DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 326 658 CE 056 417

AUTHOR Conti, Gary J., Ed.; Fellenz, Robert A., Ed.TITLE Cultural Influences on Adult Learning.INSTITUTION Montana State Univ., Bozeman. Center for Adult

Learning Research.

SPONS AGENCY Kellogg Foundation, Battle Creek, Mich.PUB DATE Jul 90NOTE 69p.; Papers Developed by Postdoctoral Fellows at tIls

Center for Adult Learning Research. For relateddocuments, see CE 056 416-419.

PUB TYPE Collected Works - General (020) -- Reports -Research/Technical (143)

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC03 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS Access to Education; *Adult Education; Adult

Educators; *Adult Learning; Comparative Analysis;*Cultural Influences; *Educational Benefits;Educational Research; Faculty Publishing; ForeignCountries; Group Activities; Group Dynamics; HumanCapital; International Studies; *Lifelong Learning;Organizational Climate; Outcomes of Education; RuralAreas; Rural Environment; *Self Concept

IDENTIFIERS China; Georgia; Montana

ABSTRACTFive projects are reported that examined factors

related to adult learning in nontraditional environments. "Conrad,Montana: A Community of Memories" (Janice Counter, Lynn Paul, andGary Conti) reports on a group of 4Mlts who for over 40 years havebeen active in building a better Lmmunity for friends, relatives,and themselves. A 17-item bibliography lists archives, interviews,and articles, books, and records. "Investing in the Capital Assets ofAdults" (Allen Moore) assesses the broad economic implications for aSouthern community of its citizens' participation in educationalactivities. "Contrasting Foundations for Learning and Teaching:Selfhood in China and the United States" (Daniel Pratt) examines theinfluence of cultural traditions on learners. A model is proposed forhow people develop a sense of self. "Educational Barriers to RuralAdults" (Stanley Easton) focuses on barriers to educationalparticipation for adult learners in the rural Northwest. "Developmentand Utilization of Professional Literature: A Survey of AdultEducation Professors" (Ralph Brockett) examines the creation ofknowledge in an organizational culture. (YLB)

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Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be madefrom the original document.

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©Kellogg Center for Adult Learning ResearchMontana State University

All Rights Reserved1990

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Cultural Influences on Adult Learning

Papers DevelopedBy Postdoctoral Fellows and Researchers

At The Center For Adult Learning Research

Under A Grant Funded ByThe W. K. Kellogg Foundation

EditorsGary J. Conti

Robert A. Fellenz

d

July--1990Center For Adult Learning Research

Montana State UniversityBozeman, Montana

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Table of Contents

Foreword v

Conrad, Montana: A Community of MemuriesJanice E. Counter, Lynn C. Paul, and Gary J. Conti 1

Investing in the Capital Assets of AdultsAllen B. Moore 9

Contrasting Foundations for Learning and Teaching: Selfhood in Chinaand the United StatesDaniel D. Pratt 29

Educational Barrkrs to Rural AdultsStantsy E. Easton 45

Development and Utilization of Professional Literature: A Survey ofAdult Education ProfessorsRalph G. Brockett 55

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Foreword

The Center for Adult Learning Researchwas funded by the W. K. Kellogg Foundation atMontana State University for the purpose offostering research related to adult learning. Thecenter sponsored postdoctoral fellowsthroughout North America, doctoral fellowsstudying in the university's adult educationgraduate program, and research professors as-signed by the university to the center. Thisvolume contains research reports on projectsconducted by all three types of personnel as-sociated with the renter.

One mission of the center has been to inves-tigate adult learning in real-life settings. Such anapproach requires a consideration, examina-tion, and appreciation of the cultural milieu inwhich the research is being conducted. Culturecan have many meanings and is an elusive wordto define. For minority groups such as NativeAmericans who have experienced the oppression of the dominant culture, it is a word withsymbolic and emotional connotations. MylesHorton, social justice advocate and founder ofthe Highlander Folk School, emphasized thatthe culture is a totality; it is the base and the gluethat holds all parts of a society together. JaninePease-Windy Boy, Indian leader and presidentof Little Big Horn College, describes culture asthe internal set of operating standards thatdetermines how people conduct themselves,communicate, express thoughts and ideas, andmake meaning of other's actions. dere, cultureis being used in its broadest sense as the com-mon customs, habits, beliefs, and thought pat-terns that bind a group Ypeople together. Eachof the following research projects was boundedby such broad cultural elements. They include asmall, rural community; a rural, Southern state;large homogeneous societies; a rural region ofthe United States; and a small organizationoriented to a specific task. These projects ex-amined factors related to adult learning in anontraditional environment which was far dif-ferent fre in the usual pattern of surveying estab-lished educational programs. As a result, collec-

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dye)), they suggest that learning is a complicatedprocess that is governed by the culture of thecommunity in which one lives, grows, andoperates.

Conrad, Montana: A Community ofMemories reports on a fascinating group ofadults who for over 40 years have been active inbuilding a better community for their friends, fortheir relatives, and for themselves. Their in-herent belief in their ability to solve their ownproblems was directed into action through theskills and networks developed by membership incommunity organizations. This project was or-ganized and directed by Jan Counter, a doctoralfellow at the center. Branching out from her dis-sertation research, she organized a researchteam which consisted of another doctoral fellow,Lynn Paul, and a reseal-eh professor, GaryConti. Together, they visited Conrad and un-covered the rich traditions, cooperation, and in-sights that have made Ois small, rural town acommunity of memories. In addition to buildingthe unity among the center's staff as a researchteam, this project documents the special spirit ofself-reliance, dedication, and faith in democracythat inspired the pioneers and which was acornerstone in building the United States into agreat nation.

Investing in the Capital Assets of Adults alsohas a rural setting, but it is in the South. Usingsecondary data sources, Allen (Bernie) Mooreattempts to assess the broad economic implica-tions for a community of its citizens' participa-tion in educational activities. From amethodological perspective, this study is impor-tant for two reasons. First, it is an interdiscipli-nary approach to investigating the societal im-pact of education. The political debate over therole and methods of education in society duringthe past decade and the realization that anation's economic security is directly linked toeducation have highlighted the importance oflinking educWon to other academic disciplines.Moore, who is an associate professor with a jointappointment in the Department of Adult

Education and with the Institute of Communityand Area Development at the University ofGeorgia, has made an initial effort in this projectto utilize ideas from the area of economics andto expand them to address educational issues.

Second, the statistical technique of dis-criminant analysis, which was used by Moore,deserves closer attention by educators. Thismultivariate procedure allows the researcher tosimultaneously consider several of the variablesthat might be interacting in the complicated,human process of education. However, what ismost important about this technique is that it al-lows (indeed, it requires!) that the researchermake meaningful decisions about the data andthe situation being investigated. Unlike stepwiseregression which abdicates decision making tothe computer, discriminant analysis requires theresearcher to impose some sense on the.databefore the statistical process begins. Of course,meaningful discrimination of the learners intogroups for analysis is dependent upon the re-searcher understanding the community culturefrom which the data were drawn. Equipped withsuch indigenous knowledge, discriminantanalysis offers a powerful tool for helping to un-derstand adult learning.

The infiuence of cultural traditions onlearners is examined in Contrasting Foundationsfor Learning and Teaching: Seljhood in Chinaand the United States. Exploring various cultural,social, and historical values and norms, DanPratt proposes a model for how people developself, the unseen construct which defines the es-sence of each individual. Con .)onents for thismodel are analyzed from the cross-culturalperspectives of China and the United Staws.Pratt, who is an associate professor of adulteducation at the University of British Columbia,gathered the data for this report by traveling toChina and by directly interacting with peoplethroughout the various strata of the Chinesesociety. Additional insights were gained by the

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timing of hi:: visits which were just prior to thetraumatic events of the forceful crushing of thedemocratic movement in the Spring of 1989.

Educational Barriers to Rural Adults focuseson barriers to educational participation for adultlearners in the rhral Northwest. This modifiedDelphi survey sought to identify barriers to rurallearners as a basis for determining changes andpolicies needed to improve access to educationfor those from rural communities. Suggestionsfor opening access to educational programs torural residents and ideas for public policy for thisarea are discussed. The project was directed byStan Easton while he was with the Departmentof Educational Leadership at Montana StateUniversity; he is currently Professor of Educa-tion and head of the Department of Education-al Resources at Jacksonville State University inAlabama.

The final project, Development and Utiliza-tion of Professional Literature: A Survey of AdultEducation Professors, examines the creation ofknowledge in an organizational culture. Profes-sionals play a key role in creating the knowledgebase for a field. While those such as the Conrad,Montana, group who are involved in developingknowledge through community action apply it atthe local level, professionals often documenttheir ideas through formal writing. Whenrecorded in the journals for the field, these writ-ing become an institutionalized force influenc-ing the direction of the field. In this study, Brock-ett uses traditional survey research techniquesto assess the reading and writing patterns ofprofessors of adult education who are membersof the Commission of Professor of Adult Educa-tion, the formal organization of universityteachers devoted to adult education. Brockettconducted this survey while an assistant profes-sor of adult education at Montana State Univer-sity; he is currently an associate professor ofadult education at the University of Tennessee.

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Conrad, Montana: A Community of Memories

Janice E. Counter, Lynn C. Paul, and Gary J. Conti

Introduction

Three viomen, all in their eighties, sat in ahospital room talking about their experiences ina special study group and in other communityaction groups in which they had been 40 yearsearlier. Their discussion was lively and animatedas they recalled in detail the events surroundingtheir participation in the Montana Study. Afterall those years, there remained a spirit and pridein what they had accomplished and a commit-ment to what they would still do in their smallrural community of Conrad, Montana.

The year was 1943. The Montana StateUniversity System, through a grant from theRockefeller Foundation, launched an experi-ment to stabilize small, rural communities inMontana. For 40 years the people of Montanahad suffered extensively from drought anddepression. Eastern Montana was dotted withghost towns as people fled the area seekingrelief. The research project was supposed to findways that higher education and especially thestudy of humanities could stabilize and improvelife in small, rural communities. The project,which was very similar to what is today calledparticipatory research, used study groups to :e-searchThe community's own cultural and histori-cal traditions. The process involved communitymembers in defining the research problem,gathering data, collectively analyzing the data,and interpreting it (B7ownell, 1945). The projectwas called The Montana Study.

Thirteen study groups including the Conradgroup were formed over the three years of theproject. In the 10-wee study period, the groupsresearched, analyzed, and discussed the follow-ing:

1. The composition of the community as tonationality, history, occupation, religion,politics, education, and recreation;2. How churches, schools, lodges, clubs, andrecreation played a part in human com-panionship and how those human connectionscould be expanded;3. The different ways people made a living and

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how they used their resources;4. The relationship of the community with thestate and nation;5. The future possibilities for the communityand the state;6. How action could facilitate change by help-ing to find ways "to gain control over means ofmaking a living and developing the culturaland artistic aspects within the community;"7. The ability of the group in gathering infor-mation, discussing, and using it in a construc-tive action. (Brownell, 1944, pp. 21-111)

Conducting Interviews

Researchers from the Kellogg Center forAdult Learning Research at Montana StateUniversity conducted interviews with peoplewho had participated in dive of the study groups.The initial investigation of records and inter-views with participants of the study groups inHamilton, Conrad, Libby, Darby, Stevensville,and Victor indicted that the effect of the ex-perience from the group was different forvarious participants and communities (Counter,1989). Two communities, Libby and Conrad,created action groups out of the discussiongroups for community development. However,Conrad was the only community which con-tinued the community action group over the nextfour decades.

Three researchers from the Kellogg Centerreturned to Conrad to interview eight peoplewho had participated in the Conrad StudyGroup and Community Action Group to findout why the people in the community stayed ac-tive as a group over a 40-year period. The pur-pose of this study was to examine whether com-munity research done in the Montana Study hadlong-term impact on community action anddevelopment. If it did have a long-term impact,what factors in the study group and the com-munity contributed to the success of communityaction in affecting change in the community?Secondly, did being involved in the study haveany effect on the personal development and em-powerment of the participants?

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Methodology

A quasi-longitudinal case, study was done forthe research using historical analysis. The his-torical research examined the primary docu-ments located in the archives of the MontanaHistorical Society, Helena, Montana; MontanaState University, Bozeman, Montana; Univer-sity of Montana, Missoula, Montana; and Rock-efeller Foundation, Tarrytown, New York. Thedocuments included the official records, daybooks, correspondence, and evaluations of theMontana Study staff and minutes taken from 10of the Montana Study Groups which par-ticipated in the study.

Oral histories were elicited from eightpeople who had been active in either the Con-rad Study Group and/or the Conrad ActionGroup. As Guba and Lincoln (1983), wrote,"Personal reminiscences are what add substanceand feeling to any study--they help us under-stand how people lived, what they thought andfelt about their work, family, and community" (p.162). The interviews from eight people weretaped and transcribed. Data-base managementsoftware (dBase) was used to sort the interviewsinto theme areas. The 10 theme areas includedthe following: vaiues, commitment, study groupprocess, spirit, project, skills, Montana Study,agencies, monitoring, and personal develop-ment.

The Conrad Study Group

The Conrad Study Group was formed onOctober 16, 1945, with 20 people attending. Outof that group, 14 became actively involved in thecommunity research and discussion group. Twoteachers, Alicia O'Brien and Ruth Robinson,approached Baker Brownell, the director of theMontana Study, about starting a study group inConrad. Brownell hesitated, "He hadn't evenconsidered Conrad because a was not as up andcoming as Shelby and Cut Bank. They thoughtConrad was a pretty slow town. But we were notthe kind to accept it. Well, we turned out to bethe best chapter" (O'Brien, 1989).

The people in the Conrad Study Group werelikelycandidates for being successful at the studygroup process promoted by the Montana Study.The community had a long history of coopera-

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tion dating back to the homestead days. 'The year1919 brought an end to the homestead era. Adrought and an agricultural depression leftthousands bankrupt between 1919-1939. "Myhusband went throug:1 the bad years around1919 when almost everyone went broke. That'swhen they separated the men from the boys"(O'Brien, 1989). Those who stayed survived byworking together with others in the community."Cooperation was important. They [the farmers]got together to buy the goods they needed likecoal for the winter. The could not have affordedto buy it on their own. They learned to help eachother" (Keil, 1989). "Even through the GreatDepression, we remained optimistic thatthrough working together as a community, wecould survive anything" (Floechinger, 1988).

On top of the cooperative spirit, the groupwas made up of avid learners. Most of the par-ticipants came to the study with a wide varietyof interest and skills. Man-v, such as the ministersand teachers, had a foaal education whileothers had an informal education through aprogressive, grassroots, agricultural association,the Farmers Union. "We were learning [inFarmers Union] how to conduct meetings, workwith people, and give instruction" (Hostetter,1989). "We learned to do community action inthose camps. We learned about the world we livein" (Floechinger, 1989).

According to the minutes of the study groupand from the interviews, all participants were ac-tively involved in the community research andthe group discussions on the research. "Out ofthe discussions, problems with the communitybegan to surface" (Hostetter, 1989). Throughdiscussion, the participants, such as the FarmersUnion group, learned that they also had some-thing to contribute. They found that each personwas important to getting a well-roundedperspective on an issue. "The Study was a toolwhere we could use our skills to help the com-munity. We were once two groups--townspeopleand farmer. The study brought us together. Theyfound out we [the farmers] were doing a lot ofthings they [the townspeople] did not knowabout and we [the participants in the study]learned a lot about each other" (Floechinger,1989).

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...The Community of Memgry

One of the most important discussions forthis group was on the changes which were hap-pening so rapidly in their community. The dis-cussion began with the question of what wasmeant by modernism as found in Conrad. Theleader opened by saying

Modernism...represents the glamour whichseeks the new, the distant, and the daring. The

tendency seems to to discard the old andaccept the new. The differences among theideas of the fror tier folks and the modernpeople seemed to be that the frontier peopleaccepted challenges of problems while themoderns seek professional aid; the frontierled to stability of fricndship while moderns(have) more acquaintances; frontier peopleplanned a mom: static society (while) moderns

social contacts reach farther. (Marsh, 1945, p.19)

The group recognized how the changes intransportation and communica tions were affect-ing their social, economics, and political world.They recognized that there were changa "to amore competitive society" (Marsh, 1945, p. 20).They decided the advantages of modernizationto citizens were better towns, more satisfaction,and pride. The disadvantages were that:

A wide range of activities, scattered interest,had a tendency to create disunity, and createdbreakdowns of old-fashioned loyalty. Citizenslose perspective and fail to see their own local

problems. (Marsh, 1945, p. 20)

They brainstormed a list of cherished idealsfrom their old traditions which they hoped couldbe blended into the new way of living in a chang-ing world. These ideals were as follows:

1. The pioneers solved their own problems.

2. The pioneers established true friendships inthe sanctuaries of their own community.

3. The pioneers were visionaries, but stableand knew the proper values in life.4. The pioneers accepted the modern, butmeasured it in the lights of the true and tried.We need to remember the solid, progressivecommunity is subject to exploitation andguard again: t it. (Marsh, 1945, p. 20)

This in a sense was what Bellah et al. (1985)referred to as a community of memories. Bellah

defines a community:As a group of people who are socially inter-dependent, who participate together in dis-cussion and decision making, and who sharecertain practices that both define the com-munity and arc nurtured by it. The communityhas a history and so is aiso defined in part byits memory of its past. (p. 333)

Stories about the community--how it cameto be, its hopes and fears, and how its ideals wereexemplified by outstanding men and women--defined the community as a way oflife. The com-munity members such as the Conrad folksdefined "the patterns of loyalty and obligationthat keep the community alive" (p. 154). Thecommunity's memory tied the past to thepresent aild turned the community toward thefuture as a community of hope. The values iden-tified by the Conrad Group were such memoriesand did turn the community toward the futureand new hope.

The five values became important themeswhich influence both the members of the studyand the a ztion group. The values guided their ac-tions in community development. They believedthey could solve their own community problems."We didn't ha te to have outside help" (O'Brien,1989). "We had come through the Depressionand our community needed an awful lot. 1,t wasup to us to do it" (Marsh, 1989). They learned tovalue the friendships and the social networks. "Agood community was started. Great coopera-tion, enthusiasm, and friendships developedwhich lasted over time. The social aspect of ac-tion was great" (Anderson, 1989). "It did not takea big organization to do the projects. We learnedthat if we worked together we could do it"(Floechinger, 1989). They learned not to turnover their community to others. "It's the kind ofthing of which the cnmmunity has to be aware;that is not letting other outsiders come in andtake over. It is not in the best interest nf the com-munity" (O'Brien, 1989). They continued tohave the visionary ideal of the pioneers andgrabbed opportunities fur the community. "Theyhave a dream for Horizon Lodge. They wouldn'tlet go until they have it" (Keil, 1989).

Conrad Action Group

Toward the end of the 10-week study, the 14

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participants realized that they along could notbring about the changes in their community t'aatthey felt were needed. The group decided to tryto form an action group to explore ways to makethe "community a better place in which to live"(Marsh, 1945, p. 44). A long discussion was heldabout who should be in the action group and howmembers should be recruited. Though there wasstrong group cohesion, the f ,up realized thatan action group needed to be open to a largercross section of the community. The study groupdecided the best way to reach more of the peoplewas through all the organizations in the com-munity. "We organized the action group. Weplanted the seed in people" (Floechinger, 1989).Thirty-five organizations were clntacted aboutthe meeting in which "the purpose was to discussand plan for securing a better community"(Marsh, 1946).

The research group had come to an end. "Weran out of materials on which to work. We feltgrieved for two or three years that there werenot any more materials for us to use" (O'Brien,1989). The energy, spirit, involvement, and com-mitment which were brought together in theMontana Study were transferred to the newlyformed community action group.

The first meeting of the acticn group washeld on January 30, 1946. Eighty people, repre-senting the 35 organizations, attended. LeRoyAndersen, the chairman of the action group,used discussion to help the group focus on whatwas needed to make the community become thebest possible place it could be. From the discus-sions, a new vision of Conrad emerged. Whendoubt arose about the feasibility of the ideas,Andersen said, "The assumption we will workwith is that if we want something bad enough, wewill get it" (Marsh, 1946, p. 2). This idea of "wecan do" (Keil, 1989) would continue to be impor-tant to the way the community thought aboutnew problems and community change. "Wenever thought of limits. We dived in and gotthings done" (Floechinger, 1989).

The association became a clearinghouse forcommunity projects. A process emerged whichused th t.. method of research from the MontanaStudy. "The Pondera Education and RecreationAssociation would meet a couple times a year tosee if anything else needed to be done in the

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community" (Floechinger, 1989). Organizationsin the commiz-ity would bring ideas to the com-munity act in group. Members of the com-munity group, using research methods adaptedfrom the Montana Study, wouid investigate theneeds, possibilities, legalities, and executions ofthe projects. After a need was identified forLousing the elderly, "we went to see what wasgood and bad in places and learned about resthomec" (O'Brien, 1989). The committeereturned to the association where the informa-tion they had gathered was thoroughly dis-cussed. The group was not afraid to have opendiscussion on the ideas. This in the long runseemed to bring about better projects andstronger support throughout the community.'We were aft.: to overcome the single issue focuswhich so many other communities have" (Keil,1989). When the association supported aproject, the members went out and actively cam-paigned for it. "We went out as a team of threeto talk to the county voters and to get peopleregistered. We mobilized the community"(Andersen, 1989).

Organizing a group for community actionand running an institution after a successfulbuilding project are two vastly different tasks.Many new organizations fail because those whocreated them are not equipped with the skills orthe desire to manage them. This grcs.p avoidedthis pitfall but were yet able to continue theircommitment to the project by getting involvedon the governing boards for the newly createdentity. "When we got something established, wewould try to get on the boarde (O'Brien, 1989).In th is % dy they were able to continue to monitorthe fruits of their efforts while simultanenuslybeing fi ee to take on new ventures.

The group remained proactive over the next40 years. "The thin,i,s that kept us on track werethe changes in the economy in the town and inagriculture--the ups and downs. We were alwayskeeping the ups going. We were always busy"(O'Brien, 1989). The list of projects included anursing home, retirement apartment complex,senior center, swimming pool, irrigation system,and high school. The dreams of this communityjust did not happen. "A lot of the projects we'vedone have taken nerve, courage, and friendship"(Keil, 1989).

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Personal Growth and Development

The dynamic growth of the community ac-tion group paralleled the tremendous personalgrowth of the individual. However, the attentionpaid to the community of memor2 was in directconirast to the attention paid to their personaldevelopment. "I was so busy I didn't have timeto think about what it was [perronal develop-ment]. I never thought about myself. I was toobusy being interested in the learning"(Floechinger, 1989). Amidst a group that ex-perienced incredible personal growth, it was atopic that was always superseded by caretakerroles, community action, learning for fun, tack-ling new problems with enthus.astn, and enjoy-ing the ca maraaerie of their group. Because theywere not cognizant of (heir personal develop-ment, assessment of this was difficult.

The Montana Study impacted the par-ticipants personal growth in many ways. Thepeople gained much pride and satisfaction withthe successive achievements of the MontanaStudy and the community action group. "I'mproud we got all this for our community" (Keil,1989). "I felt a lot of satisfaction in what was ac-complished in the Pondera Education andRecreation Association" (Andersen, 1989). Avast amount of knowledge was acquired by theindividual about the community, the specificproject, and the systems running the organiza-tions. This led to a much broader view of theworld and appreciation for its complexity. Itopened their eyes to humankind and their strug-gles. 'The Farmers Union and the MontanaStudy gave us a broader view of things that wereimportant to the world" (Hostetter, 1989).

The Montan: Study was significant in theparticipants personal development by providingthem a means to employ the skills andknowledge they had learned through informaland formal organizations such as the FarmersUnion. "We learned so much on community ac-tion and managing large projects. It was a chancefor us to learn community action" (Hostetter,1989). An important element of learning com-munity action was the problem-posing and re-search format introduced by the Montana Study.

Each developed an identity within thatgroup by pursuing their interest and developing

an expertise. One of the women had an obviousinclination for the financial backing of theprojects, and she usually framed commentsabout the projects in financial information. Evenin the summer of 1989, she was well aware of thefinances involved in the new swimming pool."I've got great-grandchildren owning on, and I'mhappy they're learning to swim at an early age.Saving one life is worth $400,000" (O'Brien,1989). Another aspect of their developing iden-tity was recognizing their weaknesses. "I knowmy limitations. I know what I can't do. But I amchairman of the Nominating Committee forT.egacy Legislature. If I have a program, I'll getit done" (Keil, 1989). Group work in the Mon-tana Study and the community action groupyielded many positive outcomes for their in-dividual development. One woman discoveredthe effectiveness of group work. "I learned fromthe Montana Study about the power of worki igtogether and inspiring projects" (Floechinger,1989). Most agreed they learned the importaaceof social relation and developmeht derived whileworking in groups. "It was a lot of work, but itwas a lot of fun. We all had a goo .3 time (Marsh& O'Brien, 1989). 'Meeting all the new peoplewas nice and made me want to L.ontinue beik;around new people the rest of my life" (O'Brien,1989).

A Kindred Sphit

This group possesses a special spirit thatguides them in life. Although they are now intheir eighties, mem'vers of this group stillradiated an invincible spirit of confidence intheir a:tility to overcome obstacles. This spiritand enthusiasm beget action. Although somehave lamented the loss of such a spirit in con-temporary society, it has a lmg (radition inAmerican history. In the 19th century, manyEuropeans considered Americans a spezialbreed of people who were different in their at-titudes aod alues. De Tocqueville observed thisspirit in Americans when he visited from Francein 1831. He wrute of the practical nature ofAmericans and of theii propensity to bandtogether into community organizations to solveproblems. Such an approach was conducive tosurvival on the i-ontier. This type of cooperationfostered the et, litarianism that formed the

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foundation of Jeffersonir a and Jacksoniandemocracy. At the end of the century, this spiritwas still alive in Conrad: "If we could be onecommunity, young--oid, black--white, he--she, ithas never occurred to me that we aren't allpeople and that we aren't all equal, that we don'thave the rights and ability to do things" (Keil,1989).

