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The Medieval Reception of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma:
The Ardashīr Cycle as a Mirror for Princes
by
Nasrin Askari
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
© Copyright by Nasrin Askari 2013
ii
The Medieval Reception of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma:
The Ardashīr Cycle as a Mirror for Princes
Nasrin Askari
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
2013
Abstract
Based on a broad survey of the reception of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma in medieval times, this
dissertation argues that Firdausī‘s oeuvre was primarily perceived as a book of wisdom and
advice for kings and courtly élites. The medieval reception of the Shāhnāma is clearly
manifested in the comments of medieval authors about Firdausī and his work, and in their use of
the Shāhnāma in the composition of their own works. The production of ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāmas
(selections from the Shāhnāma) in medieval times and the remarkable attention of the authors of
mirrors for princes to Firdausī‘s opus are particularly illuminating in this regard.
The survey is complemented by a close textual reading of the Ardashīr cycle in the
Shāhnāma in comparison with other medieval historical accounts about Ardashīr, in order to
illustrate how history in the Shāhnāma is reduced to only a framework for the presentation of
ideas and ideals of kingship. Based on ancient Persian beliefs regarding the ideal state of the
world, I argue that Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma is represented as a Saviour of the world. Within
this context, I offer new interpretations of the symbolic tale of Ardashīr‘s fight against a giant
worm, and explain why the idea of the union of kingship and religion, a major topic in almost all
medieval Persian mirrors for princes, has often been attributed to Ardashīr. Finally, I compare
iii
the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma with nine medieval Persian mirrors for princes to
demonstrate that the ethico-political concepts contained in them, as well as the portrayal of
Ardashīr, remain more or less the same in all these works.
Study of the Shāhnāma as a mirror for princes, as this study shows, not only reveals the
meaning of its symbolic tales, but also sheds light on the pre-Islamic roots of some of the ethico-
political concepts presented in the medieval Perso-Islamic literature of wisdom and advice for
kings and courtiers.
iv
دستم بگرفت و پا به پا برد
*تا شیوۀ راه رفتن آموخت She held my hand and walked me step by step
Until she taught me how to walk.
To my thesis supervisor, Professor Maria Eva Subtelny, who patiently taught
me how to take steps in the world of academic research. To her, I am forever
grateful.
* From Iraj Mirza‘s poem ―Mādar‖ (Mother).
v
Acknowledgements
It is my great pleasure to acknowledge and thank those who supported me throughout the
completion of this dissertation. My heartfelt thanks go to my thesis supervisor, Professor Maria
E. Subtelny. Had it not been for her tremendous support and encouragement, I would not have
pursued doctoral studies. She patiently read my barely understandable drafts, carefully corrected
my writing, and spent hours with me in her office to help me clarify my thoughts. She let me use
her rich library as if it were my own, and always informed me of new publications in my field of
study. I thank her for her unfailingly sage advices and for being a constant source of inspiration
and confidence throughout the years that I worked on my dissertation. I also wish to thank the
members of my thesis advisory committee, Professors Rivanne Sandler and Enrico G. Raffaelli,
who generously afforded me their time and insights. I am grateful to Professor Sandler for
carefully reading my drafts and providing thoughtful comments and suggestions. I am indebted
to Professor Raffaelli for introducing me to the world of ancient Iranian studies. He showed great
interest in my research, identified my erroneous interpretations of Zoroastrian concepts, and
directed me to sources that I would not have known otherwise. I would like to gratefully
acknowledge Professors Paul-Alain Beaulieu and Azita Taleghani for their participation in my
thesis defence as externals to the discipline and for their insightful comments and questions,
which broadened my perspective. I owe a great debt of gratitude to Professor Charles P. Melville
of the University of Cambridge, who kindly accepted to be the external examiner of my thesis. I
extend my sincere thanks to him for his thorough reading of my work and for providing
invaluable comments.
My doctoral research was supported by generous funding from the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC Canada Graduate Scholarship), the Ontario
vi
Ministry of Training, Colleges, and Universities (Ontario Graduate Scholarship), and the
University of Toronto (University of Toronto Fellowship and University of Toronto Doctoral
Completion Award). I acknowledge with thanks their generous support, which enabled me to
focus on my research.
I was fortunate to conduct my graduate studies in the Department of Near and Middle
Eastern Civilizations at the University of Toronto, where I benefited from the insights of a
number of great scholars. Particularly, I would like to thank Professors Karin Rührdanz,
Sebastian Günther (now at Georg-August-Universität Göttingen), Mohammad Tavakoli-Targhi,
Amir Hassanpour, Marta Simidchieva, Lisa V. Golombek, Todd Lawson, Linda S. Northrup,
Walid Saleh, and Amir Harrak for their contributions to my intellectual growth.
I am indebted to a wonderful group of peers in the Department of Near and Middle
Eastern Civilizations, who made my graduate studies an enjoyable experience. It was a great
pleasure to work and study with former NMC graduate students Drs. Mohammed Rustom, Chad
Lingwood, Christina Geisen, Anne Clement, Mina Yazdani, Omid Ghaemmaghami, and Maryam
Moazzen. It was also delightful to work and study with Maryna Kravets, Golbarg Rekabtalaei,
Ida Meftahi, Hamid Rezaeiyazdi, Parisa Zahiremami, Adam Ali, Mustafa Banister, Amar Baaj,
and Mohammadreza Ardehali. My special thanks are due to Dr. Joo-Yup Lee and his very kind
family for their great friendship.
I would like to acknowledge and appreciate the exceptional, behind-the-scene assistance
of the wonderful administrative staff in the Department of Near and Middle Eastern
Civilizations, Mrs. Anna Sousa, Graduate Administrator, Mrs. Maria Leonor Vivona, Business
Officer, and Ms. Jennie Jones, Undergraduate Administrator and Assistant to the Chair. The time
and care they put into everything, from administrative details to arranging social and academic
events, provided peace of mind for everyone and made the department a pleasant place to work
vii
at. I am especially grateful to Mrs. Anna Sousa, who constantly ensured that all administrative
requirements for the School of Graduate Studies were met in due time.
I owe a great debt of thankfulness to my good old friends, most of whom are now
scattered around the globe. To attempt to name them all here would be like attempting to count
all the stars in the sky. I therefore thank them collectively for their lovely cards, letters, e-mails,
telephone conversations, flowers, and gifts, which brightened my days and nourished my soul.
The company of the few friends who live nearby has been most precious to me.
My greatest debt of gratitude is to Mrs. Caroline and Dr. Joe Hillaby of Bristol University
and Dr. Colin P. Mitchell of Dalhousie University, who strongly encouraged and supported me
when I first considered pursuing graduate studies. Their friendship, guidance, and
encouragement throughout the years have been invaluable to me.
Last, but certainly not least, I am grateful to my family. My loving parents, Shirin and
Manouchehr, and my dear brothers, Babak and Mehdi, believed in me when I did not believe in
myself. I thank them for their unwavering affection and enduring support. Words cannot express
how much I love and appreciate them. They are always in my heart despite the far distance that
keeps us apart.
viii
Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... v
Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... viii
Note on Transliteration, Style, and Translation ....................................................................... xi
List of Appendices ....................................................................................................................... xii
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter One: The Reception of Firdausī’s Shāhnāma ........................................................... 16
The Reception of the Shāhnāma on the Part of Sultan Maḥmūd .................................................. 17
Fact vs. Fiction ......................................................................................................................... 17
Ni mī ‗Arū ī‘s Anecdote ....................................................................................................... 22
Ni mī Ganjavī‘s Allusions ...................................................................................................... 23
‗Aṭṭ r‘s Allusions ..................................................................................................................... 24
Sa‗d al-Dīn Var vīnī‘s Allusion ............................................................................................... 25
The Silence of Sultan Maḥmūd‘s Court Poets about Firdausī ................................................. 26
The Reception of the Shāhnāma on the Part of the ‗Abd al-Razz qiy n Family ......................... 28
The Reception of the Shāhnāma on the Part of Medieval Writers ............................................... 31
Biographies of Poets................................................................................................................. 32
Comments of the Copyists of the Shāhnāma ........................................................................... 35
Works on the Science of Rhetoric ............................................................................................ 37
Post-Shāhnāma Epics and Verse Chronicles ........................................................................... 41
Heroic epics ......................................................................................................................... 41
Religious epics ..................................................................................................................... 44
Historical epics .................................................................................................................... 46
Compilations of Selected Verses from the Shāhnāma ............................................................. 50
Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma of ‗Alī b. Aḥmad ............................................................................ 51
Mu‘nis al-a rār f daqā‘iq al-ash‗ār ................................................................................... 53
Medieval Prose Works Containing Verses from the Shāhnāma .............................................. 54
a) Literature of Wisdom and Advice ................................................................................... 56
Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r .................................................................................... 56
Khirad-nāma. ................................................................................................................ 60
Farā‘id al-sul k f fażā‘il al-mul k ............................................................................... 61
Marzbān-nāma .............................................................................................................. 65
Sindbād-nāma ............................................................................................................... 73
Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa ............................................................................... 74
Mir ād al-‗ibād min al-mabda‘ ilā al-ma‗ād. ............................................................... 75
b) Historical Writing ............................................................................................................ 78
Tār kh-i jahāngushāy .................................................................................................... 78
Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh ........................................................................................................... 80
Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi a ..................................................................................... 82
ix
Tār kh-i abaristān ....................................................................................................... 84
Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n ............................................................................................ 85
Chapter Two: The Portrayal of Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma ................................................. 127
The Structure of the Ardashīr Cycle in the Shāhnāma ..................................................................... 137
Part I – Ardashīr‘s Eligibility for Kingship ................................................................................... 138
Noble Lineage and Protection of Religion ........................................................................ 138
Divine Election .................................................................................................................. 140
Divine Support of Ardashīr ............................................................................................... 143
The Support of the Military and the Priesthood ................................................................ 151
Ardashīr‘s Battles: The Stages of Founding a New Empire .............................................. 152
Battles nos. 1 and 2 ..................................................................................................... 153
Battle no. 3. ................................................................................................................. 155
Battle no. 4. ................................................................................................................. 156
The Motif of the Worm. ...................................................................................... 159
The Theme of Greed ........................................................................................... 160
The Motif of Molten Metal ................................................................................. 161
The Motif of Two Friendly Hosts ....................................................................... 162
The Motif of Seven Helpers ................................................................................ 163
The Theme of Replacing Idol-Temples by Fire Temples ................................... 163
Part II –Ardashīr‘s Successful Kingship ....................................................................................... 165
A Wise and Conscientious Minister .................................................................................. 166
A Rightful Heir to the Crown ............................................................................................ 167
Noble lineage .............................................................................................................. 168
Kingly aura and courage ............................................................................................. 169
Education .................................................................................................................... 169
Reconciliation with Former Enemies ................................................................................ 170
Chapter Three: The Wisdom of Ardashīr and His Advices in the Shāhnāma .................... 202
Ardashīr‘s Custom and Practice (āy n) ....................................................................................... 203
The Army ........................................................................................................................................... 206
The Scribal Class .............................................................................................................................. 206
Local Governors ............................................................................................................................... 207
The War ............................................................................................................................................. 207
Foreign Delegates ............................................................................................................................. 209
Construction of New Cities ............................................................................................................. 210
Bankrupted Individuals .................................................................................................................... 210
Addressing Grievances .................................................................................................................... 211
Taxes .................................................................................................................................................. 211
Ardashīr‘s Throne Speech (andarz) ............................................................................................ 214
Ardashīr‘s Testament (‗ahd) ....................................................................................................... 223
The Concept of Justice ..................................................................................................................... 228
x
The Idea of the Union of Kingship and Religion ......................................................................... 229
Threats to Kingship .......................................................................................................................... 233
Commonalities and Differences...................................................................................................... 235
Ardashīr‘s Prediction........................................................................................................................ 237
Ardashīr‘s Cities ............................................................................................................................... 238
Chapter Four: The Ardashīr Cycle and Medieval Persian Mirrors for Princes ................ 257
Pand-nāma of Sebüktegin .................................................................................................................... 259
Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat ..................................................................................................................... 263
Qāb s-nāma ........................................................................................................................................... 267
Siyar al-mul k of Ni m al-Mulk ........................................................................................................ 271
Na at al-mul k of Ghaz lī ................................................................................................................. 276
Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa ...................................................................................................... 289
Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m of Fakhr al-Dīn R zī ................................................................................................... 292
Marzbān-nāma ....................................................................................................................................... 295
Ᾱdāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a................................................................................................................... 303
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 333
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................. 340
Primary Sources ...................................................................................................................... 340
Secondary Sources .................................................................................................................. 355
xi
Note on Transliteration, Style, and Translation
In the transliteration of Arabic and Persian words, I have adopted the system of the International
Journal of Middle East Studies for each language. The names of authors and titles of works
written in Persian, as well as citations from Persian works, regardless of whether or not they
include Arabic words, have been transliterated according to the system of the International
Journal of Middle East Studies for the Persian language, and the names of authors and titles of
works written in Arabic, as well as citations from Arabic works, have been transliterated
according to the system of the International Journal of Middle East Studies for the Arabic
language. For Pahlavi and Avestan terms and names, the standard systems established by D. N.
Mackenzie and Karl Hoffman has been followed, but occasionally slight modifications have been
made in order to make these terms easy to read by non-specialists (for example, Verethraghna
instead of Vərəθraγna). Terms that are commonly used in the English language, such as
Ahriman, Sufi, sultan, etc., have not been italicized. In the bibliography, the notes, and in general
matters of style, the 16th edition of The Chicago Manual of Style has been followed. Unless
otherwise noted, all translations are my own.
xii
Appendices
A (1): Shāhnāma verses cited in R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r (in the order in
which they appear in Rā at al- ud r) ............................................................................. 391
A (2): Shāhnāma verses cited in R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r (in the order in
which they appear in the Shāhnāma) .............................................................................. 414
B: Comparing ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma with R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r (first
passage)……………………………………………………………………………………...437
C: Comparing ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma with R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r (second
passage) .................................................................................................................................. 439
D: Shāhnāma verses cited in Farā‘id al-sul k ........................................................................... 441
E: Shāhnāma verses cited in Var vīnī‘s Marzbān-nāma ........................................................... 445
F: Shāhnāma verses cited in Ẓahīrī Samarqandī‘s Sindbād-nāma ............................................. 447
G: Shāhnāma verses cited in Ẓahīrī Samarqandī‘s Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa ............. 449
H: Shāhnāma verses cited in Najm-i R zī‘s Mir ād al-‗ibād ..................................................... 450
I: Shāhnāma verses cited in Juvaynī‘s Tār kh-i jahāngushāy .................................................... 451
J: Shāhnāma verses cited in Rashīd al-Dīn Fa lull h‘s Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh ............................... 455
K: Shāhnāma verses cited in Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi as .................................................... 457
L: Shāhnāma verses cited in Ibn Isfandiy r‘s Tār kh-i abaristān ............................................ 458
1
Introduction
In the paradoxical statement of Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, the eminent scholar and editor of the
Shāhnāma, Firdausī‘s opus is the most celebrated Persian literary work, which remains
unknown.1 Indeed, study of the Shāhnāma in the modern era reminds one of the ancient tale of
the elephant in the dark. According to Rūmī‘s version of this tale, the Indians brought an
elephant to a small town, the people of which had never seen an elephant in their lives. The night
before the show, a group of men who could not wait to see the elephant, decided to sneak into the
room where it was being kept. The room was very dark, and they could not see the animal, but
they managed to put their hands on the elephant and tried to guess what it looked like through
their sense of touch. Depending on what part of the animal they touched, each of the men had a
different opinion about it. The one who had touched the ear said it looked like a fan, the one who
had touched the leg argued that it looked like a column, and so on.2 Similarly, the sheer volume
of the Shāhnāma, with its roots in ancient Iranian traditions and its particular representation of
the poet‘s own world, along with its unique characteristics, has made it extremely difficult for a
single scholar to understand it in all its complexity. Ironically, this monumental work has made it
possible for scholars of various backgrounds and interests to approach it from extremely diverse
points of view. The work has been the subject of study by a wide range of scholars, from
historians and linguists to philosophers and mystics and even European medievalists and
classicists. We all approach the work from our own discipline, each of us being limited in our
own way. Indeed, we would seem to be a long way from being able to grasp the work in its
entirety.
In one of his lectures on the Shāhnāma (1990), Kh liqī Muṭlaq enumerated nine major
areas of research that could not only enhance our understanding of this multi-faceted masterpiece
2
of Persian classical literature but also shed light on various aspects of its significance.3 One of his
proposed areas of research concerned ancient Persian custom and practice particularly in relation
to kinship and statecraft.4 The present study aims to explore this aspect of the Shāhnāma by
highlighting its characteristics as a book of ethico-political wisdom and advice for kings and
courtly élites. The term ethico-political is used here to point out that the Shāhnāma does not just
provide political advice for kings and courtiers, but also teaches them how to comport
themselves based on moral principles of good and bad behaviour. As we shall see, proper
conduct is as important as the efficient administration of the state for the maintenance of
kingship–sometimes, it is even more important. As often stated in the medieval Persian literature
of wisdom and advice for rulers, the proper conduct of the ruler affects the behaviour of his high-
ranking officials, whose conduct will in turn affect the behaviour of people. Thus, the society‘s
adherence to the principles of proper conduct was seen as the result of the ruler‘s adherence to
these principles. As such, this study considers the moral standards promoted in the Shāhnāma to
be part and parcel of the political advice provided in it for kings and courtiers.
In modern scholarship, the medieval literature of wisdom and advice for kings and
courtiers is generally known to belong to the literary genre of ―Fürstenspiegel‖ or ―mirrors for
princes,‖ but the definition and scope of this genre of literature widely differs across the board.5
For example, whereas most scholars consider the Siyar al-mul k of Ni m al-Mulk as a mirror
for princes, A. K. S. Lambton disagrees, because in her opinion, the author is concerned ―not
with the theory of government or justification of power, but with the practice of government by
the sultan.‖6 In the present study, ―mirrors for princes‖ refers to any form of writing that provides
ethico-political advice to kings and courtiers on how to comport themselves and organize the
state in order to maintain their power.
3
In one of his articles published in 1976, Charles-Henri de Fouchécour states that
―Ferdowsi est un poète, épique et lyrique pour la forme, moraliste et politique pour la fond‖
(Firdausī is a poet, epic and lyric in form, moralistic and political in depth).7 In order to
demonstrate to what extent literature and its dominant motifs have recast and submerged history
in the Shāhnāma, and in order to show that the entire opus is marked by the intention of an
educator of princes, de Fouchécour provides an outline of the Shāhnāma to reveal the ―logique
du récit‖ that informs the work.8 But, he does not provide an analysis of his outline and leaves it
to the reader to find the logic of the narratives. Later, in his seminal study of moral concepts in
Persian literature of the ninth to the thirteenth centuries, Moralia (1986), he opines that above all
else, and with regard to its general intent, the Shāhnāma should be considered as a mirror for
princes.9 Yet, despite his frequent references to the Shāhnāma in the first chapter of the work, on
the ancient Persian collections of advice, he does not include in his study the Shāhnāma as a
mirror for princes in its own right. Once again, in an article published in a special issue of Īrān-
nāma (1991), devoted to Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma, de Fouchécour asserts that the Shāhnāma is a
mirror for princes which shows kings their ideal and real portrayals.10
Despite de Fouchécour‘s calls for attention to this important aspect of the Shāhnāma,
little has been done to examine its message to rulers. In that special issue of Irān-nāma, two
more articles draw attention to the moral and political concepts presented in the Shāhnāma:
Hurmuz Mīl niy n‘s article suggests that anyone looking into the notion of Iranian ethics should
first and foremost refer to the Shāhnāma.11
He provides a very general outline of Firdausī‘s
worldview and moral values, as reflected in the Shāhnāma, and briefly reviews the portrayals of
Īraj, Siy vakhsh, and Kay-Khusrau as three moral/political figures in the Shāhnāma.12
And B qir
Parh m‘s article suggests that the Shāhnāma was written to teach the ways of ordering the affairs
of the world by way of examples from past rulers. He examines the concept of kingship in the
4
Shāhnāma and the roles of kings and heroes in the protection and maintenance of kingship.13
Both these articles provide insights into an important and less-studied aspect of the Shāhnāma,
but they both are confined to generalities and focus on the earlier parts of the work, the parts that
are commonly known as ―mythical,‖ ―heroic,‖ and ―legendary.‖ Focus on the earlier parts of the
Shāhnāma is in fact a very common feature of modern scholarship on the work, perhaps because
it is generally assumed that the ―historical‖ part, that is, the Sasanian portion of the Shāhnāma
(and sometimes the exploits of Alexander too) consists mostly of historical narratives and
didactic material, and therefore not of much literary value. But, as shown by Michael Wickens in
his literary analysis of the early Sasanian period in the Shāhnāma, this part of the work too
contains ―features of genuine literary significance.‖14
With its focus on the Ardashīr cycle in the
Shāhnāma, which is about the rise to power and reign of Ardashīr, the founder of the Sasanian
dynasty, the present study partly fills this gap in the Shāhnāma scholarship. Further reasons for
choosing this part of the work for the current study will be explained shortly.
In a 1995 revised edition of the aforementioned special issue of Īrān-nāma, published as
Tan-i pahlavān va ravān-i khiradmand (The body of the hero and the soul of the sage), Sh hrukh
Miskūb, the editor of the new edition, made a further contribution to the collection, which
concerned the topic of ethics in the Shāhnāma.15
Situating the ethico-political concepts reflected
in the Shāhnāma in the context of the ancient Iranian worldview, Miskūb argues that Iranian
myths, and consequently the Shāhnāma, are epic and ethical in essence, because they reflect the
ancient Iranian worldview, which was based on the notion of the constant struggle between Good
and Evil.16
According to Miskūb, the idea that life in this world reflects the cosmic battle
between Good and Evil makes Iranian myths epic, and the concept that people are free to choose
between Good and Evil makes Iranian myths ethical. To illustrate his point, Miskūb examines a
few key concepts in ancient Iranian traditions, such as asha (truth, order, justice, righteousness),
5
dur j (falsehood), and āz (greed), and draws attention to their parallels in the Shāhnāma.17
In
another more comprehensive study, Miskūb analyses five major concepts in the Shāhnāma,
namely, time (zamān), creation (āfar nish), history (tār kh), kingship (jahāndār ), and speech
(sukhan) in the context of ancient Iranian traditions.18
In his discussion about the concept of
kingship, he draws parallels between Ohrmazd and the ideal king in the Shāhnāma, and argues
that the ideal king of Iran, according to the Shāhnāma, should organize his realm in the same
way that Ohrmazd orders the affairs of the world.19
Miskūb further maintains that the ideal of
kingship portrayed in the Sasanian section of the Shāhnāma was influenced by the interference
of Zoroastrian priests in the affairs of kingship and their introduction of the notion of the union
of kingship and religion.20
But, as Yarshater noted, the Zoroastrian political ideas permeate the
entire Shāhnāma not just the Sasanian section.21
And, as shall be argued in the present study, the
notion of the union of kingship and religion, as reflected in the Shāhnāma and the Zoroastrian
literature, does not advocate a greater power for religious leaders. On the contrary, it promotes
the idea that the leadership of both secular and religious worlds should be conjoined and
manifested in the person of the king. Miskūb also compares two wise ministers from the ―heroic‖
and ―historical‖ parts of the Shāhnāma, namely, Afr siy b‘s minister, Pīr n, and Anūshīrv n‘s
minister, Buzurgmihr, and asserts that the ―heroic‖ part of the Shāhnāma depicts a wise man
through his actions, while the ―historical‖ part of the Shāhnāma portrays a similar figure through
his words.22
As we shall see, at least in the account about Ardashīr, both actions and words are
employed in the ―historical‖ part to portray an ideal figure.
