two

were public in which at least 600 people including army officers, FC personnel,

civilians and policemen lost their lives, about 1,117 more people were got seriously

injured, among them 903 civilians, 123 FC personnel, 69 policemen, 17 soldiers

and five Levies personnel. Quetta was the worst-affected district whereas Khuzdar

district was the second most unstable region. (PIPS, 2011:7) The Baloch

insurgents attacked on power pylons, gas installations, railway tracks and basic

health units in Balochistan which not only destroyed the existing infrastructure but

also contributed a lot in the decline of economic condition and development of

284

Balochistan because the land of Balochistan turned into the most volatile and

unsafe region for foreign investors, especially for the Major sponsor of Gwadar

Project, China. Chinese engineers and other labor forces, appointed to work on

developing sites, faced life threatening situation and many of them were often

attacked and killed by Baloch insurgents. This situation not only created hurdles in

the construction of the Gwadar Port, but many other development projects such as

TAPI, IP Gas Pipeline Project and construction and development of Economic

Corridor had been ceased for a long time. As all these projects were sponsored

and financed by foreign countries, like China and Iran, the prevailing condition of

extreme unrest also played a great role in creating bitterness in the friendly

relations with these countries. Especially, the ongoing militant struggle by Baloch

nationalists became a root cause of tension between Pakistan and Iran.

285

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CHAPTER SEVEN

Conclusion

291

Conclusion

This study has analyzed the historical background of Baloch nationalism and the

separatist movement in Balochistan which is based upon Baloch Nationalism and

their Ethnic Identity. The violent behavior of Baloch Nationalists has ambushed

badly the political and economic development of Balochistan while making the

province the most volatile region of Pakistan where the opportunities and chances

for further development are facing serious challenges.

Balochistan, the fourth province of Balochistan is the largest in terms of size,

smallest in terms of population and richest in terms of mineral deposits and energy

resources. But unfortunately, the most important region of Pakistan has always

been the most neglected province of Pakistan. Since the creation of Pakistan in

1947, the land of Balochistan has been going through various phases of violence

between baloch tribes and Central government of Pakistan. The issues are very

clear but there are many factors which never let this region be peaceful.

Since the inclusion of Balochistan into Pakistan, the Baloch nationalists have been

protesting against this inclusion through many armed campaigns against Central

Government to protect their economic, political and cultural rights. The armed

struggles have always been resulted in a battle between Government of Pakistan,

Pakistan Military and Baloch Nationalist Groups. These nationalist movements

have gained the status of insurgency by the time. There have been five incidents of

Baloch insurgencies in the history of Pakistan, in 1948, 1952, 1962, 1973 and then

in 2005, which is still going on and not only affecting the situation of law and

security but also creating major obstacles in the economic and political

development of Balochistan.

The rising of Baloch Nationalist sentiment is the result of several historical factors.

The Baloch people have always been standing as a ferocious independent nation

that strongly condemns and resists any external interference. Throughout their

292

history, many foreign invaders tried to conquer the Baloch people but none of them

could be able to subjugate them completely and permanently. Arabs, Mongols,

Mughals, Persians and even the British had not been able to maintain their rule

over Baloch Society forever.

The long lasting affects of British dominance and their policies; after 1947, the non-

cooperative and forceful attitude of Pakistani Army; mismanagement of Baloch

issue and problems by Pakistani democratic Governments led Baloch people

cultivate their historical grievances. The Baloch Tribal Sardars excellently utilized

the aggressive sentiments of their people and mobilized people‟s support for their

nationalist cause.

During last decade, with the announcement of Mega Development Projects;

especially Gwadar Port in Balochistan by Musharraf, put a drastic impact on the

strategic significance of Balochistan, the growing importance changed the Baloch-

Government relations completely and is the most particular cause of recent phase

of nationalist movement in Balochistan. Prior to Musharraf regime, the conflict in

Balochistan was viewed by external powers as an internal matter of Pakistan. But

the growing violence and continued instability in the wake of Gwadar and war

against Taliban, made this crisis worthy of world attention.