This frontier ethic was deeply ingrained inthe Conrad group. As a result, they did not thinkto ask if a problem could be solved, but insteadthey instinctively began to probe on how it couldbe done. They not only assumed that they hadwithin themselves the ability to solve theproblem, but they also expected high quality inthe solution. "We take these things for grantedbecause it is a part of our life" (Keil, 1989)."People are optimistic in spite of all theproblems" (O'Brien, 1989). Thus, as a result ofthis spirit, they moved to action on issues andconsidered barriers as a natural element in theprocess which would be overcome.

Equipped with this optimism, the actiongroups provided the members with an organiza-tion for learning and doing. In a rural society, itwas difficult to devek p and focus ideas while inisolation. The organizations provided a place todevelop new friendships, to share ideas with anexpanding network of peers, and to learn newski113. Meetings often opened with singing andcultural sharing. These bonding functions werefollowed and strengthened by learning activitiesand projects that reinforced the member's senseof accomplishment. Collective action throughthe organizz:on gave them voice, a mschanisrnfor expressing, honing, and implementing theirideas. Because of its specialized nature, theFarmers Union provided a narrow voice, but itwas an important beginning.

Driving 16 miles into a meeting was quite achore then, but I didn't miss many....We tookthe truck through a blizzard once. (Hostetter,1989)Out on the farm, we'd say, "Let's get this doneso we can go to Farmers Union or a com-munity picnic." (Marsh, O'Brien, &Flocchingei, 1989)I remember once we had a Farmers "inionmeeting. It was very important to get there.Tl.... roads were so bad. It had rained for days.

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We had to use the tractor to get there. (Hos-tetter, 1989)

This voice was broadened once they joinedthe Montana Study group. By coming into con-tact with leaders from 35 other groups and bybecoming integral members of a broader net-work, their views and projects became lessparochial. The skills and spirit which they hadnurtured in the narrower group were now ap-plied on a community level.

A central element of this spirit is a burningcommitment to learning. Learning andknowledge were considered fundamental toolsfor personal development and for accomplishingcommunity goals. Knowledge could either comefrom books or be generated by people themsel-ves. Thus, it was not uncommon for them to govisit another community to get ideas for aproject such as a rest home or to call a meetingof rural people from across the state in the capi-tal in order to discuss the impact of pending taxlegislation upon rural schools. However, theyheld a special reverence for books. They havenumerous books in th u:. homes anthare espe-cially proud of their role 1 supporting the locallibrary and in having a Nbrary that "you just can'tbelieve it. We have 9,000 people in the countyand a circulation of 42,000 books!" (Floechinger,19R9). For them, "books are my most preciousposse3sion. My father was a reader, and he readto us before we even went to school. My favoritestor: about my father is the time he said, 'Kids,I am only going to be able to read one chaptertonight. I was out behind the plow all day'!"(Floechinger, 1989). Significantly, one of thefirst major action projects of this group was tobuild a new hibh school: "we weren't thinking ofourselves; we were thinking of the communityand the kids" (Hostetter, 1989).

Thus, this group has a special kindred spiritthat binds them together in an uncompromisingbelief in themselves, in otirtrs, and in theirability to solve problems. They trust in peopleand sprinkle the words "democracy" and"progressive" throughout their conversationb.They model these believes in continued open-ness to others and in ongoing involvement incommunity projects such as the shelteredworkshop and the child care program at thesenior center. When it comes to learning, "I al-

ways have a learning project" (Floechinger,1989).

Conclusions

The Montana Study had an impact on thegreater community of Conrad. "The MontanaStudy had as much influence as anything has hadin the community in getting projects rolling"(O'Brien, 1989). It brought about a strong com-mitment and involvement for bettering the com-munity from those who participated. The studybrought together a fairly divergent group ofpeople. It was a tool in which these folks wereable to share their km- i'dge as they workedtogether, helping to nurture one another.

The Montana Study helped the goup tofocus on the important values and traditions ofthe community and thus to build a "communitycf memory." The study group retold the storiesof the pioneers, and they identified the valuesand traditions which embodied and exemplifiedthe meaning of their community. The five tradi-tions of (a) solving their own problems, (b) es-tablishing true friendships, (c) being visionaryyet knowing the proper values of life, (d) accept-ing the modern but measuring it in the light oftradition, and (e) remembering to guard againstexploitation from the outside became themesand guiding lights for the people as they workedtogether over the years.

When people reflected on their experiencesin the Montana Study and community actiongroup, they told about their satisfaction inmaking their community a good place to live.'The Montana Study and Pondera EducationAssociation were good organizations which be-came the nucleus of community actionthroughout the years" (Andersen, 1989). "Webrought the whole community together"(Floechinger & Hostetter, 1989). "The MontanaStudy and the Pondera Education and Recrea-tion Association were tools where we could useour skills to help the community...To get peopleinterested, you need to study about the needs.You can study about how to do a meeting, but ifyou don't have a purpose, they won't stay. We alltalked about what would make this a better placeto raise our kids and we looked for new interest"(Floechinger, 1989). "Working together was fun"(Andersen, 1989).

When the people were asked what theywould nive as advice to the younger generation,they said, "The most important thing to teachyoung people is to get involved" (Floechinger,1989). When asked what lessons can be learnedfrom their community, Norma Keil (1989)summed it up the best:

A community is working together. The waythe overall community has been able to work,even though we are individuals or are in smallfocus groups, is our ability to come togetherand discuss [issues] over time. We haven'tdeveloped into factions, and we have stayedthat way. We have been able to listen to othersand respect their thoughts as being differentfrom our own. Respecting other peoples'ideas is really important. I think it is remark-able that we have these kind of people to workwith in this community. We have people towork with in this community. We have peoplewho work with each other. I hope it continuesso the younger generation has as much fun aswe have had pitting it all together.

Bibliography

Archives

Montana Historical Society Achieves, Helena, MT;Joseph Kinsey Howard Collection, ManuscriptSeries 27; Box 1, 2, & 5. Montana State University,Montana Study, Record Series 72, Box 18 & 19.

Montana State University Archives, Bozeman, MT;Reorganization, Record Series 0030, Box 28;Cobleigh Files, Record Series 0030, Box 31;B7ownell and Melby Files, Record Series 0030,Box 37; Board of Education Files, Box 40; McKeeand Tootel Files, Record Series 0300, Box 31.

Rockefeller Archives, Tarrytown, NY; Montana StateUniversity, Montana Study, Record Group 1.1,Series 220-$, Box 263-264; Northern PlainsStudies-Thomson, 1942-1951, Record Group 1.2,Series 226-S, Box 2.

Interviews

Andersen, J. (1989). [Group and ii tdividual interviewswith G. Conti, J. Counter, and L. Paul, researchersfrom Kellogg Center for Adult LearningResearch, Montana State University, Bozeman,MT on participation in Conrad Study and ActionGroups].

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Floechinger, D. (1989). [Group and individual inter-views with G. Conti, J. Counter, and L. Paul, re-searchers from Kellogg Center for Adult LearningResearch, Montana State University, Bozeman,MT on participation in Conrad Study and ActionGroups].

Hostetter, E. (1989). [Group and individual interviewswith G. Conti, J. Counter, and L. Paul, researchersfrom Kellogg Center for Adult LearningResearch, Montana State University, Bozeman,MT on participation in Conrad Study and ActionGroups].

Keil, N. (1989). [Group and individual interviews withG. Conti, J. Counter, and L. Paul, researchersfrom Kellogg Center for Adult LearningResearch, Montana State University, Bozeman,MT on participation in Conrad Study and ActionGroups].

Marsh, V. (1989). [Group and individual interviewswith G. Conti, J. Counter, and L. Paul, researchersfrom Kellogg Center for Adult LearningResearch, Montana State University, Bozeman,MT on participation in Conrad Study and ActionGroups].

O'Brien, A. (1989). [Group and individual interviewswith G. Conti, J. Counter, and L. Paul, researchersfrom Kellogg Center for Adult Learning

Research, Montana State University, Bozeman,MT on participation in Conrad Study and ActionGroups].

Articles, Books, and Records

Bellah, R., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W. M., Swidler, A., &Tipton, S. T. (1985). Habits of the heart. Berkley,CA: University of California Press

Brookfield, S. (1983). Adult learners, adult education,and the community. New York: Teachers College,Columbia University.

Brownell, B. (1952). The college and the community.New York: Harper & Brothers.

B rownell, B. (1945). First progress report of the Montana

Study, mimeographed.Brownell, B. (1945). Life in Montana as seen in

Lonepine: A small community. Missoula, MT: TheMontana Study.

Counter, J. E. (1989). The Montana Study:A compara-tive look at seven study groups. Proceedings of the30th Adult Education Research Conference (pp.103-108). Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin-Madison.

Marsh, V. (1945). Minutes of the Conrad Study Group,m:.aeographed.

Poston, R.E. (1950). Small Town Renaissance. NewYork: Harper & Brothers.

Investing in the Capital Assets of Adults

Allen B. Moore

Human Capital

Investing in the capital assets of adults is onestrateg ft), improving economic developmentopportunities. Schultz (1961) argued that th°benefits of investing in the capital assets of in-dividuals may have a greater economic impactth;:n the production of goods and services.Human capital includes:

Knowledg, skills, abilities that individualsuse in the production of goods and services.Those previously acquired (yesterday)knowledge, skills and abilities are known as"stocks."Knowledge, skills and abilities curr,..;ntly(today and tomorrow) being developed areknown as "flows." (McNamara, Kriesel. &Deaton, 1988)

Schultz (1961) describes these investmentsin individuals in terms of health maintenanceand development, on-the-job-training, formaleducation, informal study programs and migra-tion to other areas for en anging job oppor-tunities. These investments are a direct benefitto the individual...they acquire new skills,knowledge, attitudes, and personal develop-ment benefits. Benefits also accrue to com-munities in which these individuals live, work,play and worship.

Aduit continuing education programs arethe methods for carrying out these capital in-vestments! By providing continuing educationoppoi tunities to a broad spectrum of adults theeconomic potential of individuals (e.g., literacyskills, job skills, or heaith promotion knowledge)and cornmunit;es are improved. Table 1 is avisual conceptualization of the linkage betweenHuman Capital Investment Areas (Column 1),fotential Responses of Adult ContinuingEducation Programs (Column 2), and EconomicImpact Examples (Column 3).

Human Capital Investment Areas. These arethe investments that people make in themselvesby participating in a variety of educdtionalprograms across the life span, from youth toadult to older mature adult. Schultz (1961,

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1 6

1963), Becker (1964) and Mincer (1984) are ex-amples of the economist perspective on these in-vestments. Career growth and development hasbeen substituted for "migration" cited by Schultz(1961). Migration is based vpon the gathering,reflection and decisions made about career in-formation.

Potential Responses of Adult ContinuingEducation Programs. Adult continuingeducators through a variety of public and privateagencies currently provide and continually offerprograms for adults that are potentially respon-sive to the human capital investment areasfound in Column 1. These program responsesaddress the "stock" (past and present levels ofeducation/training) and "flows" (education andtraining the individual is currently participat-ing).

McCoy (1977) has presented a frameworksupporting the notion of various agenciesproviding a broad range of continuing educationprograms for adults. Agencies which offer con-tinuing education programs are public andprivate ,:olleges and universities, business, in-dustry, governmental agencies (e.g., militaq orlaw enforcement) as well as libraries, museums,and social service agencies. Currently hospitalsare emerging as a major continuing educationagency offering community based progams in avariety of areas including smoking cessation,aerobics, diet and nutrition.

Economic Impact Examples. If the potentialprogram responses are provided and adults par-ticipate in these programs is it likely that certainbenefits will be achieved by both the individualand the community in which these adults live.Economic benefits are based on the assump-tions that if adults are in better health, they willwork longer (e.g., fewer days absent because ofillness) and smarter (e.g., more alert or lessprone to accidents). Furthee, a well educatedand trained work force is desired by businesseswho want to expand their operations as well asthose employers who want to relocate to be closeto raw materials, transportation, and trained oreducated workers.

1

Table 1

Continuing Educ!oian Program Responses to Human Investment INif alls et' kb:Its

Human Capital Investment Areas Potential Adult Continuing Economic Impact ExamplesEducation Program Responses

Health development and main-.tenance

Ou-the-jeo training including ap-prenticeships

Formal education including post-secondary and higher education

Study programsnon-corr -latefor adults, including "extion"(University extension, cooperativeextension, and community servetype)

Career growth and development(job relocation, career counseling,assessing implications for reloca-tion to new work setting)

Fitness, stress management, healthpromotion

Job improvement, job develop-ment, new business development

Advanced degrees and skiil cer-tification

Job and personal improvementand community development I e-lated experiences, culture, ar_s,and recreation

AttOudes, values toward work;careei interests, aptitudes; benefitsard costs associated with job andcareer mobility

Reduced health care costs; in-creased productivity-, longer lifespan

Expansion of local job market, at-tract new plants, improved perfor-mance on the job; no defects/highquality

Market the education level of per-sonnel in area to potentialemployers

Improve overall 'quality of life" forresidents in rural areas. Attracttom ists and potential new businessto region

Realistic assessment of employ-ment, job satisfaction; attractpotential employees to new or ex-panding business/industry

Summary. According to Schultz (1961) andother er-nomists, investing in the human capi-tal assets of adults has generated economicbenefit to the U.S. and other countries (especial-ly "Third World" nations). The following is a listof assumptions or basic preniises about humancapital investments which wiP be explored in therelated literature section:

higher skilled and better trained are paidmore.Business/industry leaders tend to view an edu-cated work torce as a positive factor in locat-ing plants/firms.Education promotes adjustment to tech-nological change.Investments in human capital are expected toyield higher productivity.Low wage/skill workers do not have resourcesto invest in human capital development.

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On-the-job training creates a "bond" betweenemployer a:id employee.Strategies are needed to deliver educationand training to "Have Notethose without ac-cess to teciinology and those with low skill/lowwage and dead end jobs.

Review of Related Literature

National studies, (Denison, 1962; Schultz,1961) regional studies (Ford Foundation 1986;Halfway Home, 1986) and state and local studies(McNamara, Kriesel, & Deaton, 1988) have ex-amined various facets of human capital invest-ments. Popular literature (Businessweek, Sep-tember 19, 1988; Educational Researcher, May1989) have cited the need to understand thedeficits in human capital development and todesign responses to close these "gaps" (Perel-man, 1984) between the educational and

17

economic "haves" and those "have note who donot have the time, money, and necessary infor-mation to invest in their own human capitaldevelopment. The "have/have not" issue raisesthe following questions:

Does education, training, and technolouproduce a "gap between the haves and havenots?Does specialized training and education in-crease the "gap between the haves and havenots?Can human capital investments reduce the"gap between the haves and have nots?

What investment strategies are likely toreduce the "gap between the haves and havenots?

National, Regional, and Local Studies

Several studies on the economic status of therural South (Ford Foundation, 1986; HalfwayHome, 1986) also have focused on the need forinvegment in education to assure the economicand social vitality of rural communities for thefuture. Considerable economic research hasbeen undertaken to better understand the linkbetween investment in education and economicopportunity. Schultz (1963) and Denison (1962)both examined the relationship between educa-tion investments and national income growth.Both studies found education to account for 30to 50% of national income growth. Severalm:cro level studies have attempted to identifythe impact of local education investments oneconomic growth (Dorf & Emerson, 1978;Leuck, 1979; Smith, Deaton, and Kelch, 1978;Sulaiman & Husak, 1980). While some of thesestudies have found a relationship betweeneducation and manufacturing growth, thestudies do not offer uniform support for thehypothesis that educational investments in-fluence local economic development. Mc-Namara, Kriesel, and Deaton (1988) argue thatthe situation is in part due to two problems: (a)difficulties of specifying and measuring theproducts or results of education investments,and (b) the failure of researchers to distinguishbetween stock (i.e., existing levels of education)and flow (i.e., education and skills underdevelopment) concepts when examining the roleof education in economic development.

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Linkage to Adult ContinuingEducation

The basic issuo concerning adult continuingeducators and economists revolve around thefollowing questions: Are the Potential AdultContinuing Education Program Responses (seeTable 1) considered to be investments in humancapital, and do they influence both personal andcommunity economic growth?

Traditional human capital measures haveincluded data about high school dropouts, costof public elementary and secondary education,reading, and mathematics criterion referencedscores (CRT) for elementary and secondary stu-dents. Few, if any, studies have examined adultmeasures such as median years of education andparticipation in education or training sponsoredby public or private post-secondary educationinstitutions such as vocational-technical schoolsand community colleges.

Adult continuing education may be viewedas a strategy for developing the capital assets ofindividuals in terms of skills, knowledge, at-titudes, and personal interests. Human capitaldevelopment begins at birth and extendsthroughout the lifetime of an individual. It in-cludes improving human capabilities via childdevelopment activities; participation in formaleducation at the elementary, secondary, andhigher levels; entering and staying in the jobmarket; recognizing the need to relocate be-cause of changing job opportunities, health caredevelopment, and maintenance; and developingskills to supplement retirement income levels ifneeded or desired. Some of these activities maybe accomplished in a few years via formalschooling while others involve two or threedecades such as job choice and career develop-ment. Health care development and main-tenance may be a lifelong process of monitoring,adjusting, and maintaining a vigorous and heal-thy life style.

The intersection of human capital develop-ment and continuing education is at the adultlevel...where individuals have assumed such so-cial roles as wage earner, citizen, family mem-ber, parent, and have usually reached legal ageof 18 years or older. Adult continuing educationis a process conceraed with assisting adults to

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"be all they can be" to achieve control in theirown lives and personal relationships. Adulteducators are concerned with collaborative ef-forts with the learner which facilitate learning.The interaction of educator, learner, social con-ditions, subject matter options, and desired out-comes is a continuous interactive dialogue ofstriving for awareness, understanding, applica-tion, reflection, and assimilation.

Adult continuing education differs fromadult training in that the knowledge, skills, andattitudes are not predetermined but emerge asthe educator and learner design, begin, conduct,and complete a learning activity. Additional dif-ferences would be noted when a learner designs,conducts, and evaluates a self-managed learningproject to meet a specific need or interest. Thebasic difference between training and otheradult learning activities is the situation of "ex-pert driven" versus "learner driven" content andmethods.

The connections between investing inhuman capital and adult continuing educationare identified by educator, trainer, and learnerbehaviors. For example, learners (those in-dividuals who are investing time and money ineducation or training to improve their capital as-sets) seek to develop and/or maintain a healthy,fully functioning mind and body. Investments oftime and money in these activities should yieldan alert, fully-functioning individual with physi-cal and mental capacities which can be appliedto a variety of work, play, education, and train-ing situations. An assumption would be the heal-thier the individual, the more likely the in-dividual will be a viable worker, parent, orcitizen. Further, healthy individuals are morelikely to participate in human capital develop-ment through such things as formal educationand training activities. Adult educator behaviorsfocus on establishing a climate for learning bydesigning a series of experiences with learner in-volvement to achieve learner interests or goals.Trainer behaviors focus on delivering apredetermined content to achieve specific andsometimes standardized set of objectives. Boththe adult educator and adult trainer are strivingto produce a change in skills, knowledge, or at-titudes that contribute to the "improved" capitalassets of the learner. Contir 3ing cducators work

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with adults to:Assist in their quest for control...to identifyconstraints, values, beliefs, conditions, op-tions;Renegotiate and recreate conditions of werkwith acquisition of new skills;Realize that situations can be changed and al-tered;Develop their self-esteem and power to chal-lenge and revise situations;Instill a sense of control and autonomous be-havior;Develop alternative ways to view the worldand new ways to identify and solve problems;andRecognize adult training as an investment inan individual's capital assets (e.g., humancapital).Adult continuing education programs are

directly related to community economicdevelopment to the degree that they improvethe quality of the work force (Carnevale, 1983).Subject matter focusing on basic skills such asreducing the high rate of illiteracy among adults(Sticht, 1983) or offering education and trainingoptions for teenagers who may be potential highschool dropouts (Sullivan, 19841 has been in-creasingly recognized as a vital c...)mponent ofany development effort (Rosenfeld, 1985). Al-most any activity in a community can be direct-ly related to economic develop if it changes orimproves the living conditions such as "quality oflife" influencing development decisions (Hek-man, 1982). For example, adult educa tionprograms can improve quality of life by provid-ing recreation activities and opportunities foryouth, adults, and senior citizens. The programscan also provide a more direct link to economicdevelopment. Adult education programs canprovide specific training to support new or ex-panding industry, can retrain displaced workersfor entty into new career areas, o -an updatethe existing workforce members to help themremain professionally current. Through theseactivities, adult education can provide a criticallink between individuals and communities andtheir development programs.

Exploratory Analysis of Data

This report is concerned with indicators of

1 9

human capital investment, both stocks andflows, and with how these data may be used toassist in describing characteristics of units suchas counties. It was a secondary analysis of state-wide data regarding the impact of education,training, and related variables.

Initially, the analysis considered basic cor-relations to assess potential relationships be-tween variables. These data raised some inter-esting and somewhat confusing results. Next,these data were examined using discriminantanalysis. Discriminant analysis allowed for con-sidering the association of multiple variableswith a concept (or function) and also for the pos-sibility of describing characteristics associatedwith selected units (e.g.. counties).

These data are reported as an exploratoryapproach. For example, discriminant analysis ismost often used with only one set of variables,that is, where only one grouping variable is ex-amined in relationship to several other vari-ables. However, in this study, each of the vari-ables is used as a grouping variable to examinedescriptive and predictive characteristics. Fur-ther, discriminant analysis is usually employedto illustrate either descriptive or predictivecharacteristics. In this report both descriptiveand predictive results are presented. Again, therationale is to raise questions, issues, and con-cerns aboitt the impact of "stock" and "flow' vari-ables on human capital investments.

The following sections present simple twovariable correlational information and dis-criminant analysis. Variables are identified inthe Pearson Correlation section and are furtherdescribed in the Discriminant Analysis section.

Pearson correlations and discriminantanalysis procedures were used to analyze thesecondary source data from 159 Georgia coun-ties. Correlations are presented in Table 2. Dis-criminant analysis is reported in mini "casestudies" of the data where dependent variablesare used as grouping variables (e.g., high andlow) and the remaining variables are consideredoutcome variables to indicate association(descriptive analysis) or group membership(predictive analysis).

Correlation Analysis

Several traditional human capital variabLes

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20

were investigated using Pearson correlations.They youth reading and mathematics CRTscores from 1984-85, the cost of education perpupil for 1984-85, the percent of population withless than eight years schoolin for 1979, the highschocl dropout rate for 1;64-85, the adult percapita income for 1986, the county populationfor 1986, and the number of adults employed in1986. In addition, two adult continuing education variables which are not usually reported inhuman capital studies were included; these werethe number of post-secondary vocational educa-tion students per 1,000 persons in 1986 and thenumber of occupational continuing educationstudents in the university system per 1,000population in 1986.

Correlation Results

When considering the relationship of highschool dropouts, educational costs, and readingand math criterion scores (see Table 2), it ap-pears that there is a negative relationship be-tween education costs and high school dropoutk ate. As investments in public elementary andsecondary schools increase, the high schooldropout rate declines. Potential dropouts couldbe receiving more attention and thus performbetter and those students leaving school coulddecline. Also, as reading and mathematics CRTscores increase, the dropout rate increases. Ifstudents with lower CRT scores dropout thoseremaining in school could be over representedNith Hgher reading and mathematics CRTscores.

However, one confusing finding from thesedata is the relationship between education costsand reading and mathematics scores. As read-ing and mathematics scores increase, education-al costs decrease. This correlation implies thatthere may be some economic efficiency gainedby increasing reading and math CRT scores orthat it is less costly to achieve higher reading andmath scores. Other data in Table 2 (see columnlabelled Less 8 Years Schooling) indicate thatthere is a negative relationship between popula-tion, income, and employment and level ofschooling. That is, as more people move into anarea, as the income level of county residents in-creases, and, as the employment rates increase,the percent of adults with less than an eighth

Table 2

Correlation of Human Capital Variables for Georgia's 159 Counties

Youth Both Addit

Drop- Educ. Test Less 8 Yrs. Voc. Occup.

Variables outs Costs Scores Schooling Educ. Educ.

DropoutsEduc. Costs -.44Math & Reading Scores .54 -.50

Population -.06 .28 .11 -.57 .02 .06

Income -.03 .22 .09 -.65 .04 .27

Person; : Emp. -.09 .30 .08 -.46 -.01 .06

Percent Emp. .01 .14 .13 -37 -.04 .05

grade education tends to decrease. These dataimply the need to further examine the humancapital investment question. Additional data isneeded regarding the educational levels ofpeople moving into communities, the types oftraining received on the job, salary levels uponentry mto a job and salary increases, if any, afterbeing on the job as a result of continuing educa-tion or training.