Another scholar who has examined the political paradigms in the Shāhnāma is Abbas
Amanat, who suggests that the work should be read ―as a political discourse on the use and abuse
of power.‖ In his view, the Shāhnāma, particularly its ―legendary‖ part, can shed light on such
significant issues as ―legitimacy and territorial sovereignty, tension over dynastic succession, the
6
dynamics of centre and periphery, and the state‘s adoption and enforcement of an official
religious creed,‖ which have deeply influenced Iranian political culture in the course of history. 23
In order to demonstrate how the political paradigms preserved in ancient Iranian myths may help
to ―define what may be called an Iranian political ethos,‖ Amanat analyses the Farīdūn cycle in
the Shāhnāma, pointing to three major parts that constitute this cycle: First, the restoration of
power after the fall of a tyrannical rule; second, the political conflict emerging among Farīdūn‘s
three sons and leading to the murder of the youngest son; and third, the inception of vengeance,
which will grow into a major problem in the subsequent cycles of the Shāhnāma. Based on his
analysis of the Farīdūn cycle, Amanat proposes that the Shāhnāma should be understood ―as a
political myth far more complex than the familiar genre of ‗mirrors‘ (andarznama), conveying a
more effective message to a larger audience among the elite and the ordinary people.‖24
According to Ehsan Yarshater, however, the promotion of the ―national and moral ideals
of the state‖ was a characteristic feature of Iranian national history, that is, ―the history of Iran as
conceived by the Iranians themselves and embedded in Iranian historical tradition.‖25
But, since
no historical book from pre-Islamic Iran has survived, Yarshater‘s description of the
characteristic features of Iranian national history is mainly based on later medieval sources. Two
of the most important sources that Yarshater used for his study were Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma and
Ṭabarī‘s Ta‘r kh al-rusul wa al-mul k, because they provide the most detailed accounts about the
pre-Islamic history of Iran. But, in his review of the sources, Yarshater notes that ―as a historian,
however, Firdausī lacks the relative precision of Ṭabarī‖ and ―often confuses the scenes of events
and is particularly lax concerning names and numbers.‖26
He also states that ―as a poet,‖ Firdausī
―was interested in literary effect rather than accuracy.‖27
Yarshater further opines that Firdausī
followed a Sasanian model in writing history, in which ―the theme was historical but the method
largely literary.‖28
7
Like Yarshater, Julie Scott Meisami considers the Shāhnāma as history and includes it in
her survey of early medieval Persian historiography. Meisami, too, notes that the Shāhnāma does
not conform to the mode and style of the historical writing of the period. But, unlike Yarshater,
who maintains Firdausī turned Iranian history into a ―literary masterpiece,‖ 29
Meisami argues
that Firdausī‘s use of an archaic language and style and his focus on the outmoded topic of the
ancient history of Iran turned his work into ―something of an anomaly: not quite literature and
not quite history.‖30
Despite their different views about the outcome of Firdausī‘s work,
however, both scholars make a point about the marked difference between the Shāhnāma and
other historical writings they compare it to.
Considering Firdausī‘s little emphasis on historical facts and his greater attention to the
didactic aspect of his work, the present study proposes that we may better understand the
Shāhnāma if we do not classify it as history. But, to view the Shāhnāma simply as a literary
work, merely intended to gain financial reward and a good name for its author, as Mahmoud
Omidsalar suggests,31
would not explain the amount of time the poet put into it (about thirty
years) and the political involvements of its sponsor.32
Without discounting its historical and
literary value, the present study seeks to demonstrate that the Shāhnāma can be viewed as a
mirror for princes and that a great deal can be revealed about the meaning of its tales if it is
examined as a book of wisdom and advice for kings and courtiers. It is my contention that the
myths and legends of the Shāhnāma, which are found throughout the entire work and not just in
the early parts, were not intended to be understood merely as history. The most obvious evidence
for this contention is the poet‘s own words, where he repeatedly asks his reader to find the
meaning of his tales by way of symbols. Had he intended for his work to be perceived as history,
he would not have acknowledged that some of his tales appear as lies and legends (dur gh va
8
fisāna).33
This stands in sharp contrast to most medieval historians, who stress the truthfulness of
their reports and make a point about their effort to stay away from legends and fabulous stories.34
In order to see how the Shāhnāma was perceived in medieval times, Chapter One of this
study examines the reception of the Shāhnāma as reflected in the works of medieval authors who
wrote about Firdausī and his work, or who used the Shāhnāma in writing their own prose or
verse compositions. I endeavour to demonstrate that most medieval writers were in awe of
Firdausī‘s eloquence in his composition of a work that was both entertaining and educational. In
all the many ways that they made use of the Shāhnāma, the medieval authors‘ attention to the
ethico-political dimension of the work manifests itself. Whether they emulated the Shāhnāma in
composing new works, or borrowed verses from it to incorporate into their own texts, they
evince their appreciation of the wisdom contained in its verses. The most compelling evidence in
support of my thesis is the creation and continued production in medieval times of a particular
type of literature known as ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (selections from the Shāhnāma), which clearly
points to the compilers‘ understanding of the Shāhnāma as a book of wisdom and advice on
kingship. The predominant type of verses selected from the Shāhnāma to be incorporated into
medieval prose works further reinforces the argument that medieval writers understood the
Shāhnāma primarily as a repository of wisdom and advice for kings and courtly élites. For easy
reference, I have extracted these verses from the relevant works and provided them in
Appendices A to L, with references to their locations in the most recent edition of the Shāhnāma.
Chapter One also demonstrates that, contrary to the common assumption, the Shāhnāma was a
popular work in the eleventh and twelfth-centuries, that is, before the earliest extant manuscript
of the Shāhnāma, which is dated 1217.
9
Based on my observations in the first chapter, in Chapter Two I focus on the Shāhnāma
itself in an attempt to read the work through the prism of medieval writers who appeared to me to
understand it as a mirror for princes. Obviously, it would not be practical to examine the entire
work thoroughly in one study. Therefore, I selected the Ardashīr cycle from the Shāhnāma for
my purpose. Several reasons justify this selection: First, since the Ardashīr cycle is from the so-
called historical part of the Shāhnāma, it would serve the purpose of demonstrating how history
fades into the background in the Shāhnāma by a series of interconnected, meaningful, and
entertaining symbolic tales that aim to convey lessons on kingship. Based on a comparative study
of the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma and the available medieval accounts about Ardashīr, I
endeavour to demonstrate how Firdausī‘s representation of Ardashīr differs from that of other
medieval historians, and how little historical information can be gleaned from the ―history‖ of
Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma. The second reason for choosing the Ardashīr cycle is that it contains
both heroic and mythical materials, and this makes it comparable to the earlier cycles of the
Shāhnāma, which are commonly known as ―heroic‖ or ―mythical.‖ Sharing common features
with the ―mythical,‖ ―heroic,‖ and ―historical‖ parts of the Shāhnāma, the Ardashīr cycle would
seem to be a relatively good representative from the work. Thirdly, as is often the case, the
founders of new dynasties are usually turned into great heroes and idealized figures by later
political propagandists of that dynasty, who seek to promote their ideas and ideals of kingship by
attributing them to the revered founder of the dynasty. Knowing that the Shāhnāma has its roots
in Sasanian court literature, one would expect to see a reflection of Sasanian political ideologies
in its portrayal of both ideal and flawed rulers. The portrayal of the founder of the Sasanian
dynasty, as depicted in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, would therefore seem to be a good
starting point for an examination of the ethico-political ideas promoted in Sasanian political
literature and ultimately in the Shāhnāma.
10
The Ardashīr cycle also includes a section on the customs and practices that were
supposedly introduced by Ardashīr, namely, his āy n, his advice (andarz) to the high-ranking
officials, also known as his throne speech (khuṭba), and his testament (‗ahd) to his son. The
contents of these political treatises will be discussed and analysed in Chapter Three. By
comparing Firdausī‘s form of presentation of Ardashīr‘s āy n, andarz, and ‗ahd to that of the few
medieval authors who included these materials in their works, I will draw attention to Firdausī‘s
effort to make these didactic texts as interesting as possible, and argue that he intended to
entertain and educate, and not to record historical documents.
In Chapter Four, I compare nine medieval Persian mirrors for princes with the Ardashīr
cycle in the Shāhnāma in order to reveal the similarities and differences between them and to
demonstrate that, although different in form, later medieval Persian mirrors for princes present
the criteria for an ideal kingship based, more or less, on the same principles that we find in the
Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma. The mirrors selected for this study were written by authors of
different social and professional backgrounds and were composed in different cultural contexts
and geographical locations. Also, they were written in different styles and with different
intentions. The similarity of the concepts presented in these different works point to the common
roots of the ideas expressed in them. In my discussions, I draw attention to the Zoroastrian roots
of some of the major concepts presented in these works, and point to their reappearance in
Islamic garb in later works. In all these later works, Ardashīr continues to be represented as a
sage-king, as he is portrayed in the Shāhnāma.
The conclusions that may be drawn from this study are that in the medieval period, the
Shāhnāma was primarily understood as a mirror for princes, and that studying it in this context
sheds considerable light on the meaning of its tales and the purport of its author. Also, as a
repository of ancient Persian wisdom and advice on kingship, the Shāhnāma enhances our
11
understanding of the process of the development of major concepts related to kingship and
statecraft in later Perso-Islamic literature of wisdom and advice for rulers.
12
1 Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat-i Shāhnāma-i Firdausī‖ (paper presented at the Shāhnāma
Conference, London, 1369/1990), in Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Sukhan-hā-yi d r na: S guftār
darbāra-i Firdaus va Shāhnāma, ed. ‗Alī Dihb shī (Tehran: Afk r, 1381/2002), 108:
.رؽیي آبقذ نببه ههؼرؽیي اثؽاظثی كبؼقی ظؼػیي زبل بنبضز
2 Jal l al-Dīn Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Balkhī al-Rūmī, Masnav -i ma‗nav , ed. Reynold A.
Nicholson, 8 vols. (London: Luzac, 1925–40), 3:72, lines 1259–68.
3 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat-i Shāhnāma-i Firdausī,‖ 97–110.
4 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat-i Shāhnāma-i Firdausī,‖ 102.
5 On the use of the phrase ―mirror for princes‖ by modern scholars of Arabic and Persian
advisory literatures, see Louise Marlow, ―Surveying Recent Literature on the Arabic and Persian
Mirrors for Princes Genre,‖ History Compass 7, no. 2 (2009): 523–28.
6 On this work and different opinions about it, see below, p. 271 and p. 316n58.
7 Charles-Henri de Fouchécour, ―Une lecture du Livre des Rois de Ferdowsi,‖ Studia Iranica 5
(1976), 171.
8 de Fouchécour, ―Une lecture du Livre des Rois,‖ 172–202.
9 Charles-Henri de Fouchécour, Moralia: Les notions morales dans la littérature persane du
3e/9e au 7e/13e siècle (Paris: Éditions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 1986), 53.
10 Charles-Henri de Fouchécour, ―Akhl q-i pahlav nī va akhl q-i rasmī dar Shāhnāma-i
Firdausī,‖ trans. B. N dirz d, in ―Shāhnāma-i Firdausī,‖ ed. Sh hrukh Miskūb, special issue,
Īrān-nāma 10, no.1 (1370/1991): 8–13, repr. ed., in Tan-i pahlavān va ravān-i khiradmand:
Pazh hish-hā-y tāza dar Shāhnāma, ed. Sh hrukh Miskūb, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Ṭarḥ-i nau, 2002),
10–16.
13
11
Hurmuz Mīl niy n, ―Bīnish-i falsafī va akhl qī-i Firdausī,‖ in Miskūb, ―Shāhnāma-i Firdausī,‖
84, repr. ed., in Miskūb, Tan-i pahlavān, 103.
12 Mīl niy n, ―Bīnish-i falsafī va akhl qī-i Firdausī,‖ 91–95, repr. ed., in Miskūb, Tan-i
pahlavān, 112–15.
13 B qir Parh m, ―Mab nī va k rkird-h -yi Shahriy rī dar Shāhnāma va ahammiyat-i nh dar
sanjish-i khirad-i siy sī dar Īr n,‖ in Miskūb, ―Shāhnāma-i Firdausī,‖ 98–121, repr. ed., in
Miskūb, Tan-i pahlavān, 120–48.
14 G. M. Wickens, ―The Imperial Epic of Iran: A Literary Approach,‖ in Commémoration Cyrus:
Actes du congrès de Shiraz 1971 et autre études rédigées à l‘occasion du 2500e
anniversaire de
la fondation de l‘empire perse (Tehran: Bibliothèque Pahlavi, 1974), 261–75.
15 Sh hrukh Miskūb, ―Ta‘ammulī dar akhl q: Az Avest bi Shāhnāma,‖ in Tan-i pahlavān, 225–
44.
16 Miskūb, ―Ta‘ammulī dar akhl q,‖ 228.
17 Miskūb, ―Ta‘ammulī dar akhl q,‖ 230–37.
18 Sh hrukh Miskūb, Armaghān-i m r: Justār dar Shāhnāma (Tehran: Nashr-i nay, 1384/2005).
19 Miskūb, Armaghān-i m r, 165–86. An earlier version of this chapter on kingship was
published in Sh hrukh Miskūb, ―Jah nd rī va p dsh hī dar Shāhnāma,‖ Irān-nāma 21, no. 3
(1382/2003): 217–50.
20 Miskūb, Armaghān-i m r, 189–97; also see Miskūb, ―Ta‘ammulī dar akhl q,‖ 243–44.
21 Ehsan Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, The
Seleucid, Parthian, and Sasanian Periods, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), pt. 1, 366.
22 Miskūb, Armaghān-i m r, 201–3.
14
23
Abbas Amanat, ―Divided Patrimony, Tree of Royal Power, and Fruit of Vengeance: Political
Paradigms and Iranian Self-Image in the Story of Faridun in the Shahnama,‖ in Shahnama
Studies I, ed. Charles Melville (Cambridge: The Centre of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies,
University of Cambridge, 2006), 49.
24 Amanat, ―Divided Patrimony,‖ 49.
25 Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 369, 359.
26 Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 361.
27 Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 361.
28 Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 369.
29 Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 369.
30 Julie Scott Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present: Two Views of History in Medieval
Persia,‖ Poetics Today 14, no. 2 (1993): 262–65; and Julie Scott Meisami, Persian
Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,
1999), 52–53.
31 Mahmoud Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics of Iran‘s National Epic, the Sh hn meh (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 73–75.
32 On Firdausī‘s original patron, see below, pp. 28–30.
33 Abū al-Q sim Firdausī, Shāhnāma, ed. Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, 8 vols. (New York: Bibliotheca
Persica, 1987–2008), repr. ed. (Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i buzurg-i isl mī,
1386/2007), 1:12, line 113. The paginations is the same in both editions. All subsequent
references are to Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the Shāhnāma unless otherwise noted.
34 For example, see Abū ‗Alī Miskūya (Miskawayh) al-R zī. Tajārib al-umam, ed. Abū al-Q sim
Im mī, 8 vols. (Tehran: Surūsh, 1987–2001), vols. 1–3, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Surūsh, 2001), 1:48–49
(References are to the second edition); Ibn Isfandiy r (Bah ‘ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Ḥasan b.
15
Isfandiy r), Tār kh-i abaristān, ed. ‗Abb s Iqb l Āshtiy nī (Tehran: Kh var, 1320/1941), 1:83;
Ibn Isfandiy r, An Abridged Translation of the History of abaristán, trans. Edward G. Browne
(Leiden: Brill, 1905), 36. Also see Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 264–65;
Charles Melville, ed., Persian Historiography (London: I. B. Taurus, 2012), li–lv; and Charles
Melville, ―The Historian at Work,‖ in Melville, Persian Historiography, 66–67.
16
Chapter One
The Reception of Firdausī’s Shāhnāma
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma has generally been studied as an epic, and a few scholars have approached
it as history.1 But, although the work shares many commonalities with both epic and history, it
does not quite fit either one of these two genres.2 Charles-Henri de Fouchécour, on the other
hand, suggests that the Shāhnāma should be understood as a mirror for princes, that is, as a book
of advice for rulers. He also maintains, however, that the traditional morals and wisdom
promoted in the Shāhnāma were not taken up by later authors of medieval Persian mirrors for
princes.3 In order to decide more accurately what genre the Shāhnāma belongs to, we must
determine how the work was understood by its contemporary and near-contemporary audience.
In this chapter, a number of works by medieval authors who used the Shāhnāma as a source or
commented on Firdausī and his work will be reviewed and analysed in order to see how the
Shāhnāma was used and perceived by medieval writers. This analysis will demonstrate that
medieval Persian authors understood the Shāhnāma primarily as a book of wisdom and advice on
kingship and frequently cited verses from it that contained ethico-political wisdom and advice.
When it comes to the topic of the reception of the Shāhnāma, the first thing that comes to
mind is the Ghaznavid ruler, sultan Maḥmūd‘s (r. 388/998–421/1030) ungratefulness to Firdausī.
Modern scholars are still debating the reasons for Maḥmūd‘s unenthusiastic reception of
Firdausī‘s work. Various explanations, such as Maḥmūd‘s Turkish background, Firdausī‘s praise
of Zoroastrianism, the jealousy of Maḥmūd‘s court poets, the poet‘s religious beliefs, change of
political situation, and the supposedly outmoded style, language, and content of the Shāhnāma
have been given as possible reasons.4 But, although the text of the Shāhnāma informs us that the
17
poet was not rewarded for his work, we do not have any concrete evidence to support the idea
that Maḥmūd was displeased with Firdausī‘s work. In other words, Firdausī‘s not having
received any reward from Maḥmūd does not prove that Maḥmūd was displeased with his work.
A review of the sources that contain references to Maḥmūd‘s ingratitude to Firdausī will help to
contextualize the anecdotal reports about this incident and to separate fact from fiction.
The Reception of the Shāhnāma on the Part of Sultan Maḥmūd
Fact vs. Fiction
The Tār kh-i S stān (History of Sīst n, ca. 445/1054) contains a short paragraph referring
to the story of sultan Maḥmūd‘s ungratefulness to Firdausī, but this paragraph, as convincingly
argued by Omidsalar, is a later interpolation.5 If we accept Omidsalar‘s argument, then the
earliest source that provides an account about sultan Maḥmūd‘s niggardliness toward Firdausī is
Ni mī ‗Arū ī‘s Chahār maqāla (Four discourses), written in ca. 550/1155.6 According to an
anecdote related in this work, Firdausī composed a satire (hajv-nāma) on sultan Maḥmūd after
having felt insulted by the paltry reward he gave him for the composition of the Shāhnāma. The
ruler of Ṭabarist n gave Firdausī the sum of one hundred thousand dirhams to convince him to
eliminate the one-hundred-verse satire he had composed on Maḥmūd. Thus, all verses of the
satire were destroyed except for the following six verses that are quoted by Ni mī:
ع کآى پؽ قطيهؽا ؿوؿ کؽظ ثوؽ جی ػلی نع کي
اگؽ هؽنبى هي زکبیذ کن چ هسوظ ؼا يع زوبیذ کن
پؽقزبؼؾاظ یبیع ثکبؼ گؽ چع ثبنع پعؼ نؽیبؼ
اؾ ایي ظؼ قطي چع ؼان وی چ ظؼیب کؽا عان وی
ثیکی جع نب ؼا ظقزگب گؽ هؽا ثؽ هبعی ثگب
ثؿؼگی جظ چ اعؼ رجبؼل عاكذ بم ثؿؼگبى نظ
18
They vilified me, saying that loquacious [man],
Grew old in the love of the Prophet and ‗Alī.
If I talk about [my] love for them,
I support a man like Maḥmūd a hundred times.
A descendant of a slave is of no use,
Even though his father has been a ruler.
How much shall I talk about this?
It is like a sea, the shores of which I do not know.
The king could not appreciate good [work];
Otherwise, he would have seated me on the throne.
Since he had no noble background,
He could not tolerate hearing the names of the nobles. 7
What may be deduced from the above verses is that certain people at the court of
Maḥmūd vilified the poet on account of his Shi‗ite beliefs, and that sultan Maḥmūd could not
tolerate hearing accounts about noble men because he was not from a noble background himself.
Firdausī‘s praise of Shi‗ism and the problem of Maḥmūd‘s low-born background are two main
themes that later scribes/redactors of the Shāhnāma elaborated. In the process, the number of
verses of the satire was, in some manuscripts, increased to 160.8 Whereas some scholars have
basically questioned the authenticity of the satire, others maintain that Firdausī himself
composed it, partly because the language and style of some of its verses are comparable to
Firdausī‘s work and partly because of the reference made by later poets and writers to Firdausī‘s
dissatisfaction with Maḥmūd.9
19
On the basis of the text of the Shāhnāma itself, what may be concluded is that Maḥmūd
did not pay any attention to the poems that Firdausī had sent/presented to him:
ب گب کؽظ اعؼیي ظاقزبى
زكع کؽظ ثعگی ظؼ کبؼ هي
ؾ ثعگی ثطذ ثع آهع گب
رج نع ثؽ نب ثبؾاؼ هي
He (Maḥmūd) did not pay attention to these [epic] tales;
It was the fault of vilifiers and bad luck.
The vilifier was envious of my work,
So, my standing fell in the King‘s eyes. 10
In the verses following these, Firdausī states that if the sultan‘s commander-in-chief (that
is, Maḥmūd‘s brother Naṣr) read his work, he would not only reward him, but would also bring it
to the attention of the sultan, who would then reward him.11
As noted by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq,
the occurrence of the above-mentioned verses more than half-way through the Shāhnāma in the
story about Khusrau Parvīz indicates that Firdausī had been sending his work to sultan Maḥmūd
piecemeal and had received nothing for it.12
These verses, adds Kh liqī Muṭlaq, demonstrate that
the poet still hoped to receive something from the sultan before he completed his work. At the
end of the Shāhnāma, Firdausī appreciates the generosity of Ḥuyayy-i Qutayba (the tax
functionary of Ṭūs who exempted the poet from paying taxes) and includes a few verses in praise
of Maḥmūd, but does not refer to any remuneration.13
As pointed out by Kh liqī Muṭlaq, had the
poet received any reward from Maḥmūd, he would have acknowledged it as he did with Ḥuyayy-
i Qutayba‘s remuneration.14
So, the Shāhnāma informs us that by the time the work was
completed (400/1010), Firdausī had not received any recompense from Maḥmūd; nevertheless,
he kept praising him to the end of his work.