After independence, the Government of Pakistan has to face the challenge of

becoming a strong state by uniting many distinct ethnic groups to be identified as a

single nation. For this purpose, different strategies and policies were adopted by

many governments. But unfortunately, all the attempts to create a single national

identity were strongly opposed by the Baloch Nationalists. Therefore the policies

such as One Unit and Basic Democracies not only failed in achieving the goal but

also resulted in extreme discontent and feelings of alienation among Baloch

nationalists which was exposed through the 1973 insurgency. The following military

ruler General Zia ul Haq, adopted the policy of Non-Proactive Firmness and limited

the interference of Central Government into Balochistan to calm down baloch

293

insurgents. He was not intended to address baloch grievances instead he needed

peace in the region to provide safe passage to US forces to Afghanistan during

Russian invasion in 1979. It is said that he bribed most of the Baloch Sardars to

placate their men to stop violent protest against government. His policy not only

sowed the seed of corruption but also resulted in heavy influx of Afghan refugees

to Balochistan. The Afghan population in large number migrated from Afghanistan

and settled into many areas of Balochistan, which further gave rise to baloch

nationalist sentiments and later became the cause of conflict between Pakhtuns

and native Baloch population. Any ways, Zia was somehow successful in

maintaining peace in this region for a long time. His policy of non-provocative

firmness kept the violence at its minimum scale till the outbreak of baloch violence

in 2005.

Despite the other political policies adopted by democratic governments during

PML-N and PPP regime, many of the historical Baloch grievances that have led to

violence in the past remain energetic even today. In Musharraf regime, his decision

to invest millions in a deep-water port in Gwadar with Chinese help; the incident of

9/11; the consequent Global War on Terror and the other regional dynamics

amplified strategic significance of Balochistan, Zia‟s policy of non proactive

firmness was no longer applicable so under the new circumstances, the Musharraf

Government was compelled to modify its policy regarding Balochistan and that was

the paramount factor that led to the most recent turbulence. The chances of

development required more influence of Central Government into Balochistan

alongwith an increased presence of military for security reasons. The baloch

people have a historical grudge for army so they strongly and aggressively

opposed the development although Balochistan was given a huge increase in the

amount of money allocated for Balochistan‟s development.

In fact, the steps taken by Musharraf were not against Baloch people and the

objective was political and economic development of not only Balochistan but of

entire Pakistan. The motive behind his aim may not be wrong, intentions may not

be bad but the policies adopted by him in this regard were viewed with great doubt

294

and mistrust by Baloch nationalists. Consequently, there emerged the feelings of

exploitation, political marginalization, and ethnic dispossession among Baloch

Nationalist Tribal Sardars again and like always, they revolted in their own

historical violent manner and started armed struggle against Government and

Pakistan Army.

The political issues should never be addressed through militant protest, General

Pervez Musharraf was definitely aware of the fact that the solution to the problems

of Baloch Nationalists could not be provided through military actions. He tried a lot

to convince the Baloch leaders that the government‟s efforts for economic

development were in their best interest but he failed. The current insurgency in

Balochistan started from 2005 can not be called only the fault of the Musharraf

government. The revolt by Baloch nationalists is an outcome of about sixty years

of political mismanagement. Every Pakistani government has never been able to

understand Baloch problem and that‟s why no ruler could win the trust of Baloch

people to make them realize that they are a part of Pakistan and every step taken

towards their development is good for them.