While education is viewed as a capital build-ing process by Schultz (1961) and others (Becker1964; Mincer 1984), it is apparent from thesepreliminary fmdings that there is little supportfor these beliefs. Researchers concerned witheconomic development, which includes educa-tion as a process for empowering adults, need towork closely with economists, sociologists, adulteducators, nd human resource developers tospecify both the stock (existing) and flow (underdevelopment) variables associated wito theresults of investing in human car'al. One wk.:, ofidentifying potential variables is to specify andgenerate measurements of factors L'Aich may beincorporated into further economic analyses.Discriminant analysis is one such technique thatlends itself to exploring possible variables andcombinations of variables which may be as-sociated with specific human capital investmentindicators.

Discriminant Analysis

The situation examined was that of inves-tigating the importance of several variables as-

sumed to be associated with human capital in-vestment notions and continuing education.These variables reflected previous experience(i.e., participation in elementary and secondaryeducation) as well as more recent activities incontinuing and vocational education. Indicatorsfor these variables were collected and coded for159 counties in Georgia.

A technique for exploratory analysis of thesedata is to use one variable to define two groups(i.e., high and low). The remaining variablesthen play the role of outcome variables fordescription purposes (Huberty, personal com-munication, October 1989). This procedurelends itself to discriminant analysis where out-come variables can be used to distinguish be-tween two or more known groups (Nie, Hull,Jenkins, Steinbrenner & Brent, 1975).

Huberty and Barton (1988) are critical ofauthors, instructors, computer programmers,and statisticians who do not use a commondefinition of discriminant analysis. They con-clude that the two general purposes for usingdiscriminant analysis are prediction anddescription. .. this study, discriminant analysiswas applied first as a descriptive tool to the datafrom Georgia. Georgia has 159 counties.However, when the data were grouped accord-ing to criteria for low or high counties, data fromfewc,. than 159 counties were analyzed. :Discus-sion about the descriptive technique related towhich output variables characterize thehigh/low or "have/have not" counties? The em-

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21

phasis of these analyseq are toward exploring thecollection and study of data for selected vari-ables thought to be associated with investmentsin the human capital of adults.

However, predictive discriminan, analysismay be appropriate if the researcher is inter-ested in predicting assodation with one or moregroups. Although Huberty and Barton (1989)argue that is it nw appropriate to use these tech-niques interchangeably, the use of predictivediscriminant analysis is presented in this reportto raise additional issues about trying to predictassociation with "have" or "have not" counties.

Separate tables and discussion sections arepresented for both descriptive and predictivetechniques. The descriptive research questionwas: What are the differences in terms of out-come variables that help to characterize groups?Descriptive analysis examined how a set ofcharacteristics could discriminate betweengroups (Klecka, 1980, p. 8-9). The predictive re-search question was: Can a set of outcome vari-ables be used to predict association with a par-ticular group? Predictive analysis is a way ofcombining group characteristics into a dis-criminant function which facilitates group as-signment or associution (Klecka, 1980, p. 9).

"Haves and Have Nots"

For discussion purposes, each variable wasentered into the analysis as a grouping variableidentified as either "low" or "high". The middlegroup was omitted in order to generate adichotomy or polar portion. Counties with highvalues for a given set of variables were con-sidered "haves"; likewise, those with low valueswere considered "have not". Perelman (1984)makes a point about adults who represent "havenot" groups in society. They have few skills, areemployed at low paying jobs and have few op-tions for invesiing in their own human capitaldevelopment. Likewise, one of the researchquestions for this data set was to explore the pos-sibility that counties (and groups of individualsin counties) do not have the necessary experien-ces and resources to improve their human capi-tal situation.

Outcome Variables

Discriminant analysis was used to assist in

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exploring thc difference between two groups ofcounties in Georgia--the "haves" and "have nots"on the basis of selected outcome variables ofparticipation rates in continuing education for1986, participation in vocational education in1986, high school dropout rates in 1985, medianyears of education in 1979, per capita incomelevels in 1986, cost of education per pupil inpublic elementary and secondary schools in1985, combined reading and mathematicscriterion referenced scores in 1985, and numberoi persons employed in the county in 1986. Thedata for less than eight years education wasomitted from the analysis because of high cor-relations with median years of education. Byanalyzing the contribution of outcome variablesto the discriminating fun,:tion. the relative im-portance and association of these variables tothe two groups of high and low for the depend-ent variable was judged.

For the following discussion, each analysis ispresented like a "mini" case study. Each ispresented independent of the other in hopes ofgeueratihg questions and raising the potentialfor identifying additional variables that might beexplored in subsequent studies. Profiles of highand low groups of counties are proposed todescribe the impact of selected variables on in-vestments in human capital. For example "have"counties exhibit high rates ot participation incontinuing education, high rates of participationin vocational eduction, low high school dropoutrates, high median years of schooling for resi-dents, high levels of per capita income, highrates of (investment) cost per pupil expenditures-for education, high combined reading and math-ematics (CRT) scores, and high rates of personsemployed in the county. Conversely, "have not"countieu exhibit opposite characteristics forthese variables such as low rates of participationin continuing and vocational education and highdropout rates from high school.

Discussiork or Variables

Participation in continuing education(CoNT-ED) is a basic concept of human capitalinvestment. Participation in occupa;ional con-tinuing education programs at the 34 GeorgiaSystem institutions includes both two and fouryear institutions. The data was obtained in 1986

and is specified in rates per 1,000 people for therespective counties. A "high" participation ratecounty is designated at 13 or more participantsper 1,000 population. "Low" participatioo ratecounties are designated 2 or less participants per1,000 population.

Participation in vocational educatic:i (vOc-ED) for 1986 was expressed as a rate for the num-ber of adults per 1,000 people in the county at-tending vocational-technical institutes. Highand low participation categories were the sameas for vocational education as for continuingeducation (i.e., Low = 2 or less and High = 13or more).

Dropouts (DROPOuT) refer to the rate ofhigh school students who dropout prior tograduation. These rates were based on dropoutpercentages by county for 1979. A "high" per-centage dropout rate was designated a 33 ormore, and a "low" rate was 14 or less.

Median years of schooling (SCHOOLING) arethe number of years of schooling for county resi-dents cited in census reports for 1979. A "high"rate of schooling was set at 12.1 or more years(i.e., high school graduate) and a "low" rate wasset at 10.0 or less years.

Per capita income (INCOME) was based onthe individual income for residents in a countyfor 1986. A "high" rate of income was designatedat $12,000 or more, and a "low" rate was con-sidered to be $9,000 or less.

Each school system invests or spends moneyfor each student in the system. The cost ofeducation (cOsT) was determined by dividingthe amount of money spent by a given county bythe number of students in the system. Thisproduced a per pupil cost for the 1984-85 schoolyear. A "high" cost or investment amount wasdesignated at $2,300 or more, and a "low" cost orinvestment was specified at $2,000 or less.

Reading and mathematics criterion(SCORES) referenced scores were combined toyield a score for students within each county forthe 1984-85 school year. A "high" combinedscore was considered to be 426 or more, and a"low" score was considered to be 387 through405.

The number of pzrsons employed(EMPLOYED) provides an indicator of thehuman capital investments at the county level.

16

A "high" rate of employment was considered tobe 15,000 or more, and a "low" rate was 3,300 orless.

In sum there were eight measures obtainedfor each of the 09 Georgia counties. Tnesemeasures are presented one at a time. Each vari-able was treated as a "two group" dependentvariable with the other seven variables playingthe role of outcome measures. The outcomemeasures were used to describe "have" and "havenot" groups of counties associated with high andlow group characteristics.

Variables in the Analysis

Eight variables will be used in both thedescriptive and predictive techniques presentedin this section. Each variable was identified by acode.

cow-EDParticipation rate in public con-tinuing education programs at UniversitySystem's institutions per 1,000 people in acounty-1986.\roc-EnParticipation rate in public vora-tional education programs at Voc-1schools per 1,000 people in a county-1986.oRoPouTHigh school drop out rate (per-centage) per coulity -19e5.sato oLINGMedian years of schooling forcounty residents--1979.INcomEPer capita income--1986.cosTCost of education per pupi: for publicelementary and secondary education systemsby county--1985.scoRESCombined scores of reading andmathematics for students in public elemen-tary and secondary schools--1985.EMPLOYEDNumber of people employed byminty-1986.

Descriptive Discriminant Analysis

For the descriptive analysis, one variablewas designated as a grouping variable for highand low categories, and the remaining variableswere examined for their association with the dis-criminant function. Indicators of associationwith a group were specified by partial F values(F-to-remove) and the structure coefficients.

F-to-Remove

The F-to-remove (partial F value) is used to

fr). 3

Table 3

Partial F Values for Human Capital Variables

Variable CE VE SCORES DROP EMPL INCOME COST SCHOOL

CONT-ED .... .06 1.00 9.38 1.15 6.91 3.01 .01

VOC-ED 39 .... .73 3.69 1.07 .02 .08 236SCORES .11 .01 .... .09 .06 .01 .01 6.78DROPOUT .10 .21 .19 .... 6.57 4.49 7.72 .57EMPLOYED .02 2.96 .47 1.36 .... .02 .23 .75INCOME 937 .30 .52 1.85 6.45 .... 1.41 8.59COST .44 2.70 .03 .63 .01 .59 .... .59SCHOOLING .01 .01 1.72 1.89 25.26 29.86 1.02

indicate the "power" of each selected variable.The variable with the largest "F-to-remove"makes the greatest contribution to overall dis-crimination between groups by the function orse of uutcome variables. The F-to-remove valueis used as a criteria for identifying outcome vari-ables which seem to be associated with thegrouping variable. (Huberty, 1984; Klecka, 1980p. 57)

Structure Coeffir.ents

The structure coefficients are bivariate cor-relations which indicate the relative importanceof a variable to the discriminant fu..ction. Also,functions may be named based upon the"strength" (size of the coefficient) of one or morevariables in the function. A structure coefficienttells how closely a variable and function are re-lated. When the structure coefficient is nearzero, the variables have very little in common(Klecka, 1980, p. 31). Pedhazur (1982) suggeststhat a structure coefficitnt of at least .30 betreated as meaningful (p. 704). Further, thesquare of the structure coefficient indicates theproportion of variance of the variables that is ac-counted for by the given discriminant function(p. 702). Therefore, structure coefficients areused as indicators of the "importance" and "con-tribution to association" a given variable haswith the discriminant function.

Participation in ContinuingEducation

It appears from the descriptive analysis (seeTable 3 and Table 4) that when participation in

continuing c .ation is divided into high andlow groups, tne single variable of per capita in-come (INcomE) makes the greatest contributionto discriminating between the groups. The "F-to-remove" and structure matrix (correl ,don) arevery high for the per capita income variqble. Thestructure matrix indicates that the three vari-ables of number of persons employed(EMPLOY8DY', median years of education(scHoouNo), and criterion referenced scores(scoRES) are also helpful in discriminating be-tween groups. However, the most important dis-criminating variable was per capita income (IN-COME).

These findings are consistent with literaturein adult continuing education which indicatesthat the "haves" are more likely to participate incontinuing edm-Ition. A "typical" participant(Aslanian & Bvickell, 1980; Swanson & Mosier,1983) is more likely to be white, under age 40(25-40), have completed high school, have anabove average income (25,000), and beemployed in a professional or technical occupa-tion.

Participation in VocationalEducation

Tho variables contributed to the discrimina-tion between groups (see Table 3 and Table 4).The "F-to-remove" information indicates thatcost of education per pupil (cosT) and numbersof people employed (EMPLOYED) were impor-tant variables in distinguishing between groups.The structure coefficients for these variables arerelatively high indicating that they are helpful in

172 4

Table 4

Structure Matrix Correlations for Human Ca Hal Variables

Variable CE VE SCORES DROP EMPL INCOME COST SCHOOL

CONT-ED .... -.07 -.06 .67 .14 .45 -.27 .22

VOC-ED -.06 .... -.08 .21 .20 .21 .16 .16

SCORES 32 .30 .... .19 .27 .18 .44 .49

DROPOUT -.02 -.42 -.05 .... .24 .04 .74 .12

EMPLOYED 34 -.55 .48 -.12 .27 -.39 32INCOME .90 -.23 .71 .03 .60 -.38 .67

COST -.14 .53 -.40 -36 .01 .23 .... -.03

SCHOOLING 34 -.19 .78 -.11 .81 .75 -.12 ....

discriminating between groups. 'The name ofthis should reflect employment, cost, anddropout rates as a construct. Literature in con-tinuing education (Aslanian & Brickell, 1980,Swanson & Mosier, 1983) seems to confirm thatthose who are most likely to participate in con-tinuing et:ucation and possibly vocationaleducation have comp".eted high school arid aremote likely to be employed (high participationis associated with more technical occupations).It also seems reasonable to suggest that thosecounties making a higher investment in educa-tion (cosr) would be associated with lowerdropout rates and with opportunities foremployment for these high school graduates.

Reading and Mathematics Scores

When grouped by criterion referencedscores for reading and mathematics, medianyears of education (sCHooLtNG) and participa-tion in continuing education (Cali-ED) are im-portant discriminating variables (see Table 3and Table 4). However, when considering aname for the function and which variables arecontributing to the discriminant function,median years of education (SCHOOLING) andper capita income (INcomE) were the twolargest values noted in th, structure matrix.Also, employment (EMPLOYED) and investmentin education (cost of education per pupil--Cosr)appear to contribute to the discriminant func-tion.

Regarding the structure matrix correlations,it seems reasonable to expect high CRT scoresto be related to success in school. Success in

18

school would then be reflected by continuing at-tendance (rather than dropping out) and possib-ly indicate better opportunities for employmentand higher per capita income. Theo supposi-tions are rdlected in the participation literaturefor adult continuing education (e.g., Aslanian &Brickell, 1980; Swanson & Mosier 1982). Fur-ther, these assumptions are also linked to thepremises of human capital investments whereinvestments in education are reflected in betterprepared individuals (High CRT scores) whoare expected to be more competitive for jobs(higher per capita income) and will likely par-ticipate in more education (higher median yearsof education).

High School Drapout Rate

Variables (see Table 3 and Table 4) whichseem to be related to high school dropout per-centage, as indicated by the size of partial Fvalues, are participation in continuing education(CON-7-ED) and participation in vocationaleducation (voc-ED). However, when attempt-ing to name the discriminant function, participa-tion in continuing education is the single vari-able which has the highest structure matrix cor-relation. Also, cost of education per pupil(cosi) is associated with dropout rate.

Participation literature (Aslanian & Brick-ell, 1980; Swanson & Mosier, 1983) in adult con-tinuing education supports the notion that thosewho continue in the school system (-they do notdropout of high school or post secondary educa-tion...) are more likely to participate in continu-ing education programs. This indication is espe-

25

,

al

...

cially noted in persons employed in technical tic-cupations but is reflected across occupation andfor people in the 25-55 years of age range.

Persons Employed by County

Outcome variables which are related toemployment as indicated by partial Fvalues (seeTable 3 and Table 4) are median years of educa-tion (SCHOOLING) followed by high schooldropout rate (DROPOUT) and per capita income(INCOME). When naming the function, the vari-ables which seem to contribute most to the dis-criminant function are median years of educa-tion (SCHOOLING) and per capita income (IN-COME). Dropout rate (DROPOUT) does not con-tribute much to the discriminant function.

Drawing upon the premises of human capi-tal theory (Becker, 1964; Mincer, 1984; Schultz,1961), participation in education is related to ac-cess of employment. Therefore, participation invarious forms of continuing education is con-sidered to be ir ,estments in the individual'shuman capital assets, and these findings seem to"fit" the model. Higher r- ,cs of employmem area reamable expectation for people with highermedian years of education. Further, higher ratesof employment are related to I higher per capitaincome level.

Per Capita Income

Results of the descriptive discriminantanalysis in Table 3 and Table 4 indicate thatmedian years of education (SCIOOLING), par-ticipation in continuing education (CONT-ED),and high school dropout rates (DROPOUT) areimportant variables associsled with per capitaincome levels. Perhaps a thigle variable, medianyears of education (SCHOOLING), from the struc-ture matrix correlation can be used to name thediscriminant function. Participation in continu-ing education (CONT-ED) also seems to con-tribute to the discriminant function. Per capitaincome seems Oee McNamara et al:, 1988) to bea function of the past (stocks) and current(flows) education and training levels of the in-dividual. Both human capital theory (Becker,1964; Mincer, 1984; Schultz, 1961) and thepremises underlying adult continu;ng education(Knowles, 1970; Knox, 1977; Naisbitt,1982) sup-port the notion that initial and cooinuing par-

ticipation in education 1.nd training will be re-quired to enter and compete for employment ina changing technological society.

Cost of Education Per Pupil

Public eiementary and secondary school sys-tems invest in the human capital potential ofyoui h and young adulis. The rate of investmentor the cost per pupil in the public school systemis an indicator of the importance placed onhuman capital investments at the local level.Several outcome variables (see Table 3 andTable 4) are related to these costs (or invest-ments). They include high school dropout rate(DROPOUT) and participation in continuingeducation (ceNT-ED). To a somewhat lesser de-gree of importance are per capita income (IN-COME) and median years of education (SCHOOL-ING). High school dropout rate (DROPOUT)seems to be the single variable that k 3t reflectsthe discriminant function with some contribu-tion from criterion referenced scores (SCORES),employment rates (EMPLOYED), and per capitaincome (INCOME).

An argument could be presented that moremoney would be available for investing in fewerstudents as dropout fate increases. However,this would imply that school systems might seekhie.ier dropout rates in order to have more:-esources to support the education of those whostay in the system. Many educators would rejectthis argument as being elitist and discriminating.Yet, this might be a conclusion drawn from someschool data where high school dropout rates ex-ceed 25%. In fact, educators are trying to iden-tify factors associated with dropout proneyoungsters and to apply resources, such as ideas,prc:rams, faculty and funds, to reducing thenumber of students leaving school withoutemployment and basic survival skills.

Median Years of Education

Median years of education is an indicator ofan individual's huma n capital "stock" (Mc-Namara et al. 1988). The partial F valuespresented in Table indicate that outcome vari-ables associated with the education level ofcounty residents are per capita income (IN-COL;E), criterion referenced scores for readingand mathematics (SCORES), and participation in

19

PG

Variable

Table 5

Summary of Descriptive Analyses

Largest F-to-Remove Values Strong Structure Matrix Corr.

Continuing Education (CONT- Per Capita IncomeED)

Vocational Education (VOC-ED)

Criterion Referenced Scores(SCORES)

Dropout Rate (DROPOUT)

Employed Persons (EM-PLOYED)

Per Capita Income (INCOME)

Cost of Education Per Pupil(COST)

Median Years of Education(SCHOOLING)

Cost of Education Per Pupil;Employed Persons

Median Years of Education; Par-ticipation in Continuing Education

Participation in Continuing Educa-tion; Participation in VocationalEducation

Median Years of Education;Dropout Rate; Per Capita Income

Median Years of Education; Par-ticipation in Continuing Educa-tion; Dropout Rate

Dropout Rate; Participation inContinuing Education

Per Capita Income; CriterionReferenced Scores; Participationin Vocational Education

Per Capita Income (.90);Employed Persons (34); MedianYears ofEducation (34); CriterionReference Scores (3.2)

Employed Persome (.55); Cost ofEducation Per Pupil (.53);Dropout Rate (-.42)

Median Years of Education (.78);Per Capita Income (.71);Employed Persons (.48); Cost ofEducation Per Pupil (-.40)

Participation in Continuing Educa-tion (.67); Cost of Education PerPupil (-.36)

Median Years of Education (.81);Per Capita Income (.60)

Median Years of Education (.75);Participation in Continuing Educa-tion (.45)

Dropout Rate (.74); CriterionReferenced Scores (.44);Employed Persons (-.39); PerCapita Income (-.38)

Per Capita Income (.67); CriterionReferenced Scores (.49);Employed Persons (.32)

vocational cducation (voc-ED). Variables fromthe structure matrix correlations (Table 4)which seem to characterize the discriminantfunctions are per capita income (IticomE) andto a lesser degree criterion referenced scores(scoREs) and county employment(EMPLOYED).

There are some economic reports andstudies (Carnevale, 1983; Perelman, 1984) thatindicate a relationship between education, in-come, and employment. There are many studiesthat specify or imply that problems of little or no

20

education are directly related to unemploymentor underemployment. Thus, the one's educa-tional level can influence the ability to generatepersonal income.

Suinmary

Descriptive discriminant analysis examinesthe variables in the discriminant function andtheir strength of contribution to the function.Table 5 displays the variables identified in eachfunction and their contribution (strength orpower) associated with the function.

27

Data presented in Table 5 are not the usualdisplay of descriptive discriminant analysisresults. Even though each of the eight variableswere examined individually it may be beneficialfrom an exploratory position to look at theseseparate analyses to raise questions about thepropositions and premises of human capital in-vestments.

Regarding the F-to-Remove values for thisdata set, per capita income (INCOME) is a vari-able which appears to be associated with par-ticipation in continuing education (coNT-ED).Per capita income is also associated with thenumber of persons employed in a county(EMPLOYED) and median ycars of education(scHooLING). This association across analysesis consistent with the literature in adult continu-ing education where typical profiles of par-ticipants are employed, have middle incomes(e.g., $20,000 annually), and usually have educa-tion attainment levels beyond high school.

Median years of education (SCHOOLING)appears to be associated across analyses withcriterion referenced scores (SCORES), nun -bat- ofemployed persons (EMPLOYED), and per capitaincome (INcomE). These associations could berelated to the premise that these individuals(and counties with individuals) who have highereducational attainment levels are likely to scorewell on standardized tests, have more optionsfor employment, and thus have higher income.

It is interesting to note that participat',n ineither continuiag education or vocationaleducation "shows up" several times in the F-to-Remove column. Participation in continuingeducation appears to be associated acrossanalyses with criterion reference scores(scoREs), dropout rate (DROPOUT), per capitaincome (INCOME), and cost of education perpupil (CoST). Vocational education participa-tion is noted for dropout rate (DROPOUT) andmedian years of education (sCHooLING).Dropout rate is the only variable whc bothparticipation rates appear to be associated withthis variable.

Examining the structure matrix columns ofTable 5 and using the highest correlation valueas an indicator, it is noted that median years ofeducation is associated with CRT scores(scoREs), employed persons (EMPLOYED), and

per capita income (INCOME). Perhaps it is mostbeneficial to examine each variable on an in-dividual basis to look for consistency betweenvariables identified in the F-to-Remove columnand those noted in the structure matrix. In allbut one case, (i.e., vocational education) thevariable with the highest F-to-Remove value isalso the variable with the largest structurematrix correlation. For voc:-..tional education,the F- Remove variables and structure matrixvariables indicate cost of education per pupiland number of employed persons as the twohighest ranking variables. These data are indica-tive of consistency in being able to identify thevariable making the most contribution to thegrouping variable.

What is not readily apparent is why a vari-able not identified in the F-to-Remove column"shows up" in the structure matrix as a variablebeing associated with the grouping variable. Inmost cases, these are lower correlation valuesasscciated with the giouping variable and thusdo not contribute as much as t1 e higher correla-tion value variable.

Another situation is noted when the F-to-Remove variable is not found in the structurematrix with a correlation of .30 or greater. Forexample, regarding dropout rate (DROPOUT),participation in vocational education is not inthe structure at .30 or geater. An explanationcould be that participation in vocational educa-tion may help to identify hit or low dropoutrates, but this variable is not as much associatedwith the grouping variable as are participationin continuing education and cost of educationper pupil.

It must be restated that it is not the tradition-al procedure to look at variable associationsacross analyses. However, this is done only toraise questions about the assumptions, premisesand propositions about human capital invest-ments as they relate to adult continuing educa-tion.

Predictive Discriminant Analyses

Predictive analysis is concerncd with thecanonical discriminant function and the clas-sification results. These statistics help to ex-plaining the abiliri of the discriminant functionto predict group membership.

e-c

Canonical Correlation

The canonical correlation is used to judgethe utility of a discriminant function. It is ameasure of the association between the groupsand the discriminant function (Klecka, 1980, p.36). A canonical correlation of zero indicates noassociation whereas a high value such as .77 in-dicates a substantive relationship. Thus, thecanonical correlation is an indicator of how wellthe function is doing. If the groups are not verydifferent on the variables being analyzed, thenall the correlations will be low (Klecka, 1980 p.37). The canonical correlation squared (alsocalled Eta) is the proportion of 't e variation inthe discriminant function expiained by thegoups (Klecka, 1980, p. 37).

Wilk's Lambda

Wilk's lambda is the inverse of the canoni-cal correlation so a low Wilk's (for example, .11)is indicative of a relatively high discriminatingpower between groups. Another companionstatistic is the group centroid (i.e., location of thevariable means for different groups). If Wilk'slambda is low, it is also an indicator of theseparation of group centroids. Also, if Wilk'slambda is high (for example, 1.00), then thegroup centroids are equal, and there is thus noseparation or distinction between groups.(Klecka, 1980, pp. 37-39)

Additionally, a significance test for Wilk'slambda is a conversion to Chi-square. Thus, if aparticular analysis yields a significant Chi-square it can be assumed that the results (i.e.,Wilk's lambda calculations) did come from apopulation which did have differences betweengroups (Klecka, 1980, p.40).

Classification Results

Klecka (1980) describes classificationresults as how well a specific case can be as-signed, belongs to, or more closely resembles aparticular group (e.g., high dropout rate or lowdropout rate). For the Georgia data set, clas-sifications were comi uted for both "low" and"high" groups. Those counties not meeting eitherthe low or high ctiterion level (e.g., 2 or less and13 or more persons per 1,000 population par-ticipating in both continuing education and

22

vocational education) were not included in theclassification analysis. Thus, there are countiesin each situation that were not "classified" by thediscriminant analysis.