20
It must also be noted that Firdausi had already completed the first edition of the
Shāhnāma in 384/994, three years before Maḥmūd rose to power, but he kept adding more tales
to his work and revising it until he finished its final edition in 400/1010.15
The eulogies to
Maḥmūd were added in later revisions of the work as the poet witnessed Maḥmūd‘s victorious
conquests and his rise to power. As stated in the Shāhnāma, Firdausī kept his work for twenty
years in order to dedicate it to a ruler who truly deserved it.16
Having found the qualities of that
ruler in Maḥmūd, he decided to dedicate his opus to him.17
But, as we understand from the
Shāhnāma, Maḥmūd did not pay any attention to Firdausī‘s work. The reason for this lack of
attention remains unknown, even though both medieval and modern scholars have tried to
explain it in different ways. Other than Firdausī‘s own words about Maḥmūd‘s disregard for his
work (nakard andar n dāstān-hā nigāh), we do not have any reliable source which would
determine whether Firdausī‘s oeuvre was ever presented or read to Maḥmūd. The anecdotal
reports of medieval authors about Firdausī‘s travel to Ghazna in order to present his work to
Maḥmūd in person and the sultan‘s paltry reward for it cannot be verified. Considering the poet‘s
high hopes in Maḥmūd and his subsequent disappointment in him, we may speculate that
Firdausi did compose a lampoon against him because he was neglectful of his masterpiece, his
eulogies, and his polite requests ( usn-i ṭalab) for reward.
It is also noteworthy that when Ni mī ‗Arū ī wrote his anecdote about Firdausī and
sultan Maḥmūd, other different anecdotes about them were current as well. These anecdotes are
found in the prose prefaces to the Shāhnāma manuscripts dated 614/1217 and 675/1276–77.18
As
suggested by Kh liqī Muṭlaq, the part of the manuscript dated 614/1217 which includes the
preface might be from an earlier period, and as argued by Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī, the accounts
given in the manuscript dated 675/1276–77 are from the late fifth/eleventh to early sixth/twelfth
centuries.19
Thus, the accounts given in these prefaces were almost contemporaneous with
21
Ni mī ‗Arū ī‘s mid-twelfth-century anecdote in his Chahār maqāla. A major difference
between the accounts related in the above-mentioned prefaces and the account reported by
Ni mī ‗Arū ī is that the accounts given in the prefaces represent Maḥmūd as being enthusiastic
about the Shāhnāma and imply that it was Maḥmūd‘s idea to put the history of the ancient kings
of Persia into verse.20
Also, according to the accounts related in these prefaces, after Firdausī‘s
exceptional poetic talent was discovered and the task of composing the Shāhnāma was assigned
to him, he stayed at the royal court in Ghazna to work on the Shāhnāma.21
But, according to
Chahār maqāla, Firdausī composed the Shāhnāma on his own and in his hometown, and when
he completed his work, he decided to present it to Maḥmūd in the hopes of securing the financial
means for purchasing a dowry for his only daughter.22
The fact that different accounts about
Firdausī‘s unrewarded work were reported in contemporary or near-contemporary sources
suggests that the story was well known in the twelfth century, but the inconsistent information
provided in these accounts points to the anecdotal nature of them. In other words, everyone knew
that Firdausi was not rewarded for his work, but the reasons for, and details about, this
unfortunate event reported in later works seem to be the product of the creative imagination of
later authors.
More elaborate accounts are found in later prose prefaces to the Shāhnāma, biographies
of poets, and historical writings.23
But, these later accounts seem to be conflations of various
earlier stories. As opined by Riy ḥī, the author(s) of the prose preface to the B ysunghurī
Shāhnāma, completed in 833/1430, put together various available anecdotes about Firdausi‘s
composition of the Shāhnāma and his eventual disappointment in Maḥmūd, and later post-
Timurid authors used this preface as their source when writing their own works.24
In addition to the above-mentioned accounts related in the earlier prefaces to the
Shāhnāma manuscripts, three other authors, who were near contemporary of Ni mī ‗Arū ī,
22
referred to Firdausī‘s unrewarded work without discussing the details of the story. These authors
are ‗Aṭṭ r (d. ca. 618/1221), Ni mī Ganjavī (d. ca. 613/1217), and Sa‗d al-Dīn Var vīnī (fl.
607/1210 to 622/1225).25
Also, ‗Usm n Mukht rī, who dedicated his Shahriyār-nāma to ‗Al al-
Daula Mas‗ūd Ghaznavī (r. 492/1098–99 to 508/1114–15), seems to have made a subtle allusion
to Firdausi‘s satire about Maḥmūd, where he mentions that he would not compose a satire
against his patron if he did not reward him.26
As will be shown below, the allusions of these
authors as well as Ni mī ‗Arū ī‘s anecdote served them as an effective tool to convey their own
message. This means that these writers were not as much concerned with the historical accuracy
of what they related as they were with how it served their own purposes.
m rū s necdote (ḥikāyat)
In his introduction to the Chahār maqāla, Ni mī explains that his intention in writing
the work is to demonstrate to the king the true meaning of kingship ( پبظنبی ضظ چیكذ پبظنب
.(کیكذ27
He advises the king to pay due attention to four professional groups at court, namely, the
scribes, the poets, the astrologers, and the physicians.28
On this basis, he divides his work into
four discourses, each devoted to one of the four professions, and adds that he will illustrate each
discourse with novel anecdotes ( ikāyāt-i ṭurfa), so the king might realize that these professions
are not to be taken lightly.29
In his discussion of the role of poets, he explains that nothing
remains of all the glory and grandeur of kings except for their names, which the poets
immortalize.30
As clearly stated by Ni mī ‗Arū ī in his introduction, and as is evident from the
context of the story, the author does not intend to report an historical event. Rather, by narrating
an exemplary anecdote, he aims to caution the ruler about the consequences of being inattentive
and ungrateful to those who are capable of immortalizing his name. In other words, Ni mī is
more concerned with the effectiveness of his story than with its historical accuracy. Furthermore,
23
Ni mī ‗Arū ī‘s accounts in the Chahār maqāla contains many erroneous historical references,
which makes him an unreliable source of information on any historical matter.31
m n v s Allusions
Ni mī Ganjavī seems to relate to the story of Maḥmūd‘s ingratitude toward Firdausī
from a personal perspective as a result of his not being rewarded by his own patron for his work
Khusrau va Sh r n, composed sometime between 571/1176 and 582/1186. In the introduction to
his work, Ni mī states that his patron asked him to versify a fine tale and told him that if he
decided not to reward him for it, just as sultan Maḥmūd did not reward Firdausī, he would still
give him enough to buy a drink.32
The allusion is to Firdausī‘s spending Maḥmūd‘s small reward
on drinks for himself and two other men, as explained by Ni mī ‗Arū ī.33 Ni mī Ganjavī thus
not only reminds his patron that he would like a reward for his work, but also suggests that he
would be content with any amount he was given. In a subtle way, he also cautions his patron
about the consequences of niggardliness. But later, almost half way through his work, where he
talks about the generosity of the Sasanian ruler Khusrau Parvīz to his court musician, Ni mī
suddenly recalls his own patron who did not show him any generosity:
ثطهیعم ث نبیک چعیي گح ؾ آى ضؽهي دكزن ثؽگ کبی
ث ثی ثؽگی قطي ؼا ؼاقذ کؽظم ا ظاظ هي ظؼضاقذ کؽظم
I offered several treasures (that is, versified tales) to a king,
But did not gain a single blade of straw from that harvest.
In poverty, I versified words (or, I materialized the promise [of versifying a fine tale])
Neither did he give [me] anything, nor did I ask for anything. 34
Ni mī‘s resentment against his patron could explain his preoccupation with the story of
Firdausī and Maḥmūd, as he refers to it again in his later works. In his Iqbāl-nāma—a part of
24
Iskandar-nāma, which was completed in 590/1194—Ni mī states sarcastically that, as a poet,
he inherited his talent from Firdausī, and that as a ruler, his patron inherited his generosity from
sultan Maḥmūd. Therefore, he feels justified in asking for sultan Maḥmūd‘s debt to Firdausī to
be repaid to him by his own patron.35
In his Haft Paykar (completed 593/1197), Ni mī writes
about the munificence of his patron and mentions his expectation of compensation; however, at
the end, he posits that Maḥmūd‘s ingratitude was due to back luck, so if he is not rewarded, he
will blame it on luck, and not on his patron.36 Ni mī employs the rhetorical device of usn-i
ṭalab (polite request) by alluding to the story about Firdausī and Maḥmūd. Skilful poets used this
literary technique to impress their patrons when asking to be rewarded for their work, and
Ni mī chose allusions to the story of Firdausī and sultan Maḥmūd in order to secure a reward
for himself. Similarly, ‗Usm n Mukht rī‘s statement, mentioned above, whether we take it as a
subtle allusion to Firdausī‘s satire or not, functioned as a polite request for reward.
ṭṭ r s Allusions
The great mystic poet ‗Aṭṭ r too alluded to the story of Firdausī and sultan Maḥmūd, but
he did so in order to convey a moral teaching. In his Ilāh -nāma, he refers to Firdausī‘s rejection
of Maḥmūd‘s small reward in a discussion about the importance of maintaining one‘s dignity.37
In his Mu bat-nāma, ‗Aṭṭ r boasts of his own poetic talent and asserts that he does not compose
poems for money; rather, his poetry flows naturally and intrinsically. He then alludes to
Firdausī‘s spending Maḥmūd‘s reward on drinks in order to demonstrate that he would do the
same, because he is a spiritually contented man.38
In his Asrār-nāma, ‗Aṭṭ r‘s referencing
Firdausī illustrates that God forgives sinful men on account of the one good deed they do in their
lifetime. According to Ni mī ‗Arū ī, when Firdausī passed away, a Sunni cleric of Ṭūs did not
allow his body to be buried in the Muslim cemetery on account of his alleged Shi‗ism.39
‗Aṭṭ r
expands on this part of the story and relates that Firdausī appeared to the cleric in a dream and
25
told him that God sent him to heaven because of one verse he had composed on God‘s oneness.40
This part of the story is not mentioned by Ni mī ‗Arū ī in his account. ‗Aṭṭ r, who expresses
regret for having spent his life composing poetry, hopes that God will forgive him in the same
way that He had mercy on Firdausī.41
Both Ni mī Ganjavī and ‗Aṭṭ r make allusions to the story of Firdausī and Maḥmūd in
order to convey their own messages in clever and effective ways. These poets are concerned with
how the story serves their purpose, and not how accurate or authentic it is. Therefore, their poetic
allusions cannot be taken as proof of the authenticity of the encounter between Firdausī and
Maḥmūd.
S d l-D n V r v n s Allusion
In the introduction to his Marzbān-nāma, Var vīnī talks about the works that he read
before writing his own book.42
Among these works he refers to Jurf diq nī‘s Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i
Yam n (603/1206–7), which is a Persian translation/reworking of Abū Naṣr ‗Utbī‘s Arabic
Ta‘r kh al-Yam n (composed during 350/961–427/1036 or 431/1040) on the history of the
Ghaznavids.43
Var vīnī admires Jurf diq nī‘s eloquent style of writing and states that although
Jurf diq nī was not rewarded for his endeavours, and like Firdausī, regretted the composition
and dedication of his work, the world now sings his praises.44
Var vīnī‘s use of the term
Firdaus -vār (like Firdausī) in describing Jurf diq nī‘s regret indicates that, by the early
thirteenth century, just mentioning the name of Firdausī was sufficient to evoke the bitterness of
unrewarded efforts. Var vīnī‘s use of this term clearly shows that the story of Firdausī and sultan
Maḥmūd was not related as an historical event. Rather, it was used as a well-known anecdote to
illustrate a similar type of relationship to one‘s patron.
26
The Silence of Sultan Maḥmūd s Court Poets bout F rd us
Significantly, none of the contemporary poets at the court of Maḥmūd, such as Farrukhī
Sīst nī (d. 429/1039), ‗Unṣurī (d. 431/1041), and Manūchihrī D mgh nī (d. 432/1041), ever
mentioned the name of Firdausī in their works. While both Farrukhī and ‗Unṣurī refer to the
Shāhnāma when stating that the lies and legends of the Shāhnāma about the great heroes of the
past have become worthless in the presence of real heroes like sultan Maḥmūd and his
courageous men, neither Farrukhī nor ‗Unṣurī mentions Firdausī‘s name in this connection.45
The statements of these poets, nevertheless, have been interpreted by modern scholars as
attempts on the part of Maḥmūd‘s court poets to disparage Firdausī‘s work in the eyes of
Maḥmūd.46
Since the above-mentioned poets do not refer to Firdausī by name, and since other
shāhnāmas were available at the time, we cannot conclude that these poets aimed to denigrate
Firdausī‘s work per se.47
Moreover, when Firdausī talks about envious men and their criticisms
of his work, he refers to the stylistic quality of his work, not to its historical/legendary content:
وبب ک کن ثبنع اؾ پبع اگؽ ثبؾخیی ظؼ ثیذ ثع
If you look for bad verses in it (Shāhnāma),
Verily, they will be less than five hundred. 48
The silence of the Ghanzanvid court poets about Firdausī and his work makes any
judgement about the reception of the Shāhnāma by sultan Maḥmūd difficult and mainly a matter
of speculation. As mentioned above, although the text of the Shāhnāma itself indicates that
Maḥmūd had not rewarded the poet, it remains unclear why Firdausī‘s opus did not receive the
attention it deserved at the royal court.
27
The earliest court poet who named Firdausī and criticized him for composing fanciful
stories is Mu‗izzī (d. ca. 518/1125–521/1127), the famous panegyrist at the court of the
Saljūqs.49
As mentioned in the Chahār maqāla, it was Mu‗izzī who told Ni mī ‗Arū ī the story
about Maḥmūd‘s regret at a later time for not having rewarded Firdausī, and about his order of
sending sixty thousand gold coins to him. Relating from Mu‗izzī, Ni mī ‗Arū ī states that
Maḥmūd was impressed by a single verse that his minister cited from the Shāhnāma at the right
time, and when the minister reminded Maḥmūd of the poet who had composed that verse,
Maḥmūd issued the order for sending the gold coins along with his apologies to Firdausī.50
Mu‗izzī‘s report, which Ni mī ‗Arū ī supposedly heard from him in person in Nīsh būr in
514/1120–21, that is, near the end of Mu‗izzī‘s life, seems to reflect his regret about what he
(Mu‗izzī) had said earlier in his life about Firdausī.
Mu‗izzī‘s report contains a piece of interesting information, which points to the high
regard of a particular family of Khur s n for Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma. According to Ni mī ‗Arū ī,
Mu‗izzī had heard his story in Ṭūs from a member of the ‗Abd al-Razz qiy n family, who, as we
shall see below, had originally commissioned the composition of the Shāhnāma. The fact that
Ni mī ‗Arū ī gives the year and place of his encounter with Mu‗izzī makes it very likely that he
did actually hear the story from him. What is noteworthy in Mu‗izzī‘s statement is that he refers
to his informant by the title am r or ―governor.‖ The only governor of Ṭūs from the ‗Abd al-
Razz qiy n family that we know of is Abū Manṣūr Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Razz q, who was
killed in 350/962, that is, more than a century before Mu‗izzī encountered Ni mī ‗Arū ī.
Mu‗izzī is obviously referring to a different member of the ‗Abd al-Razz qiy n family, and this
points to the high social status of the ‗Abd al-Razz qiy n family in Ṭūs even a century after the
death of Abū Manṣūr. The attribution of the story of Maḥmūd‘s eventual appreciation of the
Shāhnāma by hearing just one verse from it to this family also reveals that more than a century
28
after the completion of the Shāhnāma, Firdausī‘s work was held in high regard by members of
the family who had originally commissioned its composition.
The Reception of the Shāhnāma on the Part of the Abd al-R zz q y n Family
If the fate of the Shāhnāma at the time of its completion is surrounded by halo of
legends, we have clearer information about its inception, which sheds light on how the work was
perceived at the time of its composition. As demonstrated by Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Firdausī‘s patron
must have been Manṣūr the son of Abū Manṣūr Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Razz q of Ṭūs, the
sipahsālār (―commander-in-chief‖) of Khur s n in 349/960.51
As we gather from the reports of
medieval historians, Abū Manṣūr had high political ambitions and possibly aimed to challenge
Samanid rule and create an independent state for himself, but he was killed in 350/962 before his
dreams could materialize.52
Abū Manṣūr is also known for commissioning the compilation of a
prose Shāhnāma (completed in 346/957), known as the Abū Manṣūrī Shāhnāma, which was later
used by Firdausī as his source.
Although no more than an introduction to this prose Shāhnāma has survived, its content
is enough to suggest that Abū Manṣūr‘s cultural endeavour was part and parcel of his political
aspirations. It provides a lengthy genealogy for Abū Manṣūr, tracing his roots back to an
important dynastic family of Parthian ancestry during the reign of the Sasanian kings, and
ultimately to the Persian mythical king Manūchihr. As argued by Parvaneh Pourshariati, aside
from its mythical section, the genealogy of Abū Manṣūr given in the introduction to the Abū
Manṣūrī Shāhnāma is historically sound and valid, as he was indeed a descendant of the
powerful Parthian dynastic family of Kan rangiy n, who were the marzbāns (protectors of
frontiers) of Ṭūs in the late Sasanian period and ruled over Khur s n since the time of Yazdgird I
(r. 399–420). Pourshariati further points out that the Kan rangiy n‘s right to rule in the east was
hereditary (―by law and tradition‖) during the Sasanian period.53
In view of this historical
29
background, Abū Manṣūr‘s endeavour to assume power in Khur s n would only make sense, as
he seems to have been trying to reclaim his family‘s hereditary right to rule over the region.
Also, as noted in the introduction to the Abū Manṣūrī Shāhnāma, Ṭūs always belonged to the
Kan rangiy n family until the time of Ḥumayd (b. Qaḥṭaba) al-Ṭ ‘ī (between 152/769–159/775),
the Abbasid governor of Khur s n, when the family lost control of Ṭūs. It was under Abū
Manṣūr b. ‗Abd al-Razz q that the family regained its power in Ṭūs, as claimed in the
introduction to the Abū Manṣūrī Shāhnāma.54
As shown by Pourshariati, independent historical
sources confirm the validity of this claim.55
Furthermore, Abū Manṣūr is introduced in the
introduction as a virtuous (bā-hunar) man with farr (divine glory/right to rule) and lofty thoughts
(and sha-i buland), who was of noble origin (nizhād buzurg), and who possessed the full
apparatus of kingship (ba dastgāh tamām az pādshāh ).56
Abū Manṣūr‘s motivation for having
commissioned the compilation of the prose Shāhnāma, according to the introduction, was that he
wished to leave a good name behind in the same way that the great rulers of the past, such as the
Sasanian king Anūshīrv n (r. 531–579), the Abbasid caliph Ma‘mūn (r. 198/813–218/833), and
the Samanid am r Naṣr b. Aḥmad (r. 301–31/914–43), had immortalized their names by
commissioning the translations and versification of Kal la va Dimna.57
Thus, the introduction to
the Shāhnāma commissioned by Abū Manṣūr represents him as a man on a par with Anūshīrv n,
Ma‘mūn, and Naṣr b. Aḥmad. Abū Manṣūr‘s genealogy, his great achievement of regaining his
family‘s hereditary right to rule over Ṭūs, and his motivation in compiling the prose Shāhnāma,
as described in the introduction to the work, all served to establish his legitimacy should he
manage to create an independent state for himself. But, as mentioned above, he was not given the
chance to take full advantage of his cultural project, as he was killed five years after the
completion of the prose Shāhnāma.
30
About twenty years after Abū Manṣūr‘s murder in 350/962, his son Manṣūr provided the
funding for Firdausī‘s versification of that prose Shāhnāma. Although he did not hold a high
office like his father, Manṣūr too was politically active. According to the histories of the period,
Manṣūr and his brother ‗Abdull h, who had participated in a riot in Nīsh būr against the newly
appointed governor of Khur s n by the Samanid ruler Nūḥ b. Manṣūr (r. 365/976–387/997),
were arrested in 377/987 and sent to Bukhara, where they were shamed and defamed in public.
The two brothers were then imprisoned in Quhandiz castle and no one knows what happened to
them afterward.58
Although Manṣūr was only able to support Firdausī in the first few years of his
composition of the Shāhnāma (Firdausī started his work sometime between 365/976 and
370/980), it is noteworthy that the father and son both challenged Samanid authority and both
sponsored the writing of Shāhnāmas, one in prose and the other in verse. The information
available on the political endeavours of the ‗Abd al-Razz qiy n family is scanty, yet it is not
difficult to see a link between their political and cultural activities. By their sponsorship of the
history of ancient Persian kings, the father and son aimed to establish their legitimacy as
prospective rulers of the region, and, more importantly, to communicate their cultural values and
political ideology as reflected in the tales of the Shāhnāma.
The introduction to the Abū Manṣūrī Shāhnāma provides detailed information about what
can be learned from it. As clearly stated in the introduction, the accounts about the reigns of the
first to the last king of the Persians, along with the accounts about ―the justice and injustice, the
revolts, the wars, and the custom and practice of these kings were put together and called the
Shāhnāma (Book of kings), so that men of knowledge would look into it and learn all about the
education (farhang) of kings, noblemen (mihtarān), and sages (farzānigān), and the task of
kingship (kār va sāz-i pādshāh ), the disposition (nihād) and conduct (raftār) of kings, the good
customs (āy nhā-yi n k ), the justice (dād), the judgement (dāvar ), the administration (rāndan-i
31
kār), the arrangement of troops (sipāh ārāstan), the fighting (razm kardan), the conquest (shahr
gushādan), the vengeance (k n khvāstan), and the night raiding (shab kh n kardan), as well as
keeping respect (āzarm dāshtan) and making requests (khvāstār kardan).‖
59 Thus, the prose
Shāhnāma was compiled to educate its readers on all matters related to statecraft and kingship.
The benefit of reading the work, according to the introduction, was twofold: first, to learn about
the conduct and custom of kings (raftār va āy n-i shāhān), in order to learn how to get along
(sākhtan) with everyone; and second, to be entertained by its pleasant tales, which contain useful
information about everything such as reward and retribution for good and bad deeds, rudeness
and gentleness (durusht va āhistig ), anger and contentment (khishm va khushn d ), advice and
admonishment (pand va andarz), and so on.60
The introduction to the Abū Manṣūrī Shāhnāma,
therefore clarifies that the book was intended to both educate and entertain. As we shall see,
education and entertainment seem to have also been Firdausī‘s intent in the composition of his
work.
The Reception of the Shāhnāma on the Part of Medieval Writers
Despite the lack of information on the fate of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma after its completion,
later sources are replete with references to it. Medieval writers‘ imitations of and borrowings
from the Shāhnāma and their commentaries on the work reveal a great deal about the reception
of Firdausi‘s opus in medieval times. In general, references to Firdausī and his work are found in
the biographies of poets (tazkira), comments made by copyists of the Shāhnāma, works on the
science of rhetoric (‗ilm-i balāgha), epics composed on the model of the Shāhnāma, anthologies
or selections from the Shāhnāma (ikhtiyārāt), mirrors for princes, and historical writing. By
examining these various types of works, the following discussion will demonstrate the view
medieval writers had of Firdausī and his work.