On the other hand, the Baloch nationalist leaders were never prone to build their

confidence on Central Government. They were and still are not inclined towards

accepting the concept of one Pakistani nation, they always insist upon their unique

and distinct ethnic identity. They consider themselves as only Baloch, not

Pakistani. Until and unless, the government of Pakistan makes them realize that

they are as important as other Pakistani ethnic groups like Punjabi, Sindhi and

Pakhtuns, and they owe equal rights over Pakistan, the Baloch nationalists would

rise again and again to counter the dominance of other ethnic groups and to prove

their strength as a distinct nation. Instead of the peaceful negotiations and political

talks with Baloch leaders, the implication of forceful strategies by the Center is the

major cause of bitterness in Baloch nationalists which has played a great role in

turning them into a militant force rather than a political unit. The policies adopted

by the federal government towards Baloch problems have always been a crucial

295

factor in formation of Baloch nationalist movements. In all the conflicts, the Baloch

nationalists have blamed; most importantly; the arrogant policies of centre towards

Balochistan. Grievances of Baloch nationalists revolve around political and

economic deprivation, cultural identity, provincial autonomy, control over natural

resources, more representation in Central government, more and justified share

from gas revenues, abolition of military camps in Baloch region and limiting Army‟s

presence, abuse of human rights, lack of trust in the government, destruction of

Baloch identity through heavy invasion of non Baloch outsiders.

Although, the democratic governments of PML-N and PPP during 2008-2013 have

designed many strategies to address Baloch issues through proper political

dialogue, efforts and plans; such as Balochistan Package; 18th Constitutional

Amendment and NFC Award, but they all have failed to implicate those plans in a

proper way according to Baloch leadership. The historical overview of all the

baloch revolts against government makes it obvious that they never wanted to be a

part of Pakistan due to constant negligence of government towards their demands.

The baloch people are living in a very poor economic condition with no basic

facilities such as education, health and employment. Majority of tribal people, living

in remote areas of Balochistan, do not have access to even clean drinking water.

Tribal chiefs of Balochistan have always blamed the government of Pakistan for not

paying attention to their needs; on the other hand, the central government alleges

the tribal chiefs for the poorest economic and social condition of Balochistan as the

tribal chiefs do not let government to start any development activity in their region.

As the economic and political progress of Balochistan would be a great threat to

their centuries old control over Baloch land, people and natural resources.

The study shows that both the nationalist baloch leaders and government policies

are equally responsible for the plight of Balochistan and baloch population. Almost

all the prominent baloch leaders and tribal Sardars were highly qualified and have

always been enjoying very good life style with all the possible facilities. They have

constantly been demanding from the government of Pakistan to pay attention to the

296

poor economic condition of baloch population, but at the same time, they

unanimously reject all the efforts made by government in this regard, and demand

for complete autonomy. The construction of Mega Port at Gwadar and related

infrastructure was the most significant and beneficial step towards economic

progress of this region which would not only bring prosperity to Balochistan but

also would connect Balochistan and its people to international market. Almost all

the foreign and regional nations are fully aware of the strategic and economic

significance of this mega project which has high-lightened the baloch potential of

becoming the richest territory of Pakistan; and may be in future; of South Asia.

Politically and economically strong Balochistan is highly beneficial for the existence

of Pakistan but highly harmful to the existence of centuries old tribal system and

the ruling elite class.

The well educated, economically strong, sharp minded, influential and politically

alert baloch Sardars definitely understood and foresaw the strong and long lasting

impacts of all the development plans on their under rule baloch people. Economic

development would open the doors to education, socio-political awareness, better

life style and more income to the masses of Balochistan which would make people

less dependent on tribal Sardars. In the battle of Tribal Leaders and Government

of Pakistan, it is the poor population of Balochistan that has to suffer since the

constant and persistent chaos in the form of armed struggle between these two

forces has destroyed the peace of the region and is the root cause of social,

political and economic backwardness of Balochistan

There are many examples when democratic government of Pakistan tried to

address the baloch problem but every time the efforts were never welcomed by

baloch nationalists. In addition, the off and on switch to democratic government to

army dictatorship, played a great role in worsening the situation in Balochistan as

Pakistan army is not trustworthy to baloch people due to their past experiences.

The Baloch have been violently resisting against the Federal rule and

297

Government‟s efforts to establish the writ of law in Balochistan throughout their

history.