Participation in ContinuingEducation

The canonical correlation for participationon continuing education accounted for a lowproportion of variance; the canonical correla-tion of .64 accounts for only 41% of the variancein the analysis. The Wilk's lambda was relative-ly high at .59. The Chi-square (x2=12.56, df=7,p = .08) was non-signiticance.

Classification results for 29 counties thatmet the participation criteria indicate that it isabout the same probability (82%) of assigning acounty to either a low or high rate of participa-tion. Slightly better than eight out of ten times acounty could be correctly assigned to the ap-propriate rating group of either low or high withthis function. Based on these results, participa-tion in continuing education is not a very reli-able or strong predictor of whether a countycould be assigned to a high or low participationrate group.

Participation in VocationalEducation

The canonical correlation for vocationaleducation participation of .49 only accounts for24% of the variance in this analysis. The Wilk'slambda was high at .76. The Chi-square(x2= 6.25, df=7, p= .52) was non-significance.

Classification results are also disappointing.Only 71% of the cases were grouped correctly.While it may be easier to assign a high participa-tion rate county to its appropiiate group (77%),only two out of three times will the assignmentbe correct for the low rate county. These resultsoffer little confidence in being able to correctlyassign counties tr. a high or low group. In otherwords, participation in vocational education isnot a very good predictor of a county being inthe "have" or "have not" category.

Criterion Referenced Scores

Can criterion referenced scores for readingand mathematics be used to predict whether acounty belongs to a particular group such as a

0 0I o

"have" county (high score) or a "have not" coun-ty (low scores)? Data regarding the canonicaldiscriminant function and the classificationresults indicate that consistent prediction ofgroup membership is highly unlikely.

The canonical correlation (.60) and Wilk'slambda statistics (.65) are out of range predict-ing group membership with a non-significantChi-square (x2=9.86, df=7, p = .20). Also, theclassification results are very poor for predktinghigh CRT scores (55%), and the overall percent-age (68%) is not much better than a coin flipprediction of 50%. From a predictive dis-criminant analysis viewpoint, the use of com-bined reading and mathematics criterionreferenced scores are not a reliable or accurateindicator of group membership.

High School Dropout Rate

Is it feasible to use high school dropout ratesas a predictor of counties that may be groupedinto a "have" (low dropout rate) or "have not"(high dropout rate) condition for relationship tohuman ^apital investments? The data indicatethat there may be potential for examining coun-ty high school dropout rates.

The canonical correlation is .68 indicating apossible ass; ziation between groups and the dis-criminant function. Also, a Wilk's lambda of .53is an indicator of the discriminating power be-tween groups. Chi-square (x2= 16.78, df=7,p = .02) significantly indicates that there is a dif-ference between distributions for dropout rateof "have" and "have not" counties.

Classification results indicate a higher prob-ability for designating a low dropout rate coun-ty (94%) from a high dropout rate location(86%). The overall classification percentage is91.

These data indicate that high school diopoutrate percentages may be a useful tool for inves-tigating human capital investments. For someresearchers, high school dropout rate is a crude,imprecise measure which can vary significantlybetween locations depending upon definitionand who is or is not classified as "dropout." Thereis a definite need for a more precise definitionand measurement of "dropout."

Pevsons Employed by County

Can employment by county be used as apredictor of "have" and "have not" conditions ina region? Based upon the results of the dis-criminant analysis, it may be possible to useemployment as an indicator of human capital in-vestments in a region. The canonical correlationof .78 implies that there is a possible associationbetween groups and the discriminant function.Also, a Wilk's l:Imbda of .40 is indicative of rela-tively high discriminating power between groupsof high employmmt and low employment levels.The Chi-square (x2=69.85, df=7, p= .001) wassignificant. Classificatiun results indicate that aparticular case (or county) could be correctlyclassified nine out of ten times (89%) either alow or high employment rate group.

Employment is an obvious indicator of theoverall economic "health" of a region. Addition-al investigation is warranted to place employ-ment level of a region in proper perspectiveregarding the overall human capital develop-ment impact of providing access to jobs. MylesHorton (1989) commented that actual employ-ment and "hope" for employment are keymotivators for adults to invest in themselves andtheir community rather than participating in il-legal or unlawful activities.

Per Capita Income

It is feasible to use per capita income as apredictor of "have" and "have not" conditions ina region. The canonical correlation for percapita income of .80 indicates a reasonablystrong association between groups and the dis-criminant function. A Wilk's lambda of .36 indi-cates a relatively high discriminating power be-tween the groups of high and low rates of peKcapita income. The Chi-square (x2=46.91, df=7,pL--. .001) was significant.

Classification results indicate that it isfeasible to predict group membership for in-dividual cases. This discriminant function cor-rectly predicted membership in the low percapita income group with 96% accuracy andmembership in the high per capita income groupfor 83% of the cases. The overall accuracy ratefor this function was 89%. Low income percapita criteria were $9,000 or less whereas high

23

30

incomes were classified as $12,000 or more.One of the basic premises of human capital

investments (Becker, 1964; Mincer, 1984;Schultz, 1961) is the suggestion that those withhigher levels of education and training both as"stock" and "flow" measures will add to thepotential for employment. It is also implied thatthe better educated and trained will also be ableto obtain higher rates of pay.

Cost of Education Per Prwil

Public school systems allocate expenses andcost of education (e.g., instructor, curriculumdesign and transportation) on a pupil basis. Is itfeasible to use cost of education per pupil (or in-vestment per pupil) as a predictive tool forhuman capital investment?

For counties in Georgia, cost of educationper pupil is not an accurate predictor of groupclassification of a county as either a "have" or"have not" county. A canonical correlation of .46and a Wilk's lambda of .79 are both indicatorsof relatively poor discrimination betweengroups even though the Chi-square (x2=17.83,df=7, p = .01) statistic is significant. Classifica-tion results are also relatively poor indicatingonly a three in four chance for correctly predict-ing membership in the low cost-per-pupil groupand a one in three chance for correctly identify-ing membership in the high cost-per-pupilgroup. The overall classification accuracy was72%.

Median Years of Education

Education level of county residents is a"stock" measure (McNamara et al. 1988) forhuman capital investments. However, is itfeasible to use median years of education as avariable to predict membership in "have" or"have not" groups regarding human capital in-vestments? .

Result of predictive discriminant analysis in-dicate that median years of education may havepotential for identifying group memberahip. Acanonical correlation of .69 and Wilk's lambdaof .52 suggest that there is a possible associationbetween median years of education and the dis-criminant function containing other outcomevariables. Further, the Wilk's lambda of .52 sug-gests that thei lis some discriminatingpower be-

24

tween low and high rates of education. The Chi-square (x2=21.13, df=7, p=.004) was sig-nificant.

Classification results indicate that there is anine out of ten probability of classifying casesinto the group with low median years of educa-tion and a greater than eight out of ten prob-ability of correctly classifying cases into the highmedian years of education group. The overallaccuracy of the function was 87%.

Median years of education, a "stock"measure, appears to be a potential predictorvariable for human capital investments. One ofthe premises of human capital theory is that aseducation and training skills are developed,there is a benefit to the individual in terms of in-creased income and employment options(Schultz, 1961). Median years of education isone indicator of these investments in humancapital development.

Summary of PredictiveDiscrimination

Predictive discriminant analysis is used toexamine the question: Can an individual case(e.g., county) be assigned to a particular group(e.g., low or high; "have" or "have not") basedupon the discriminating power of the function(in this case the remaining outcome variables)?Abandoning the traditional use of predictive dis-crimina nt analysis by examining severalscenarios or case examples (see Table 6), it ispossible that four variables have potential fordiscriminating between groups: Dropout ratepercentage (DROPOUT); Employment(EMPLOYED); Per Capita Income (mcomE);and Median Years of Education (SCHOOLING).These variables were independent of each otherin the individual predictive analyses and ex-amined separately. However, based uponcanonical correlations, Wilk's Lambda, Chi-square significance, and classification criteria,they appear to demonstrate potential for as-sociating counties with a particular characteris-tic of either a high or low grouping which indi-cates "have' or "have not" conditions.

From a human capital investment perspec-tive, all four of these variables are "stock"measures for individuals. These are variablesabout individuals within specified counties that

31

1

Table 6

Summary of Predictive Analyses

Variable CE VE SCORES DROP EMPL INCOME COST SCHOOL

Canonical Corr. .64 .49 .60 .69 .78 .80 .46 .69Wilk's Lambda .60 .76 .6c .52 .40 .37 .79 .52Chi-square Sign. .08 .51 .20 .02 .01 .01 .01 .01

Classification %ageLow Group 82 67 73 94 90 96 78 90High Group 83 77 55 86 87 83 66 86Overall 83 71 68 91 89 88 72 87

have already happened or they are the charac-teristics which the individual brings to a givencommunity. Two of these variables are educa-tion related (i.e., median years cf education anddropout rate percentage) and the other two arework related (i.e., people employed in the com-muhity and per capita income).

Conclusions

Research studies are usually designed to in-vestigate and answer questions. This exploratorystudy was designed to focus on two questions.One was a descriptive point of view regardingidentifying variables related a particular func-tion construct. The other was a predictive ap-pnach concerned with assignment of cases (e.g.,counties) to a particular group based upon thediscriminating power of selected outcome vari-ables. These two questions were examined butnot fully answered.

For the descriptive analysis, it was deter-mined that specific outcome variables could beidentified that were related to individual dis-criminant functions. For these eight scenarios orsituations, in each case one or more outcomevariables was found to be associated with the dis-criminant function. Selected scenarios werecomplicated (i.e., not easily named) when morethan one variable was found to be associatedwith the function.

It seems reasonaWe to conclude that thesedata for the 159 comities in Georgia provide en-courat,ament for researchers to examine microlevel and secondary sources to apply the Schtiltz(1961) model of human capital investments.Further, even with limitations about the data

25

3 2

(i.e., from secondary sources, not preciselydefined or broad measures or indicators ofhuman capital variables), it is also encouragingto identify and confirm the importance ofspecific variables for studying human capital in-vestments such as adult continuing education.

For selected scenarios or situations, it waspossible to predict with some degree of con-fidence group membership based upon charac-teristics of being a "have" or "have not" county.No attempt was made to identify by name thehave or have not countiis. The goal was to testout the model and predictive discriminantanalysis techniques for these secondary sourcedata.

During the conduct of this research project,several additional studies were located that raisequestions about the impact of human capital in-vestments from many perspectives. These ques-tions are related to the central theme ofSchultz's (1961, 1963) views about investing inthe skill development of adults as well as otherissues not fully developed by Schultz (1961).

Additional questions are raised by other re-searchers regarding the study of human capitalinvestments. These are listed below withreferences associated with questions.

1. What are the benefits (impacts, economicadvantages) to peer tutoring especially forbask skills and literacy? (Levin, 1989)2. What are the results of schooling time (e.g.,8 years, 12 years, 16 years) on the learningabilities of :ndMduals1 (FIersch, 1985; Rosen,1977; Marsick, 1988; Mincer, 1979; Bowman,1988)

3. Regarding wellness and health promotion,

what is the benefit of being healthy to the in-dividual, family, organization (employer),community and society or culture? (Sloan andGruman, 1988)4. What are the interaction (benefits/disad-vantages) between attitudes toward learningand selected human capital variables? (Flier,1981)

5. What are indicators of school quality(across cities, counties, parishes, boroughs,states)? (Rosen, 1977)6. What are the real and perceived incentivesfor schooling (motLational, financial, leisure,quality of life, etc.)? (Rosen, 1977)7. What is the sex bias toward human capitalinvestments? (Rosen, 1977). Do women per-ceive more/less need to invest in zdult con-tinuing education, continuing professionaleducation?8. What are the economic impacts ofmotivators to learn for youth, adults, olderadults? Are they similar, diffcrent? (Rosen,1977)

9. What are the economic impacts if the in-dividual chooses not to use his/her invest-ments (in human capital) or if those invest-ments are used for illegal or other purposes?(Bowles and Gintis, 1975).10. What are the economic implications oft.arious recruitment strategies for adult con-tinuing education? (Nordhaug, 1987)11. What are the impacts/influences ofpolicies, financial subsidies, stimulation ofselected activities (e.g., literacy education) onindividuals and adult education institutionsregarding economic and technologicaldevelopment? (Nordhaug, 1987)12. Is learning in the workplace (e.g., variouslevels-literacy management or orientation)economically viable for adults? (Marsick,1988)

13. Are "so-called" intangible factors con-tributors/inhibitors to individual and/or firmeconomic development? (Marsick, 1988)14. What are the impacts of "change as-sociated" (e.g., ambiguity, heterarchy) to theeconomic development of individuals and/orfirms? (Marsick, 1988)15. Are there different invcAment strategieswhen adults learn tasks compared to learning

26

social norms? (Marsick, 1988)16. Are reflectivity and critical reflectivitycontributors or aistractors to human capitalinvestments? (Marsick, 1988)17. Should education be measured ineconomic terms (benefits/disadvantages) foradults, communities, organizations, societies?(Mincer, 1979)18. What are the economic impacts of "know-ing how" versus "knowing why" versus "know-ing what"? (Bowman, 1979)19. What are the economic impacts on andabout the family that influence investments inhuman capital? (Becker, 1988)20. Is there a residual advantage/disadvantageto investments in human capital that can be as:sociated with families (Re: class, occupations,generation impacts)? (Becker, 1988)

Recommendations

These data suggest that there may be an as-sociation between secondary data sources andhuman capital investments. Further, questionsimplied for related references indicates multipleresearch options for investigating human capitalinvestments.

A series of studies could be designated to in-vestigate individually and collectively the humancapital constructs suggested by Schultz (1961).For example, select only on-the-job (OJT) train-ing (see Mincer studies 1970's and 1980's) froma single area (say a county or multiple counties)and assess the impact of OJT on the individualparticipant, the employing agency and the com-munity or region. Another example would be toinvestigate the impact of health maintenance,promotion and fitness to the premise that heal-thier people are more productive (see Sloan ondGruman 1988 and related studies). Additional-ly, a combination of all five factors of humancapital investments (Schultz, 1961) coula bedesigned to assess the impact on the individualand communities using primary sources of datarather than secondary sources. This type ofstudy has not been attempted to date.

References

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33

Becker, G. S. (1964). ''uman capital. New York:Columbia Caivorse..y :t'ress.

Becker, G. S. (1988). Family economics and macro be-havior. The American Economic Review, 78(1), 1-13.

Bowles, S., & Gentis, H. (1975. The problem withhuman capital theory: A Marxian critique.American Economic Review, 65(2), 74-82.

Bowman, M. J. (1979). Out of school formation ofhuman resources. Economic dimensions of educa-tiol, (A Report of a Committee of the NationalAcademy of Education), 141-160.

Business Week, (September 19, 1988). Human Capital.Carnevale, A. P. (1983). Humen capital: A high yield

corporate investment. Washington, DC: AmericanSociety for Training and Development.

Denison, E. F. (1962). Education, economic growthand gaps in information. Journal of PoliticalEconomy, 70(5 part 2), 124-128.

Dorf, R. J., & Emerson, M. (1978). Determinants ofmanufacturing plant location for nonmetropolitancommunities in the West North Central Region ofthe U.S .1 of Regional Science, 14 109-120.

Educational R. ocher, (May, 1989).Filer, R. K. (1981). The influence of affective human

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Hekman, J. S. (1982). Su:vey of location of decisions inthe South. Federal Bank of Atlanta EconomicReview, 6, 6-19.

Hersch, J. L. (1985). Allocation of time and humanenergy and its affects on productivity. AppliedEconomics, 17 867-884.

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Klecka, W. R. (1980). Discriminant analysis. SagePublications: Beverly Hills.

Knowles, M. S. (1970). 7he modern practice of adulteducation. Chicago: Association Press.

Knox, A. R. (1977). Adult learning and development.San Francism Jossey-Bass Publishers.

Leuck, D. J. (1979). An econometric model ofmanufacturing growth in rural employment inrural Tennessee counties from 1962 to 1976.Southern Journal of Agriculture Economics, 2, 63-67.

Levin, H. M. (1989). Economics of investments ineducationally disadvantages students. AmericanEconomics Association Papers and Proceedings.(May 1989, Vol 79, No. 2), 52-56.

Marsick, V. J. (1988). Learning in the workplace: Casefor reflectivity and critical reflectivity. AdultEducation Quarterly, 38(4), 187-198.

Mincer, J. (1979). Human capital and earnings (Chap-ter 1). Economic Dimensions of Education. (AReport of A Committee of the National Academyof Education).

McCoy, V. R. (1977). Adult iife cycle tasks.A dull learn-ing. Washington, DC: American Association ofAdult Education.

McNamara, K. T., Kriesel , W. P., & Deaton , B. J.(1988). Human capital stock and flow andeconomic growth analysis: note. Growth andChange, Winter, 61-66.

Mincer, J. (1984). Human capital and economicgrowth. Economics of Education Review, 3(3),195-205.

Naisbitt, J. (1982). Megatrends: Ten new directionstransforming our lives. New York: Warner Books.

Pedhazur, E. J. (1982). Multiple regres n in behavioralresearch. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

Nie, N. H., Hull, C. H., Jenkins, J. G., Steinbrenner, K.& Brent, D. H. (1975). Statistica! packages for thesocial sciences (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Nordhaug, 0. (1987). Adult education and socialscience: A theoretical framework. Adult Educa-tion Quarterly, 38(1), 1-13.

Perelman, L. J. (1984). The learning enterprise: Adultlearning, human capital and economic develop-ment. Washington, DC: The Council of State Plan-ning Agencies.

Rosen, S. (1977). Human capital: A survey of empiri-

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cal research. Research in Labor Economics, I, 3-39. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.

Rosenfeld, S. A., Bergman, E. M., & Rubin, S. (1985).After the factories: Changing employment patternsin the ntral South. Southern Growth PoliciesBoard, Research, Triangle Park, NC.

Schultz, T. W. (1963). The economic value of education.New York: Columbhi University press.

Schultz, T. W. (1961). Imestment in human capital.American Economic Review, 51,(1), 1-17.

Sloan, R. P., & Gruman, J. C. (1988). Does wellness inthe workplace work? Personnel Administrator,(July), 42-47.

Smith, E. D., Deaton, B. J., & Kelch, D. R. (1978).Location determinants of manufacturing industryin rural areas. Southern Journal of Agriculture

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Economics, 10,23-32.Stitch, T. (1983). Literacy and human resources

development at work: Investing in the education ofadults to irnprom educability of children: Executivesummary. Alexandria, VA: Human ResourcesResearch Organization. (ERIC DocumentReproduction Service No. ED 262 201)

Sulaiman, J., & Husak, L. J. (1980). The impact of in-dustrial sites on industrial employment growth: Acase study of Appalachian Ohio. The American In-dustrial Development Council Jomnal, 15, 7-22.

iivan, T. (1984. Dropouts and trainiug internation-al Journal of Lifelong Education, 3(3), 163-191.

Swanson, _ A., & Mosier, N. R. (1983). Adult educa-tion in America. Training, (October), pp. 54-56,59-60, 64, 66, 68.

35

Contrasting Foundations for Learning andTeaching: Selfhood in China and the United States

Daniel D. Pratt

Introduction

Until recently, China was vigorouslyengaged in academic and economic exchangeswith Western nations in pursuit of economicreform. Much of that exchange was in the areaof adult education and involved the transfer ofandragogicall ways of thinking about adulteducation from the West to China. Yet, China'scultural heritage and her social and politicalideology are sipificantly different from those ofmost Western nations. How do amh differencesinfluence the exchange of knowledge, and howmight we view these differences in a way that willimprove communication and exchange acrosscultures? This paper begins with an analysis ofthe concept of "self' within the two contrastingsocieties of China and *he United States. Thatis followed by a discussion of implications forcross-cultural exchange with China in adulteducation, notwithstanding the question ofwhether such educational exchanges will orshould continue after the traumatic events of theSpring of 1989.

The United States is compared with Chinafor two reasons. First, the United States is adominant force among a group of countries thatare culturally and ideologically different fromChina yet engaged in educational exchangeswith China. Second, the U.S. not only sends aconsiderable number of Americans to China as"foreign experts" but ha,s received more Chinesestudents and scholars- than any other nationover the past decade. As early as 1983, over 100American colleges and universities had estab-lished exchanges with China. By 19&8, over30,000 Chinese students and scholars were livingin the United States. By academic year 1988-89,6,600 new Chinese students had arrived for ad-vanced study in the United States (Stregeigh,1989). Clearly, the United States has played asignificant role in educational exchanges withChina during the decade of the eighties and islikely to continue in a dominant role into thenext century.

A Model gelf

In all cultures, people c_ hne to know theirworld based upon a particular construction ofself. This construction is so integral within theconsciousness of the individual as to be indis-tinct from the person. It is the ground fromwhich all else is viewed and understood but,which itself, goes unseen. Although it goes un-seen, it defines who we are and how we relate tothe rest of the world. T..t shapes the ways in whichevents, relationships, and life in general are in-terpreted. It is the inseparable soul of OW valuesand our perception.

It is not by chance that the ways in whichpeople come to know themselves and definetheir identity vary across cultures. From aWestern point of view, ti .-: unobservable centerof experience might be composed of a set ofbeliefs that a person has about oneself, based ona personal history, dispositions, aspirations, andappearance in the eyes of others. In the end, itis a personal construction which individualk useto impose order and meaning upon theirthoughts, feelings, and actions (Harre, 1987).However, is this a reasonable explanation fromother cultural perspectives? Would it be so froma Chinese point of view?

This section of the paper sets forth a modelthat considers the interaction of cultural values,social norms, political ideologies, andpsychological attributes which affect people'sidentify and sense of self (Figure 1). The modelis twesented as a heuristic device to compare andcontrast Western, particularly American, andChinese conceptions of self. It is intended tobroaden thinking about and increase acceptanceof cultural differences and similaritie3 as theycontribute to adult education.

Cultural Traditions and Values

The experience of selfhoodconsciousness--that occurs in human beings in various cul-tures is not totally derivative of, or retie:Aveof, personality structure, nor is it reducible to

29'3 6

Figure 1A Model of Self

Cultural Valuesand Traditions

SELF

PsychologicalAttributes

Social Normsand

Political Ideologies

/

an analysis of the social structure in which anindividual participates. (DeVos, Marsella, &Hsu, 1985, p.3)

China

Culture is partially at least a system of pat-terned symbolic interactions which result invalues and traditions that are perpetuated fromone generation to the next (Hsu, 1985). Thesevalues and traditions filter through society tocultural values regarding family and relation-ships. The traditional Chinese seeks supportfrom family and kin and has an extensive net-work of relationships which is supported bytraditional ideals such as perseverance,obedience, loyalty, harmony, and filial piety.

Some of this, particularly the strong attach-ment to family and filial piety, can be attributedto Confucian ethics and tradition.3 Within Con-fucian thought, the individual is a progressivecontinuity of a specific ancestry of one's family;

30

thus, the Confucian self is part of an ethnic con-tinuity that envisages the self as the center ofrelationships and engaged in a dynamic processof becoming or developing.

This development continues through alifelong process of learning; this is not onlythrough books but through ritual practice. In es-sence, when seeking self-development, one mustact in an exemplary fashion in the role of father(or mother, brother, sister, etc.). The directionof influence is from cultural values, to socialroles and normative patterns of interaction, andfinally to personality structure. That is, thestandard for self-development is not derivedfrom an Ideal sense of one's ego but from socie-tal roles and cultural values that are ascribed.Hence, just as age alone is not sufficient for wis-dom, filial duty (actions) without filial loyalty(affective commitment) is incomplete and sug-gests selfish desires. To know what to do inChinese society assumes an understanding and

37

acceptance of the correspondence between a ra-tional sense of duty and a moral sense of obliga-tion. This is evident in the exhortation to realizeoneself by keeping behavior in accord with theideals of family lineage and loyalty. All of one'sactions are from this perspective an extension ofthe family and representative of that lineage. Itis, then, inconceivable to think of self-develop-ment apart from the supportive relationships offamily (Tu, 1976).

During the time of the Cultural Revolution,Mao is said to have used the cultural value of'loyalty as a means to promote conflict betweengenerations and encourage attacks by workersand students on their superiors and teachers. Hemay have done this because he considered suchunrest to be a prerequisite for change and be-cause he knew that it would be a powerful forcefor change if he could use the cultural traditionof loyalty toward family and community to en-gender loyalty to the Communist Party (Yee,1989). Although the Cultural Revolution isgenerally considered to be an aberration whichslowed down economic and social progress,there is no doubt that he succeeded in generat-ing a strong sense of loyalty and commitmenttoward the ammunist Party.

The United States

If there is a parallel phenomenon that haspersisted over centuries and is a defining at-tribute of American culture, it may be the highregard for personal autonomy and individualrights. This philosophical position stems fromLocke's framework of "natural law" and Kant'snotion of morality a5 the universal imperative.

Locke's starting point is a prima jack caseagainst absolute governments and he postu-

lates a minimal role for the State or Common-wealth. For Locke, the State is an institutionfor the protection of individuals. It is not anddoes not have, in the Hegelian sense, an entity

with a prior existence to which individuals owe

an overriding obligation. (Lawson, 1985, p.221)

What Lawson is pointing out is an historicaltradition that assumes the existence of in-alienable "rights," possessed by all individuals asa matter of birth, and which are antecedent tothe establishment of aol social organization.

Thus, the furtherance of what is "good" is a per-sonal rather than a collective concern. W5thinthis philosophical tradition even the colle,..tive"good" might have to be compromised to protectand preserve the individual rights of autonomyand choice. "The common good cannot be al-lowed to become the prime concern from whichpolicy is derived" (Lawson, 1985, p. 224). Thiscultural and historical value is embedded ii, theBill of Rights and is manifest in legislation af-fecting such diverse issues as the choice ofwhether or not to use seat belts and the right topossess automatic weapons.