32
Biographies of Poets (tazkiras)
Among the extant medieval Persian biographies of poets, six works include information
on Firdausī and his poetry.61
Two of these works are specifically written as biographies of poets
and the other four only contain chapters on the life and works of poets. The earliest Persian
biography of poets to comment on Firdausī‘s work is the above-mentioned Chahār maqāla of
Ni mī ‗Arū ī. Ni mī ‗Arū ī‘s discourse on the profession of poet provides biographical
information on several poets, including Firdausī. Ni mī ‗Arū ī praises Firdausī‘s eloquence by
stating that he ―elevated the [status of] speech to the highest level of heaven‖ ( قطي ؼا ث آقوبى ػلییي
ظؼ ػػثذ ثوبء هؼیي ) and compares the flow and clarity of Firdausī‘s words to that of water ,(ثؽظ
.(ؼقبیع62 Ni mī ‗Arū ī states that he has never seen such eloquence either among Persians or
among many Arabs ( ی ثعیي كبزذ وی ثین ظؼ ثكیبؼی ػؽة نهي ظؼ ػدن قط ).63
Similar commendation for Firdausī and his work is expressed by Muḥammad ‗Aufī in his
Lubāb al-albāb (The select of the select), written during 617/1220 to 625/1228.64
Lubāb al-
albāb, which is the earliest extant biography of poets in Persian, provides a tantalizing piece of
information that is not recorded anywhere else. It refers to a selection of verses (ikhtiyārāt) from
the Shāhnāma that had been made by the poet Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d-i Salm n (d. 515/1121–22) and
notes that whoever studies it will recognize Firdausī‘s eminence.65
Since there is no evidence of
the existence of Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d‘s compilation, modern scholars have been suspicious of the
veracity of ‗Aufī‘s statement.66
But, whether ‗Aufī‘s attribution of such a work to Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d
is accurate or not, his statement indicates that by ‗Aufī‘s time, the practice of extracting verses
from the Shāhnāma and compiling them in separate works—perhaps with the title ikhtiyārāt
(selected verses)—was already evident.67
‗Aufī also mentions that Firdausī composed other poems, which are not as popular as the
Shāhnāma. He provides two examples of these, both of which are in the form of qiṭ‗a (fragment),
33
meaning an extract from a ghazal or qa da having end-rhyme. The first example consists of two
verses in praise of Maḥmūd, and the other is five verses expressing the poet‘s regret for his
youth.68 Similarly, Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, whose Tār kh-i guz da (Select history, completed
730/1330) includes a chapter on the biographies of poets, states that Firdausī wrote other good
poems, but they were not popular.69
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s example from Firdausī‘s other poems
is a five-verse fragment on longing for the beloved. Both ‗Aufī‘s and Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s
statements demonstrate that, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the popularity and
prominence of the Shāhnāma overshadowed the poet‘s other works, and that verses from the
Shāhnāma were so well-known that literary biographers did not even need to quote any examples
from it.
In his Mujmal-i Fa (ca. 836/1432–33), which is in fact an historical writing, but
provides detailed biographical information on poets whose dates of deaths coincides with the
dates of events reported in the work, Faṣīḥ Khv fī relates an anecdote that points to the fame and
popularity of Firdausī at the time. In this anecdote, which also appears in the prose preface to the
B ysunghurī Shāhnāma (completed in 833/1430),70
Faṣīḥ Khv fī relates that when Firdausī was
born, his father dreamed that his son went on top of a roof and uttered a loud cry toward Mecca.
In response, he heard a voice back. Firdausī did the same in three other directions, and heard
back from every one. In the morning, when Firdausī‘s father asked a dream interpreter named
Najīb al-Dīn about the dream, he was told that it meant his son would become an orator whose
fame would reach the four corners of the world, that his words would be well received all over
the world, and that he would be exceptional in his era (nādira-i ‗a r) and a prodigy of the time
(u‗j ba-i dahr). Faṣīḥ Khv fī adds that all poets who have composed Persian poetry have looked
up to Firdausī and admired him.71
To demonstrate other poets‘ admiration for Firdausī, Faṣīḥ
Khv fī quotes from six poets who praised Firdausī‘s work.
72
34
Tazkirat al-shu‗arā (892/1487) by the biographer Daulatsh h Samarqandī and Bahāristān
(892/1487) by the mystic poet J mī, also confirm the high status of Firdausī‘s work in the
medieval Persian literary sphere. Tazkirat al-shu‗arā was specifically written as a biography of
poets, but J mī‘s Bahāristān is a book on adab (ethics and proper conduct), one chapter of which
contains brief accounts of thirty nine poets, from Rūdakī (d. 329/940–41) to ‗Alī-Shīr Nav ‘ī (d.
906/1501). Daulatsh h refers to Firdausī as the Saḥb n of the Persians, a reference to a pre-
Islamic Arab poet and rhetorician who was celebrated for his eloquence.73
He states that all men
of high literary stature are in agreement Firdausī had no equal during the Islamic era, and that the
Shāhnāma is a good reason for this consensus since no poet or rhetorician has ever been able to
compose anything comparable to it in the past five hundred years.74
Daulatsh h opines that
Firdausī was divinely guided and quotes a few verses by other poets to demonstrate their
admiration for Firdausī‘s poetical skill.75
J mī‘s statement in his Bahāristān about Firdausī and
his Shāhnāma confirms Daulatsh h‘s assertion concerning the consensus among literary scholars
regarding the prominence of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma. J mī states that Firdausī‘s excellence and
perfection are apparent and that someone with a book of poetry like the Shāhnāma does not need
the praise of others.76
This statement verifies that Firdausī‘s eminence was so evident and widely
acknowledged in the Persian literary milieu that J mī thought it would be superfluous to write
about it.
The encomiastic statements of medieval poets and biographers about Firdausī and his
work are evidence that medieval writers did not consider the language and style of the Shāhnāma
to be archaic or outdated.77
As will be discussed below, Firdausī‘s oeuvre even inspired other
poets to produce similar works; although, none of those poems is marked by the high literary
quality of the Shāhnāma. The hyperbolic statements of later poets and writers about Firdausī and
his work may be considered by modern scholars as simply a trope, part of the style of medieval
35
prose-writing. But, it must also be noted that not all poets and writers enjoyed such universal
veneration and esteem.
Comments of the Copyists of the Shāhnāma
In his study of the epithets and titles that the copyists of the Shāhnāma manuscripts
applied to Firdausī, Angelo Michele Piemontese noted that such titles as ak m (sage), malik al-
shu‗arā (king of poets), afżal al-shu‗arā (the best of poets), af a al-shu‗arā (the most eloquent
of poets), and af a al-mutakallim n (the most eloquent of orators) were repeatedly used in
referring to Firdausī himself, and such titles as ustād (master), afkham (superior), isnād (proof),
and qudva (leader) were used for him as a poet, and that he was also known as amla al-bulaghā
(most fluent of the eloquent), afżal al-mu aqqiq n (supreme scholar), malik al-fużalā (king of the
literati) and ustād al-kalām (master of speech).78
Medieval scribes did not apply honorific titles to all poets and authors whose works they
copied. As remarked by Piemontese, the only other poet who was praised by copyists of his
works was Ni mī Ganjavī.79 But, the copyists‘ commendation of Ni mī in manuscripts of his
works start to appear only in the sixteenth century, whereas the earliest manuscript of the
Shāhnāma that includes a poem composed by the scribe in honour of Firdausī dates from
803/1400.80
Piemontese asserts that the use of honorific titles and epithets for Firdausī by later
copyists of the Shāhnāma continues a tradition that must have started earlier. He argues that even
if the titles and epithets for Firdausī are exaggerated and reflect the style of writing of the period,
their application cannot be baseless.81
In his view, the fact that the title ― amāsa sarā‖
(composer of epic), or any other title which reflects this concept, was never applied to Firdausī,
and that the most commonly used epithet for the poet was ak m (sage), demonstrates that he
was always regarded primarily as a sage.82
It must also be noted that the term ― amāsa,‖ and
36
― amāsa-sarā‖ are only modern renditions of the terms ―epic‖ and ―composer of epic‖
respectively, which are taken from Western literary criticism. The term amāsa is actually
borrowed from Arabic literature, where it refers to a collection of poems composed in praise of
bravery and heroism of Arab tribes. Persian medieval writers and literary critics classified
Persian literary works based on their form not their subject. They did, however, refer to poets by
using epithets that reflected the subject matter of their works. So, other Persian poets whose
works contained wisdom and moral advice were also known by the epithet ak m. For example,
Asadī Ṭūsī (d. 465/1072–73) and Ir nsh n b. Abī al-Khayr (d. ca. 511/1117–18), who composed
heroic epics in imitation of the Shāhnāma and whose works contain similar advice and wisdom,
as well as ‗Umar Khayy m (d. 527/1132–33), who was known as a philosopher, astrologer,
mathematician, physician and poet, and the mystic poet San ‘ī (d. 545/1150–51), whose works
contain philosophical ideas, moral advice and homilies, are all referred to by the epithet ak m.
The epithet ak m was never applied to Firdausī‘s contemporaries such as the poets Farrukhī (d.
429/1037–38) and Manūchihrī (d. 432/ 1040–41), probably because they mostly composed
panegyrics.
It may also be added that Firdausī was never called a ―historian‖ (mu‘arrikh, rāv , and so
on) either. Obviously, it was his eloquence and wisdom demonstrated throughout his work that
impressed his medieval readers the most, not the historical information contained in his work.
Even Anvarī‘s (d. 583/1187–88) negative comment about Firdausi‘s Shāhnāma appears
as a back-handed compliment. In one of his poems, where he admonishes himself against
composing poetry to please the commoners (bahr-i qab l-i ‗āmma), he asks himself to look at
the perfection (kamāl) of Avicenna in order to see the imperfection (nuq ān) of Firdausī. He
further states that when there is a work like Avicenna‘s Shifā, one should not compose poetry
like the Shāhnāma.83
Anvarī‘s example of the Shāhnāma as a work that pleases common people
37
points to the popularity of the Shāhnāma at the time. And, his comparing of Firdausī‘s
imperfection to Avicenna‘s perfection indicates that Firdausī‘s work was considered to be a book
of wisdom like that of Avicenna; although, it lacked the philosophical approach of Avicenna‘s
work.
The universal praise of Firdausī and his work by medieval writers, poets, and copyists of
the Shāhnāma demonstrates that they did not consider the Shāhnāma to be an outmoded
collection of ancient tales composed in an archaic language. Rather, they perceived the work as a
book of wisdom and admired the poet‘s eloquence in presenting the wisdom and advice it
contained.
Works on the Science of Rhetoric (‘ilm-i balāgha)
In his al-Mathal al-sā‘ir f adab al-kātib wa al-shā‗ir, the Arab literary critic Ḍiy ‘ al-
Dīn ibn al-Athīr (d. 637/1239)—brother of the famous historian Ibn al-Athīr—refers to
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma as the ―Qur‘an of the [Persian] people‖ (Qur‘ān al-qaum), and mentions
that such eloquence cannot be found in Arabic poetry.84
Since the Shāhnāma was so highly
admired for its rhetorical qualities, one would expect it to have been used as a major source in
medieval Persian treatises on rhetoric. Unfortunately, despite the fact that quite a number of
works on the technical requirements of poetry were produced during the Ghaznavid period
(366/977–583/1187), only a few such works have survived.85
Nevertheless, two such works
provide important insights into the reception of the Shāhnāma during medieval times.
The earliest extant Persian treatise on rhetoric is Tarjumān al-balāgha (The interpretation
of eloquence) composed by Muḥammad b. ‗Umar al-R dūy nī in 507/1113–14. Modern scholars
have always assumed that he does not make any reference to the Shāhnāma.86
This assumption,
however, was based on an incomplete manuscript of the Tarjumān al-balāgha that was edited by
Ahmed Ateş (1949), and which was believed to be unique.87
Another copy of this work was
38
edited by ‗Alī Qavīm (1960) based on a different manuscript, which he owned.88
As confirmed
by the list of contents of the two copies of Tarjumān al-balāgha, ‗Alī Qavīm‘s manuscript
contains the two pages that are missing in the manuscript edited by Ateş.89
R dūy nī‘s quotation
from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma appears in this part of the work that is missing from Ateş‘s
manuscript. In Qavīm‘s edition, R dūy nī quotes a verse from Firdausī to illustrate the technique
of the application of ―homilies, aphorisms, and complaints‖ (al-mau‗i a va al- ikma va al-
shakvā) in poetry.90
The verse reads:
ک ثؽ ر ظؼاؾ اقذ ظقذ ؾهبى ثوؽظی جبیع نعى ظؼ گوبى
In manliness, there should be no room for doubt;
For the hand of Fate reaches you [anyway]. 91
R dūy nī‘s quotation from the Shāhnāma to illustrate this specific technique suggests that
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma was considered as a model for citing advice and aphorisms in poetry.
In addition to the above-mentioned verse, the Tarjumān al-balāgha contains two other
verses that the author attributes to Firdausī.92
These two verses are not from the Shāhnāma, but
they appear with four additional verses in ‗Aufī‘s Lubāb al-albāb as an example of Firdausī‘s
other poetry.93
The fact that R dūy nī refers to Firdausī two times in his treatise indicates that
not only was he known in the early twelfth century, but also that his opus was recognized as a
fine example of the use of Persian rhetorical devices.
The other work on the rhetorical sciences is al-Mu‗jam f ma‗āy r ash‗ār al-‗ajam (The
lexicon of the standards of Persian poetry) by Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Qays al-R zī
(Shams-i Qays), composed in the early thirteenth century. This work contains discussions of the
three major sciences of ‗ar ż (prosody), qāfiya (rhyme), and ma āsin-i shi‗r (rhetorical devices
and the forms of poetry). The quotations from the Shāhnāma are limited to the chapters on metre
39
and poetic forms. The author‘s citations from the Shāhnāma are nevertheless illuminating.94
In
his explanation of the various types of mutaqārib metre, Shams-i Qays quotes two verses from
the Shāhnāma.95
He also quotes five verses from the Shāhnāma to illustrate muzdavaj or masnav
as a form of poetry and demonstrates how the end rhyme of each verse is different, adding that
this form is suitable for stories and long tales. The five verses that Shams-i Qays quotes from the
Shāhnāma, however, are not consecutive. Rather, they are taken from two different stories, and
even the verses from the same story are not consecutive: 96
خبى ؼا جبیع قپؽظى ثجع کوبى ثػ ؼقعکم ثی ک ثؽ ثع
One should not spend time doing bad [deeds]
As the evil-doer will no doubt be requited with evil. 97
چیي اقذ ثبغاكؽ ظاغگؽ کم ؼا ثػ آیع ثكؽ کی هؽ ثػ
The punishment of the Judge is like this
That the evil-doer will himself face evil. 98
کكی ک ثظ ثبک یؿظاى پؽقذ یبؼظ ثکؽظاؼ ثػ یح ظقذ
کی ؽ خع ثػ کؽظى آقبى ثغ ثلؽخبم اؾ خبى ؽاقبى ثغ
The one who is pure and faithful
Never tends toward bad deeds
Because, although it is easy to do bad,
The soul is fearful of the consequences on the Day of Judgement. 99
خ ثی ؼح ثبنی پبکیؿ ؼای اؾ آى ثؽ یبثی ثؽ ظ قؽای
If you are free from hurt and have pure thoughts
You will benefit from that in both worlds. 100
40
The second verse of the quotation above belongs to a different story, and verses have
been omitted between the verses quoted from the same story. The omitted verses between the
first and third verses of the quotation are part of the narrative and contain the names of characters
in the story. Therefore, only the verses referring to the moral lesson of the story have been
selected. Since Shams-i Qays is talking about using this form of poetry for story-telling, there
was no reason for him to omit the verses that formed part of the narrative. Even if he deliberately
omitted those verses, it is odd to insert a verse from another part of the Shāhnāma into the
middle of these verses. It may be hypothesized that Shams-i Qays was quoting from a work of
selections from the Shāhnāma—compiled either by himself or by someone else—because all the
verses cited are on the same theme of evil-doing.
In point of fact, all of the above-mentioned verses appear in a selection of verses from the
Shāhnāma entitled Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (Selections from the Shāhnāma) compiled by ‗Alī b.
Aḥmad in 474/1081–82.101
But, although they are all on the same theme, the order of the above-
mentioned verses is different, and they are interspersed with other verses,. The different order of
the verses indicates that Shams-i Qays did not copy from the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma. The
practice of compiling selections from the Shāhnāma was already mentioned with reference to
‗Aufī‘s statement regarding Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d‘s selections from the Shāhnāma. ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s
Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma and Shams-i Qays‘s quotation from Firdausī‘s work provide further
evidence for the independent existence of this type of compilation. As will be discussed in detail
later in this chapter, most verses that were selected for these compilations contained wisdom and
moral advice. It may thus be posited that medieval writers referred to Firdausī‘s work as a
reservoir of aphorisms, wisdom, and advice. Both R dūy nī‘s use of the Shāhnāma and Shams-i
Qays‘s particular citation from Firdausī‘s work attest to this fact.
41
Post-Shāhnāma Epics and Verse Chronicles
Heroic epics. We know of at least sixteen heroic/mythical epics that were composed in
imitation of the Shāhnāma with respect to their form, metre, language, and style in the period
between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries.102
All these epics relate the adventures of Persian
mythical heroes to whom Firdausī did not devote more than a few verses in his work. The
continued production of works in imitation of the Shāhnāma demonstrates that the mythico-
historical content of Firdausī‘s work was quite popular for centuries after its completion. Asadī
Ṭūsī‘s acknowledgement of Firdausī‘s work as the impetus for writing the Garshāsb-nāma (or
Karshāsp-nāma, completed in 458/1066) is evidence that Firdausī‘s versification of ancient
Persian tales affected his contemporary audience. In the introduction to his work, Asadī Ṭūsī
states that two noble men (the king‘s minister and his brother) at the court of Būdulaf, the ruler
of Arr n (Nakhjav n), encouraged him to versify a tale (dāstān) from an ancient book (nāma-i
bāstān) and leave his good name behind in the same way that Firdausī did with his Shāhnāma.103
Firdausī‘s recognition by members of contemporary courtly élites in north-western Iran points to
the attention accorded to the Shāhnāma outside the poet‘s local area shortly after its completion.
A careful investigation of the post-Shāhnāma epics would not only enhance our
knowledge of the Persian epic tradition, but would also further our understanding of the
reception of Firdausī‘s work by medieval poets. Unfortunately, very few of these epics have been
edited or thoroughly studied.104
Nevertheless, the few surveys that have been done indicate that
these post-Shāhnāma epics often have an ethico-political dimension. For example, Marijan Molé
noted that despite all the descriptions of battle scenes and heroic adventures in the K sh-nāma
(composed between 501/1108–504/1111 by Īr nsh n b. Abī al-Khayr), which are characteristic
features of all heroic poems, the central theme of the work is royal succession and legitimate
kingship.105
Jal l Matīnī points out that, according to the narrative of the K sh-nāma, Jamshīd
42
left behind three books of advice for his descendents—referred to as ―andarz-i Jamsh d,‖
―guftār-i Jamsh d,‖ and ―andarz-nāma‖—so they could consult them in solving their
problems.106
In addition to leaving books of advice for his descendents, Jamshīd also appeared to
them in their dreams to give them guidance.107
Matīnī also draws attention to eight effective
military tactics described in the K sh-nāma.108
Military tactics and arrangement of troops in the
battlefield are topics that are usually dealt with in the books of advice for rulers.109
The
observations of Molé and Matīnī indicate that K sh-nāma, like its model, the Shāhnāma,
conveys lessons on kingship through its narration of heroic tales. As we shall see in the
following chapters of this study, the issue of royal legitimacy and succession, the significance of
the advice of exemplary rulers of the past, and effective military tactics are all matters discussed
in the Shāhnāma and later books of advice for rulers.
Moreover, as noted by Matīnī, a section of the K sh-nāma, consisting of 103 verses,
closely corresponds to one hundred paragraphs of Ayādgār-i Wuzurgmihr (Memorial of
Buzurgmihr), a Middle Persian text on moral advice and wisdom attributed to Buzurgmihr, the
famous wise minister of the Sasanian king Anūshīrv n (r. 531–79).110
Significantly, almost half
of the content of this text also appears in the Shāhnāma.111
As may be inferred from Matīnī‘s
comparison of the texts of the Ayādgār-i Wuzurgmihr, the Shāhnāma, and the K sh-nāma, the
author of the K sh-nāma did not copy this part of his work from the Shāhnāma; rather, he seems
to have worked directly from the Middle Persian text or its translation.112
The use of a Middle
Persian text on wisdom and advice on kingship points to the attention of the composers of these
epics to the ethico-political dimension of Persian heroic tales.
In the introduction to K sh-nāma, Īr nsh n mentions that he had already composed
another epic entitled Bahman-nāma.113
This work, which deals with the adventures of
Isfandiy r‘s son Bahman, is another Persian epic composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma.114
Its
43
central theme is Bahman‘s revenge on Rustam‘s family for Rustam‘s killing of his father,
Isfandiy r. In the introduction to Bahman-nāma, Īr nsh n states that the constant battles and
wars of his patron, the Saljūq sultan Muḥammad b. Maliksh h (r. 498/1105–511/1118), reminded
him of the endless battles of Bahman against Rustam‘s family. This statement indicates that the
socio-political turmoil of the time inspired the poet to compose a poem through which he could
offer his advice for solving contemporary problems. As in his K sh-nāma, Īr nsh n describes
different military tactics and the effective arrangement of troops on the battlefield. He also
includes in his work the topics of wisdom, manly virtue, generosity, patience, hospitality, and so
on, which are common themes of the medieval literature of wisdom and advice.115
Asadī Ṭūsī‘s Garshāsb-nāma, already mentioned above, is another example of a Persian
heroic epic, composed on the model of the Shāhnāma, which includes advice for rulers and
courtiers. Almost one third of Asadī‘s work is devoted to wisdom and moral values.116
Kh liqī
Muṭlaq‘s study of this work demonstrates how closely the moral and political concepts presented
in it correspond to those in the Shāhnāma. By comparing the Garshāsb-nāma to Middle Persian
wisdom texts, such as M n -yi Khirad and Andarz-i Ᾱzarbād Mahraspandān; to New Persian
advice literature, such as Abū Shakūr Balkhī‘s poems (tenth century) and ‗Unṣur al-ma‗ lī‘s
Qāb s-nāma (475/1082); and to Arabic works translated from Middle Persian texts, such as Ibn
al-Muqaffa‗s Adab al-kab r, Kh liqī Muṭlaq has shown how faithfully Asadī Ṭūsī put the ancient
Persian wisdom literature to verse.117
Farāmarz-nāma is another post-Shāhnāma epic, which recounts the adventures of
Far marz, son of Rustam.118
Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s study of a manuscript of this work provides
important insights into the nature of this epic.119
To begin with, the anonymous poet of the
Farāmarz-nāma introduces himself as ―a slave of the pure heart of Firdausī,‖ a statement which
indicates that the poet looked to Firdausī‘s opus in composing his own work.120
According to the
44
tale, the king of India sought help from the king of Iran to bring peace to his people, who were
suffering from five major problems.121
Four of the five problems concerned the activities of
harmful animals and fabulous creatures, which had made the region unsafe and insecure, and one
problem concerned extortionate taxes imposed by a local ruler. Far marz volunteers to go to
India to help, and several other heroes follow suit. The general theme of this epic, thus, is the
role of kings and heroes (read military men) in providing peace and security for people. The
king‘s duty to provide peace and security for people and his punishment of local rulers for
extortionate taxations are among the chief topics of almost all medieval Persian mirrors for
princes.