Balochistan as a tribal society has always been under the absolute influence and

rule of autocrat Sardars who have kept the people backward, illiterate and

underprivileged. The three major and most influential Sardars of Bugti, Marri and

Mengal tribes have been involved in motivating their people to revolt against the

Central Government in their own interests of maintaining their status and power by

obstructing the Government‟s efforts of development in the region as it would

empower the Centre in Balochistan and weaken the hold of Sardars. Although

most of the baloch Sardars have been designated in the Government and held

powerful positions as chief ministers of their province from time to time but they did

not do anything significant for the economic and social betterment of baloch people

and to maintain their authoritarian rule they decided to detach themselves from the

federation and political process.

In fact, during last decade, all the Governments emphasized only on strengthening

the Federal Government with a view that only a strong and powerful Center would

ensure the national integration and political stability in Pakistan, but all the policies

adopted in this regard, put a very negative impression on baloch nationalists and

enhanced their sense of alienation, consequently their nationalist sentiments

provoked them to protest in an extreme manner and their demand for provincial

and financial autonomy, turned into the demand for an Independent Balochistan.

This is an interesting thing that initially, all the baloch insurgent groups were not

operated by common Baloch people but they were headed by prominent Baloch

Sardars, who were trying to create instability in Balochistan just to oppose the

Center, and to create obstacles in the progress of development projects. Their acts

of terrorism brought great sense of insecurity in the foreign investors especially for

China. The Baloch Sardars did not want Chinese interference to prevent the full

potential of Gwadar from being realized. So they tried their best to stop

298

development works, created obstacles for the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline and other

mega infrastructure, and keep Balochistan economically deprived.

The insurgency initiated by Baloch Sardars during 2004-05, and the destruction

caused by this armed conflict, has taken the baloch people back to the age of

stones rather than to future development. In addition, the current insurgency has

become a matter of great interest for the foreign players and the burning

atmosphere provided a golden chance to the foreign nations to intrude into the

internal matter of Pakistan by supporting baloch rebels. Balochistan is an

important region for Pakistan which can play a major role in the economic

development of the whole country and thus can make Pakistan an economically

and politically strong country. The stability of Pakistan lies in the stability of

Balochistan which is never acceptable for many regional and international powers

especially for India and USA. The unstable Balochistan is highly beneficial for the

enemies of Pakistan. US and India have always been alleged by Government of

Pakistan for supporting Baloch militants by providing them financial aid and military

trainings. May be, it is the support of foreign nations that led Baloch Nationalists to

demand for a separate Balochistan.

In Pakistan, no government has been successful in establishing a strong

parliamentary democracy which resulted in an ever-changing political scenario and

the state institutions could not get enough strength. The weakness of state brought

political instability and leveled the grounds for consecutive military rules. Since

independence, Pakistan has had four martial laws and eleven heads of state.

During last sixty years, Pakistan witnessed dismissal of eight out of fifteen prime

ministers and termination of seven out of ten national assemblies. Unfortunately,

every government developed its own political strategy, regardless of the need of

the country. The independent political policies and agendas damaged the real soul

and purpose of political system and ultimately, destroyed the state institutions.

Political instability brought many other disorders in the political progress of state

institutions such as lack of transparency, corruption and mismanagement of funds

299

by non- eligible, non-serious and insincere political leaders and bureaucrats. A

non-composed political system, sporadic martial laws, dishonest and crooked

politicians, gave rise to the culture of conspiracy, corruption and greed, and all

these factors are main causes of the decay and decline of political system in

Pakistan. Not only Baloch people but every citizen of Pakistan has lost his faith in

the politicians and political system. The prevailing situation of distrust and

discontentment has led to the development of regionalism and provincialism. The

same is the case with Baloch nationalist movement and the major cause of their

demand for autonomy.

Not only political system but the overall situation of law and order has totally

declined for the last decade when Musharraf decided to interfere in FATA to

counter Taliban of Al-Qaeda. His decision was viewed with great concern and

strongly disliked by nationalist leaders of Balochistan. These concerns not only

created anxiety; unrest and apprehensions among Baloch nationalists but also

motivated the militant organizations to work on their agenda of creating a

hazardous situation for future stability, political and economic development.