Also fundamental to this cultural value isKant's claim that morality, as the universal im-perative, depends upon individuals beingautonomous and capable of rational judgment.

Kant therefore postulates "selves" as centresof consciousness and reason, whkh are priorto and independent of any interests or at-tributes which we happen to Lave an a contin-gent fact. The individual is conceived as the ir-

reducible "I", who chooses in a way analogousto Descartes' "self' which thinks and has ex-periences but which is not itself the object ofan experience. (Lawson, 1985, p. 224)

From these roots, Jefferson and the otherpoets of American democracy sought means toprotect individual rights from every form oftyranny. The fact that these means are not fullyrealized in the political and social institutions ofAmerican society does not deny the intent northe substantial differences between Chinese andAmerican philosophical traditions. Both cul-tures contain values and traditions that havelong histories--China substantially longer thanthe United States--which influence social normsand political policies and inform the construc-tion of selfhood and personal identity.

The Social Context

An understanding of social life is not to bederived from knowledge of psychologkalprinciples. Rather, what are taken to bepsychological prindples are derivative fromthe ongoing process of negotiation and con-flict among persons. Thus, understandingcommunity is prior to and establishes thegrounds from which psychological constructsare achieved. (Gergen, 1987, p. 61)

31

38

The self also exists within a social contextand takes on normative roles and patterns of in-teraction that reflect and influence relations andplace within society. One important and per-vasive aspect of this is what Hsu (1985) calls rolerelationships. These function within one's"operative society" and consist of people, ideas,and things which an individual finds useful.While they may include some exchange of per-sonal regard or affect, intimacy and emotionalexchange are minimal and of lesser importancein the understanding and dAnition of theserelational boundaries. In fact, the cultural andsocietal norms which define such role-relationsnormally negate emotional attachment betweenindividuals. Examples of relationships of thissort include teachers and students, merchantsand customers, employers and employees, andrulers and subjects. Rules that guide com-munication between people include those suchas traffic rules, taking tests and examinations,courtesy customs, patterns of greeting and part-ing, and ways of buying and selling. According toHsu (1985),

We perform our roles in association withthem, or act according to them, or use them,but are not greatly disturbed, or disturbed atall, by changes in them. In the normal courseof events, the individual is less likely to rcsistchanges [in these relationships]. (p. 31)An interesting comparison between Chinese

and American societies in this regard concernsextended family members. As Hsu points out,American grandfathers are more likely to be apart of the "operative society and culture" whileGod is likely to be perceived as part of a closer,Intimate society and culture." Whereas inChina, these would be reversed with greater at-tachment to one's grandfather than one's god.

Hence death of one's grandfather is a moresignificant event for the Chinese indMdualthan for his American counterpart, while dif-ferences in church affiliation may be anAmedcan barrier to marriage but arc of noconsequence at all in Chinese romanccs. (p.31)

This reversal of the role of intimacy and ef-fective regard in American and Chinese societyis important to the understanding of the tradi-tional supremacy of kinship in Chinese society.

Identity and self-esteem are permanently tied tothe Chinese family--parents, siblings, and ex-tended family members. This is not to imply thatthe same kind of identity and kinship does notor cannot exist in American families. Americansalso begin life with an extended family constel-lation. However, since the dominant futuredepend upon how well people can stand on theirown two feet, extended family, siblings, and evenparents are increasingly moved toward theperiphery of intimacy. The relationship withfamily members is very much a voluntary oneand is sOject to the vicissitudes of a mobilesociety that relies on government and institu-tions for the provision of welfare, health, andeventual care during the ;titer years of life.

As a result, Americans are often encouragedto develop a sense of personal autonomy andself-sufficiency which can have an unintendedaffect of distancing them from their originalfamily ties. This in tuin results in a search forother forms of intimacy and emotional attach-ment as replacement for t family! Ironically,the search often engenders feelings of isolationand loneliness rather than fulfillment.

In China, since affective regard and recipro-cal intimacy is Lontinuously and readily availablewithin the kinship network, individuals satisfytheir psychosocial balance and need for affec-tion with less resorting to relationships outsideof family. Consequently, a Chinese man orwoman tends to relate to the "operative societyand culture" in relatively impersonal terms.

He can afford not to be curious or anxiousabout them; he is unlikely to have the urge toimprove or help them; he can even afford toignore them completely unless they threatenhim physically. He can meet them or he canleave them. Hence the Chinese, throughout allof their history, have developed few secondarygroups eutside of their kinship boundary.(Hsu, 1935, p.31)This may be a contributing factor to the com-

mon complaint voiced by Westerners withregard to the apparent attitude of indifferencefrom service personnel in restaurants, hotels,train stations, and airports within China. 1 .:orewill be said about this in disc.. ing personalityand psychological attributes.

Another factor contributing to the socially

39

constructed sense of self is one's "location" insocietal structures. In this case, location refersto the individual's lewl of education, positionwithin a work unit, neighborhood organizations,the Communist Party, and so an. Locationdetermines one's social identity. In this regard,Stone (1962) draws a distinction between "self'and "identity."

Identity establishes what and where the personis in social terms. It isnot a substitute word for"self." Instead, when one has identity, he issituated--that is, cast in the shape of a socialobject by the acknowkdgernent of his par-ticipation or membership inisocial relations.One's identity is established When othersplacehim as a social object biassigning him thesame words of identity that he appropriatesfor himself or announces. It is in the coin-cidence of placement arid announcementsthat identity becomes a meaning of the self.

(P.93)For example, it is common for Chinese to

identify themselves as being from a particularcompany, institution, or governmental agency(their work unit), with a given title and set ofresponsibilities, and within a specific city andhierarchy of governance that clearly delineateauthority and responsibility. This is most notice-able in the: over-present exchange of businesscards and the protocol of who speaks and whoremains silent in meetings. Thus, identity isoften derived from .me's place within the opra-tive society, which in the case of China is ex-tremely hierarchical, and for most individuals itmeans being located at the bottom of a virtualtower of bureaucracy.

The Political Context

Contributing to this picture is the dominantpolitical ideolog within society and the pre. ail-ing conception of rights and authority. In China,the Communist Party of today as w h previousraling regimes treats superior-inferior relPtion-ships (maintained through hieraredicalauthority) and obedience and order (main-tained through power and control) as first prin-ciples, above morality and individual or humanrights. This is clearly visible in the repression ofand retribution against the pro-democracymovement of 1989. Writing before those events,

Edwards (1986) described the Llherent con-fnrmity and unity of Chinese society which issustained by a strong authoritarian ideolog.

Most Chinese view souiety as an organic wholeor seamless web. Strands is a wcb must all beof a certain length, diameter, and consistency,and must all be fitted together in accordancewith a precrdained pattern. Nonstaniardstrands, or randomly stitched treads, detractfrom the symmetry and strength of the weband diminish its capacity to perfor:n its func-tion. Likewise, in both Confucian ethic andcurrent Communist morality, the individualshould conform to a standard model of be-havior, characterized by an overriding con-cern for the interests of socicty and readinesstr± perSorm the rule assignr.4 by the Party andresponsible state organs. (p. 44)

All of this is in service of the ruling dogma--har-mony and stability--and continues to bedominant theme in China's political and;conomic policies.

This is readily apparent in China's recentconstitutional history. Since 1908 and acrossfour very different regimes--the last ImperialDynasty, the Liberal Republic, the authoritarianGuomindang government, and the socialistPeople's Republic--Chinese constitutions havebeen remarkably consistent in tileir approach tohuman rights. All of the 11 or so drafts of con-stitutions have listed rights and freedoms whichwere set out as goals to lyr.! attained by thegovernment and, consequently, granted to thepeople. For example, chapter two of the mostrecent constitution lists severdl, includingfreedom of speech, press, assembly, association,and demonstration. However, as with previousaspects of China's constitutional documents,there are three aspects of China's constitution-al history that consistently and rather frighten-ingly explain recent events and clarify therelationship between the individual and thepolitical structure of China (Edwards, Henkin,& Nathan, 1986).

First, none of the constitutional drafts since1908 have presented human rights as in-alienable. In China rights are derived fromcitizenship and not by virtue of Lirth, and theyare granted by the government. Thus, becauseall rights are derived from society, there can be

33

4 0

no such thing as individuals claiming rightsagainst society. Rights are presented asprivileges which can be granted or withheld bythe state, depending upon political or economicconditions. The basic rule is that the state canlimit rights for any purpose as long as it does soby law.

This was at the core of much of thedemonstrating in the Spring of 1989 and, ofcourse, culminated in the slamming of the dooron human rights and freedom of expression.Yet, while outraged by unjust acts of the govern-ment, the public response was often one ofpatient submission to authority and a bitter fate.Under these circumstances patience is under-standably construed as a necessary virtue.

Second, the primary goal of each constitu-tion has been to .1rengthen the state andpromote socialism. This is significant in that itclearly and unequivocally puts Chinesesocialism and the collective before the in-dividual. Human rights are not ultimate valuesor ends in and of themselves; they are simply in-strumental and programmatic means to be usedin pursuit of stability and harmony, which is al-ways within the existing political system. There-fore, expressions of individuality, includinghuman rights and democratic reform, are notonly perceived as less important but as obstaclesto stability and to the welfare of the collective.

Third, in each of the constitutions, includingthe current document of 1982, the political bodythat drafted the constitution has the authority todecide when and if rights should be granted.Thus, if there should be an appeal against theretraction of individual human rights as in thecase of several demonstrators given the deathpenalty, the only avenue of appeal for theChinese is to the very body that found them guil-ty of counterrevoluationaty activities. There isno system of checks or balances, nor is there anapolitical judiciary. T- effect, the constitution iswhatever the rulinf, eolitical leaders say it is;rights and privileges are circumstantial and sub-ject to whomever is in charge.

In China, rights are bestowed upon peopleby society in accordance with their fulfillment ofsocietal duties. Rights, therefore, have a socialrather than natural origin, and the state has theright to dominate and control the civil society,

34

i.e., the domain of private interests. Indeed, it isthe responsibility of the state t( suppress privateinterests.

Collectively, the emphasis within Chinaupon superior-inferior relations, obedience andorder, and the maintenance of stability at the ex-pense of individual rights are indications of agood deal of external control and sanction thataffect people's identify. Indeed, within this sys-tem, many of life's most important decisionsrelating to education, marriage, living quarters,employment, location of spouse, number ofchildren, and permission to travel outside ofChina are controlled by others. People are moreor less at the service of the state, without in-dividual rights or the capacity for independentor self-serving action.

Aspects of identity that are associated withsocial and political structures may shift back andforth in response to dramatic social change.However, this may be an adaptation to rapidlychanging or traumatic social events thatthreaten previous definitions of self. In a lon-gitudinal study of Chinese scholars and studentsstudying in Canada for 1 year and then return-ing to China, I have been intrigued by their ap-parent swings in conceptions of self in relationto society. Upon arriving in Canada, they voiceconceptions that are understandably in line withthe political and social context of Beijing--adiminished importance of individual rights andpersonal autonomy and a heightened sense ofservice to society and the collective well-being.After a year traveling and studying in Canadaand just before returning to China, their concep-tions are more focused on individual rights andopportunities for advancement and self-development. Yet, after they have been back inChina for a year, their conceptions sound muchlike the original ones with an emphasis on thecollective and a suppression of their in-dividuality. Turner (1987) interprets such adap-tations as altered conceptions of reality thatrespond to changes in opportunity and rewardstructures. Given this social and political conts-xtof contemporary China, this certainly seemsplausible.

While these aspects of self and identity areless stable that those mentioned with regard toculture and heritage, they have considerable im-

4 1

plications for one's sense of loyalty and commit-ment. For example, most Chinese have learnedto put their loyalty and trust into kinship rela-tions and not into the bureaucracy or the rulingparty. This parallels a pride in heritage and cul-ture with ambivalent or even negative feelingstoward the nation-state of China.

This unique characteristic, that the Chinesehold ambivalent, equivocal, largely negativeattitudes toward China as a nation-state, isreflective of their history. For while on sinehad there is the land's great civilizationstretching unbroken across thousand:: of yearswith innumerable rich treasures, innovationsand cultural achievements, there is on theother hand a contrasting broken line of politi-cal rule and governance over its people thathas been mostly despotic, disjointed and alien.When Chinese say that they are Chinese, un-less they are somehow connected with thegovernment, there is little or no implic2rinlthat they associate themselves with thegovernment or nation-state. To speak ofChina as a whole, they refer abstractly to "theChinese people," the "motherland." (Yeel,1989, p. 98-99)

Thus, it may be a cultural reference morethan national that substantively and consistent-ly informs the Chinese sense of self and identityacross time and circumstance. Across wild gyra-tions in political ideology, Chine .;:. have main-tained their primary sense of identity as"Chinese." Even second generation expatriateChinese still identify themselves as "Chinese." Ifthere is a particularly stable aspect of self withinChinese society that persists across time and cir-cumstances, it seems to be derivative of cultureand tradition more than social and political fac-tors. This may be so even though normative pat-terns of socialization and political relationshipsof power undeniably locate individuals withinsociety and expert undeniable influence on theirconstruction of self and identity. Obviously, thisis as true in the United States as it is in China.

Psychological Attributes: AmericanConceptions

Whatever ties of love or loyalty may bind us toother people, we are aware that there is aninner being of our own; that we are in-

1

dividuals. To the Western reader it may comeas a surprise that there is any thing unusual in

is experience. It is to us a matter of commonsnse that we stand apart from the naturalorder in which we are set, subjects overagainst its objectivity, that we have our owndistinct personality, beliefs, and attitude tolife...Western culture, and the Western type ofeducction, has developed this sense of in-dividuality to an extent exceptional among thecivilizations of the world. (Morris, 1972, p.1)

The third sphere of influence is focused onthe individual's personality and need disposi-tions and on the recognition of valying degreesof individuality with respect to cultural valuesand societal structures. It is still acknowledgedthat conceptions of self and orientations towardthe individual within society flow from culturalvalues and historical tradition through societalnorms. However, the focus of one's identity andsense of self now turns to a personal set ofpsych gical attributes that distinguish the in-dividual and set one apart from others. For theUnited States, differences are now given asmuch import as commonalties; for China, in-dividual differences may exist, but they are onlyan impediment to social and political goals.

Within the United States, there is a traditionof liberal, democratic individualism thatpresumes people's dominant traits and the es-sence of their being to be genetically and social-ly constituted and deserving of protection fromexternai manipulation. Two beliefs lie at thecore of this tradition. First, human rights arebelieved to be inalienable. Second, each personis believed to be unique. Each of these is impor-tant in distinguishing between American andChinese conceptions of self.

Individual Rights

The American commitment to liberaldemocracy espouses several rights such as theright to express opinions and beliefs, to maintaincontrol over one's destiny, to protection ofprivacy, and to preserve one's dignity. None ofthese HI:: has to be earned nor can they bedenied except for infringement on the rights ofothers. They are assumed to be antecedent tomembership in society.

An important corollary of this belief in in-

35

4 2_____......la

alienable rights is the assumption that a pluralityof beliefs helps generate truth and therebypromotes not only liberty but progress. There-fore, it is thc role of government to see that theexercise of individual human rights is not infr-inged on by society. In other words, there is anemphasis on a special relationship between theindividual and society based on a belief in "God-given" or "naturally endowed" rights and thedesirability of nurturing self-reliance,autonomy, and independence. Within thisrelationship the individual is highly valued andtakes precedence over society.

Individual Uniqueness

Central to this conception is the secondbeliefthat each person is unique and that it issupremely important not to impose uniformityon natural diversity. It is a celebration of in-dividual differences which manifests itselfeducationally in a commitment to individual dif-ferences, e.g., ind;..idualized instruction, learn-ing and cognitive styles, intellectual and moraldevelopment, needs assessment, and motiva-t i o nal orientations. There are, literally,hundreds of instruments which are used tomeasure such dimensions of individuality as wellas a host of other psychological aspects of self(e.g., Mangen & Peterson, 1982; Wylie, 1974).The nature of this literature attests to a deep andprofound appreciation of the psychological uni-queness of each individual. It is these distin-guishing and unique attributes of the person thatare used to answer the question of how we can1):, creatures of society without being "mere cast-ings from the moulds supplied by social struc-ture" (Turner, 1987, p. 120).

Alongside the belief in diversity and unique-ness of each person is a belief that psychologicalaspects of the person can be divided into socialand private realms and that society should haveno control over the latter. As a result, individualsare believed capable of standing apart fromsociety in the privacy of their inner self to reflecton their beliefs and actions, to critically evaluatethem, and to make choices based on that review.This individual autonomy is assumed to existboth as a capacity of the person to be nurturedand as a societal ideal to be promoted.

Additionally, the interior aspects of the per-

36

son--thoughts, beliefs, and feelings--are con-sidered vital when attempting to understandyourself or someone else. The self is in part as-sumed to be emotionally constructed through anaffirmation of worth in relation to others. Theworld is seen from the point of view of theprivate realm of one's personality. From such aperspective the world makes sense and 'J.; actedupon in terms of its effect upon the individual.There is a tendency to uh.-..1erstand the socialorder and social significance of everyday eventsin terms of how they effect the individual. Sucha construction of self is primarily egocentric, i.e.,takes the individual as the starting point in con-struing the soc;al order (Abercombie, Hill, &Turner, 1986; Cole, Gay, Glick, & Sharp, 1971;Hsu, 1981; Macpherson, 1962).

As a result, there is a constant need for af-firmation or validation of self-worth usuallyfrom "significant others." This is not unusual.However, in the United States, the process hasbeen extended to even the most casual ofrelationships and contacts. Americans (andCanadians to a large extent) seem to expect thateach time they interact with someone it shouldin some form validate the fact that they are wor-thy and important. This can be seen in res-taurants, banks, grocery stores, and airlineswhen service personnel greet customers with atone and look that suggests it is their pleasure toserve them even though the warmth and wel-coming voice switches with great speed and easeto the next person in line as one ii ies onward.Americans have come to expect that even ser-vice personnel should convey a mesmge of ap-preciation and valuing with their cyes, posture,gestures, words, and tone of voice. Whether theyact Jally value them or not is insignificant; whatmatters is that they convey the impression thatthey do and that this person is important to themand to their work. This instrumental affectionand emotional valuing is closely connected to asenk of .ielf that is highly dependent upon affec-tive validation from both "intimate" and "opera-tive" parts of society.

Psychological Aaributes: ChineseConceptions

In China the situation and history are quitedifferent. Notions of human rights and in-

4 3-Ai

rdividua7ityare constructed from a differentperspective--one that is more sociocentric thanegocentric.

Individual Rights

As mentioned earlier, in traditional Chinathere was no concept of natural or God-givenrights. In place of the idea of natural rights wasthe belief that rights were derived from societyand hence were subordinate to social interests.While traditional Chinese philosophies haddefinite ideas about individual equality, rights,and freedom, they were subordinate to ideas ofduty, ethical conduct, public benefit, and socialresponsibility--all in pursuit of social harmonyand stability. (Zhang, 1988)

Today, Chinese society recognizes the in-dividual primarily as a member of the whole,placing greater emphasis on duty than on in-dividual rights. In Confucian terms, one mustfirst perform one's duties rather than claimone's rights (Yang, 1986). Rights vere bestowedupon people by government in accordance withtheir fulfillment of societal duties. Rights, there-fore, have a social rather than natural origin.

Individual Uniqueness

In terms of uniqueness, the traditional Con-fucian position emphasized the existence of in-nate human attributes that could not be alteredavd which therefore set limits on the pos-sibilities for social interventiot in the develop-ment of the person. However, contemporaryChinese views start with the assumption thathuman pawn.: (personality) can take infiniteforms but should be transformed to fit with theprevailing social and political goals and policies.This position rests upon several central beliefsabout people's social nature or personality(Munro, 1977):

1. Each person's personality is assumed to bethoroughly malleable. In this regr.rd theChinese are speaking of "perfectibility." Nohuman is assumed to be restricted by innatequalities or attributes from achieving thedesired state of being. Consequently it is theresponsibility of the State, and thereforeeducational institutions, to transformpeoples personality toward forms of thinking,beli':,ving, and feeling that are deemed best for

37

4 4

society. Therefore Chinese educationaltheories and practice are for the most part notconcerned with individual differences; educa-tional procedure 7. are more important thanpsychological difizrences in the transforma-tion of personalities.2. Personality development (transformation)is achieved through a correspondence be-tween three forms of knowledge: (a) Percep-tual knowledgebeing able to identify andname things, based largely on empirical ob-servation; (b) Rational knowledge--recogni-tion of the essence and laws of something.Through rational knowledge a person learnsbasic principles and truths. On the basis ofthese primary truths and principles the personis given a standard for learning perceptualknowledge; and (c) Moral knowledge--aware-ness of the relationship between rationalknowledge, one's work and role, and the guid-ing principles, values, and virtues of Statepolicy. Specialized knowledge not guided byproper moral principles is considereddangerous.3. All feelings are assumcd to have a socialorigin, i.e., to be derived from a person'sgroup affiliations and social class. This meansthat any specific motive, goal, thought, orbelief must be understood as derivation ofone's class consciousness. Thus, even thephenomenon ol the same stimuli (e.g., colors)eliciting different reactions in differentpeople is explained as a function of the socialclass to which they belong. Other feelings areregarded as un mportant except within in-timate relatio.....iips.4. There is no such thing as "pure feelings."Feelings are, for the most part, vehicles forevaluation where the individual is to make ajudgment of approval/disapproval orproper/improper. The only feelings that areregarded as worthy of attention are those thatcarry some evaluation or are associated withduty and are themselves subject to praise orblame. Absence of proper feelings while per-forming one's duties suggests the presence ofselfish desires and there is no place for self-serving thoughts, feelings, or beliefs. Feelingsof duty and obligation project the personbeyond the "private self' and help to solidify

the individual's place in a larger network ofrelations.5. A precondition of personality transforma-tion is honing the mind's capacity for self-criticism. In its most extreme form it is calledjao dai--the confession of all wrong doing as aform of penance. Usually, it is simply a matterof cf;mparing one's accomplishments,thoughts, feelings, and beliefs to some exter-nal standard, which is often in the form of a"model" worker or unit identified by thegovernment.In combination, these beliefs allow for the

co-existence of both prior assumptions, i.e., thathuman nature can take infinite forms, but it ispossible to shape anyone's personality to con-form to certain social or political values.

As a result, Chinese tend to take a differentview of the interior aspects of people, e.g., per-sonal emotions and the extent to which they area significant part of the self. The Chinese cul-tural rationale assumes the continuity of the so-cial order to exist independent of personal, innerfeelings. Chinese make sense of themselves interms of their society and the role(s) they aregi7en within that society. What is uniquelycharacteristic of the individual's private ex-perience, particularly individual emotions, isdefined as lacking in social significance.

Since emotional expressiveness is not re-quired to affirm an encounter, the Chinese arcnot required by convention to provide their in-terlocutors with a continuing symbolic patternof emotionally expressive response; the ab-sence of this pattern leaves those who expectit at a loss, and it is probably the basis for theold stereotype that the Chinese arc in-scrutable. (Potter, 1988, pp. 193-194)

If such emotions are defined as irrelevantidiosyncrasies of no intrinsic importance to thesocial order and if the social order is supremelyiciportant in comparison to the individual, thenit follows that emotions are also of little sig-nificance in the construction of a concept of selfwithin Chinese society. Such a conception is sig-nificantly different from one that defines emo-tions as a fundamental aspect of the self and ameans for providing continuous validation be-tween the individual and society.

It is not that the Chinese are devoid of emo-

38

tions or incapable of being scrutinized or sear-ched through interpersonal means but ratherthat they do not telegraph emotions like peoplefrom the United States. Nor do they see the needto validate another's self-worth through aiiex-change of emotional signals. Indeed, if emotionsare not seen as a significant part of the self, whywould one send out emotional or affective mes-sages to casual acquaintances? This should notbe misconstrued as an unwillingness to discloseemotions; that would be to come full cycle andinterpret their behavior from a Westernperspective. Instead, it seems more within thepresent interpretation to assume th4tpsychologically unique aspects of an individualsuch as emotions are relatively unimportant interms of one's view of self and identity.

It would seem, therefore, that whereas theWest has a deep and profound appreciation ofthe psychological uniqueness of each individual,Chinese society seems to mitigate against sucha view. As a result, less importance is placed ona psychological construction of self and con-comitantly on individual differences.

This may have been a contributing factor tosome difficulties I experienced while -;onductingresearch in China during 1988-89. In interviewswith 40 adult educators from across China, noneof whom had been outside of China, two questic ns were consistently difficult to translate. Thefirst had to do with "self-concept" and the secondwith "individual differences." Even though weused Xu's English-Chinese Dictionary of AdultEducation (1988) and engaged in a thoroughprocess of repeated translations and testing ofmeaning before the interviews, there remainedsome confusion as to -.- hat these terms meant.Ultimately, with the assistance of Chinesescholars from Beijing University and theChinese Academy of Social Sciences, it becameclear that the phrasing of these questions placedundo emphasis on unique aspects of the in-dividual and implied a particular construction ofself and individuality that was at odds withChinese conceptions.