Like other Persian epics, such as Garshāsb-nāma, Farāmarz-nāma contains an episode in
which the hero discovers the treasury of a deceased king, where his book of advice is kept.
Farāmarz-nāma also includes episodes that depict the hero receiving guidance from a deceased
king.122
Kh liqī Muṭlaq interprets such episodes as symbolic confirmations of the status of the
hero as jahān pahlavān ―the hero of the world.‖ This interpretation points to the importance of
the wisdom of previous kings in Persian heroic tales. These episodes also point to the
prominence of the ethico-political dimensions of such narratives.
This cursory survey of post-Shāhnāma epics demonstrates that later poets paid attention
to the ethico-political dimension of Firdausī‘s opus and made sure to include it in their own
works.
Religious epics. The epics composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma were not limited to the
adventures of Persian mythical heroes. Some poets followed the model of the Shāhnāma in form,
metre, style, and language, but replaced the Persian mythical heroes with Muslim heroes. As
early as 482/1090, a poet with the pen-name Rabī‗ composed an epic in imitation of the
Shāhnāma, entitled ‗Al -nāma, which portrayed the heroic acts of ‗Alī b. Abī Ṭ lib, the cousin
45
and son-in-law of the prophet Muḥammad, the fourth Orthodox caliph, and the first Imam of the
Shi‗ites, in the battles of Jamal and Ṣiffīn.123
The poet of the ‗Al -nāma states that the reason the Shāhnāma is so pleasant (dilkash,
naghz, khvush) is that it is composed of pure lies (zi maghz-i dur gh ast).
124 He also claims that
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma was sponsored by the Karramites—a sect of Islam founded in eastern Iran
in the ninth century, which was known for its asceticism and rejection of Sunni formalism and
Shi‗ite immoderation—in their attempt to inhibit the reading of true stories about the prophet
Muḥammad and his family.125
Rabī‗, who uses the Shāhnāma as a model and even borrows
poetic imagery and ideas from it, stresses that wise men would read the ‗Al -nāma not the
Shāhnāma.126
Despite his accusations against Firdausī and his work, Rabī‗‘s recognition of the
Shāhnāma as a pleasant work, as well as his call to not read it, indicate that Firdausī‘s work was
very popular in the late eleventh century.
Khāvarān-nāma (830/1426–27) by Ibn Ḥus m Khūsfī is another Persian epic with an
Islamic theme, which narrates the extraordinary deeds of ‗Alī b. Abī Ṭ lib in khāvar (east),
recounting his battles against demons (d vs), dragons, and Persian mythical kings.127
Ibn Ḥūs m
demonstrates his deep admiration for Firdausī in his description of a dream he had about him. In
his dream, Ibn Ḥūs m saw Firdausī clad in a beautiful Sufi robe wandering in a beautiful garden.
He describes that he paid his respect to Firdausī, marvelled at his work, and tightly embraced
him. As he was embracing Firdausī, Ibn Ḥus m asked him to share with him his wisdom and
knowledge. When he woke up, Ibn Ḥus m could not remember Firdausī‘s words, but his chest
had become a treasure-house of secrets (makhzan-i ganj-i asrār) and the sleeping head of his
wisdom was awakened (khirad rā sar-i khufta b dār gasht).128
Ibn Ḥus m maintains that it was
through this spiritual connection with Firdausī that he gained the knowledge and wisdom to
compose his own work.129
46
The production of these types of epics, which are usually classified as religious/Shi‗ite
epics, reached its peak during the Safavid period (1501–1722) and has continued to the modern
era.130
An examination of these works in order to determine whether or not their composers
remained faithful to the wisdom and advice component of Persian heroic tales might provide
further confirmation, but that would take us too far afield from our topic.131
Historical epics. Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma also inspired later poets to compose epics and
romances that related the extraordinary deeds of historical figures. The poets of historical epics,
too, carefully emulated their model by including the wisdom and advice components in their
works. Ni mī Ganjavī‘s Iskandar-nāma (ca. 590/1194), which is clearly a book of advice for
rulers, is an excellent example. Ni mī, who is usually regarded as the initiator of Persian
historical epics, versified the accounts of Alexander as a warrior and hero in the first part of his
work, and as a philosopher, ideal king, and prophet in the second part.132
The two parts of
Ni mī‘s work are generally known by the titles Sharaf-nāma (Book of nobility) and Iqbāl-nāma
(Book of good fortune) interchangeably. The title Khirad-nāma (Book of wisdom) has also been
applied to the second part of the work.133
These titles suggest that Ni mī‘s Iskandar-nāma was
primarily understood as a book of wisdom on kingship, and not so much as an historical account
of Alexander‘s exploits. Throughout his work, Ni mī holds up the model of Alexander to his
patron as an ideal king and gives him advice on how to rule.
In the introduction to his Iskandar-nāma, Ni mī states that if the wise man of Ṭūs, i.e.
Firdausī, were to give all the details of the accounts that he related, his story would have become
too long. Therefore, he undertook to provide the reader with the details that Firdausī left
untold.134
Ni mī also mentions that another reason why Firdausī did not say everything was that
he wished to leave something for others to say, as it is not appropriate to eat all the halvā
(sweets) by oneself.135
These statements indicate that Ni mī wanted his work to be considered
47
as a complement to the Shāhnāma and as valuable as Firdausī‘s oeuvre. Since Ni mī composed
his work as a mirror for princes in a mythico-historical framework, we may assume that he
understood Firdausī‘s work in the same way, that is, as a book of wisdom and advice for kings.
Even Ni mī‘s Khusrau va Sh r n and Haft Paykar, which are classified as historical
romances not epics, appear to follow the rules of conveying ethico-political lessons through
entertaining tales.136
In these two works, Ni mī depicts the image of flawed rulers in order to
give his patron admonishment and advice. Ni mī‘s acknowledgement of Firdausī in both of
these works is an indication that in both of them, he followed the model of the Shāhnāma in
using ancient tales as didactic vehicles to convey advice on kingship. In the introduction to
Khusrau va Sh r n, Ni mī states that the wise man who had already versified the story of
Khusrau and Shīrīn, that is, Firdausī, had reached the age of sixty, and thus, did not see the
benefits of writing about love affairs.137
Therefore, he decided to versify the parts of the story
that Firdausī had not included in his work.138
By this statement, Ni mī suggests that there are
lessons to be learned from love stories as well. In the introduction to his Haft Paykar, he refers to
Firdausī as a quick-minded (chābuk-and sha) poet, who perfectly versified a good selection of
the history of ancient kings.139
He compares Firdausī‘s work to a cut jewel, and the stories that
Firdausī did not put into verse to the little bits and pieces that were left behind from the cutting
of that jewel.140
Then, he mentions that everyone produced something from those small bits of
jewels, and that he (Ni mī), like an expert jeweller (gauhar-shinās)—metaphorically, someone
who knows about human essence—created a precious treasure from a small piece of jewel that
was left from the cutting of that large jewel (that is, Firdausī‘s work).141
All this
acknowledgement of Firdausī by a poet like Ni mī, who often compares his own poetry to licit
magic (si r-i alāl), reflects the high status in which Firdausī‘s opus was regarded by such poetic
masters as Ni mī. Ni mī‘s high regard for Firdausī and his oeuvre is further evidence that
48
medieval poets and writers did not see the stories of the Shāhnāma merely as a collection of
entertaining tales; rather, they perceived the wisdom contained in each tale and tried to emulate
the poet in their own works.
The most outstanding imitation of the Shāhnāma is Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s afar-nāma,
completed in 735/1335.142
This work, which is regarded as a sequel to the Shāhnāma, is a
versified chronicle relating Islamic history from the birth of the prophet Muḥammad up to the
Muslim conquest of Iran, and continuing with the history of Iran up to the time of the poet, that
is, the Ilkhanid era. In his introduction to afar-nāma, Ḥamdull h Mustaufī expresses his high
admiration for Firdausī and his work and mentions that the text of the Shāhnāma was corrupted
over time because of the mistakes and interpolations made by copyists. Therefore, he decided to
edit the Shāhnāma based on the available manuscripts. When he completed the edition of the
Shāhnāma, he undertook the task of versifying a history which would supplement Firdausī‘s
work, and in this, he asked Firdausī‘s spirit for guidance.143
In the introduction to his afar-nāma, Ḥamdull h Mustaufī explains the difference
between prose and verse chronicles.144
Considering Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s high regard for the
Shāhnāma and his intention to compose a versified history that would supplement the Shāhnāma,
his explanation of the difference between prose and versified histories would reveal his
understanding of the Shāhnāma.145
To explain the difference, Ḥamdull h Mustaufī states that
poetry is the form ( rat) of God‘s power (qudrat-i dāvar), and if a person is not endowed with
God‘s favour (fayż), he cannot produce versified anecdotes ( ikāyāt-i man m).146
In his view,
composing poetry is a divine job (ilāh buvad ma‗n -i kār-i na m).147
He also mentions that those
who intend to guide (har ānkas ki rāyash hidāyat buvad) can compose stories both in prose and
verse.148
Thus, in Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s view, the poet is favoured by God to guide and give
advice. Ḥamdull h Mustaufī also states that by versifying a prose text, the poet adds colour and
49
fragrance (rang va b ) to it and makes it more interesting for the audience.149
These statements
make it obvious that in versified histories, such as the Shāhnāma and afar-nāma, the historical
narrative is secondary to the entertaining and educational aspect of these works.
In point of fact, a great number of historical epics were produced under the profound
influence of the Shāhnāma during the Mongol period and beyond.150
Although very few of these
works have been edited and critically examined, recent studies on the few that have been
explored show that the authors of these epics not only emulated the metre, style, and, in some
cases, the language of the Shāhnāma (for example, the afar-nāma, which also contains verses
from the Shāhnāma inserted in its main text), but also followed the model of the Shāhnāma in
providing less historical information and attending more to the ideals of kingship based on
ancient Persian models.151
For example, in his study of the afar-nāma of Ḥamdull h Mustaufī
and the Shāhnāma-i Ching z of Shams al-Dīn K sh nī (ca. 705/1306), Charles Melville points to
the non-historical aspects of these verse chronicles and shows how these works present historical
information ―wrapped in a series of homiletic passages‖ that advise the kings and courtiers on
proper conduct and warn them on the punishment due for wrongdoings.152
He also draws
attention to a pand-nāma ―book of advice‖ in afar-nāma, the contents of which were delivered
to the Mongol ruler Gh z n Kh n (r. 694/1295–704/1304) by his minister Rashid al-Dīn—whom
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī refers to as m bad-i m badān, a title given to the chief Zoroastrian
priest/minister at the court of the Sasanian kings—in the course of twelve months, each devoted
to a specific theme.153
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s reference to this pand-nāma as the ―pand-nāma-i
Rashīdī,‖ and his referring to Rashīd al-Dīn as m bad-i m badān are reminiscent of the ―pand-
nāma-i Buzurgmihr‖ in the Shāhnāma, which is delivered to the Sasanian king Anūshīrv n (r.
531–79) by his chief priest/minister (m bad-i m badān), Buzurgmihr.154
Also, the twelve
discourses (majlis) of Rashīd al-Dīn‘s pand-nāma echoes the seven sessions (majlis) of
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Anūshīrv n‘s meeting with Buzurgmihr and other wise men at his court, through which the
advices of the sages are offered to the king.155
The topics of the twelve discourses of the pand-
nāma-i Rashīdī are: justice (‗adl va dād), good intention (niyyat-i pāk), compassion (shafaqat),
dignity and forbearance (vaqār va ta ammul), generosity (sakhāvat), delivering tasks to those
who know the job (kār bi-kārdān farm dan), forgiveness (‗afv), loyalty (vafādār ), drinking
wine (may khvurdan), coercive force (siyāsat), complete awareness of the state of affairs in the
world (vuq f-i kār-i jahān), and seeking the hereafter (ṭalab-i ākhirat).156
These are the main
topics of discussion in the medieval Persian mirrors for princes. In his study of another verse
chronicle of the Mongol period, namely, the Ghāzān-nāma, on the reign of Gh z n Kh n,
Melville notes the marked moralising tone and didactic aspect of the work.157
The inclusion of
didactic and instructional materials for kings and courtiers in verse chronicles modeled after
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma, and the little emphasis placed on historical facts in these works, point to
their authors‘ perception of the Shāhnāma not as an historical source but as a book of advice and
wisdom for kings and courtiers, albeit composed in an historical framework.
Compilations of Selected Verses from the Shāhnāma (ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma)
The aphorisms and wisdom contained in the Shāhnāma attracted the attention of writers
who used them in their own works either with or without acknowledgement. As will be
demonstrated below, these writers were mainly the authors of wisdom and advice literature, who
incorporated verses from the Shāhnāma in their own prose texts not only for stylistic purposes,
but also for the wisdom contained in them.
To have easy access to suitable verses of the Shāhnāma, medieval writers selected verses
from it and organized them thematically. We know from R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-
sur r (The comfort of chests and the signs of joy), composed during 599/1202–3 to 603/1206–7,
that, in order to perfect their poetic skills, novice poets were recommended to select and
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memorize two hundred verses from the wise sayings ( ikam) of the Shāhnāma—in addition to
memorizing verses from other great works.158
So, one may assume that many medieval novice
poets compiled their own selections from the Shāhnāma. As mentioned above, ‗Aufī‘s statement
about Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d‘s having composed a book of selected verses from the Shāhnāma, and
Shams-i Qays‘s quotation from the Shāhnāma, which was clearly taken from a compilation of
selected verses (ikhtiyārāt), provide evidence that selections from the Shāhnāma were available
to medieval authors as independent works.
Further evidence for the availability of selections from the Shāhnāma to medieval writers
is the Saf na-i Tabr z, a collection of approximately 210 treatises, letters, poems, and different
works on a variety of subjects, copied by Abū al-Majd Tabrīzī during 721–23/1321–23.159
This
work contains a selection from the Shāhnāma, which includes the tale of Rustam and Suhr b, the
tale of Rustam and Akv n Dīv, ten verses selected from the long tale of Rustam and Isfandiy r,
and eighteen verses that contain wisdom and advice selected from different parts of the
Shāhnāma.160
We cannot determine whether Abū al-Majd Tabrīzī selected these tales and verses
himself or used a compilation of selections from the Shāhnāma, but his work provides an
example of the common practice of compiling selections from Firdausī‘s opus in medieval times.
Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma of ‘Alī b. Aḥmad. A remarkable example of an anthology of
selected verses from the Shāhnāma is ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (Selections from
the Shāhnāma), compiled in 474/1081–82.161
It contains more than 2,400 verses chosen from the
Shāhnāma and organized according to thirteen topics.162
The topics include: the oneness of God
(tau d), the praise of wisdom (sitāyish-i khirad), the creation of the world (āfar nish-i ‗ālam),
the praise of the prophet Muḥammad and his family (sitāyish-i payghāmbar va ahl-i bayt), praise
of kings (mad -i mul k), lyrics and the description of the beloved (ghazal va va f-i kh bān), the
description of feasts and spring (va f-i bazm va bahār), similes used for day and night (tashb h-i
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r z va shab), proverbs and wisdom (amsāl va ikmat), the description of battles (va f-i jang),
rejecting the world (nik hish-i jahān), advice and homilies (pand va mau‗i a), the description of
old age (va f-i p r ), and the description of death (va f-i marg). According to the compiler, this
work was composed in 474/1081–82 for the Saljūq ruler Abu al-Fatḥ Malik-Sh h (r. 465/1072–to
485/1092):163
ؾدؽد ک پؽظضزن ایي اضزیبؼ ک نع چبؼ يع قبل لزبظ چبؼ
When I completed this anthology, 474 years had passed since the hijra. 164
If the verse containing the date of the work is reliable, it would indicate that the
compilation of selected verses from the Shāhnāma started soon after Firdausī‘s completion of his
work in 400/1010.165
Almost one fourth of all the verses in this compilation were taken from the story of
Anūshīrv n in the Shāhnāma, especially from the section containing the advices of Buzurgmihr
(andarz-i Buzurgmihr).166
At the end of his compilation, ‗Alī b. Aḥmad praises Firdausī for
composing the Shāhnāma and marvels at the ―flowers of the garden of advice (pand) and
wisdom ( ikmat) blooming in Firdausī‘s renowned (nāmvar) work.‖167
He considers his
compilation a book of wisdom (h ikmat), which contains the kernel (maghz) of the Shāhnāma,
and asks the reader to view his work with the ―eye of wisdom‖ (chashm-i khirad).168
‗Alī b.
Aḥmad‘s choice of verses and his comments about Firdausī‘s opus and his own work indicate
that he perceived the Shāhnāma as a book of wisdom and advice. Compiled only seventy years
after the completion of the Shāhnāma, the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma is the earliest and most
convincing evidence pointing to the reception of the Shāhnāma as a book of wisdom. The
compiler‘s extraction of more than 2,400 verses from the Shāhnāma and his arrangement of them
53
into a separate thematically-organized work, illustrates how Firdausī‘s near contemporaries read
and understood his magnum opus.
Mu’nis al-aḥrār a ā’i al-ash‘ār. A work similar to ‗Ali b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i
Shāhnāma is a chapter in an anthology of poems entitled Mu‘nis al-a rār f daqā‘iq al-ash‗ār
(The companion of noblemen on the fine points of poetry).169
The work, written in 741/1341 by
Muḥammad b. Badr al-J jarmī, contains thirty chapters on the different forms of poetry and on
various literary techniques, illustrated with excerpts from great works of poetry. The chapter in
question is entitled ―F zikr-i ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (On selections from the Shāhnāma) and
contains a sample of selections (ikhtiyārāt) from the Shāhnāma. The first part of the chapter,
however, is merely a copy of the introduction to the Shāhnāma from the beginning of the work
up to Firdausī‘s explanation of his purpose in writing it. The thematic selection of verses from
different parts of the Shāhnāma contains twenty eight verses on the theme of the greatness of
God, thirty one verses on reproaching the world, ninety five verses on advice and homilies,
twenty six verses on praise of kings, and fifteen verses on unjust kings. It is noteworthy that the
number of verses selected for the topic of advice and homilies almost equals the total number of
verses selected for the other four topics.
An analysis of J jarmī‘s sample of selections from the Shāhnāma reveals several points:
First, his allocation of one chapter to the selections from the Shāhnāma in an anthology of poetic
forms and literary techniques indicates that ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma were considered to be an
independent literary genre. Second, as an example of the genre of ikhtiyārāt, the chapter reflects
the themes most commonly chosen in such works. And third, the author‘s inclusion of the verses
on kingship and a large number of verses containing wisdom and advice suggests that the
medieval compilers of selections from the Shāhnāma perceived Firdausi‘s opus primarily as a
book of wisdom and advice for kings.
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‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s and J jarmī‘s ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma are the only early works of this
type to have been edited and published by modern scholars. In the bio-bibliographical survey of
Persian literature, François de Blois lists twenty-one works, both in verse and prose, under
―extracts and abridgements‖ of the Shāhnāma. 170
Most of the works are from the seventeenth
century and later. However, some are identified by the date of the manuscript and not the date of
the composition of the work, and others are listed simply as ―unspecified.‖ Since the
extracts/abridgements of a work would normally represent the highlights of that work, a careful
examination and study of these manuscripts could provide further insight into the reception of
Firdausī‘s work at the time and place where these works were produced. Charles Melville‘s
study of the reception of the Shāhnāma in India based on one such abridgement—Tār kh-i
(dilgushā-yi) Shamsh r-khān (Shamshīr-kh n‘s delightful history), also known as Muntakhab-i
Shāhnāma (Selections from the Shāhnāma) and Khulā a-i Shāhnāma (The epitome of the
Shāhnāma), written by Tavakkul Beg in 1063/1652–53 for Shamshīr Beg, the ruler of Ghaznīn—
has demonstrated the importance of such works in reflecting the socio-political issues of
seventeenth-century India.171
A thorough examination and study of other abridgements and
extracts would not only further our knowledge of a type of work which evolved out of Firdausī‘s
opus, but would also shed light on the reception of the Shāhnāma at different periods of history
and in different geographical locations.
Medieval Prose Works Containing Verses from the Shāhnāma
Selected verses from the Shāhnāma are also found in medieval Persian prose works. Most
of these works belong to the literary genre of mirrors for princes but a few are historical writing.
The authors of these works used the verses of the Shāhnāma for two main purposes: to convey
ethico-political advice and to describe specific scenes using Firdausī‘s poetic tropes. As will be
demonstrated below, the attention accorded to the Shāhnāma by the authors of mirrors for
55
princes and the marked preference of these authors for verses containing moral advice and
wisdom indicate that the Shāhnāma was primarily used as a source for maxims, aphorisms, and
moral advice.
To select the verses from the Shāhnāma that would best serve their purposes, medieval
writers either worked directly from Firdausī‘s work, or used one of the thematically organized
ikhtiyārāts already in existence. It is also possible that some of these authors, especially those
who do not quote more than a few verses from the Shāhnāma, cited it from memory. Whether
these authors selected the verses from the Shāhnāma itself, or used the thematically organized
ikhtiyārāts, or even cited the verses from memory, their quotations from Firdausī‘s work reflect
their reception of the work.