The militant attacks by Baloch nationalists have worsen the condition of law and

order and have created barriers on the way to political and economic development

of Balochistan. Many projects including Gwadar Port, Economic Corridor, IP Gas

Pipeline Project, TAPI and construction of other infrastructure, has been ceased

due to security concerns. IP Gas Pipeline project is facing the problem of security

in Balochistan. The major portion of pipeline‟s length would be passing through

Balochistan and is at great risk due to major security threat by Baloch Nationalists.

The Baloch nationalists have been destroying such development projects with a

perception that their economic interests were being ignored. Balochistan has

gained the status of an internationally important region because the political

instability within Balochistan and the struggle for autonomy and independence from

Pakistan is putting prominent impacts on the security of surrounding regions also.

300

Many projects of Mega development have been delayed due to the unsure

circumstances and lack of peaceful environment. The on going nationalist

movement is not only putting restrictions on the opportunities of economic progress

but also playing a dominant and critical role in global politics. The Baloch

Nationalism has opened the doors to foreign players to play their own game on

Baloch land. Foreign powers are exploiting Baloch Nationalism to attain and

increase their own political and economic strength, which is an alarming situation

not only for Balochistan but also for entire Pakistan as this situation has brought

dramatic changes in the economic, political, and strategic landscape of South and

Southwest Asia while creating numerous other problems in Balochistan such as

social unrest, poverty, illiteracy, political instability and economic backwardness.

Balochistan is always an influential region on local, national, and international

politics due to its geo-strategic position. The present insurgency, based on Baloch

Nationalism, is the great hurdle in the social, political and economic development. It

has damaged the security of region as the Baloch nationalists are talking of

Greater Balochistan which would include the Baloch areas of Pakistan, Iran and

Afghanistan.

The Baloch have been struggling for the preservation of their ethnic identity and

freedom as an independent nation over the past decades in Baloch regions of

Pakistan and Iran, despite of their failure as yet, Baloch nationalist movements

have always been creating problems for both countries, that is why it is a source of

deep concern to the governments of these countries. Baloch nationalists had

actively started advocating the idea of the "Greater Balochistan" in early years of

20th century. The Greater Balochistan is supposed to cover an area equal to

present day Pakistan.

The condition of law and order in Balochistan is getting worse with the passage of

time and demands serious attention. The issue is not only between Center and

Baloch Nationalists anymore, the strong and irresistible sense of hatred among

301

various ethnic and linguistic groups of Balochistan has given rise to target killing.

This target killing, as an action and reaction is leading to high degree violence and

distraction in the province. The fear of being killed has compelled many skilled

professionals from different fields to leave Balochistan. This situation is badly

affecting the already insufficient political, economic, educational and other

institutions of Balochistan. Teachers, doctors and other people working on

administrative positions are migrating from Balochistan. Due to security threats the

officials from other provinces and federal government are unwilling to be appointed

there. This has also damaged the administrative machinery of the provincial

government too.

The Baloch Nationalism has created various serious challenges for Central

Government. The current Baloch uprising is difficult to control and getting longer

than any of the past movement, and has involved the armed struggle more widely

than ever. The movement based on Nationalism has spread over almost all

Balochistan from rural to urban areas. It is no more a conflict between the

Nationalist Sardars and Central Government, but has also involved Baloch women

and youth who fully support the struggle for an independent Balochistan. In the

past, the Baloch tribes and insurgents used to attack only army camps and

government infrastructure but now they are also attacking non-Baloch citizens and

other ethnic minorities to get rid of all the non-Baloch people to protect their distinct

ethnic identity. It is a reality that the land of Balochistan has often been misused

and ignored in the past. No one has ever seriously tried to understand the cause of

Baloch Nationalist Movement. Every attempt by Government was just to restore

peace in the region temporarily instead of finding out a permanent, long lasting

solution. This is also a big fact that it is very difficult to understand the Baloch

people and their issues. There has always been a clash between Tribal Chiefs and

Center on the issue of Gas revenues and royalty. The baloch leaders complaint

against economic oppression and financial injustice but whenever the Federal

Government take solid steps in this regard, they simply reject all the proposals and

suddenly jump to the issue of their Ethnic Identity and Provincial Autonomy and

302

demand for an independent Balochistan. It seems the Baloch leadership is itself

confused about its own demands, problems and their solutions.