Summary Comments on the Model

The model presented thus far suggests threespheres of influence which differentially affectconceptions of self and identity within and

4 5

across cultures.5 The Chinese construction ofself and location of personal identity appears tobe derived primarily from cultural, social, andpolitical spheres of influence with an emphasison continuity of family, societal roles, thesupremacy of hierarchical relationships, com-pliance with authority, and the maintenance ofstability. The resulting self finds an identitywhich is externally ascribed, subordinated to thecollectives seeks fulfillment through the perfor-mance of duty, and would have little meaningfu:existence apart from ordained roles and pat-terns of affiliation. If this is true, the Chinese selfis largely an externally ascribed, highly malle-able, and socially Gonstructed entitya part of anintricate composite which like a hologram is rep-resentative of the whole even when removedfrom it. Thus, when the Chinese bring shameupon themselves, it may be shaming all thosewith whom they are affiliated and from whomthey derive their identity both past and present.

In contrast, the American construcdon cfself and location of personal identity have tradi-tionally originated from the same spheres of in-fluence but with significantly differentphilosophi,:al values. Starting with a belief thatwhat is "good" is of a 'Personal nature, theAmerican tradition has professed the a priori ex-istence oi individual rights. These rights are as-sumed to be of natural rather than social originand therefore do not have to be earned; they areinalienable. This philosophical and politicalcommitment has lead to a pursuit of autonomyand independence as manifestations of self-development and a conception of self that is sub-ject to revision as nne is recognized as the start-ing point for construing the social order and theself is considered a psyclPlogical construct asmuch as an artifact nf cultural, social, and politi-cal influences. As a result, there is an impas-sioned commitment to the uniqueness of eachperson and a high regard for individual differen-ces. This is evident in forms of adult educationthat predominate within the U.S. as well.

Implications for Adult Education

American Adult Education

Within the United States a particularly in-fluential and common conception of adult

education is that of "andragogy" as articulatedby Malcolm Knowles (1980, 1984). This par-ticular view of adult education espouses at leastimplicitly a set of beliefs about the nature ofadults as learners, motives for learning, ap-propriate types of relationship between teachersand learners, and the nature and role of self-con-cept within the educational process. Itsproclaimed goals are the "democratization" ofeducation and the empowerment of the Li-dividual. Its methods of collaboration and choiceare coupled with a profound appreciation of in-dividual differences. This is embedded within acultural commitmtit to individual autonomyand the right to choose as central values to beprotected and promoted. Thus, it is no accidentthat such a conception of adult education as aset of beliefs and a way of practice has taken rootand flourished in the soil of JeffersonianDemocracy. The strident individualism of theUnited States with its constitutional proclama-tion of individual rights has indeed been fertileground for such growth. As such, it is fundamen-tally an ideolog of the individual and isanchored in existentialist philosophy andhurnanistic psycholog.

However, w: hin existentialist philosophyand much of humanistic psychology the in-dividual must undertake to "find" itself or to"make" one in the here-and-now of existencewith no major reliance upon others eitherpresent or from the past. Thus, we find in-dividuals in Western societies going to somelengths to find the "real inner self" and to "get intouch" with an 'authentic" self that is simply as-sumed to exist with its essence existentiallythere, waiting or needing to be discovered.

The self is perceived as subject, the center ofexistence and meaning and, therefore, is sear-ched for apart from the relationships that mayhave initially given it meaning, and with ex-tended family moved to the periphery in searchof self. Such a perspective on self not onlyobscures the influence of historical, cultu al, so-cial, and political factors but stands in sharp con-trast to Chinese traditions and conceptions ofself, particularly those that still hold to Con-fucian notions of self as the center of relation-ships arid with the individual perceived as objectmore than subject, created more than existing,

394 6

and in relation with, rather than apart from,others. Thus, there may be a fundamental con-tradiction between a central principle ofAmerican andragogy and Chinese conceptionsof self which has important implications whenconsidering cross- cultural exchanges.

Chinese Adult Education

One important question that arises from thiscomparison is whether or not andragogicalbeliefs, and practices are suitable to adult educa-tion in China. Most anyone that has taught inChina will have experienced situations that raisethis question. For example, attempting to getadult students to express their opinions and feel-ings, choose among learning assignments, par-ticipate in self-evaluation, or challenge thestated position of those in authority, e.g., theinstructor's opinion, usually meets with someresistance. Most Chinese students are reluctantto do these things and are so for good reason.Their opinions and feelings are not important inother realms; why should they be here? Theywork primarily toward external exams and tostandards that are set by others, so why shouldthey engage in setting criteria and standards fortheir evaluation? Further, the opinion of an in-structor may be in error, but it is not t!..... placeof a student to say that in public. These are self-evident to anyone who has worked in China.However, what lies beneath these patterns isfarmore than simple reticence or courtesy. Thesebehaviors are deeply rooted in a culture andsocit.ty that is profoundly different than thosethat expect students to be outspoken andautonomous.

Conceptions of Teaching

This is also apparent in comparingAmerican and Chinese conceptions of teaching.American notions of andragogy portray theteacher as a "facilitator." sharing control andauthority over valued instruction functions. Thisis a direct extension of the values and philosophythat undergird the defining attriOutes Jf self andidentity in American culture. i.e., a belief inautonomy and the existential self. Thus, ap-propriate relationships between learner andteacher are determined by what will promotelearner autonomy and independenct (e.g., Pratt,

1988). .

Adult educators in China have quite dif-ferent conceptions of teachers and the relation-ship between teacher and learner. The mostprevalent conceptions of teaching as expressedin interviews with adult educators across Chinadepict teachers as transmitters of knowledge,role models, and the center piece of the educa-tional process.

Teacher as Transmitter ofKnowledge

In China, teachers are assumed to be expertin a content area. That is, they are assumed tobe well grounded and experienced in theknowledge and skill to Jut taught. In discussingsuch concepts as teaching, learning, self-concept,motivation, and individual differences, Chineseadult educators talked mostly about theirresponsibility to convey (a) a body of knowledgeor expertise and (b) a proper attitude towardthat knowledge and its role in Chinese society,i.e., the relationship between work and social orpolitical goals. Very little concern was expressedabout indiv, dual differences or student motiva-tion. It was important that learners "try theirbest," but if they did not learn, it was interpretedas a problem of student motivation or ability, notas a matter of individual aptitude, and certainlynot as the fault of the teacher. This is similar toa "Stage One" conception of teacher competence(Pratt, 1989) that is teacher-centered and restson the two fundamental beliefs and assumptionsthat. (a) there existgeneral laws or principles ofteaching and learning which apply across sub-jects, learners, and circumstances and-(b) thereis a direct and significant relationship betweeneffective teaching (i.e., the mastery of basicteaching skills and procedures) and studentlearning, usually measured by performance onexternal examinations. This stands in contrast tothe most common conception of teaching inAmerican adult education where there is an em-phasis on the relative nature of knowledge, thereis a need to be adaptive and accommodating tolearners and context, and the learner is at thecenter of the educational process (Heldman,1990).

Within China, this means the teacher ismore concerned with the efficient delivery of in-

40 4 7

formation than with individual needs. Thelearner is perceived as part of a collective, andthe collective rather than the individual is thefocal point. Furthermore, if uniqueness and in-dividuality are relatively unimportant, in-dividual interpretations of content are also rela-tively unimportant. What is important is that thelearner master thc content through diligenceand patience without qaestion;ng or challengingwInt is presented. Indeed, questioning by stu-dents ib quite often seen to be disruptive to theprocess and not respecting of the teacher. Tnisentire set of conceptions is fueled and supportedby an elaborate system of external examinationsand a constructio7 of identity and self thatreward conformity and compliance more thaningenuity and confrontation.

Teacher as Role Model

Historicaliy, role models in China have beenexemplars of virtues or attitudes that the massesare to learn. Such models are usually deceased,e.g., Confucius, Norman Bethune, and Mao Tse-Tung However, the government goes to somelengths to identify individuals, work units, andeven entire institutions that are exemplars oftechnical skill, production, or innovation. Theseindividuals are given public recognition for theirachievements and for demo nstrat ing support forofficial Party policy or social goals. To bedeclared a model it is essential that individualsshow they understand how social goals or Partypolicies are furthered through their perfor-mance of duty. It is the realization of the valuesand policies and not of the work per se that ismost important. Respect or status is not ac-corded solely for productivity or techni,..1 sk11;people must also exhibit a proper social natureof personality (Munro, 1977).

Theoretically, model individuals (or units)are to be exemplars of independent judgment,flexibility, or adaptation. However, China'spolitical ideology and social structures per-petuate the normative values and authoritariantendencies of the Party. Under such strictures,models should not and do not exercise inde-pendent judgment on matters relating to Partypolicy.

As a result, when Chinese adult educatorsrefer to themselves and others as having a

responsibility to model or exemplify certainstandards of performance and belief, they arereferring to a long standing tradition that placesteachers in positions of moral responsibility.Molding the social nature of their students is asimportant as developing areas of knowledge orskilled performance. Under current conditionsthis raises some dissonance as many educatorsjoined their students in the Pro-democracyMovement of 1989 but now must restrain them-selves from expressing any thoughts and valuesthat run counter to the current government'spolicies and edicts.

Conceptions of Learning

There is also within China a stress on whatNorman (1982) calls additive and fine-tuninglearning. Additive learning is the acquisition andassimilation of new knowledge or skill that com-plements what is already known. There is nocontradiction or challenge to existing knowledgeor belief structures. Fine-tuning is simply the im-provement of one's existing knowledge orability, e.g., doing it faster, smoother, or withgreater proficiency. This along with the recogni-tion that language plays an important part maygive some explanation to the concentration (andexcellent performance) of overseas Chinesegraduate students in certain subjects.

The excellence of Chinese graduate studentsin physics, for example, has tcd Americanprofessors to rely on them as teaching and re-search assistants and American students tocomplain that they are distorting the gradecurve. University departments such asphysics, chemistry, computer science, and en-gineering now rely increasingly on Chinesetalent. (Strebeigh, 1989, p. 74)

Math, physics, chemistry, computerprogramming, engineering, and technicalaspects of musicianship are all forms of either"additive" learning or "fine-tuning." Such typesof learning are entirely congruent with both theprevailing political system and cuatual tradi-tions of Confucius (Tu, 1985).

Yet, when asked to critically examine theirbeliefs or the foundation for their beliefs,Chinese students seem to have a great deal moredifficulty. This form of learning, which calls intoquestion one's core values, is not dominant

41

4 8

within their cultural heritage and may at the mo-ment even be life-threatening. Furthermore, toask them to be self-reflective and quest,-,1 thefoundations of their beliefs is to place them assubject rather than object and have them criti-cally question the values of those from whomthey derive their identity.

Concluding Thoughts

Many Chinese students and scholars areonce again questioning the current political sys-tem with its policies of repression, containment,and punitive measures. In questioning thesethings, they are not necessarily speaking againstthe most enduring values and beliefs of their cul-ture and society. Yet, they are faced with thedilemma of abandoning family, work units, andthe "Motherland" of China for a life elsewhere.This decision is not made without a great dealof anguish rad sorrow, especially after June 4,1989. Yet, even in this moment of tragedy theyare expressing a oneness with Chinese societywhile rejecting the government of Li Peng andDeng Xiao Ping that so devastated the hopesand aspirations of a new generation. This senseof identification with something called"Chinese" is an emphasis on culture rather thannationhood and is a source of pride and agencythat affects them deeply. Their identity isachingly entwined with the very society they nowconsider leaving.

What we assimilate and construct as charac-teristics of self or as conceptions of adult edurn-tier' are primarily products of some relationalconfiguration which includes cultural, social,political, and psychological factors. However,the ways in which we acknowledge those factorsand the importance attributed to them in under-standing self and its implications for adulteducation differ significantly from American toChinese cultures. The United States places greatemphasis on the individual and personal at-tributes which constitute conceptions of selfwhile only marginally a ckn owledging the groundupon which those attributes rest and the contextfrom when they emerged. It is as if they are talk-ing about pawns, rookF and bishops but have notrecognized those to be pieces within the game ofchess (Gergen, 1987).

Finally, adult education within any country

42

is not simply a neutral body of knowledge andprocedures. It is as much political as it is educa-tioml practices and materials. As Hayhoe(1987) suggests, the transfer of knowledge maybe for a variety of stated purposes, but it alwayscarries with it cultural aspects which should bemade known.

The transfer of knowledge intended tostrengthen purposive-instrumental rationalitymight be balanced by policies that makevisible the cultural, social and philosophicalunderpinnings of [educational] technique ineach nation. (p. 280)To lose sight of this is to not only

misunderstand one particular form of andrag-cgy but to endanger cross-cultural exchanges.This can be no more poignant than now whenChina is in turmoil and its people in jeopardy forthe very kind of thinking that is promoted withinAmerican andragogical approaches to adulteducation.

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Dawson,J. (1989). Individualism in adult educeon: Ananalysis. (Unpublished master's thesis, TheUniversity of British Columbia.

DeVos, G., Marsella, A. J., & Hsu, F. LK. (1985). In-troduction:Approaches to culture and self. In A.J.Marsella, G. Devos, & F.L.K. Hsu ,E.ds.). Culture

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Edwards, R. R. (1986). Civil and social rights: Theoryand practice in Chinese law today. In R. R. Ed-wards, L. Henkin, & A. J. Nathan (Eds.), Humanrights in contemporary China. New York: Colum-bia University Press.

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Hayhoc, R. (1987). Past and present in China's educa-tional relations with the industrialized world. InR. Hayhoe & M. Bastid (Eds.), China's education

and the industrialized worl& Studies in culturaltransfer. New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc.

Heldman, B. (1990). Teacher competence in adult educ-

tion: A review and anatysis of selected literature.(Unpublished master's major paper, The Univer-sity of British Columbia).

Hsu, F. L. K. (1981). Americans and Chinese: Reflec-

tions on two cultures and their people (revised edi-tion). Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii.

Hsu, F. L. K. (1985). The self in cross-cultural perspec-tives. In A.J. Marsella, G. DeVos, & F.L.K. Hsu(Eds.), Culture and self: Asian and Westernperspectives. New York: Tavistock Puhiications.

Knowles, M. (1980). The modern practice of adulteducation: From pedagogy to andragogy (2nd ed.).Chicago: Follett Publishing Company.

Knowles, M. (1984). Andragoy in action: App4ingmodern principles of adult learning. San Francisco:Jossey-Bass.

Lawson, K. (1985). Deontological liberalism: Thepolitical philosophy of liberal adult education. In-ternational Joumal of Lifelong Education, 4(July-

Sept).Lukes, S. (1973). Individualism. Oxford: Basil Black-

well, Publishers.MacPherson, C. B. (1962). The political theory of pos-

sessive individualism: Hobbes to Locke. Oxford:

Clarendon Press.Mangen, D. J., & Peterson, W. A. (1982) Clinical and

social psychology: Research instruments in social

gerontology. Minneapolis: University of MinnesotaPress.

Marsella, A. J., DeVos, G., & Hsu, F. L. K. (Eds.).(1985). Culture and self: Asian and Westernperspectives, New York: Tavistock Publications.

Morris, C. (1972). The discovery of the individual: 1050-

1200. London: SPCK.Norman, D. A. (1982. ) Learning and memo, 3. San

Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Company.Potter, S. H. (1988). Andragogy as a relational con-

struct.Aduic Education Quarterly, 38(3).Pratt, D. D. (1989). Three stages of teacher com-

petence: A developmental perspective. In E.Hayes (Ed.), Effective teaching styles, New Direc-tions for Continuing Education Series, no. 43(Fall), San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, Publishers.

Stone, G. (1962). Appearance and the self. In A.M.

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Rose (Ed.), Human behavior and social processes

pp. 86-118). Houghton Mifflin, Boston.Stregeigh, F. (1989). Training China's new elite. The

Atlantic Month4P, 263(April), 72-80.Turner, R. H. (1987). Articulating self and social struc-

ture. In K. Yardley & T. Honess (Eds.), Self an.identify: Psychosocial perspectives. Toronto: JohnWiley & Sons.

Tu, Wei-ming (1976). The Confucian perception ofadulthood. Daedalus: Journal 6f the AmericanAcademy of Arts and Sciences, 105(2), 109424.

Tu, Wei-ming (1985). Selfhood and otherne.:.3 in Con-fucian thought. In A.J. Marsella, G. DeVos, & F.L. K. Hsu (Eds.), Culture and self: Asian andWestern perspectives. New York: TavistockPublicationS.

Wylie, R. C. (1974). The self-concept: A review ofmethodological considerations and measuring in-struments. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Yang, Kuo-shu (1986). Chinese personality and itsthange. In M. Bond (Ed.), The psychology of the

Chinese people. Oxford: Oxford 1.11 xrsity Press.Yee, A. H. (19c 9).A people misrule& Hong Kong and

the Chinese stepping stone syndrome. Hong Kong:University of East Asia Press.

Zhang, D. (1988). Chinese culture and Chinesephilosophy. Chinese Studies in Philosophy, 14(3).

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Notes

1. For readers not familiar with the term "andragogy,"it is to adult education what "pedagogy" is to youtheducation. In the. United States, it has particularconnotations which will be clarified later in thispaper.

2. The usual distinction between students and scholarsfrom China is based c cnrollment in degreeprograms. Students are ei . oiled; scholars are not.

3. I recognize the need to be cautious in linking Con-fucian ideas to contemporary behavior. It is aquestion, rather thm a given, as to whether or nottoday's Chinese are informed of, and influencedby, Confucian thought. However, my point is thatConfucian values and ideas, especially those re-lated to family and filial piety, still have an affectupon Chinese society and individual behavior.

4. Feminist literature is beginning to awaken Americansociety to an alternate locus and form of identity

-

i.e., women's identity, which is grounded in anethic of caring and a fidelity to relationships. Whileit may seem, at first glance, that this is similar tomuch of the Confucian ethic that elevates familyrelations it must be remembered that the Con-fucian sense of family loyalty and filial piety is ex-clusive to family :.nd is very paternalistic. Further,the patriarchal family of China entered into muchabuse towards female members, which mostmothers and other females condoned and oftentook the lead to enforce. These practices includedforAbinding,muirsai slave girls, brought from poorfamilies for sex and household duties, indifferencetoward the education of females, and even female

44

infanticide.5. Of course, it can be argued that within the U.S. and

China there arc significant subcultures which arcmarkedlydifferent from the dominant cultures. In-deed, these same spheres of influence maybe seento influence conceptions of self and identity withinthose subcultures. It is more a matter of where wedraw the boundaries of each sphere, and the rela-tive size or influence of each sphere, as to the na-ture of those influences and the resulting concep-tion of self. However, there arc still significant in-fluences that bear upon the self that mightreasonably be locateri within the dominant culturespheres mentioned above.

5 I

Educational Barriers to Rural Adults

Stanley E. Easton

Background of the Study

Participants at the National InvitationalMeeting on Rural Postsecondary Educationheld in 1981 focused on the varied needs of theirstudents and called for individual attention totheir unique situations (Rural Postsecondary,1981, unpaginated). Despite their individuality,however, rural citizens were seen as sharing thecommon difficulty of securing access topostsecondary education programs suited totheir needs. As recently as 1985, Barker foundinformation on adull education programs forrural Americans to be "both incomplete and in-adequate" (p. 4).

Rural adults are "participating in education-al programs at rates that are increasing fasterthan they are for their urban counterparts" (Mc-Cannon, 1983, p. 15). Data from the NationalCenter for Educational Statistics (Kay, 1982) in-dicates that 27.6% of participants in adulteducation in 1981 were residents of rural com-munities. The rural populations of the UnitedStates increased by 13% between 1975 and 1981,but participation in adult education by rural resi-dents increased by over 34% during the sameperiod while participation by urban residents in-creased by only 21% (p. 15).

Significant barriers prevt tt more adultsfrom 'attending educational programs (Mc-Cannon, 1983).

There seems to be a general consensus amongstudies cited here that rural adult learners doexperience significant barriers. The foremostbarriers arc distance and lack of prior educa-tional attainment and available counselingservices. Lack of family support and financialassistance arc other barriers that rurallearners face. (p. 21)There are regional differences among rural

areas in the United States and differences inproblems and needs (McCannon, 1983). Lowpopulation density is common to ail rural areas.In their educational needs and in the barriers toeducation that confront them:

Rural adult learners look like, act like, and

t

learn like urban adult learners. The certifiedpublic accountant, the teacher, theelectrician, the nurse, and the engineer in asmall town must meet the same type of con-tinuing educatkm requirements for occupa.tional rocertification as their urban counter-parts. The artist, the poet, the writer, and theactor create their works just as their urbancounterparts do. Likewise, both the ruralcasual iv rner and the degree seeker embarkon educational journey with the samehopes, expectations, and fears as urban rcsi-dent So, there arc little or no differences.Rui learners have a quest for knowledge,too--only the location of their residence dif-fers. For some, the difference in residence canbe a limiting factor. Resources, jobs, andeducational services arc fewer. But, for thosewho exhibit the characteristics of inde-pendence and self-direction, their residentialstatus opens up a world of independent learn-ing. (p. 17)

Cross and McCartan (1984) identified threekinds of barriers to adult education:

Situational barriers arc those arising fromone's situation in life at a given time. Lack oftime becaus: of responsibilities on the job orat home, for example, deters large numbers ofpotential learners gged 25 to 45. Lack ofmoney deters young people and other low-in-come individuals; lack of child care detersyoung parents. Institutional barriers consist ofall those practices and procedures that ex-clude cc. discourage working adults from par-ticipating in educational activities-- incon-venient schedules or locations, full-time feesfor part- time study, inappropriate courses ofstudy, for example. Dispositional barriers re-late to people's attitudes and perceptions ofthemselves as learners. Man, ler citizens,for example, feel that they arc too old to learn.Adults with poor educational backgrottndsfrequently lack inteiest in learning ot znfidence in their ability to lawn. (p. 37)

In a survey (McCannon, 1985) of adults en-rolled in five higher education institutions in

45

5 2

rural settings in Iowa, Illinois, Minnesota, NorthDakota, and Wisconsin, it was found that dis-tance, costs, time, and self-confidence weregreater obstacles to women than to men and thatconflicts with jobs and lack of desired courseswere more frequently cited as obstacles by men.Both men and women considered the need forfinancial aid, information, and time off fromwork as important factors affecting their par-ticipation in higher education. More womenthan men expressed the need for babysitting ser-vices, family support, and Lncreased self-con-fidence. The respondents indicated a preferencefor late afternoon and evening courses, weekendcourses, and "clustered" courses in a programduring a concentrated time once a week.

Informational and psychosocial barriers are"less obvious and in some ways more fundamen-tal in accounting for participation or lack of par-ticipation" (Darkenwald & Merriam, 1982, p.t37) in adult education than other types of bar-riers. Knowledge of adult education resourcesvaries with socioeconomic status and com-munity size (Johnstone & Rivera, 1965). Lowsocioeconomic status and residence in ruralareas are associated with lack of information. Alink also exists between psychosocial barriers,which are individually held beliefs, values, at-titudes, or perceptions that inhibit participation,and low socioeconomic status (Darkenwald &Merriam, 1982, p. 137).

From his vantage point as dean of a ruralcontinuing education program that wasdeveloped in consultation with over 40 educa-tional service providers and over 4,000 adultlearners, Treadway (1984) identif?-4 a need forinstitutions of higher educaiion to relate theirinstitutional missions to rural residents. In his1979-82 study funded 'If the Fund for the Im-provement of Postsecont;aiy Education, he ob-served that once a commitment to serve ruralpeople and communities is included in an in-stitutional mission statement, the institution canfulfill the following types of roles: (a) directprovider of programs and services, (b) brokerfor rural communities, and (c) collaborator injointly offering programs and services with otherinstitutions and agencies. In addition, heelaborated upon issues for both national andstate policy. Those issues included: (a) an 11:bail

46

bias in tha allocation of federal education dol-lars, (b) a need io recognize the diversity of ruralAmerican in federal policy, (c) a need for policyinput at the federal level by rural education, (d)federal initiatives to develop and use com-munications technology for delivering educa-tional programs to rural residents, (e) federalsupport for the "systematic collection, compila-tion, and analysis of the status of participationin rural adult education" (p. 51), (f) regionaliza-tion of state higher education poi.cy making andadministration, (g) input by zural educators tostate policy making, (h) coordination of public-ly-funded institutions of higher education thatserve a given rural area, (i) improved com-munications between state policy makers andrural constituents, (j) reciprocity between oramong states for state funding of out-of-statestudents, and (k) co )rdination of the ruraldevelopme at efforts of all agencies, public andprivate.

A team of researchers at Washington StateUniversity and the University of Idaho surveyedproviders of educational services for rural adultsand 47 rural; adult learners in Alaska, California,Idaho, Montana, Oregon, Washington, andWyoming to identify barriers to education (Mc-Daniel, 1986). They found a similarity of per-ceived barriers among providers and learnersacross the seven-state region. The investigatorsclassified barriers into the following categories:(a) personal/situational, (b) psychological, (c)informational, (d) institutional, and (e) statepolicy barriers. This research, which was an un-dertaking of the Northwest Action Agendaproject, resulted in a set of 23 recommendationsaddressed to state educational policy makers,educational institutions, rural communities, andrural education practitioners. The investigatorssurmised:

The single overriding area of agrgement be-tween educatkmal providers and rural adultlearners concerns the question of access toeducational opportunities. Overwhelmingly,both groups feel that, when compared withtheir urban counterparts, the rural adultlearner does not have equal access to educa-tional programs. (p.15)The conclusion of the Northwes" Action

Agenda project that barriers to rural adult

53

education were not uniform across the seven-state region is relevant to the present study sincethere is an overlap in both geographic andchronological parameter; between the two.