Before reviewing the medieval prose works that cite verses from the Shāhnāma, it is
essential to address the issue of the authenticity of the verses cited in them. As is well known, the
text of the Shāhnāma had always been subject to interpolations by later copyists. With more than
one thousand manuscripts (complete and incomplete) available today—none of them essentially
more reliable than another—it is virtually impossible to produce an edition of the work that
would represent Firdausī‘s original work.172
Several editions of the Shāhnāma are available
today, but no two editions are identical because verses considered to be interpolations by one
editor are deemed to be authentic by another. This poses a problem in identifying the Shāhnāma
verses cited in medieval prose works. Also, when a medieval author attributes a verse to Firdausī
and that verse does not appear in the modern editions of the Shāhnāma, it is not easy to
determine whether the author attributed that particular verse to Firdausī in order to add
credibility to his own statements, or whether he took that verse from one of the medieval copies
of the Shāhnāma. More often than not, however, medieval authors cite verses from the
Shāhnāma without acknowledgement. When medieval authors do not acknowledge the source of
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their citations, and the verses that they cite are in the form, metre, language, and style of the
Shāhnāma, and yet those verses cannot be found in the modern editions of the work, the question
arises of who composed them. It is, of course, possible that these authors composed those verses
themselves, but that cannot be determined with any certainty. It is also possible that these verses
were taken from other Persian epics composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma.173
Thus, for the purpose of this study, in order to be consistent with the identification of the
Shāhnāma verses cited in the medieval prose works, Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the
Shāhnāma has been used. For easy reference, the Shāhnāma verses cited in the works discussed
here have been listed in Appendices A to K. For verses that do not appear in exactly the same
way that they appear in Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition, Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the verse is
provided under the cited verse. The verses Kh liqī Muṭlaq considered to be interpolations and
included only in footnotes have been marked accordingly. The verses that are in the form, metre,
language, and style of the Shāhnāma but could not be located in Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition are left
unidentified. In general, however, very few verses have been left unidentified.
a) Literature of Wisdom and Advice
āḥat al- u r va āyat al-sur r. The most remarkable example of medieval Persian
prose works that contains citations from the Shāhnāma is Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r (The
comfort of chests and the signs of joy), written during 599/1202–3 to 603/1206–7, by
Muḥammad ibn ‗Alī ibn Sulaym n al-R vandī and ultimately dedicated to the Saljūq ruler Abū
al-Fatḥ Kay-Khusrau b. Qilij Arsl n. This work, which deals with the history of the Saljūqs, was
written primarily as a mirror for princes by drawing upon the experiences of past Saljūq rulers.174
Muḥammad Iqb l collated R vandī‘s citations from the Shāhnāma with Turner Macan‘s edition
(1829) and managed to identify 526 verses out of a total of 676 verses that he considered to have
been taken from the Shāhnāma.175
Iqb l did not mention how he determined that the remaining
57
150 verses were from the Shāhnāma, nor did he identify them. As shown in Appendices A (1)
and A (2), I was able to locate 645 verses cited from the Shāhnāma in the Rā at al- ud r, using
Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the Shāhnāma.176
Since the verses cited by R vandī are often taken from different parts of the Shāhnāma,
Iqb l speculated that the author must have worked from a compilation of selected verses.177
In
her study of R vandī‘s citations from the Shāhnāma, Julie Scott Meisami refers to ‗Alī b.
Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma as the possible ―intermediary text‖ that R vandī used.178
An
edition of ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s work was not available at the time of Meisami‘s research, and she
states that she was not able to consult the manuscript.179
But now that an edition of the work is
available, it is possible to confirm that R vandī did not take the verses from ‗Ali b. Aḥmad‘s
Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma.
R vandī‘s choice of verses from the Shāhnāma demonstrates that he paid close attention
to the original context of the verses he chose. A good example is where he praises the ruler Abū
al-Fatḥ Kay Khusrau b. Qilij Arsl n. He refers to him as the ―fruit of the tree of the Saljūqs; a
tree whose root is supporting and promoting the religion, and whose fruit is the construction of
charitable buildings, such as madrasas, khānqāhs, mosques, ribāt s, and bridges.‖180
The author
continues his praise of Kay Khusrau with twelve verses chosen from three different stories in the
Shāhnāma. The first verse is from the story of Gusht sp, where the king boasts of the miraculous
tree he planted:
ظؼضزی ثکهزن ثطؽم ثهذ کچبى ظؼضذ آكؽیػى کهذ
I planted such a tree in blissful paradise,
That not [even] Farīdūn planted anything like it. 181
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According to the Shāhnāma, when Gusht sp accepted Zoroaster‘s invitation to accept the
Good Religion (d n-i bih ) and converted to Zoroastrianism, he planted a cypress tree in the
region of Kashmar, and inscribed on its trunk that he had accepted the new faith.182
The cypress
tree grew miraculously large, and later, Gusht sp built a magnificent palace next to it.183
Gusht sp considered the tree to be a gift from heaven and referred to it as proof of his
righteousness.184
He sent his troops to all corners of the world to tell people about his heavenly
gift and to promote the new religion.185
Thus, Gusht sp‘s cypress tree became the symbol of his
faith and his promotion of Zoroastrian religion.186
R vandī‘s use of this verse after his praise of Kay-Khusrau as ―the fruit of the tree of the
Saljūqs,‖ suggests that he was comparing ―the tree of the Saljūqs‖ to Gusht sp‘s heavenly tree,
the symbol of righteousness and faith. This verse would not have been chosen for a compilation
of verses from the Shāhnāma because it requires a specific context in order to be meaningful.
Not surprisingly, it does not appear in ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, and this may be
taken as proof that R vandī did not take his citations from ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s work.
The above-mentioned verse cited in Rā at al- ud r is followed by ten verses taken from
the story of Kay-Khusrau in the Shāhnāma.187
It is noteworthy that R vandī‘s selection of verses
in praise of the Saljūq Kay-Khusrau‘s farr (royal glory), noble lineage, virtues, and wisdom are
taken from the story of his namesake, Kay-Khusrau, the ancient Iranian king who is portrayed in
the Shāhnāma as an ideal ruler. These ten verses are included in ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i
Shāhnāma.188
But, as shown in Appendices B and C, the difference in the sequence of verses and
the variants in the corresponding verses again demonstrate that R vandī did not use ‗Alī b.
Aḥmad‘s work as his source. For example, one of the verses in the passage in question reads:
چ ایي چبؼ ري ثب یکزي آیػ ثن ثؽآقبیػ اؾ آؾ ؾ ؼح ؿن
When these four [virtues] come together in one person,
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That [person] will be free from greed, suffering, and sorrow. 189
The corresponding verse in the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma reads:
چ ایي چبؼ ثب یک ري آهع پعیع ثؽآقبیع اؾ ؼح گلذ نیع
When these four [virtues] appear in one person,
That [person] will be free from suffering and arguments. 190
R vandī concludes his praise of Kay-Khusrau with a verse from the story of Hurmazd in
the Shāhnāma, stating that when God favours a man and makes him king, virtuous people will
boast about him.191
By citing this verse, R vandī implies that the Saljūq ruler Kay-Khusrau was
chosen by God. In the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, this verse does not appear with the other ten verses
of the above-mentioned passage.192
R vandī‘s selection of verses from three different parts of the Shāhnāma to create a
single cohesive passage, and his attention to the original context of the verses he chose indicates
that he was very familiar with the Shāhnāma, and that he either cited it directly or used his own
compilation of verses (ikhtiyārāt). In the introduction to his Rā at al- ud r, R vandī praises
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma by referring to it as shāh-i nāma-hā (the king of books) and sar-daftar-i
kitābhā (the most prominent of books).193
Considering his deep admiration for Firdausī‘s oeuvre,
it is unlikely that R vandī would have used an intermediary source for his citations from the
Shāhnāma.
R vandī‘s intention in composing his work was to impart lessons that could be learned
from the recurring events of history.194
The author‘s carefully selected verses from the Shāhnāma
and his attention to the original context of the selected verses indicate that he perceived the
60
Shāhnāma as a source of ethico-political wisdom and advice and as a suitable model for his own
work, which aimed to teach the Saljūq sultans how to rule.
R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r is exceptional among medieval prose works that cite the
Shāhnāma. With more than six hundred verses cited from Firdausi‘s opus, R vandī‘s work
contains the largest number of citations from the Shāhnāma in a medieval prose text. In other
medieval Persian prose works, the number of verses cited from the Shāhnāma is, on the average,
fewer than one hundred. R vandī‘s citations also differ from others in that he seems to have
mainly used verses that contain moral advice and wisdom. Other medieval writers cited verses
from the Shāhnāma both for their aphorisms and for poetical tropes.
R vandī also cited numerous verses from other Persian and Arab poets.195
The second
most-cited Persian poet after Firdausī in Rā at al- ud r is Mujīr Baylaq nī (d. 577/1181–2 or
586/1190), a contemporaneous panegyrist, whose verses (348 according to Iqb l) were used by
R vandī either to praise the rulers whose reigns he covers, or to praise his own patron. Ni mī
Ganjavī is the third most-cited Persian poet (249 according to Iqb l) whose verses served the
same purpose as those of Firdausī in R vandī‘s Rā at al- d r.196
R vandī‘s citations from
Ni mī Ganjavī, which appear in continuous passages as in the original works, are mostly from
his Khusrau va Sh r n, which is clearly a mirror for princes.197
Khirad-nāma. Another medieval Persian work comparable to R vandī‘s in terms of the
number and type of verses cited from the Shāhnāma is Khirad-nāma (Book of wisdom) by Abū
al-Fa l Yūsuf b. ‗Alī Mustaufī, composed in the early twelfth century.198
In the introduction to
his work, Yūsuf b. ‗Alī states that since it is through eloquent words (sukhan-i kh b), especially
spoken at the right time (bar sar-i vaqt), that wise men can attain the proximity (qurbat va
munādimat) to kings and notables, he compiled his Khirad-nāma and beautified it by the
aphorisms of ‗Alī b. Abī Ṭ lib and verses from the Shāhnāma, so that it might ―enlighten the
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souls of those who contemplate it.‖199
Yūsuf b. ‗Alī‘s work is a manual on proper conduct for
kings and courtiers on one-hundred topics, including 252 verses from the Shāhnāma. The
compiler introduces each topic with a short paragraph in Persian prose that often contains an
aphorism by a wise man, such as a king or a sage, followed by an Arabic maxim, which he
attributes to ‗Alī b. Abī Ṭ lib. Finally, a few verses from the Shāhnāma complete the discussion
on each topic. Muḥammad Dabīrsiy qī has already identified the location of all these verses in
Shāhnāma, except for eighteen that seem to contain variants that make finding their location in
the Shāhnāma difficult.200
Like R vandī, the verses Yūsuf b. ‗Alī cited from the Shāhnāma
contain ethico-political advice. This indicates that, like R vandī, Yūsuf b. ‗Alī viewed the
Shāhnāma as a source of wisdom and advice on kingship. Although the author‘s intended
audience, according to his introduction, were those who sought the proximity to kings, the
aphorisms and advices contained in the work would ultimately benefit kings, as kings‘ boon
companions were supposed to offer advice to their masters.
Farā’id al-sul k f fażā’il al-mul k. Completed in 610/1213 by an author who introduces
himself with the pen-name Shams,201
Farā‘id al-sul k f fażā‘il al-mul k (The pearls of proper
conduct on the virtues of kings) is a mirror for princes composed in the style of the Kal la va
Dimna, that is, it conveys lessons on kingship through a series of long narratives that contain
anecdotes and animal fables.202
De Fouchécour, however, does not recognize this work as a
mirror for princes, presumably on the grounds that the addressee was an atābak (tutor of princes)
not a king.203
But, in addition to the fact that atābaks were not just tutors of princes but also
independent rulers, Shams‘s statements in the introduction to his work clearly indicate that he
considered his patron, Abū al-Mu affar Uzbak b. Muḥammad b. Īlduguz (r. 607/1210–11 to
622/1225), who was an atābak of Azerbaijan, to be a legitimate ruler, and that he dedicated his
work to him as a manual on proper conduct for kings. To assert the legitimacy of his patron and
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his status as a king, Shams explains the concept of farr (royal glory/fortune), the divine right of
kings, and states that the farr of the ancient Persian mythical king Farīdūn was transferred to all
his just successors and finally reached Abū al-Mu affar, whom Shams refers to with such
epithets as pādshāh-i Islām (king of Islam) and shahanshāh-i Sulaymān-qadr (king of kings
whose status is as high as Solomon‘s).204
To explain the title of his work, Shams states that since
the virtues of ―intellect (‗aql), knowledge (‗ilm), justice (‗adl), generosity (j d), will (‗azm),
prudence ( azm), and the like, which are the requirements of kingly behaviour (sharā‘iṭ-i ādāb-i
mul k),‖ are discussed in his work, he entitled it Farā‘id al-sul k f fażā‘il al-mul k, that is, the
best qualities among the virtues of kings.205
He also mentions that he wished to emulate the
authors of Kal la va Dimna and Sindbād-nāma in composing an eloquent work that contains the
finest words (nutaf-i ‗ibārāt) and the most brilliant anecdotes (ṭuraf-i ikāyāt).206
This statement
indicates that the author considered his work to be a book of wisdom and advice on kingship in
the style of Kal la va Dimna and Sindbād-nāma, both of which convey ethico-political lessons
through entertaining animal fables and anecdotes.207
Further evidence for Shams‘s intention to write his Farā‘id al-sul k as a mirror for
princes may be found in the makhla (précis) of his work, the opening sentence of which reads:
―Now, we return to the précis of the book and talk about the noble virtues of kings (makārim va
ma āsin-i mul k).‖208
He adds that he will demonstrate what kind of king can rule the world and
enjoy an enduring kingship, and starts his discussion with the maxim ―religion and kingship are
twins‖ (al-d n wa al-mulk tau‘amān), which he attributes to the prophet Muḥammad.209
He
continues by stating that a Persian poet has beautifully put this prophetic Tradition ( ad th) into
verse and cites the verse—which is actually from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma—without mentioning the
name of the poet:
چبى ظاى ک نبی پیـوجؽی ظ گؽ ثغ ثؽ یک اگهزؽی
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Consider kingship and prophet-hood
As two gems in one ring.210
Shams explains that prophets and kings are two groups of people especially favoured by
God—the prophets by receiving va y (divine inspiration), and kings by receiving farr (divine
glory/fortune).211
He stresses that only the just and generous kings receive farr. To support this
statement, he quotes two verses from the Shāhnāma, this time with acknowledgement:
كؽیعى كؽش كؽنز جغ ؾ ههک ؾ ػجؽقؽنز جغ
یکئی ثعاغ ظم یبكذ آى ر ظاظ ظم کي كؽیػى رئی
The blissful Farīdūn was not an angel,
He was not created from musk and ambergris.
[It was with] justice and generosity that he gained that greatness,
Do justice and be generous, and you [too] will be [a] Farīdūn. 212
Shams‘s discussion of the divine right of kings (farr) and its transfer from Farīdūn all the
way to the dedicatee of his work, Abū al-Mu affar, constitutes the makhla , which provides a
background for his discussions in the following ten chapters of his work on the ten important
virtues of an ideal king. Without the makhla , the work could be a manual on personal virtues for
anybody. But, the author‘s explanations in the makhla establish that his addressee is a king, and
that the work was composed as a manual on royal virtues.
Shams‘s citations of seventy-one verses from the Shāhnāma and his acknowledgement of
Firdausī in his work point to his especial attention to the Shāhnāma when composing his Farā‘id
al-sul k.213
In fact, he begins and ends his work with citations from the Shāhnāma. In the
prologue (khuṭba) to his work, where he praises God and describes different levels of His
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creation, he uses verses from the prologue to the Shāhnāma (some of which, he slightly modifies
to fit the context), and in the epilogue to his work, where he marvels at his own work, he cites
Firdausī‘s verses in praise of the Shāhnāma—as if he viewed his work as being on a par with the
Shāhnāma.214
In both these parts of his work, Shams acknowledges Firdausī as the poet of the
verses he cites.215
On one occasion, Shams cites a verse from the Shāhnāma and refers to the
poet only by the epithet ak m (the sage), without mentioning Firdausī‘s name.216
This would
indicate that he viewed Firdausī as a sage and referred to his work as a book of wisdom. Other
than the Shāhnāma verses and the panegyric pomes that he adds at the end of each chapter of his
work to extol his patron, Shams incorporated about 220 Persian and 350 Arabic verses into his
prose text, but he hardly ever acknowledges the sources of these verses.
Although, like Rā at al- ud r and Khirad-nāma, Farā‘id al-sul k contains numerous
citations from the Shāhnāma, unlike R vandī and Yūsuf b. ‗Alī, Shams did not limit himself to
the verses containing ethico-political advice and wisdom. To increase the dramatic effect of his
narratives, Shams also cited verses from the Shāhnāma that contain poetic tropes for beauty,
ugliness, valour, generosity, and so on. The scope of this study does not permit a thorough
analysis of Shams‘s use of all the Shāhnāma verses, but a cursory review of Appendix D
demonstrates the variety of verses that he selected for each chapter of his work. Shams‘s
citations from the Shāhnāma served not only to express the morals of the main narratives and the
anecdotes in an eloquent language, but also helped to increase the authority of the author‘s
statements, especially when Firdausī is acknowledged as a source. It must also be noted that
Shams‘s use of the Shāhnāma verses to dramatize his narratives seem to do more than that, as he
seems to have paid attention also to the context of the verses he cites. For example, when he
describes a demon-looking new-born baby of an unjust king, he borrows a verse from the story
of the birth of Z l in the Shāhnāma, who was referred to by his own father as the child of a
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demon,217
and when he describes the amazing beauty of the new-born baby of a just king, he
borrows verses from the story of the birth of Rustam, the great mythical hero of ancient Persian
tales.218
Like Rustam, the beautiful child of the just king will eventually help his father to regain
his lost throne. By selecting specific verses for particular parts of his narratives, Shams makes
implicit associations between the characters of his narratives and the well-known characters of
the Shāhnāma and thereby increases the impact of his accounts.
In addition to his citations from the Shāhnāma, Shams quotes a verse from Asadī Ṭūsī‘s
Garshāsb-nāma.219
This verse, which contains advice for rulers to avoid excessive punishments,
also appears in two other medieval prose works that contain ethico-political advice for rulers.
This verse and another one preceding it in the Garshāsb-nāma are cited together in Tarjuma-i
Tār kh-i Yam n (603/1206–7), a history of the Ghaznavids.220
Najm-i R zī, the author of the
mystical work Mir ād al-‗ibād (618/1221 or 620/1223), too, cites this verse in the part of his
work that deals with the conduct of kings.221
Marzbān-nāma. Sa‗d al-Dīn Var vīnī‘s Marzbān-nāma (composed during 617/1220–21
to 622/1225–26), is another mirror for princes that contains excerpts from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma.
This work was dedicated to Abū al-Q sīm Ḥ rūn Rabīb al-Dīn, the vizier to Uzbak b.
Muḥammad b. Īlduguz, the dedicatee of Farā‘id al-sul k.222
Interestingly, like the author of
Farā‘id al-sul k, Var vīnī wished to compose a work akin to Kal la va Dimna. In the
introduction to his work, Var vīnī states that like Kal la va Dimna, Marzbān-nāma was an
animal fable containing great wisdom, but the world of meaning of that great work was
expressed in a lowly language (lughat-i nāzil), namely, the language of Ṭabarist n (zabān-i
abaristān) and old Persian (Pārs -i qad m-i bāstān).223
This was why, adds Var vīnī, the work
did not receive the same attention that was accorded to Kal la va Dimna.224
Therefore, he
decided to reproduce this valuable work in a language fitting for its contents.
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In the first chapter of his work, Var vīnī explains that the Marzbān-nāma was written by
Marzb n b. Sharvīn, a descendant of the brother of Anūshīrv n (the Sasanian king Khusrau I, r.
531–79).225
Sharvīn was the ruler of Ṭabarist n and had five sons. When Sharvīn died, his eldest
son succeeded him, but later, the other brothers claimed the throne. Marzb n, who was one of the
wisest sons and not interested in ruling, decides to leave the royal court for a faraway place so
that he would not be involved in his brothers‘ struggle for the throne. But, before he leaves, a
group of court notables, who learn about his decision, ask him to write a book that contains
wisdom and advice for them and the king to use as their guide. Marzb n agrees to do so pending
the king‘s permission, but the king‘s minister, who becomes suspicious of the true intention
behind the project, advises the king to punish Marzb n for attempting to disparage the king.
Thus, Marzb n will have to defend his good intention and the benefits of his work for the king
through a series of debates with the minister, held in the presence of the king. Marzb n
eventually acquires the king‘s approval and starts composing the work.226
To present ancient Persian wisdom in a language that was ―fitting for the content,‖
Var vīnī incorporated into his prose text a total of 286 Arabic and 182 Persian verses, of which
thirty-two verses are from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma.227
Var vīnī‘s citations from the Shāhnāma, like
those in Farā‘id al-sul k, are of two types: verses that contain wisdom and advice, which
constitute the majority of the quotations from the Shāhnāma, and verses that are used for
descriptive purposes. Like Farā‘id al-sul k, Marzbān-nāma is divided into thematically
organized chapters, the central theme of each is presented through one long frame story, which
includes several short anecdotes and/or animal fables. What is remarkable about Marzbān-nāma
is that the major points of most of these chapters (nine in total) are encapsulated in the verses that
the author cites from the Shāhnāma, and some of these echo their original context. The following
discussion briefly reviews how Var vīnī employs the Shāhnāma verses in his work.
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The main theme of the second chapter of Marzbān-nāma is friendship and the importance
of having wise and reliable friends. The following verse from the Shāhnāma is cited at the end of
the chapter as a highlight of its central message after several anecdotes have already been related
on the topic to illustrate its point:
چ ظاب رؽا ظنوي خبى ثظ ث اؾ ظقذ هؽظی ک بظاى ثظ
To have a wise enemy
Is better than having a foolish friend.228
The message of the third chapter of Marzbān-nāma, which promotes self-control and an
ascetic life style, is conveyed through a verse from the Shāhnāma. This verse is the only
occasion in the Marzbān-nāma, where a verse is cited from the Shāhnāma with proper
acknowledgement of Firdausī as the poet. According to Var vīnī, Muḥammad Ghaz lī stated in
his Favā‘id-i makt bāt that Firdausī said in one verse everything he tried himself to teach in
forty years:
ه کيپؽقزیعى ظاظؼ پی ؾ ؼؾ گػؼ کؽظى اعیه کي
Think of the day that you pass [away],
Make it your job to worship the Judge (i.e., God). 229
By including what Muḥammad Ghaz lī said about this single verse by Firdausī, Var vīnī
not only draws attention to it as an important verse that expressed the whole point of the
teachings of a great Sufi master, but also stresses the point of his own chapter.
The fourth chapter of Marzbān-nāma is about the importance of knowledge and wisdom.
This message is conveyed through the following verses from the Shāhnāma:230
ؽ آکف ک ظاؼظ ؼام ضؽظ قؽ هبیۀ کبؼب ثگؽظ
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گهبی ؼضؽظ ؼوبی ضؽظ ضؽظ ظقذ گیؽظ ثؽ ظ قؽای
Any person whose soul possesses wisdom,
Looks through to the end of the tasks.
Wisdom is the guide and wisdom opens the way
Wisdom holds one‘s hand in both worlds.231
راب ثظ ؽک ظاب ثظ ؾ ظام ظل پیؽ ثؽب ثظ
He who is knowledgeable is powerful
The heart of the old becomes young on account of knowledge.232
In the fifth chapter of Marzbān-nāma, the narrator teaches lessons on proper conduct to
the kings‘ companions.233
He admonishes those who consider their own knowledge to be perfect,
and explains the detriments of loquacity and the benefits of silence. He also warns the kings‘
boon companions that, regardless of how knowledgeable and close to kings they might be, they
should never take their high position at court for granted, as they may lose it at any time for any
reason, just or unjust. This chapter of Marzbān-nāma displays very close connections with a
story in the Shāhnāma concerning the fall from grace of Buzurgmihr, the wisest and most
favourite advisor of the Sasanian king Khusrau Anūshīrv n.234
According to the main story of
this chapter in the Marzbān-nāma, a lion king, who was famous for his clemency, had as his
wisest and most favourite boon companions two jackals, who were named D dma and D st n.