The idea of Independent Balochistan may be a good source of motivation for the

youth of Balochistan regarding their struggle against Central Government but in

fact this idea is not applicable as an independent Balochistan would never be able

to survive without a strong central leadership which they are lacking. They want to

preserve their ethnic identity as a distinct nation, and their identity lies in their

traditional tribal system. Every tribe has its own chief; they would never be able to

choose a single chief as the head of the state. There would a great chance of inter-

tribal war-like conflicts which would definitely bring more violence instead of peace.

Moreover, the population is very small in number and majority is uneducated,

unhealthy, and unskilled thus is not in the condition to generate any profits to the

state. As far as the natural resources are concerned, their exploration and

exploitation requires highly qualified, skilled and experienced personnel, which

Balochistan lacks badly. So an Independent Balochistan would have no sources to

run its economy for the development of state and people. Agriculture is already

very limited in Balochistan. Political process would also be requiring qualified and

educated people to function properly which would never be feasible due to their

tribal structure. So, the Independent Balochistan would add into the miseries and

restlessness of Baloch population. They would soon have to rely upon some

foreign power for their survival.

The peaceful integration of the Balochistan into the nation of Pakistan is the most

imperative, sensitive and significant issue because there are many other domestic,

regional, and international factors involved which demand an urgent attention and

solution. Being a symbol of great economic development for Pakistan, Balochistan

is the only possible domestic source to overcome the current economic decline.

Pakistan would achieve great development through utilizing the rich mineral and

energy resources, establishing international oil and gas pipelines and completing

the construction and utilization of Gwadar seaport and Pak-China Economic

303

Corridor. Balochistan is a potential economic advantage to Pakistan and without

political stability and peace in this region; it is not possible to succeed at even one

of these mega projects. Additionally, a separatist movement by the Baloch

Nationalists is threatening even the existence of the Pakistani state as it could

motivate existing movements among the other ethnic groups such as Sindhi, Gilgit,

and Pakhtun, and could result in the collapse of Pakistan as a state.

The Baloch Nationalists should understand that the issue can not be resolved

through militant attacks and armed protest; it should be handled very carefully only

through political dialogue. It is the responsibility of the Federal Government to

make serious efforts to win the trust of Baloch rebels and the Baloch leaders

should play a positive role towards settlement by convincing Baloch people to

understand the horrible consequences of violence. Violence brings only political

and economic destruction, and destruction leads to no-where. So the Central

Government and Baloch Leaders; both should work together to rectify their past

mistakes, resolve their grievances against each other and should pay attention only

to the economic development of not only Balochistan but of entire Pakistan.

The Baloch leaders should try to resolve their tribal feuds to bring the scattered

baloch nationalists close to each other. As the tribal harmony is most significant

factor in reducing tension between tribes and Central Government. The Central

Government should play its role to promote inter-provincial harmony without being

partial to any ethnic group and should design a long-term strategy to deal with

ethnic problems. In this regard, the most necessary thing is the alleviation of the

forcful sentiments of nationalism among Baloch people. This can be done only by

restoring their trust and faith in Central Government and its policies towards

Balochistan. There is a great need of a proper negotiation between Baloch Tribes

and Central Government to find out a permanent solution to Balochistan crisis. As

the social structure of Balochistan has deep roots in tribal system which can never

be removed, so the Government should formulate certain policies for the welfare of

local people in collaboration with the tribal chiefs. The policies like Aghaz-e-Huquq-

304

e-Balochistan Package should be implemented in true sense to resolve all the

socio-economic problems such as poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and health

issues. Until and unless, the local population of Balochistan does not get a chance

to participate in the process of political and economic development, they will

always be used by internal and external powers to destabilize the progress of

Pakistan.

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