Statement of the Problem

During the summer of 1986 a modified Del-phi survey was inaugurated to determine bar-riers to educational r -ograms that affect ruraladults and changes and policies required to im-prove access to education for rural adults in thestate of Alaska, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Mon-tana, Nebraska. Nevada, North Dakota,Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Washington, andWyoming. This region comprises about 47% ofthe land acre of the nation, but contained lessthan 9% of the country's population in 1980(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983). The regionhad a population density of 11.9 people persquare mile, compared with 64 per square milefor the United States as a whole. Survey respon-dents were college and university faculty and ad-ministrators, rural adult educators, legislators,rural teachers and school administrators, coun-ty extension agents, regional educational serviceagency (RESA) personnel, state educationagency (SEA) staff, and others in the 13 states.The purpose of this report is to summarize this13-state survey on educational barriers con-fronting rural adults, actions needed to provideadequate educational opportunities for ruraladults, and public policies needed to reduce bar-riers to education 4nd/or improve educationalopportunities for rural adults (Easton, 1988,1989a, 1989b).

Methodology

The study was conducted by means of athree-round modified Delphi zurvey. The mail-ing list of the Nationai Action Agenda forPostsecondary Rural Education was used toidentify persons interested in education foradults in rural communities in the 13 statesselected for 1he survey. In addition, the CountyAgents Directory was used to identify Coopera-tive Extension Service personnel working inrural areas of those states. The governors of the13 states were asked to provide names and ad-dresses of legislators serving on education-re-lated legislative committef s. Fveryone on the

National Action Agenda mailing list from the 13states was placed on the mailing list for thisstudy. Individuals were purposively selected forthe survey from the lists of county apnts andstate legislators. In all, 798 peesons were invite('to participate in the modified Delphi activity.

A three-item open-ended questionnaire wasused to solicit responses in the first round of themodified Delphi survey. Participants were dskedto list three to five responses for each of the fol-lowing ',terns: (a) barriers to education that existfor rut al adults, (b) actions that are needed toprovide adequate educationa; opportunities forrural adults, and (c) public policies that areneeded to reduce barriers to education and/orimprove educational opportunities for ruraladults. A t 'al of 217 completed questionnaireswas returned. Responses to the first two itemswere used to generate a 203-item questionnaireon barriers to education and actions required toprovide adequate educational opportunities forrural adults for the second round of the modifDelphi survey. Of the 203 items on the question-naire, 78 dealt with perceived barriers, and 125dealt with proposed actions to overcome them.Responses to the third item were used to derive89 public policy statements to be Pvaluated byparticipants in the third round of the study.

The second-round questionnaire was mailedto the 217 first-round respondents in March of1987. Participants were asked to evaluat-statements of educational barrier y indic. .igthe extent of their agreement with them on afive-point Likert-type scale. In addition, theywere asked to rate the desirability ot 125 actionsproposed to provide adequate educational op-portunities for rural adults on another five-pointscale. A total of 196 completed questionnaireswas returned.

The third-round survey was mailed to allfirst-round participations in June of 1987. In thisrounC., panelists were asked to evaluate the im-portance and the feasibility of 89 public policyproposals aimed at overcoming educational bar-riers encountered by rural adults. Once again,five-point Likert-type scales were employed.Respondents to the final round numbered 175.Chi square analyses were conducted to deter-mine if there were significant differences (.05level) in the respondents' perceptions as-

47

54

sociated with either the participants' geographiclocation within the 13-state region of the studyor their differing roles in rural education.

Summary of the Data

There were 196 participants in the secondround of the survey. The composition of therespondent gjoup is presented in Table 1.

Table 1Second Round Survey Participants

Roles Plains Mt. NW Total

Legislators 1 2 0 3

Adult Educators 2 8 3 13

College/University 21 31 23 75

Coop. Extension 13 20 12 45

Rural Educators 2 10 0 12

RESA Personnel 0 9 2 11

SEA Personnel 2 10 4 16

Others 6 11 4 21

Total 47 101 48 196

Educational Barriers

Panelists identified 78 perceived barriers toeducation for rural adults in the first round ofthe survey. A majority of respondents confirmed47 of those barriers by indicating their agree-ment with them on the second-round question-naire. Ten of the barriers were validated by atleast 75% of the respondents. Those barriers arelisted below with the percentage of the respon-dents who answered either "strongly agree" or"agree" shown in parentheses:

Sparse population combined with diverseeducational needs. (91.7%)Distance of rural adults from college cam-puses. (90.3%)Excessive demands on time due to distancefrom educational frograms. (79.2%)Fear of entering or 1.2-entering the education-al process. (78.1%)Lack of career and educational counselingservices for rurai adults. (76.5%)Budgetary constraints of educational institu-tions. (83.2%)High cost of delivering adult education torural communities. (79.6%)

48

Difficult (near impossibility) of completing adegree program in a rural community.(74.5%)Lack of federal and state funds in support ofrural adult education. (79.1%)Lack of public financing for rural adult educa-tion. (78.1%)The Chi-square analyses conchicted on the

responses to the 78 barrier statements yielded17 significant Chi-square values. Eleven of thosewere associated with the respondents'geographic location, six with the differing rolesof the panelists in rural education. However,only two of the significant differences in percep-tion of educational t Irriers were in conjunctionwith the 10 barriers listed above.

"Budgetary constraints of educational in-stitutions" were regarded as a barrier to educa-tional opportunity by 83% of all respondents, in-cluding all of the legislators and over 90% of thecollege and university personnel and RESA staffmembers; however, only 50% of the ruralteachers and administrators were in accord.Over 80% of the participants from the Moun-tain and Northwest Coast states validated the"high cost of delivering adult education to ruralcommunities" as a barrier, but only 64% of thosefrom the Plains states agreed.

Actions to Provide EducationalOpportunities

Survey participants evaluated thedesirability of 125 steps that could be taken toprovide adequate educational opportunities forrural adults. They used a five-point Likert-typescale. At least 50% of the respondents affirmedthe desirability of 111 of the 125 actions listedon the questionnaire. To highlight the results ofthis portion of the study, 20 of the proposed ac-tions that were considered desirable to 85% Jrmore of the panelists are listed below with thepercentage of respondents who chose either"highly desirable" or "desirable" shown in paren-theses:

Incorporate adult education into missionstatements of colleges and universities.(883%).Increase commitment to adult literacy.(883%)Offer courses for rural adults long enough for

55

them to develop a favorable reputation inrural communities. (86.7%)Obtain reciprocal agreements among collegesand universities within a state or within an in-terstate regioit to accept course work offeredby each other in rural communities. (93.4%)Make public school buildings available foradult education. (93.4%)Develop interagency cooperation in provid-ing programs for rural adult learners. (92.9%)Increase networking among rural school dis-tricts, governmental agencies, and communityorganizations. (90.8%)Work with existing community groups todevelop educational opportunities for ruraladults. (89.3%)Increase cooperation among colleges anduniversities and reduce concern for "ter-ritorial rights." (88.8%)Improve communication between postsecon-dary and K-12 educators. (85.7%).

e Design educational offerings to meet localneeds. (94.9%)Develop college and university outreachprograms. (923%)Involve rur:i adults in planning educationalprograms. (88.8%)Develop institutional arrangements to maxi-mize the applicability of off-campus coursesio on-campus degree programs. (883%)Conduct assessments of the needs of ruraladult learners. (86.2%)Develop curriculums that can be delivered torural adults via telecommunications. (86.2%)Combine high tech delivery systems with out-reach efforts by "live" faculty. (90.3%)Develop information networks to inform ruraladults of educational resources and financialassistance that are available to them. (92.9%)Identify funding sources to support rural adulteducation. (90.8%)Inform leg;clators of the educational needs ofrural adults. (90.8%)Explain the educational needs of rural adultsand justify programs for meeting them toeducational policy makers. (85.2%)Create new kinds of scholarships to assist non-traditional students, including part-time andnon-degree students. (88.3%)Offer incentives to college and university

faculty to provide extension classes for ruraladult learners. (86.2%)Identify educational resources presentlyavailable in rural areas. (89.3%)Develop positive attitudes toward lifelonglearning amo nior and senior high schoolstudents. (t,. 0).The Chi-square analyses periormed to iden-

tify any significant differences among therespondent groups in their perception of .hedesirability of the proposed actions yielded 29significant Chi-square values. Thirteen of thesignificant Chi-square values were associatedwith the geographic location of the respondentsand 16 were with the panelists' differing ruraleducation roles. Eight significant differences ofopinion were connected to the 20 statementslisttd above.

More than 94% of the participants from theMountain and Northwest Coast states found theproposal to "obtain reciprocal agreementsamong colleges and universities within a state orwithin an interstate region to accept courseworkoffered by each other in rural communities"desirable, but fewer (89%) of those from thePlains concurred. On the proposal to "makepublic school buildings available for adult educa-tion," nearly 90% of the respondents fromWashington, Oregon, and Alaska thought itdesirable while no less than 94% of those fromthe Plains and the Mountain states indicated itwas. About 95% of the respondents from theMountain and Northwest Coast states thoughtit desirable to "increase cooperation among col-leges and universities and reduce concern for'territorial rights,'" but less than 80% of thosefrom the Plains did. More than 90% of the par-ticipants from the Mountain states thought thatoffering "incentives to college and universityfaculty to provide extension classes tor ruraladult learners" was desirable, but only about80% of those from the Plains and the NorthwestCoast states thought so. No less than 90% of allrespondents, including 98% of those from thePlains states, said it would be desirable to"develop positive attitudes toward lifelonglearning among junior and senior high schoolstudents" in rural schools, but a smaller number(86%) of the respondents from the Mount 'nstates were in agreement.

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56

Nearly 87% of all respondents consideredthe proposal to "offer courses for rural adultstong enough for them to develop a favorablereputation in rural communities" desirable.However, only 75% of the rural school teachersand administrators and 69% of SEA personnelrespondine thought so.

Almost 93% of all participants but only 87%of those from the Plains subregion agreed on thedesirability of developing "interagency coopera-tion in providing programs for rural adultlearners." At least 90% of every role categorythought that this proposal was desirable, butonly one of the three legislators participating inthe second round of the survey agreed.

Policies Proposed to ImproveAccess to Education

In the third round of the survey participantswere asked to rate the importance and thefeasibility of 89 public policy statements that hadbeen generated in the first round. Third-roundquestionnaires were returned by 175 respon-dents who had participated in at least one of theprevious two rounds of the study. The composi-tion of this respondent group is reported inTable 2.

Table 2Third Round Survey Participants

Roles Plains Mt. NW Total

Legislators 2 2 0 4Adult Educators 1 3 3 7College/University 19 30 18 67

Coop. Extension 12 16 10 38

Rural Educators 4 10 0 14

RESA Personnel 0 7 3 10

SEA Personnel 2 11 4 17

Others 6 9 3 18

Total 47 88 41 175

Of the 89 public policy statements, 22 werejudged either "important" or "most important"by at least 75% of the respondents. Fourteenpolicies that were considered important by atleast 75% of the respondents and feasible by atleast 50% are listed below with the percent ofthe of the participants who rated the policy

50

either "probably feasible" or "definitely feasible"shown in parentheses:

Policy to encourage lifelong learning. (70.9%)State commitment to adult basic education.(69.7%)Provide rent-free space in public educationalfacilities for adult base education programs.(66.9%)Reciprocity among colleges and universitiesserving rural areas so that c; edits may be easi-ly transferred and arri;ed to degreeprograms. (66.3%)Federal and state commitments to adultliteracy programs. (64.6%)Federal and state support for student loansand work- stud) programs for college-boundadult learners. (63.4%)On-the-job training for welfare redpients.(62.9%)Coordinate educational programs for adultswith current and projected demand for jobskills. (62.9%)Support creation of networks of electronical-ly-linked colleges and universities within andamong states that would offer joint programsfor rural adults. (59.4%)School board policies or state legislationmaking public school buildings available foradult education programs free of charge.(57.7%)Support for state, regional, or national con-sortia for satellite programs. (57.1%)Recognition at the highest levels of federaland state governments that rural adults are ailimportant resource and that educationalprograms are necessary for developing thatresource to fulfill its potential. (56.6%)Reverse current public assistance polity thatpenalizes adults on AFDC who wish to obtainfurther education. (55.4%)Removal from public assi, `ance programs ofprovisions that penalize adults for enrolling ineducational programs. (52.0%)Some policies, however, that were judged to

be important were considered feasible by lessthan 50% of the survey participants. Eight of the22 policies that were evaluated as "important" or"most important" by at least 75% of the par-ticipants were identified as "probably feasible"or "definitely feasible" by less than 50% of the

57

respondents. Those policies are listed belowwith the percent of respondents who found themprobably feasible" or "definitely feasible" shownin parentheses:

Re-allocation of funds from obsolete ruraleducation programs to new programs thatmeet current needs. (46.3%)State subsidies for educational servicessparsely-populated areas. (45.7%)Equal educational opportunity for all resi-dents of a state. (45.7)%Alternatives to enrollment-driven fundingformulas for educational programs that serverural adults. (42.9%)State commitment to support lifelong learningfor all persons. (42.3%)Subsidies to rural continuing education cour-ses so that courses need not be self-support-ing. (41.1%)

o Adequate funding for rural libraries andmedia resource centers. (38.3%)Increased funding for adult education in ruralareas. (35.4%)Chi-square tests of independence conducted

on responses to the third-round questionnaireyielded 44 significant Chi-square values. Crosstabulation of the responses on the il000rtanceof the proposed policies with the geographiclocations of the respondents produced six sig-nificant Chi-square values. Analysis of theparticipants' perceptions of the importance ofthe policies in relation to their differing roles inrural education yielded 16 significant Chi-square values. Another seven significant Chi-square values indicated differences in percep-tions of the feasibility of the proposed policiesthat were associated with the geographic loca-tion of the panelists; 15 pointed to differencesof opinion related to the respondents' roles inrural education. Only four of the significant Chi-square values were associated with the 22proposed policies listed above.

There was a high level of support (89%)among all participants for the policy of "statecommitment to adult basic education," but 100%of the Northwest Coast residents ratcd it as "im-portant" or "most important" compared to about85% of the other respondents. In the Mountainstates, 69% of the participants felt it was impor-tant to have "Federal and state support for stu-

dent loans and work-study programs for college-bound adult learners" while 89% of those in theplains and 93% of the Northwest Coast statesrespondents rated it as important. "Adequatefunding for rural libraries and media resourcecenters" received a favorable importance ratingfrom about s.nree-fourths of all respondents, butonly one-fourth of the legislators in the surveywere in accord with the majority. Sixty-five per-cent of the respondents from the Plainsregarded a policy of "equal educational oppor-tunity for all residents of a state" as feasible, butonly 41% of the Mountain states and 34% of theNorthwest Coast states respondents occurred.

Conclusions

Three conclusions were drawn from thisstudy. First, there was broad agreement on theexistence of educational barriers among therespondents across the 13-state region andacross categories based on thl roles they playedin rural education. Further, a majority of thepanelists in this study agreed on the desirabilityof a wide range of actions that could occur at alllevels of the educational system in order toprovide adequate educational opportunities forrural adults in the 13-state region. Finally, therewas a broad base of agreement among the par-ticipants on policies aimed at improving accessto education for rural adults.

Discussion

The participants in this modified Delphi sur-vey were self- selected. The fact that 196 of the217 first-round respondents chose to answer a203-item questionnaire in the second round andthat 175 of them answered another 89-item sur-vey in the third round demonstrated a commit-ment to the process and suggested a high degreeof involvement with ed.v:ation for rural adults.Nevertheless, the participants represtated onlythemselves. Generalization from this sample isnot recommended.

Confirmation of EducationalBarriers

The barriers identified and validated in the13-state region represented those types of bar-riers described in previous research (Cross &McCartan, 1984; Darkenwald & Merriam, 1982;

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McDaniel, 1986). Twenty-two of the 47validated barriers were classified as institution-al barriers while 13 of them were categorized aspersonal/situational barriers. Twelve 01 thevalidated barriers were grouped under the head-ings of psychological, informational, or politicalbarriers.

Approaches to OpeningEducational Access

Participants in this study appear to haveagreed with Treadway (1984) in his call for in-stitutional reforms aimed at opening access toeducational programs to rural residents. Theresults of this investigation suggest the efficacyof state and/or regional efforts to ameliorate theinequality of educational opportunity perceivedby knowledgeable persons.

The respondents in this study saw strongercommitments and more favorable arrangementsas ways for postsecondary education to be ex-tended to more rural adults. Community col-leges and land-grant universities were identi'ledas institutions that should have specific missionsto educate rural adults.

The participants seemed to view interagen-cy and interinstitutional coordinatioa as anespecially important area for action, judging bythe number of measures generated andvalidated under this category. Clearly, they feltthat colleges, universities, school districts,government agencies, and community organiza-tions should work together to serve the educa-tional needs of rural adults without regard forstate lines or service area boundaries. Respon-dents indicated that rural citizens should begiven access to educational programs from allavailable sources through lifelong learningcenters, public school systems, colleges, or otherbrokers such as educational cooperatives. Theemphasis emerging from this portion of thestudy was on empowering and, perhaps, com-pelling existing agencies and institutions to serverural adults. The participants preferred to dothis through a decentralized system rather thanby a more centralized one. A proposal to placeresponsibility for coordinating rural adulteducation in a state in a single university wasrejected by a majority of respondents. Also,there was little support for the creation of addi-

52

tional layers of bureaucracy Although one-halfof the participants thought .:ate policy-makingboards for rural educatin- would be desirable,only 30% thought establisning rural adult educa-tion districts with local trustees was a good idea.

Another major area of concern was the cur-riculum available to rural adults. The par-ticipants indicated overwhelmingly that offer-ings should be based on the documented needsof rural adult learners. For participants in thisstudy, the needs of rural adults were diverse--ranging from adult Lsic education to vocation-al education and college degree programs. Therespondents emphasized flexibility (e.g., shortcourses, competency-based education, distanceeducation, on-the-job training, and individual-ized education in programming for rural adults.

Survey participants supported a variety ofalternative methods for delivering educationalprograms to rural adults. However, 90% of therespondents indicated the desirability of com-bining "high tech" delivery with the "high touch"of outreach by "live" instructors. In fact, thosewho participated in this study proposed increas-ing the number of instructors at remote learningsites by offering incentives to college and univer-sity faculty and by using noncollege rural resi-dents as paid or volunteer providers of educa-tional services. In addition, participants gavestrong endorsement to several measures aimedat increasing instructional support services andmaking better use of existing educationalresources in rural communities.

Survey participants would attempt to over-come informational barriers to rural adulteducation by a variety of means. They said it wasdesirable to publicize adult education programsthrough brochures, newsletters, and spot an-nouncements on radio and TV. In addition, theparticipants thought public relations and newsmedia should be used to persuade rural adultsthat education can be beneficial to them.

Having identified barriers to education forrural aduRs, the panelists recommended in-creasec; public support for adult education inrural areas. Most respondents thought that bothpublic and private financial Empport should begiven to rural adult education.

In the area of student services and financialassistance, participants favored some changes in

5 9-a

current practice. Most of those responding tothe second-round questionnail e found scholar-ships for part-time and non-degree studentsdesirable. They also recognized a need for childcare and pre-school programs to assist adultlearners who have children. Further, the par-ticipants would like to see programs imple-mented to help rural adults adapt to formaleducational programs.

The participants linked reforms in ruralelementary and secondary schools to advance inrural adult education. They said that ruralschools should develop attitudes for lifelonglearning and be nonsexist in their aspirations forstudents. They also favored extracurricular en-richment programs in rural high schools but notat the expense of diminished athletic programs.

There were relatively few statistically sig-nificant differences in perception with respect tothe desirability of the steps proposed to provideadequate educational opportunities for ruraladults among the various subgroups in thisstudy. It is not surpr ;sing that there were somedifferences of opinion associated with ti.egeographic location of the panelists given thevast expanse of the 13-state region. Althoughthere were only a few significant differences inperceptions related to the roles respondentsplayed in rural education, some of those dif-ferences were on fundamental issues and invitecloser scrutiny.

There appeared to be some issues that in-volve struggles over "turf." For eAample, on theissues of leadership in providing education forrural adults and greater support for land-grantuniversities, college and university personneland Cooperative Extension agents favoredleadership role and increased support for land-grant universities to a much greater extent thanrespondents from regional and state educationagencies. On the other hand, college and univer-sity people differed from rural K-12 educators,RESA staff, and SEA personnel on the proposalto allow public schools to offer postsecondarycourses in communities not served by any col-lege.

The three legislators who participated in thesecond round of the survey favored increasedfunding for rural adult education, greater sup-port for land-grant universities, a leadership role

53

in rural adult education for land-grant univer-sities, subsidization of low-enrollment courses inrural communities, and provision of postsecon-dary courses by public schools. They did not findinteragency cooperation in planning programsfor rural adults, state university faculty assis-tance in establishing community educationprograms, improved compensation for instruc-tors of rural adults, or the creation of regionallifelong learning centers desirable. They seemedto think that existing institutions with a littlemore help could meet thP educational needs ofrural adults better than new agencies at the locallevel or new cooperative arrangements amongestablished agencies could.

Agendas for Public PolicyDeliberation

The policy ideas that were considered bothimportant and feasible by a majority of par-ticipants in this study form an appropriate agen-da for discussion by policymakers across the 13-state region. They include proposal:: for con-sideration by both federal and state officials inthe area:, of education, welfare, job train:ag andplacement, and community development. It isnoteworthy that a strong majority of the respon-dents rated "policy to encourage lifeong learn-ing," "state commitment to adult basic educa-tion," and "fede:al and state commitments toadult literacy programs" as both important andfeasible. Those statements simply call forgovernmental commitments to adult education.Participants seemed to be saying that such com-mitments were lacking and would be a goodplace to begin developing a comprehensivepolicy on adult education that would increase ac-cess to educational programs for all adultlearners including those who live in rural com-munities.

Another agenda suggested by this study con-sists of the policy proposals thatwere consideredimportant by a majority of the resrondents butfeasible by less than one-half of "iem. Energiesrni)`.c be invested in seeking wa nake morefeasible ideas such as state subs.. for educa-tional services in sparsely- populated areas, al-ternatives to enrollment-driven funding for-mulas for educQtional programs that serve ruraladults, and equal educational opportunity for all

residents of the state.The composition of this group of respon-

dents hints at the natu: e of panels that might beconvened to develop federal, state, and regionalpolicies aimed at reducing barriers to adulteducation for rural residents. Since most of thesignificant differences of opinion in this studywere associated with the diverse roles therespondents played in the educational system, itmight be useful to facilitate race-to-facedeliberfitions among similarly-comprisedgroups in order to develop agenda for action ineach of the states and subregions represented inthis study. These constituencies might also be in-volved in efforts to shape and influence policy atthe federal level and across state lines throughinterstate compacts. In addition, rural adultlearners should be included in the policy-makingprocess.

References

Barker, B.O. (1985). Understanding rural adultlearners: Characteristics and challenges. Journalof the American Association ofAdult and Continu-ing Education, 4-7.

County Agents Directory (69th ed.) (1984). Stokie, IL:Century Communications.

Cross, K. & McCartan, A.Adult learning: State polkiesand institutional practice. New York: Harper &Row.

Easton, S.E. (1980). Overcoming barriers to educationfor rural adults: A consideration of public policyproposals. Paper presented at the 29th annualAdult Education Research Conference at Cal-gary, Alberta, Canada. (ERIC DocumentRep;oduction Service No. ED 296 836).

Easton, S.E. (1989a). Overcoming barriers to education

54

for educational opportunities. Paper presented atthe annual meeting of the Northern Rocky Moun-tain Educational Research Association at Jack-son, WY.

Easton, S.E. (1989b) Barriers to education for ruraladu& in 13 Western States. Paper presented at theRural Education Research Forum at Reno, NV.

Johnstone, J.W., & Rivera, R.J. (1965). Volunteers forAmerican adults. Chicago: Aldine, 1965.

Kay, E.R. (1982). Participation in adult education 1981.Washington, D.C.: National Center for EducationStatistics. (ERIC Document Reproduction SeriesNo. ED 221 751).

McCannon, R.S. (1983). Serving rural adult learners.In C. Kasworm (Ed.), Educational outreach toselect adult populations. (pp. 15-29). San Francis-co: Jossey-Bass.

McCannon, R.S. (1985). Serving the rural adult: ademographic portrait o' rural adult learners. Man-hattan, KN: The Action Arnda for Rural AdultPostsecondary Education. (ERIC reproductionservice no. ED 256 529)

McDanifl, R.H. (Ed.) (1986). Barriers to rural adulteducation: A survey of seven northwest states. Areport of the Northwest Action Agenda Project.Pullman, WA: Washington State University,(ERIC Reproduction service no. ED 275 462).

Rural postsecondary education: Proceedings of the na-tional invitational meeting (1981). ERICReproduction Series No. ED 244 763).

Treadway, D.H. Higher education in rural America:Serving the adult learner New York: CollegeEntrance Examination Board, 1984. (ERICReproduction Service No. ED 245 86).

U.S. Bureau of the Census. ((1983). County and citydata book. 1983. U.S. Government Printing Office.

61

Development and Utilization of ProfessionalLiterature: A Survey of Adult Eduz;ation Peofessors

Ralph G. Brockett

Intrnduction

Development and utilizadon of a knowledgebase is vital to the establishment of any givenfield of study. In the field of adult education, abody of professional literature has been evolv-ing in North Ame.ica since the 1920s. The pub-lication of such books as The Meaning of AdultEducation (Lindeman, 1926) and The Meaningofa Liberal Edtwation (Martin, 1926) and the es-tabl:shment of the Journal of Adult Education in1929 are but a few of the earliest efforts to recog-nize adult education as a field of study.However, adult education continues to strugglewith criticisms from within and outside of thefield that the status of the field is "marginal" andthat thP quality of research emanating from thefield is minimal. If the development of adulteducation as a field of study is worthwhile en-deavor, it would seem appropriate to considerthe extent to which criticisms such as these arewarranted. One way to accomplish this is by ex-ploring the activities of those who contribute toand utilize the knowledge base of the field.