One day, while the lion was asleep and the two jackals were sitting by his side talking to each
other, a bubble of wind was emitted from the lion‘s stomach. D dma could not control his
laughter, and the sound of his laughter woke up the lion, who did not open his eyes, pretending
to be asleep, so that he could listen to the conversation between the two jackals. D st n
reproached D dma for laughing at something that was natural and caused by someone who was
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asleep and not in control of his behaviour. D st n further reminded D dma that kings are never
at fault, according to the rule of royal courts, and that those who are in service of royalty should
always remember this rule if they wish to keep their position. D dma responded that a
knowledgeable person would never fear the loss of position and status.235
To this statement of
D dma, D st n responds with two verses from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma:
چ گئی ک ؽ ظام آهضزن ؾ ضظ ام ثی ظاهی رضزن
یکی ـؿ ثبؾی کع ؼؾگبؼ ک ثهبعد پیم آهؾگبؼ
[Just] when you say, ―I learned everything,‖
―[And] paid off my loan of being un-knowledgeable (that is, nothing is left to be taught to
me),‖
The Time will play a fine game
And seats you in front of a teacher.236
These verses are taken from the introduction to the story of Buzurgmihr‘s fall from grace.
The account about how Buzurgmihr loses his status shares several elements in common with the
story related in Marzbān-nāma, particularly in relation to the king‘s emission of wind; although,
in the story related in the Shāhnāma, Buzurgmihr is not at fault and the king accuses him based
on false assumptions. In the Marzbān-nāma, after a long discussion between the two jackals,
D dma eventually admits that he was wrong and therefore asks D st n not to tell anyone about
his misbehaviour, but, at this point, the lion gets up furiously and sends him to jail.237
Var vīnī‘s
citation of the above-mentioned two verses in his rewriting of this ancient story from Marzbān-
nāma suggests that he made associations between these two similar accounts, which convey the
same message. Var vīnī‘s citation of two more verses from the Shāhnāma, which are spoken by
Buzurgmihr, on the virtue of silence and speaking little, further points to Var vīnī‘s attention to
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this particular figure in the Shāhnāma in this particular chapter of Marzbān-nāma. These two
verses in Marzbān-nāma are spoken by D st n, when he rebukes D dma for his uncalculated
words:
کكی ؼا ک هـؿل ثظ پؽ نزبة كؽااى قطي ثبنع ظیؽیبة
ؾ ظام چ خبى رؽا هبی یكذ ث اؾ ضبههی یچ پیؽای یكذ
A person whose brain is in haste
Is loquacious and slow in learning.
If your soul is not equipped with knowledge,
No adornment is better [for you] than silence. 238
In this chapter, Var vīnī also relates an anecdote about Buzurgmihr and his wisdom of
speaking at the right time.239
This anecdote too shares common features with the story of
Buzurgmihr‘s fall from grace narrated in the Shāhnāma, although the outcome of the two
accounts are quite different. This anecdote and the verses cited from the story of Buzurgmihr in
the Shāhnāma point to Var vīnī‘s preoccupations with the character of Buzurgmihr as the boon
companion par excellence in the Shāhnāma in his writing this particular chapter of Marzbān-
nāma, which concerns the precarious position of kings‘ boon companions. Var vīnī‘s use of the
Shāhnāma in this chapter demonstrates that he did not just cite a few verses from Firdausī‘s work
to beautify his prose text; but rather, he seems to have also intended to bring into his own text the
story of the most knowledgeable and revered companion of a king who lost his great status
through no fault of his own.
In the seventh chapter of Marzbān-nāma, a number of military tactics and war strategies
are taught, but the central theme of the narrative is the inevitable consequences of warmongering,
greed for more territories, and vengeance. According to the main narrative of this chapter, the
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king of the elephants (shāh-i p lān), the mightiest elephant in India, hears about the abundance
and prosperity of a realm ruled by a lion. Confident about the might of his army, the elephant
king decides to conquer the realm of the lion to make it his own. When the elephant king shares
his plan with his two advisors, the wiser one endeavours to talk his master out of his disastrous
plan.240
In the course of his debate with the other advisor, who is supportive of the king‘s plan,
the wise advisor cites the following verse to stress that it would be unwise to invade another
territory out of greed:
پؽقزعۀ آؾ خیبی کیي ثگیزی ؾ کف هظ آكؽیي
The one who worships greed and seeks vengeance
Will not hear the praise of anyone in the world.241
This verse is taken from the preamble to the well-known tale of Razm-i yāzdah rukh (The
battle of eleven heroes) in the Shāhnāma.242
This tale recounts the story of the longest and most
destructive series of wars between Iran and Tūr n, which was initiated by Afr siy b, the king of
Tūr n, and was eventually turned into eleven one-on-one battles between the greatest heroes of
the two armies. The result of this devastating war was the loss of the eleven heroes of Tūr n, the
death of Afr siy b‘s minister, the decisive defeat of the army of Tūr n, and extreme bloodshed
on both sides. As is often the case with his preambles to the long and significant tales of his
work,243
Firdausī expresses the major point of this tale in its preamble by stating that, while it is
admirable to take risks in order to fulfill one‘s ambitions, one should remember that life is too
short, and that pursuing one‘s ambitions out of greed and vengeance is never praiseworthy.244
Thus, Firdausī prepares his reader to pay attention to the consequences of Afr siy b‘s
warmongering, greed, and vengeance. It is remarkable that Var vīnī selects a verse from the
preamble to this particular tale in the Shāhnāma for the introduction to a similar story in his
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work. By doing so, Var vīnī seems to be drawing parallels between the two tales. The
occurrence of this verse in another contemporary Persian mirror for princes (Ẓahīrī Samarqandī‘s
Sindbād-nāma) suggests that it was not an unknown verse, and that it might have been used to
allude to the context in the Shāhnāma.245
When the lion king is informed of the intention of the elephant king, his advisors offer
their opinions about how to approach the issue. Finally, they decide to send their representative
along with a letter that would intimidate the elephant king and admonish him for his evil
plans.246
The letter contains the following three verses from the Shāhnāma:
هکي آک ؽگؿ کؽظقذ کف ثعیي ؼوى ر ظیقذ ثف
ثوؽظی ؾ ظل ظؼکي ضهن کیي خبى ؼا ثچهن خای هجیي
ای ک آاؾ ؼثب هیع ای ر چگبل نیؽاى کدب ظیع
Do not do what no one has ever done
In this [wrongdoing], a demon is guiding you.
Be a real man and remove anger and vengeance from your heart
Do not see the world with the eyes of a youth.
Where have you [ever] seen the claws of lions,
You, who have not [even] heard the howling of a fox. 247
Var vīnī selects these verses from the well-known tale of Rustam and Isfandiy r and
incorporates them, with some modifications, into his prose text.248
In the Shāhnāma, the above-
mentioned first two verses are spoken by Rustam, the greatest mythical Persian hero, as he tries
to convince Isfandiy r, the son of the Persian mythical king Gusht sp, that it would not be wise
to engage in a battle with him. The third verse is spoken by Isfandiy r, chastising his own son
Bahman for being intimidated by Rustam. These verses, like the previous citation from the
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Shāhnāma, allude to a similar situation in a tale in the Shāhnāma, the verses of which were
probably known by many people by heart.
The topic of the eighth chapter of Marzbān-nāma is vilification at royal courts. Here, the
narrator discusses the characteristics of those who, out of jealousy, attempt to ruin the good
reputation of others. Var vīnī selects the following verse from the Shāhnāma for this part of his
work to assert that such people have no esteem in the eyes of wise men:
ؾثبى چؽة گیب ظل پؽظؼؽ گیؽظ ثؽ هؽظ ظاب كؽؽ
A flattering tongue with a heart full of lies
Has no glory for the wise man.249
Like the author of Farā‘id al-sul k, Var vīnī seem to have selected his verses from the
Shāhnāma with due attention to both their content and context. Despite his numerous citations of
Arabic and Persian verses, Var vīnī mentions in the prologue and epilogue to his work that,
except on rare occasions (illā ‗alā al-sab l al-nudra), he did not cite any proverbs or maxims,
either in Arabic or in Persian verse, that were found in the works of others. He states that he
avoided presenting ―flowers that were already sniffed and touched by too many hands,‖ and that
all the wisdom in his work comes from his own mind and memory.250
We find similar claims
made by the author of Farā‘id al-sul k at the end of his work, which nevertheless includes
copious citations from other works.251
Such claims should therefore be understood as literary
tropes and not taken at face value.
Sin bā -nāma. The authors of Farā‘id al-sul k and Marzbān-nāma also praise Sindbād-
nāma as a marvellous collection of advice and wisdom. This work was originally translated from
Middle Persian into New Persian during the Samanid period (r. 874–999). But in the twelfth
century, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī reproduced it in an elaborate prose style intermingled with Persian
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and Arabic verses and proverbs, Qur‘anic verses, and prophetic Traditions. 252
Like Farā‘id al-
sul k and Marzbān-nāma, Sindbād-nāma belongs to the literary genre of mirrors for princes. The
work consists of a series of animal fables and anecdotes narrated within a frame story.253
Unlike
the other two mirrors, however, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī cites only nine verses from the Shāhnāma.254
The most-cited Persian poet in Sindbād-nāma is Anvarī (d. 583/1187–88), a prominent
panegyrist at the court of the Saljūq sultan Sanjar (r. 1118–57), from whose collection of poems
Ẓahīrī Samarqandī cites about thirty verses.255
But, except for four verses cited from Anvarī that
contain a wisdom, all the rest are panegyrics.256
In contrast to citations from Anvarī‘s poems,
except for two verses cited to describe the scene of a dark and silent night, all verses cited from
the Shāhnāma contain a wisdom. Altogether Sindbād-nāma contains 343 Arabic and 368 Persian
verses from a host of Arabic and Persian poets. Some of the verses, however, may have been
composed by the author himself, as we know from ‗Aufī‘s Lubāb al-albāb that Ẓahīrī
Samarqandī composed poetry as well.257
Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‘rāż al-riyāsa. Ẓahīrī Samarqandī also cites the Shāhnāma in his
other book of advice for rulers, Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa (The aims of coercive force in
the exposition of authority).258
He wrote this work after 552/1157 (the death of sultan Sanjar) for
his patron, Abū al-Mu affar Qilij Ṭamgh j Kh q n b. Jal l al-Dīn (d. 600/1203–4), one of the
Qarakhanid rulers who controlled western Transoxania from 440/1048–49 to about 600/1203–
4.259
The form of presentation of the ethico-political lessons in this work is quite different from
other mirrors for princes reviewed here. The author provides the aphorisms of seventy-four
important figures, from kings and heroes to philosophers, prophets, and caliphs. 260
Each chapter
of the work is devoted to the aphorisms that he attributes to a particular figure. In the list of the
seventy-four men whose wise sayings are cited, the mythical Persian hero Rustam, the Greek
philosophers Ptolemy, Aristotle, and Socrates, and the rulers of the countries neighbouring
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ancient Persia are also found. The gnomic sayings attributed to these figures are cited in Arabic,
followed by the author‘s translations and explanations in Persian, and sometimes one or more
anecdotes or animal fables to further illustrate their meaning. What is interesting about Aghrāż
al-siyāsa is that the author presents the aphorisms of his selected figures in a chronological order.
He starts with the ancient Persian mythical king Jamshīd, as the first king on earth, and follows
the historical sequence of kings, caliphs, emirs, and sultans who ruled Persia up to the time of his
own patron. This makes the work similar to a chronicle in which the author wished to
demonstrate what could be learned from every prominent figure in the history of Persia.
As in the Sindbād-nāma, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī employs numerous Persian and Arabic
verses (417 Persian and 508 Arabic verses) in Aghrāż al-siyāsa, nine of which are from the
Shāhnāma.261
In one of his citations, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī cites three consecutive verses taken
from two different parts of the Shāhnāma. This would seem to indicate that he used an
ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma in composing his work.262
Mir ā al-‘ibā min al-mab a’ ilā al-ma‘ā . Another book of advice that contains
citations from the Shāhnāma is Najm-i R zī‘s Mir ād al-‗ibād min al-mabda‘ ilā al-ma‗ād (The
path of God‘s bondsmen from origin to return), composed in 618/1221 or 620/1223. Mir ād al-
‗ibād is a mystical work which provides advice for those in quest of spiritual perfection. In it,
Najm-i R zī articulates his ideas concerning man‘s path to perfection in the three stages of
birth/origin, life, and death/return. In the part of the work that deals with the path to perfection
(sul k) of different classes of men including kings and ministers, Najm-i R zī gives advice on
how those in authority should treat their subjects.263
In addition to the verse cited from Asadī
Ṭūsī‘s Garshāsb-nāma, Najm-i R zī cites five more verses in the metre, style, and language of
the Shāhnāma. Four consecutive verses of these five verses are on the importance of entrusting
tasks to the wise, and the fifth verse is addressed to the artisans, reminding them that there is no
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gain without pain.264
Kh liqī Muṭlaq states that the Mir ād al-‗ibād contains ten verses from the
Shāhnāma, but he does not identify them.265
Since there are no more than ten verses in this work
that can be attributed to the Shāhnāma—five of which are identified below— Kh liqī Muṭlaq
must have considered the above-mentioned five verses to be from Firdausī‘s work.
Of the other five verses, one is repeated twice:
كزی رییخبى ؼا ثلعی پكزی ریی عان ک ای ؽچ
You are both the height and the depth of the world;
I do not know who you are; you are all that exists. 266
In both cases of the occurrence of this verse in Mir ād al-‗ibād, Najm-i R zī uses it in
reference to Adam, but according to other medieval sources, Firdausī composed this verse on the
oneness of God and it was because of this verse that God forgave all his sins and sent him to
Heaven.267
This verse appears in the text of the earlier editions of the Shāhnāma, but in Bertel‘s
edition it is not included in the main text. In Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition, it appears neither in the
main text nor in the footnotes.268
It is interesting to note that Najm-i R zī used this verse to
address Adam instead of God. As we shall see below, he will use another verse from the
Shāhnāma to address God instead of Adam.
Of the three remaining verses, two are cited with their original context. Najm-i R zī cites
these two verses in his discussion of the creation of man, and in the Shāhnāma, too, these two
verses appear in the part of the work that is on the same subject. 269
The fifth verse Najm-i R zī
cites from the Shāhnāma is frequently cited in other medieval Persian works to warn people that
they are responsible for the consequences of their own deeds. In the Mir ād al-‗ibād, however,
this verse is used in a context that would hold God responsible for man‘s acts. Najm-i R zī
relates that God left Adam on his own for four hundred years after he committed a sin and lost
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his exalted status in the heaven.270
All this time, Adam wept and sought God‘s mercy.271
He
confessed that he was frail and powerless, and asked God to forgive his sin, ―for He had planted
his seed, and He had moulded his clay.‖272
Following these words, Najm-i R zī cites a verse
from the Shāhnāma:
ظ ؼنز ایگؽ پؽیبى اقذ ض اگؽ ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضظ کهز ای
If it is a load of thorns, you planted them yourself,
And if it is silk fabric, you spun it yourself. 273
Najm-i R zī‘s use of this verse in a different context shifts the responsibility that is normally
placed on man to God, for it was He who created man as a frail and powerless creature prone to
wrongdoing.
Najm-i R zī‘s four citations from the Shāhnāma, two of which are frequently found in
other medieval Persian works, suggest that he probably cited these verses from memory. The five
unidentified verses he cites, which are in the form, metre, and style of the Shāhnāma and appear
in the part of the work that deals with kingship, point to the connection between the Shāhnāma
style of poetry and aphorisms used for books of advice for rulers. Whether these verses were
taken from a medieval manuscript of the Shāhnāma or some other Persian epic cannot be
determined at this point, but there is already a connection between the style of verses in Persian
epics and the literature of advice for rulers.
Interestingly, in this part of his work, Najm-i R zī also includes a thirteen-verse poem on
the transient nature of this world, admonishing the king to take lessons from the past kings of
Iran and Tūr n, who left behind all the wealth they had amassed, and only their good or bad
names lived on. He further refers to the example of Alexander, who took the throne of D r and
lost it to someone else, to stress that kingship is not everlasting.274
Najm-i R zī‘s reference to the
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kings of Iran and Tūr n and his example of Alexander and D r , which allude to the Shāhnāma,
point to his understanding of the Shāhnāma as a book of advice and admonishment for kings.
Altogether, in this part of his work, which deals with kings and courtiers, Najm-i R zī cites
twenty-seven Persian verses (including the Shāhnāma verses) and three Persian poems. No
Arabic verses are cited in this part of the work.
b) Historical Writing
Another group of medieval authors who cited Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma in their works were
historians. Interestingly, however, most of the citations from the Shāhnāma by medieval
historians were used more for the aphorisms and poetic tropes they contained than for their
historical information. As already noted above, R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r, an historical work
intended as a mirror for princes, provides a remarkable example of this particular use of the
Shāhnāma by medieval historians. Further examples, although with more focus on verses that
contain poetic tropes than aphorisms, can be seen in Tārikh-i jahāngushāy (composed in ca.
650/1252 to 658/1260) of ‗At Malik Juvaynī and Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh (composed in ca. 700/1300–
710/1310) of Rashīd al-Dīn Fa lull h Ḥamad nī. To my knowledge, the only early medieval
Persian historical works whose authors cited the Shāhnāma as a source of historical information
are Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi a (520/1126–27) and Tār kh-i abaristān (written in 603/1206–
7 to ca. 613/1216–17).275
But these authors too made a point about the eloquence and wisdom
displayed in Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma. The following review of the above-mentioned historical
works demonstrates how medieval historians generally used the Shāhnāma in the composition of
their own works.
Tār kh-i jahāngushāy. Aside from R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r, Juvaynī‘s Tār kh-i
jahāngushāy (History of the world conqueror), which is a history of Chingīz Kh n and his
descendants in Iran, seems to contain the largest number of citations from the Shāhnāma among
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medieval Persian historical writings.276
In this work, Juvaynī cites eighty verses only nineteen of
which contain maxims and advice, that is, almost one fourth of all of Juvaynī‘s citations.277
Most
of the verses that Juvaynī cites from the Shāhnāma contain similes describing battlefields,
valour, feasts, day and night, and so on. Juvaynī‘s citations help him to depict the scenes that he
describes in his text more effectively. As we saw, the authors of mirrors for princes had a
preference for verses that contained maxims and wisdom. A total of fifty-eight verses, that is
three quarters of all the Shāhnāma verses that Juvaynī cites, are taken from the tales of Rustam
and Suhr b, and Rustam and Isfandiy r. Juvaynī‘s frequent citations from these two particular
tales indicate that he did not use a compilation of selections (ikhtiyārāt) from the Shāhnāma;
rather, he worked directly from it. Further evidence for Juvaynī‘s direct use of the Shāhnāma is
that the consecutive verses cited in Tār kh-i jahāngushāy are also consecutive in the Shāhnāma,
or are taken from the same part of the work.278
Juvaynī‘s particular attention to these two tales
reflects the interest of his Mongol patrons in wars and battles.
Juvaynī‘s citations from the Shāhnāma deserve a more thorough examination, but a
cursory review demonstrates that he was meticulous in selecting the right verses for the right
contexts. He carefully modified some of the verses that he selected from the Shāhnāma to better
convey his own ideas. For example, he borrowed a verse from the Shāhnāma, in which Z l
warns his son Rustam to be wary of Afr siy b, for ―that Turk is like a male-dragon at war.‖
Juvaynī used this verse to describe Chingīz Kh n‘s military prowess, but he replaced the term
―Turk‖ in the verse with ―shāh‖ (king) in reference to the Mongol conqueror.279
On another
occasion, in the description of the feelings of sultan Muḥammad Khv rzmsh h when he was
informed that his harem has been sacked by the Mongol army and his sons killed, Juvaynī selects
a verse from the Shāhnāma that describes Rustam‘s feelings of shock and distress when he
realizes that he has just killed his own son. In using this verse, Juvaynī replaced the name
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―Rustam‖ with the title ―sulṭ n‖.280
These selections and slight modifications demonstrate how
well Juvaynī knew the Shāhnāma and how meticulously he used it in expressing his points. It
must also be noted that Juvayinī‘s use of the Shāhnāma was not limited to citing verses from it,
as in his narratives he also compares historical figures of to the heroes and kings of the
Shāhnāma.281
He also refers to the habit of reciting the Shāhnāma by the Saljūq sultan Ṭughril
(d. 529/1134), which points to the popularity of Firdausī‘s work at the court of the Saljūq
rulers.282
There is only one occasion in the entire work where Juvaynī cites the Shāhnāma to
confirm a piece of historical information, and that is where he talks about the prosperity and
greatness of the city of Balkh and quotes two verses from the Shāhnāma, which state that in the
olden days, Balkh had the same status as Mecca.283
For Juvaynī, Firdausī‘s depiction of great Iranian heroes was more useful, as he was more
concerned with his descriptions of the Mongols‘ formidable army. Nevertheless, he did not fail
to appreciate the ethico-political content of the Shāhnāma and made use of those verses as well if
they were relevant to his work.
Jāmi‘ al-tavār kh. Composed by Rashīd al-Din Fa lull h, the chief minister at the courts
of two Mongol rulers, Gh z n (r. 694/1295–704/1304) and Ulj ytū (r. 704/1304–716/1316),
Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh (Compendium of chronicles) has been recognized as the first universal history
on account of its covering the history of the Mongols, Turks, Persians, Arabs, Franks, Jews,
Chinese, and Indians, as well as the geography of the lands that were ruled by the Mongol
empire. The author divided his work into three volumes. The third volume, on the geography of
the Mongol empire, is not known to have survived, and the second volume has only been
partially edited. But the first volume, which is on the origin and history of the Turkic and
Mongolian peoples and the history of Chingīz Kh n and his successors, has been edited and
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translated.284
In the first volume of Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh twenty-five verses from the Shāhnāma are
cited.285
But, as shown in Appendix J, almost half of these citations also appear in Tār kh-i
jahāngushāy, which was a major source for this volume of Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh. Obviously, most of
these verses entered Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh via Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, as they appear in the same
passages or contexts in both works.286
But, on two occasions, the Shāhnāma verses that are cited
in Tār kh-i jahāngushāy are cited in completely different contexts in the Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh.287
This would indicate that Rashīd al-Dīn did not just repeat what he found in Tār kh-i
jahāngushāy. Also, numerous other verses in the metre of the Shāhnāma, but not always in its
style and language, appear in Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh,288
sometimes along with verses from the
Shāhnāma that are not found in Tār kh-i jahāngushāy.289
Whether these verses were from
versions of the Shāhnāma that were available at the time, or were taken from other works that
were composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma cannot be determined at this point. But, Rashīd al-
Dīn‘s citations from the Shāhnāma that are not found in Tār kh-i jahāngushāy point to his own
use of Firdausī‘s work, or selections from it, for the same purpose that Juvaynī did, that is,
mostly for poetic tropes.