This exploratory study was designed to servetwo purposes. First, it describes the ways inwhich professors of adult education contributeto their professional literature. Two previousstudies (Garrison & Baskett, 1987; Long, 1977)have examined publication activity among adulteducation professors; however, the one studywas based solely on data obtained from the vitaeof the respondents while the other focused on aspecific groups of active writers. To date, thegeneral publication patterns across the profes-sorate of the field have not been studied. In ad-dition, this study provides descriptive informa-tion about how these professors utilize theprofessional literature and the value theyascribe to this literature.

The following questions provided a generalframework for the study. (a) What are some ofthe writing patterns of adult education profes-sors? (b) How extensive is the publication ac-tivity of adult education professors? (c) Which

journals do adult education professors find mostvaluable? (d) How much value do adult educa-tion professors ascribe to their professional writ-ing and reading activities?

Answers were sought to these questions toprovide insights into how the professional litera-ture is viewed by one segment of the adult educa-tion field. Such findings can have implicationsfor the future development of adult educationprofessional literature and for faculty develop-ment among adult education professors.

Writing for Publication

Much has been written about publication ac-tivity among college profe.,sors. In an extensiveliterature review, Boice and Jones (1984) citedstudies suggesting that "the median number ofscholarly publications" for academicians "iszero" and that "as few as 10 percent of writers inspecific areas account for over 30 percent of theliterature" (p. 567). Among the major reasonsidentified tor the publication activity amongmost academicians were distractions and lack oftime, writing blocks, personality and gender, dis-criminatory practices, the belief that writing is"inherently unhealthy", inherent difficulty inwriting, and lack of instruction in writing.

In another study, Boice and Johnson (1984)reported on an investigation utilizing the Writ-ing Habits Survey, a 12-item scale designed toprmide information about writing patterns andpractices, barriers to writing, and level ofproductivity. The survey was sent to all facultyat a doctoral granting university; a total of 400individuals responded. It was found that overhalf of the faculty reported spending 2-10 hoursper week on writing activity, that most in-dividuals wrote in a "sporadic" pattern, and that76% of the individuals thought about writingeither daily or several times per week.

Within the adult education field, at least twoefforts have been made to study publication ac-tivity among professors. Long (1977) askedmembers of tho 1972 Commission of Professorsof Adult Education to submit copies of their

55

2

vitae or a publications list. The 18 individualswho responded "reported 2,098 publicationsover their professional life spans" between theyears 1950 and 1973; the number of publicationsranged from 1 to 194 (p. 178). Of these publica-tions, nearly 80% were either journal articles ormiscellaneous publications such as researchreports or conference proceedings. Books com-prised slightly more than 10% of the publica-tions. A second finding of the study was thatAdult Education (now Adult Education Quarter-ly) a ridAdult Leadership (now Lifelong LearnLwere two of the major journals in which proces-sors published.

More recently, Garrison and Baskett (1987)interviewed 17 North American adult educationresearchers selected on the basis of their re-search productivity. It was noted that these in-dividuals, who had research careers spanning anaverage of 18 years, "had each published anaverage of 38 articles, 9 book chapters, 4 books,and 6 monographs" (p. 91). Major trends emerg-ing from the interviews included the following:

Most interviewees reported using a variety ofmethodologies in their research and statedthat they felt comfortable working in bothquantitative and qualitative paradigms;Nearly all of the respondents identified an in-formal network; such networks usually con-sisted of colleagues from other universities,former students, junior co: Jgues from theirown universities, and current doctoral stu-dents;Two "typical" writing styles were identified,and the group seemed to be about evenlydivided in their approach: (a) those who use adetailed outline based on a systematic processand (b) those who being with a very basktheme and use the writing process itself as away of gaining new insights; andMost oi the interviewees stated that they blockoff a period of time for writing, prefer to writein a particular place, and on the avzrage com-plete three drafts of a manuscript.Based on these interviews, Garrison and

Baskett concluded that new adult education re-searchers need to be concerned with asking the"right" questions and should be concerned withthe overall quality of the research as opposed tothe mere quantity of publications. In closing,

56

noting the small number of individuals com-mitted to adult education research, the authors,tate that "we need more researchers producingquality research if we hope to become more thanan emet ging discipline" (p. 95).

The studies by Long (1977) and Garrisonand Baskett (1987) each provide valuable in-sights into writing for publication in adult educa-tion and are important contributions to theliterature. However, Long's data are now about15 years old and stress only the quantity of pub-lications produced. Garrison and Baskea haveutilized qualitative methodology in order to un-cover many important insights into the writingprocess. However, since they dealt only with in-dividuals who have been selected on the basis oftheir high level of productivity, their findings dcnot necessarily reflect the entire spectrum of theadult education professorate. The present studyis an effort to build on these past efforts in orderto broaden the current level of understandingrelative to this research area.

Professional Reading

Turning briefly to the area of how publica-tions are utilized, numerous studies have at-tempted to analyze the content of adult educa-tion literature (e.g., Brockett, 1982; Day, 1981;Dickinson & Rusnell, 1971; Fisher & Martin,1987; Long & Agyekum, 1974; Rogers & Brock-ett, 1985). While these studies offer insights intothe kinds of content that appear in the adulteducation literature, they do not address howthe literature is utilized.

An exception was a study of Boyd and Rice(1986) who surveyed deuns and directors of con-tinuing education about several areas includinginformation and publications that these in-dividuals read. One question of this survey,which was mailed to 288 members of the Nation-al University Continuing Education Association(NUCEA), asked respondents to list up to fivepublications that "were being read for the pur-pose of staying current in research in continuingeducation" (p. 40). The 7 most widely read peri-odicals among the 131 respondents were C'on-tinuum k24%), Journal of Condnuing HigherEducatiun (10%), Adult Education Quaderly(7%), Chronicle of Higher Education (7%),Lifelong Learning (6%), Jov-nal of Higher

63

Education (3%), and Change (3%). It should benoted that Continuum is the journal of theNUCEA and that it and the Journal of Continu-ing Higher Education are the two publicationsmost specifically addressed to deans and direc-tors of continuing education. While this study of-fered a beginning look at how the literature isutilized, it dealt specifically with a listing ofpreferred journals and does not explore ques-tion related to how helpful responuents find thisliterature.

Thus, there is a need to further understandboth the ways in which individuals contribute toand utilize professional literature. Such an un-derstanding can help in gaining a better idea ofthe current status and future prospects for thedevelopment of adult education as t.n academicfield of study.

Method

Using questionnaires developed by Boiceand Johnson (1984) and Boyd and Rice (1986)as a point of departure frr identifying questionsrelative to professional writing and reading, a27-item questionnaire was constructed to obtaindescriptive information about the professionalwriting and reading patterns of respondents andthe value ascribed to such activities. In additiondemographic informatien about the respon-dents was gathered. Most items asked respon-dents to circle the number beside the ap-propriate response. In addition, one item askedindividuals to identify the number and types ofpublications they had authored over a 3-yearperiod. Finally, three open-ended items were in-cluded. Tht questionnaire was reviewed byseveral colleagues, and suggested changes wereincorporated into the final version of the instru-ment.

The questionnaire was mailed along with acover letter and a stamped postcard for obtaineda summary of results to all "full" members of theCommissiun of Professors of Adult Educationas determined by the October, 1986, mailing list.Of the 202 individuals who were asked to par-ticipate in the study, 106 responded to the re-quest for return rate of 52.5%. In terms ofdemographic makeup, 83% of the respondentswere male, the average age was 49 years, and79% were at the rank of associate or full profes-

sor. Finally, respondents were asked to identifywhether they viewed their primary focus eitheras a "practitioner" or as a "researcher/scholar".To this, 29.5% identified themselves as prac-titioners, and 59% described themselves as re-searcher/scholar. The remaining 11.5% circledboth choices, sometimes commenting that theywere unable to select one focus as primary.

A limitation of the study is the relatively lowresponse rate. Because no attempt was made tocode questionnaires before mailing, a follow-upmailing to nonrespondents was not possible. Thedecision to not code the instrument wasdeliberate, based on the realization that thetopic is a potentially uncomfortable one. In theirsurvey of faculty writing patterns, Boice andJohnson (1984) pointed out that a "record num-ber of complaints" were received by the institu-t;onal review board of the university where theirstudy was conducted with concerns about in-vasion of privacy generally cited (p. 35). Recog-nizing that a potential deterrent to participationin the present study might be the possibility ofbeing identified, despite the fact that an as-surance of confidentiality was offered in thecover letter, the survey was made completelyanonymous. In fact, stamped postcard were in-cluded for those individuals wishing to receive asummary of the findings so that this could bereturned separate from the questionnaire, thusfurther protecting confidentiality.

Since this study involves the gathering andanalysis of data from two related but distinctareas, professional writing and reading, data ispresented for each of these issues in separatesections. Within each section, general patterns,activities, habits, and attitudinal data areprezented.

Professional Writing Activity

Writing Patterns

As a grov, the professors of adult educationwho responded to this questionnairedemonstrated a wide range in terms of theamount of time devoted to publishing activity.When asked how often in a typical week theythink about writing, 82% responded that theythink writing either "daily" or "several times perweek".

57

n 4

How does this compare to the amount oftime actually spent in writing? While 9.4%reported spending 11 hours or more per week inwriting, nearly 30% of the group spend one houror less per week engdged in professional writingactivity. The vast majority of professors (613%)spend between two and 10 hours on publishing.The various groupings for the number of hoursper week spend in professional writing activitywere as follows: 0-14.2%, 1--15.1%, 2 to 5--39.6%, 65 to 10--21.7%, 11 to 20--7.5%, andmore than 20-1.9%.

A majority of professors 05.7%) reportedtheir writing pattern to be "sporadic" while only2.8% stated that they write on a daily basis. Arather latge percentage (38.7%) claimed thatthey write either ence or several times per week.In terms of wiwn these individuals most fre-quently write, one. third of the respondentsstated a preference for the morning hours. Only16% stated a preference for either afternoon,evening, or late night times. However, theremaining 51% expressed a preference for writ-ing at a combination of the above times. Thiswould appear to support the "sporadic" writingpattern noted above. Preferred locations forwriting include home (54.7%), office (28.3%)and dif ferent locations (10.4%).

A major aspect of the Boice and Jones(1984) study was consideration of various fac-tors that serve as "facilitators" ol iting. Threesuch factors were considered ,.., the presentstudy. These include the use of techniquesdesigned to motivate writers, sources of feed-back utilized in writing for publication, and theuse of word processors. With regard to the firstfacilitating factor, the thsnt frequently reportedtechniques included setting a schedule,seclusion, goal setting, and an upcoming con-ference presentation. Social pressure andrewards were used by relatively few of therespondents. The following percentage oirespondents reported using these various tech-niques when writing for publication: Setting aschedule-450.9%), seclusion--(47.2%), goal set-ting--(46.2%), feeling inspired to write--(35.8%), rewards and punisEment-419.8%), so-cial pressure-412.3%), and other strategies--(8.5%).

With regard to the second facilitator, it

D8

seems that professors use several differentresources when writing. The most common oftl- se are other adult education professors,which were identified by 59.4% of the respon-dents. Other sources of feedback include editorsand reviewers (38.7% for each), other profes-sors outside of adult education (34.9%), stu-dents (28.3%), and support groups (10.4%).

One additional aspect of writing habits thatwas considered is the use of a word processor inwriting the publication. Of the professorsresponding to the survey, over half (56.6%)reported that they "almost always" use a wordprocessor. Less than 25% stated that they "rare-ly or never" use a word processor. The remain-ing 19.8% utilize the word processor "frequent-ly" or "occasionally" in their professional writing.This is a major departure from the Boice andJohnson (1984) study where 72% of the respon-dents "never" used a word processor, and whileit is not appropriate to make direct comparisonsbetween the contexts of the two studies, it wouldappear that the word processor has had a largeimpact on the writing habits of the adult educa-tion professorate in recent years.

Productivity

An important purpose of this study was todetermine the actual publication activity ofrespondents in t'ne three and one-half academicyears prior of the study. Although the rangesvaried from 0 to a high of 23 for the followingareas, the professor's average productivity in thevarious types of publications was as follows:Journal Articles--4.49, Miscellaneous Reports--2.13, Conference Proceedings--2.03, BookChapters--1.47, Book Reviews--1.35, EditedVolumes--.92, Book Monographs--.82, andOther Publications--.76. While there is a broadrange of responses for each category, the meanssuggest that a rather large number of publica-tions are being produced by adult educationprofessors.

Perceived Value of PublishingActivity

To what extent to professors of adult educa-tion find value in writing for professional publi-cation? To address this question, respondentswere asked to consider the reasons that they

65

write, the pressure they feel about writing, thesatisfaction derived from writing, and the extentto which writing is perceived to ir...;)act on teach-ing. Professors were asked to identify the majorreason they write for publication. Nearly half ofthe respondents (47.6%) identified personalsatisfaction and fulfillment as the primaryreason. Other reasons cited include expecta-tions for promotion and/or tenure (28.2%),financial gain (2.9%), pressure from colleagues(1%), other reasons (8.7%), and more than oneof the above reasons (11.7%).

Given the emphasis on "publish or perish"that is often stressed throughout academia, itwould seem appropriate to attempt to under-stand the extent to which adult education profes-sors perceive themselves to be undci pressure topublish. Among this group, the pressure to pub-lish seems to be very real. Nearly 70% of therespondents stated that they feel either a "greatdeal of pressure" or "some pressure" to publish.This would seem to compliment the above find-ing that a substantial number of individualsreported the major reason they write for publi-cation is to meet expectations for promotionand/or tenure.

It was also noted above that the majorreason :or writing was personal satisfaction andfulfillment. Thus, it could be anticipated that ahigh level of satisffiction would be noted amongprofessors who write. In fact, 59.2% stated thatthey derive a "great deal of satisfaction" fromwriting while 30.1% fell into the "some satisfac-tion" category. Only 10.7% stated that theyderive little or virtually no satisfaction from thisactivity. This finding is particularly encouraging,given that a positive attitude would seem essen-tial if the field of adult education is to assume aproactive approach to developing its literaturebase.

Finally, a controversial question throughoutacademia is the link between research andteaching. In this study, respondents were askedto describe the extent to which they believeprofessional writing enhances teaching effec-tiveness. They reported the following perceiveddegree to which professional writing enhancesteaching effectiveness: Greatly--43.1%, Some-wha t--39.2%, Little--14.7%, and Detracts--2.9%. As the findings indicate, professors of

59

f6

adult education seem to feel that profes^;onalwriting does have a positive influence on teaching. While it is often assumed that research andteaching are linked, there is empirical evidenceto refute this claim (e.g., Centra, 1983; Webster,1985). The findings of this study seem to provideevidence in opposition to rebuttals of the claim.However, two points must be kept in mind. First,this study was concerned with professional writ-ing activity in the broad sense and not with justresearch. Second, these findings focus on theperceptions of respondents and not on their ac-tual behaviois. While it can be argued that theperceptions of the individuals are as appropriatea measure as a objective assessment of actual be-havior, further research would be appropriate1-efore too large a claim could be substantiatedrelative to this issue.

Professional Reading Activities

When asked what types of articles theypreferred for their professional reading, 61%reported a preference for "articles with a re-search theory focus", 23.8% identified apreference for "articles with a practical focus,"and 13.3% circled both choices. The respon-dents were asked to rate the value of the adulteducation professional literature to them intheir role as a prdessor. On a scale of one ("leastvaluable") to four ("most valuable"), a mean of2.16 with a standard deviation of .86 was found.This suggests that perceptions of value relativeto the adult education literature le:..ned towardthe negative end of the continuum. Further a t-test did not reveal significant.differences on thisitem between those professors identifying them-selves primarily as researchers/scholars andthose who view themselves more as prac-titioners.

The use of a fow-point scale for this ques-tion could be viewed as a limitation of this studysince such a scale does not allow for as fine alevel of discrimination as a scale with morepoints. Thus, this item should be viewed with abit of caution. Still, the point that many profes-sors perceive the value of the literature to berather low is an important point; one that per-haps should be examined further in futurestudies.

In an open-ended question, respondents

were asked to identify up to five journals thatthey believed to be "most useful" to them as adulteducation professors. A total of 109 journalswere listed, and a mean of 3.8 journals wereselected by each respondents. Journals that we. eidentified by five or more adult educationprofessors are as follows: Adult EducationQuarter4, (87), Lifelong Learning (68), T ainingand Development Journal (25), Convergence (16),International Journal of Lifelong Education (13),Educational Gerontology (11), Training/HRD(10), Adult Literacy and Basic Education (9), PhiDelta Kappan (9), Harvard Educational Review(7), Educational Researcher (7), Continuum (5),Gerontologist (5), and Comparative EducationReview (5). These findings ind".-ate that asidefrom the two most frequently identified jour-nals, Adult Education Quarterly and LifelongLearning, and besides Training and DevelopmentJournal, there are few journals that would ap-pear to represent a "core" body of valued sour-ces for professors of adult education. At thesame time, the findings suggest that professorsdraw from a wide range of sources and oftencombine reading journals fr.= within the fieldwith publication from outsiJe of adc't educa-tion.

It should be noted that the much higherselection frequencies could be due in part to thefact that the Commission of Professors is a unitwithin the American Association for Adult andContinuing Education, the ssociatIon thatpublishes both the Adult Education Quarterlyand Lifelong Learning. Just as Boyd & Ricefound that the most widely read journal in theirstudy was the one published by the associationfrom which their survey respondents wereselected, the present findings must be con-sidered in light of this point. At the same time,the vast differences between these and the otherjournals listed is evidence that these publica-tions are valued by a large majority of adulteducation professors in the U2. and Canada.

Does professional reading enhance teachingeffectiveness? According to respondents in thisstudy, the answer is a very suong "yes". Nearlythree-quarters of the group (73.6%) stated thatprofessional literature "greatly enhances" one'seffectiveness as a teacher. Slightly over 21%responded in the rsomewhat enhances"

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category, while less than 5% claimed that read-ing "does little" to enhance their teaching effec-tiveness. Keeping up with professional literaturein the field is thus seen as a very important partof professional development activity amongprofessors of adult education.

In order to look further at the relative im-portance of professional reading activity, Spear-man correlation coefficients were calculate c. forseveral of the attitudinal and productivity vari-ables relative to both reading and writing. First,the number of hours spent reading is related tothe extent to which reading is viewed to enhanceteaching effectiveness (r= .26; p =All). Thiss5,ould come as no surprise since those whovalue reading activity would be expected tospend more time in that activity. Second, thereis some e,,idence of a link between writing andreading activity in that significant relationship,were found between the number of hours spentwriting and reading (r=.17;p= .05) and betweenhours spent writing and perceived value of theadult education literature (r= .18;p =.05). Final-ly, a relationship was found between t.,e extentto which wrhing and reading were found to en-hance teaching effectiveness (r = .25; p = .01). Inother words, those who feel writing enhancesteaching effectiveness are also likely to findreading to be an enhancing factor. While thesefindings suggest possible . elationships amongseveral variabks, it is important to recognizethat the correlation coefficients, while statisti-cally significant, are still fah ry weak. For ex-ample, a con elation of .26 explains only about7% of the variance attributable to the relation-ship. Thus, while these relationships arenificant, they should be interpreted as offeringat best tentative support for the relationships.

Discussion

What kindsmf implications might be drawnfrom these findings? First, tF e. data suggests thata broad range exists relativ to the writing andreading attitudes and act:vities .imong thisgroup. In terms of actual writing activity, thelarge percentage of respondents were similar tothe Boice anti Johnson (19i.4) group. Sixty-onepercent of the present group reported spending2-10 hours per week on writing as compared with570/c of the Boice and Johnson sample.

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However, considerably more of the Boke andJohnson sample repr -ted spending 11 or morehours on writing activity (23%) than the adulteducation sample (9.4%) and nearly twice thenumber of the adult education grc Ilo reportedspending one h:.ur or less on such ac, ay (15%,as opposed to 29.3%). While it is inappropriatetu make direct comparisons between findings ofthe two studies, the observation that nearly one-third of the adult education professors reporteddevoting virtually no time to writing activitymight be cause for concern to those who viewwriting as vital to the development of the field'sknowledge base. At the same time, the actualnumber of publications reported offers evidencethat, indeed, professors are making an effort t.build the literature base of adult educationthrough their contributions.

In addition, the findings relative to writingactivity and perceptions of eaching effectiveness offer evidence pertainins to a question thaihas long been the subject of debate in academia;namely, the question of whether doing researchenhances one's effectiveness as a teacher.Professors of adult education seem to feel thatprofessional writing does have a positive in-fluence on teaching. While it is often assumedtha research and teaching are linked, there isempirical evidence to the contrary (e.g., Centra,1983; Webster, 1985). The findings of this studyseem to provide evidence in upposaion to theseviews. However, it is important to bear twopoints in mind. First, the present study is con-cerned with professional writing activity in thebroad sense. It is not limited to just considera-tion of research activity. Clearly, while researchimplies scholarship, not all scholarly activity canbeconsidered to be research. Second, these find-ings focus on perceptions of respondents and noton their actual behaviors. Although it can be ar-gued that the perceptions of the individuals areat least as appropriate a measure as an "objec-tive" assessment of actual behavior, further re-search would be appropriate before too large aclaim cou'd be substantiated relative to thisissue.

Finally, while the findings related to writingreflect a very broad range of activity, reading ac-tivity trends seem a bit easier to interpret. Near-ly A7% cf the respondent., reported spendingbe-

tw. .n 2-20 hours reading while over halfreported between 6-20 hours for this fig .e.Combined with the findings relative to readingand teaching effectiveness, this offer evidenceto support the importance of reading, as a profes-sional development strateg for adult educationprofessors. At the same time, a somewhat nega-tive view of the adult education literature sug-gests that despite limitations due to the / inwhich the question was scored, many pnsorsare not as pleased with the current state of theliterature as they might be.

Conclusion

When considering possible implications ofthe findings from this study, several questiunscome to mind. How adequate is the current levelof scholarly productivity among adult educationprofessors, especially given the traditionalorientation toward practice that has existedw"sin the field? How might graduate prepara-, and faculty development opportunitiesfacilitate increasingly positive attitudes and in-creased publishing activity among adult educa-tion professors? What might be dune in order tostrengthen perceptions of the adult educzt;onprofessional literature? To what ,...xtent is itdesirable to work toward the development of atruly "core" or "mainstream" adult educationliterature? What role might professional as-sociations play in the future development fprofessional literature? Also, given that themajority of professors who responded to thissurvey wer,.., at the associate or full professorranks, how do the writing and reading patternsof this group differ from those of professors whoare just beginning their academic careers" Fu-ture research needs to move beyond the descdp-tive emphasis of this investigation to look morethoroughly at questions such as these.

As adult education attempts to expand itsrole as a field of study, the continued develop-ment of its literature base will be crucial. For ex-ample, if the broad area of adult learning is tobe understood, who is in the better position tocontribute to this understanding than those in-dividuals who have made a commitment to thisclientele? If the field of P' educnion :s to takea proactive posturt ..h regard thisknowkige base, it will be necessary to have an

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increasing cadre of scholars contributing to thedevelopment of this literature. The findings ofthis study suggest that the potential for achiev-ing this development clearly exists; however, itwill be necessary to move beyond presentproductivity levels in order for this potential tobe more fully realized.

References

Boice, R., & Johnson, K. (1984). Perception and prac-tice of writing for publication by faculty at a doc-toral-granting university. Research in HigherEducation, 21(1), 33-43.

Boice, R., & Jones, F. (1984). Why academicians don'twrite. Journal of HigherEducation, 55(5), 567-582.

Boyd, R. H., & Rice, D. (1986). All overview of re-search activity in adult and continuing education.Continuum, 50(1), 37-46.

Brockett, R. G. (1982). Lifelong Learning: The firstthree years. Lifelong Learning: The adult years,5(10), 8-9, 27.

Centra, J. A. (1983). Research productivity and teach-ing effectiveness. Research in Higher Education,18, 379-389.

Day, M. J. (1981).Adult education as a new education-al frontier: Review of the Journal of Adult Educa-tion 1929-1941. Unpublished doctoral disserta-tion, University of Michigan.

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Dickinson, G., & RuAell, D. (1971). A content analysisof Adult Education. Adult Education, 21(3), 177-185.

Fisher, J. C., & Martin, L., G. (1987). An analysis of re-search contributions to the adult basic educationliterature 1976-1986. Proceedings of the 28th An-nual Adult Education Research Conference, 84-89.

Garrison, D. R., & Baskett, H. K. (1987). Research andpublishing in adult education: A study of the ap-proaches and strategies of the field'i most success-ful researchers. Proceedings of the 2Rth AnnualAdult Education Research Conference, 9v-95.

Lindeman, E. C. (1926). The meaning of adult educa-tion. New York: New Republic.

Long, H. B. (1977). Publication activity of selectedprofessors of adult education. Adult Education1964-1973: Reflections of a changing discipline.Adult Education, 24(2), 99-120.

Martin, E. D. (1926). The meaning of a liberal educa-tion. New York: W. W. Norton.

Rogers, J. M., & Brockett, R. G. (1985, October).Research and practice trends in educational geron-tology: A content analysis. Paper presented at theNorthern Rocky Mountain Educationl ResearchConference, Jackson, WY.

Webster, D. S. (1985). Does research productivity en-hance teaching? Educational Records, 66(4), 60-62.

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