One would obviously have to look for Rashīd al-Dīn‘s use of the Shāhnāma as an
historical source in the second volume of Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, which includes a section on the
history of ancient Iran, but this part of the work has not yet been edited. As noted by Muḥammad
Raushan, Rashīd al-Dīn‘s main sources for the second volume of the work were the histories of
Ṭabarī (d. 310/923) and Ibn al-Athīr (d. 630/1233), and the Fārsnāma (ca. 498/1105–510/1116)
of Ibn al-Balkhī, and other sources like Mas‗ūdī‘s Mur j al-dhahab (336/947), commentaries on
the Qur‘an (tafs r), and the tales of prophets (qi a ).290
According to Charles Melville, Rashīd al-
Dīn mostly used Bay vī‘s Ni ām al-tavār kh (ca. 674/1275) for his accounts about ancient kings
of Iran, and this part of the work also contains citations from the Shāhnāma.291
An examination
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of how the citations in this part of Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh compare to the verses cited in the first
volume of the work would shed more light on Rashīd al-Dīn use of Firdausī‘s work as a source.
It is noteworthy that, in the introduction to his work where he talks about the greatness of
God, Rashīd al-Dīn quotes a Prophetic Tradition ( ad th), immediately followed by a verse that
he attributes to Firdausī to elaborate on the meaning of the ad th he quotes.292
Referring to
Firdausī in the introduction to the work right next to Prophetic Traditions and Qur‘anic verses is
by itself an indication of the author‘s high regard for the poet as an eloquent sage.
Mujmal al-tavār kh va al- i a . Written by an anonymous author in 520/1126–27,
Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi a is a compendium of historical accounts and legends.293
The
author, who recognizes the Shāhnāma as one of his major sources, was from western Iran, most
probably from Hamad n or Asad b d.294
That the Shāhnāma was regarded as an authority in
historical writing in western Iran in the early twelfth century is noteworthy, as it points to the
extent of the popularity of the work outside the sphere of its immediate cultural influence in
north-eastern Iran.
In the introduction to his work, the author of Mujmal al-tavār kh acknowledges the
Shāhnāma as his primary (a l ) source and refers to other versified epics as derivatives (shu‗ba-
hā) of the Shāhnāma.295
He also acknowledges the prose Shāhnāma of Abu al-Mu‘ayyad Balkhī
as one of his sources, and seems to have quoted a few passages from it in his work without
acknowledgment.296
Despite frequent references to Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma, however, only six
verses are cited from it. But, as the author notes in his introduction, unless they served him as
evidence or contained a wisdom eloquently expressed, he did not intend to cite too many verses
in his work. Thus, only on three occasions in his work does he cite verses from the Shāhnāma in
Firdausī‘s exact words. For example, when he relates an account about the mythical Queen
Hum bearing a child from her father, he cites two verses from the Shāhnāma, which clearly
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state that Hum became pregnant by her father.297
On the other two occasions, the author cites
verses from the Shāhnāma to clarify the meanings of ambiguous terms.298
Besides citing from
the Shāhnāma, the author of Mujmal al-tavār kh refers his readers to Firdausī‘s work for further
details on certain accounts.299
He also informs the reader if no account on a particular topic is
given in the Shāhnāma.300
It must also be noted, however, that the author did not blindly repeat
what he found in Firdausī‘s work. For example, he states that Firdausī recorded the length of
Bahr m‘s kingship to be four months, but that according to the Zoroastrian priest Bahr m (who
compiled a history of ancient Persian kings), he ruled for forty years. He then mentions that forty
years is correct and that he will explain why later.301
On another occasion, he relates an account
about Sh pūr, the son of Ardashīr, and states that in the Shāhnāma that account is given about
another Sh pūr, the one known as Z al-aktāf, not the son of Ardashīr.302
A further example is
where he states that Firdausī reversed the order of the two parts of the name Burz Farī and
changed it to Farīburz, so that it would fit the metre of the poem. He further mentions that
Firdausī did this many times.303
Clearly, despite his high regard for Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma, the
author of Mujmal al-tavār kh used the information he found in it judiciously.
The author of Mujmal al-tavār kh also cites two verses from the Shāhnāma for the
maxims that they contain. Both these verses appear in the introduction to the work. He cites a
verse from the Shāhnāma where he explains that he did his best to present a flawless work. The
verse conveys the idea that not doing a job is better than doing it improperly.304
And, where he
states that his work is not comparable to a work like the prose Shāhnāma of Abū al-Mu‘ayyad or
the verse compositions of Firdausī and Asadī (the author of Garshāsb-nāma), he cites a verse
from the Shāhnāma that indicates it would be irrational to compare a spring to a deep sea.305
In his introduction, the author of Mujmal al-tavār kh also states that, although he could
not produce a work like that of Firdausī, Asadī, or Abū al-Mu‘ayyad, he did not intend to
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produce a work like theirs either, as his point was to compile reports (akhbār) and histories
(tavār kh) and to explain the symbols (ramz), which were employed in such works ( ثؼی قطب ک
اع نؽذ ظاظى ثؽ قجیل ؼهؿ گلز ).306
This statement demonstrates that medieval readers of the Shāhnāma
and its offshoots were aware of the symbolic language used in them and distinguished symbolic
narratives from historical accounts. It is also noteworthy that the author refers to the composers
of the Shāhnāma and its offshoots as ―sages‖ ( ukamā), but he does not apply the same title to
the authors of prose histories, such as Siyar al-mul k of Ibn al-Muqaffa‗ and the history of
Ḥamza Iṣfah nī.307
This would indicate that he viewed versified histories as books of wisdom,
and not simply as verse renditions of prose histories. As noted above, Ḥamdull h Mustaufī too
expresses the same view about versified histories, where he explains the difference between
versified and prose works. The author of Mujmal al-tavār kh, thus, did not fail to recognize the
Shāhnāma as a book of wisdom, even though he primarily used it for historical information.
Tār kh-i abaristān. Ibn Isfandiy r, the author of Tār kh-i abaristān (written during
603/1206–7 to ca. 613/1216–17), cites eight verses from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma on three
occasions. The first time, he cites a verse from the Shāhnāma to confirm that the seat of the
ancient Persian mythical king Farīdūn was a place in Ṭabarist n called Tamīsha.308
Ibn
Isfandiy r‘s second citation from the Shāhnāma, without acknowledging his source, is two
verses that refer to the justice and generosity of Farīdūn.309
These two verses are also cited by the
author of Farā‘id al-sul k, already mentioned above, on the justice and generosity of Farīdūn.310
The third time, Ibn Isfandiy r cites five consecutive verses from the Shāhnāma on the fall of
Yazdgird, the last Sasanian king. He admires Firdausī‘s eloquent words on the fall of Yazdgird
and states that Firdausī‘s words on the topic are like miracles in speech.311
Thus, except for the
one verse about Tamīsha, Ibn Isfandiy r did not really use the Shāhnāma to extract historical
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information from it. He does, however, refer the reader to the Shāhnāmas of Firdausī and Abū al-
Mu‘ayyad for details on the events and characters that he only mentions briefly.312
Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n . A few verses that can be attributed to the Shāhnāma are cited
in the Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n (ca. 603/1206–7). This work, which deals with the history of
the Ghaznavids, is a Persian translation of the Arabic al-Yam n written by Abū Naṣr ‗Utbī, from
350/961–62 to 427/1035–36 or 431/1039–40.313
As mentioned above, two verses cited in this
work are from Asadī Ṭūsī‘s Garshāsb-nāma and contain advice on forbearance and moderation
in punishment.314
The author cites two more verses containing poetic tropes that are in the same
form and metre as the Shāhnāma. Of these two verses, I could only locate one in Kh liqī
Muṭlaq‘s edition, but Kh liqī Muṭlaq considers it an interpolation and therefore does not include
it in the main text of his edition.315
It is remarkable that so few medieval historians cited the Shāhnāma in their works. One
would expect to find more citations from the Shāhnāma in works that covered the history of
ancient Iran. Ironically, it is the histories of the reigns of Turkic and Mongolians rulers of Iran
that contain numerous citations from the Shāhnāma. Later historians‘ use of the Shāhnāma,
which was not so much for the purpose of extracting historical information from it as for its
poetic tropes and maxims, indicates that medieval historians did not generally view the
Shāhnāma as an historical work.
* * * *
The reception of the Shāhnāma at the court of sultan Maḥmūd still remains an enigma.
No contemporaneous author mentions Firdausī by name when referring to the Shāhnāma. The
earliest reference to the reception of the work by its dedicatee, the Ghaznavid sultan Maḥmūd (r.
388/998 to 421/1030), is the anecdote related by Ni mī ‗Arū ī some 150 years after its
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completion; hence, it may only be legendary. The inconsistent information reported in the earlier
prose prefaces to the Shāhnāma further point to the anecdotal nature of these accounts. So, we
cannot come to any certain conclusion about the reception of the Shāhnāma at the court of sultan
Maḥmūd. But, the political involvement of the original patron of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma, Manṣūr,
who was killed before he could see the fruit of his cultural undertaking, as well as the political
aspirations of his father, Abū Manṣūr b. ‗Abd al-Razz q, who commissioned a prose shāhnāma,
which was later used by Firdausī as his source, are clear indications that the ancient Persian tales
of the Shāhnāma conveyed important political messages, which were understood by its sponsor
and the contemporary audience of the work. Moreover, the enormous popularity of the
Shāhnāma, which is attested by a wide range of literary genres produced in later periods—from
biographies of poets to treatises on Persian rhetoric, and from heroic, religious, and historical
epics to mirrors for princes and historical writing—provide ample material for the study of the
reception of the Shāhnāma in the decades and centuries after its completion.
To judge from the various medieval sources examined here, it is possible to conclude that
medieval writers perceived the Shāhnāma primarily as a book of ethico-political wisdom and
advice. The development of the literary genre of ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (selections from the
Shāhnāma), the frequent citations from the Shāhnāma by medieval authors of Persian mirrors for
princes, the ethico-political dimension of later epics composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma, and
Firdausī‘s own epithets, which all point to his wisdom, provide ample evidence for the reception
of the Shāhnāma as a work containing ethico-political lessons for kings and courtiers.
The most illuminating source regarding the reception of Firdausi‘s opus in the decades
following its composition is ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (474/1081–82), a
compilation of more than 2400 verses selected from the Shāhnāma. The compiler‘s reference to
his own work as the ―kernel‖ (maghz) of the Shāhnāma, his choice of verses, and his comparison
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of Firdausī‘s work to a garden, the flowers of which are wisdom and advice, provide the most
compelling evidence for the reception of the work as a book of wisdom. We know that ‗Alī b.
Aḥmad was not the only medieval author who produced such a work. J jarmī‘s chapter on the
ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma in his Mu‘nis al-a rār (741/1341), a manual on poetry, indicates that the
author recognized ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma as a distinct genre and therefore provided a sample of it
as a model for those who wanted to compile similar works. What is noteworthy is that, like ‗Alī
b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, the majority of verses in J jarmī‘s sample ikhtiyārāt-i
Shāhnāma contain ethico-political wisdom and advice. This would indicate that the content of
other ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāmas were similar to the work compiled by ‗Ali b. Aḥmad, and that other
medieval compilers of such works understood the Shāhnāma in the same way ‗Alī b. Aḥmad did.
Although ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s compilation appears to be the only surviving work in this
genre, references in medieval sources point to the existence of other similar works that have not
survived. For example, Aufī‘s high regard, in his Lubāb al-albāb (617/1220–21 to 625/1227–28),
for one such work, which he attributed to Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d-i Salm n (d. 515/1121–2), is testimony
to the existence of a fine ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma in the thirteenth century. R vandī‘s reference in
his Rā at al- ud r (599/1202–3 to 603/1206–7) to novice poets‘ selecting and memorizing
aphorisms from the Shāhnāma indicates that every poet/writer would have had his own
ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma. Further evidence for the existence of ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāmas in medieval
times is Shams-i Qays‘s (early thirteenth century) peculiar citation of five non-consecutive
verses from the Shāhnāma to illustrate the poetic form of masnav , which undoubtedly was taken
from an ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma.
Since the Shāhnāma is about the ethical and political conduct of kings and courtly élites
and the roles of these individuals in the success and failure of kingship, the advice and wisdom
contained in the Shāhnāma were meant to benefit kings and courtiers. This point must be kept in
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mind when examining selections from the Shāhnāma, for they are often devoid of their original
context and may appear as general advice to anybody.
Another group of medieval works that provide insight into the reception of the Shāhnāma
are the Persian mirrors for princes that contain frequent citations from it. We find more citations
from the Shāhnāma in the medieval Persian mirrors for princes than in any other genre of
classical Persian literature. Although one would expect to find more citations from the Shāhnāma
in medieval Persian historical works that deal with the history of ancient Iran, it is remarkable
that so few medieval historians cited the Shāhnāma as a source of historical information. And,
those who did so usually evince their appreciation of Firdausī‘s eloquence and wisdom displayed
in his work. The Shāhnāma was thus the focus of attention of the authors of mirrors for princes.
Like the compilers of ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, the authors of medieval Persian mirrors for princes
selected from the Shāhnāma aphorisms, proverbs, wise sayings, and descriptions of various
scenes and states. This particular use of the Shāhnāma, however, should not be taken to mean
that the ancient Persian myths and history had lost their currency in medieval times. As
mentioned above with reference to R vandī‘s selections from the Shāhnāma, just one verse from
the account about Gusht sp‘s heavenly cypress tree was enough to evoke the context of that
verse. Furthermore, the anecdotes related in both Persian and Arabic medieval sources
demonstrate that the tales from the Shāhnāma were read to rulers not just to entertain them, but
mainly to educate them on matters related to kingship. One such anecdote is related by Sa‗dī (d.
691/1292) in a chapter of his Gulistān on the conduct of kings. Sa‗dī relates that the account
about the oppressive ruler Żaḥḥ k was read at court to a tyrannical ruler. When the story was
over, the minister asked the ruler if he could tell why Farīdūn, who had no military power,
prevailed over Żaḥḥ k, who was very powerful. The ruler responded that Farīdūn prevailed
because he had the support of the people. On hearing this, the minster sarcastically asked the
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ruler why then he himself oppressed his own people, and whether he did not wish to stay in
power.316
In another anecdote related by the Arab historian Ibn al-Athīr (d. 630/1233), Maḥmūd
of Ghazna, the ultimate dedicatee of the Shāhnāma, who supposedly did not favour ancient
Persian tales, is reported to have asked his defeated opponent, the Buyid ruler Majd al-Daula (r.
387/997 to 420/1029), whether he had read the Shāhnāma. When Majd al-Daula responded in the
affirmative, Maḥmūd chastised him for not having learned how to behave in front of a
triumphant king.317
These anecdotes demonstrate that the ancient Persian tales were as important
as the wisdom and advice they contained, and that rulers and courtly élites were expected to
learn lessons from them. Sa‗dī clearly expresses this expectation in his panegyric to the Ilkhanid
governor of F rs, Amir Ankiy nū (r. 667/1268–69 to 670/1271–72) in which he states that the
stories about Rustam and Isfandiy r related in the shāhnāmas are meant for rulers
(khudāvandān-i mulk) to learn that they will eventually lose their power to someone else.318
Sa‗dī‘s use of plural shāhnāma-hā indicates that not only the ancient Persian tales related in
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma but also those of other shāhnāmas were current and considered to be
meaningful in court circles in the thirteenth century.
Further evidence that indicates the entire Shāhnāma, and not just selected verses from it,
enjoyed perusal during medieval times, is Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s remarks in his afar-nāma
about the availability of many corrupted copies of the Shāhnāma in the fourteenth century.
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s statement points to the fact that the Shāhnāma in its entirety was in high
demand; otherwise, it would not have been copied by so many hands.
The translation of the Shāhnāma into Arabic prose in the twelfth century by al-Fatḥ b.
‗Alī al-Bund rī further points to the popularity of the work not only among Persians, but also
among Arabs.319
It is noteworthy that in the introduction to his translation, Bund rī refers to
Firdausī by the title al-am r al- ak m (the wise leader), and refers to the Shāhnāma as a brilliant
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(bāri‗) work that contains oceans of pearls of wisdom (mushtamil ‗alā bi ār laāl al- ikam) and
mines of gems of speech (ma‗ādin jawāhir al-kalim).320
These comments demonstrate that
Bund rī considered the Shāhnāma to be a book of wisdom and not a collection of ancient tales.
A thorough examination of medieval Persian epics, which were composed on the model
of the Shāhnāma, can shed considerable light on how their authors perceived Firdausī‘s work.
Many of these epics have not been edited or thoroughly studied, but as briefly shown here, the
authors of the post-Shāhnāma epics understood the ethico-political lessons conveyed through the
tales of the Shāhnāma and they emulated this aspect of the work in composing their own epic
tales.
In order to illustrate how Firdausī uses history and myths to convey ethico-political
lessons, the next chapter will examine the portrayal of Ardashīr, the founder of the Sasanian
dynasty, as an ideal king in the Shāhnāma.
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1 On the Shāhnāma as epic poetry, see Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics, chaps. 8–11; William L.
Jr. Hanaway, ―The Iranian Epics,‖ in Heroic Epic and Saga: An Introduction to the World‘s
Great Folk Epics, ed. Felix J. Oinas (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1978), 79, 88;
William L. Hanaway, ―Epic Poetry,‖ in Persian Literature, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (Albany, NY:
Bibliotheca Persica, 1988), 102; François de Blois, Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical
Survey, vol. 5, Poetry of the Pre-Mongol Period, rev. ed. (London: Routledge Curzon in
association with the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2004), 112–26; and Ève
Feuillebois-Pierunek, ―L‘épopée iranienne: le Livre des Rois de Ferdowsi,‖ in Épopées du
monde: Pour un panorama (presque) général, ed. Ève Feuillebois-Pierunek (Paris: Classiques
Garnier, 2011), 156–63. According to Jan Rypka, the ancients regarded the Shāhnāma as history
and we can see it that way if we ―strip it of every naïve interpretation that does not get to the real
root of the historical truth.‖ See Jan Rypka, History of Iranian Literature, in collaboration with
Otakar Klíma and others, trans. P. van Popta-Hope, ed. Karl Jahn (Dordrecht, Holland: D.
Reidel, 1968), 159; Ehsan Yarshater considers the Shāhnāma as a literary masterpiece of Persian
historiography. See his ―Iranian National History,‖ 369. Julie Scott Meisami includes the
Shāhnāma in her study of medieval Persian historiography, but, in her opinion, since Firdausī did
not follow the literary tradition of his time, his work is an anomaly in medieval Persian historical
writing. See her Persian Historiography, 37–45. Meisami has also written an article on the
reception of the Shāhnāma as a mirror for princes. In that article, she does not propose that the
Shāhnāma can or should be studied as a mirror for princes; but rather, she maintains her position
on the Shāhnāma as an historical work and argues that later reception of the Shāhnāma was
largely fragmentary, that is, it provided material for later authors of mirrors for princes, epic
romances, panegyrists, etc. She further argues that later authors were generally not interested in
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the narrative structure of the Shāhnāma. To support her argument, Meisami discusses R vandī‘s
use of the Shāhnāma materials, which in her opinion, were ―extracted from their narrative
contexts and divested of historical significance to become exemplary in a broad ethical sense,
adab rather than history.‖ See her ―The Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes: A Study in
Reception,‖ in Pand-o Sokhan: Mélanges offerts à Charles-Henri de Fouchécour, ed. Christophe
Balaÿ, Claire Kappler, and Ţiva Vesel, (Tehran: Institut français de recherche en Iran, 1995),
265–73. Charles Melville on the other hand views the Shāhnāma as history with literary
dimensions. See Melville, Persian Historiography, xlv. In her study of Sasanian history,
Parvaneh Pourshariati uses the Sasanian section of the Shāhnāma as one of her major sources.
See her Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the
Arab Conquest of Iran (London: I. B. Tauris in association with the Iran Heritage Foundation,
2008), 14 –15.
2 On the similarities and differences between the Shāhnāma and other world epics see Jal l
Kh liqī Muṭlaq, amāsa: Pad da-shinās -i taṭb q -i shi‗r-i pahlavāni (Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat
al-ma‗ rif-i buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007). On how the Shāhnāma differs from other medieval
Persian historical writings, see Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 247–75. Also see
Chapter 2 of the present study.
3 de Fouchécour, Moralia, 51–53; de Fouchécour, ―Une lecture du Livre des Rois,‖ 171–202;
and de Fouchécour, ―Akhl q-i pahlav nī va akhl q-i rasmī,‖ 8–13.
4 For example, see Zabīḥull h Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān: Az qad mtar n ‗ahd-i tār kh tā
qarn-i chahārdahum-i hijr (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1333/1954), 184–87; Hanaway, ―Iranian
Epics,‖ 92–93; Sayyid Muḥammad Dabīrsiy qī, Zindig nāma-i Firdaus va sarguzasht-i
Shāhnāma, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Qaṭra, 1383/2004), 327–49; Shapur Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical
Biography (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, 1991), 89–
93
97; Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 261–64; Rypka, History of Iranian Literature,
157; Mahmoud Omidsalar (Maḥmūd Umīds l r), ―Shāhnāma-i Firdausī va huviyat-i farhangī-i
Maḥmūd-i Ghaznavī,‖ Īrānshinās 11, no. 3 (1378/1999): 616–31, repr. ed., in Mahmoud
Omidsalar (Maḥmūd Umīds l r), Justārhā-yi Shāhnāma-shinās va mabāhis-i adab (Tehran:
Buny d-i mauqūf t-i duktur Maḥmūd Afsh r, 1381/2002), 243–60; and Mahmoud Omidsalar,
―Shāhnāma va ta‗aṣṣub-i dīnī-i Maḥmūd-i Ghaznavī,‖ Īrānshinās 12, no. 2 (1379/2000): 316–
23, repr. ed., in Omidsalar, Justārhā-yi Shāhnāma-shinās , 261–69. For a general review of
different opinions on the topic, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Ferdowsi, i. Life, Ferdowsī and
Sultan Maḥmūd.‖
5 Mahmoud Omidsalar, ―Nukta-ī dar Shāhnāma-shin sī va taṣḥīḥ-i matn-i Tār kh-i S stān,‖
Īrānshinās 10, no. 1 (1377/1998): 121–23, repr. ed., in Omidsalar, Justārhā-yi Shāhnāma-
shinās , 190–93. For the paragraph in Tār kh-i S stān, see Tār kh-i S stān, ed. Malik al-Shu‗ar ‘
Bah r (Tehran: Mu‘assisa-yi kh var, 1314/1935), 7–8.
6 Aḥmad b. ‗Umar b. ‗Alī Ni mī ‗Arū ī Samarqandī, Chahār maqāla, ed. Muḥammad Qazvīnī,
(Cairo: 1327/1948), ed. Muḥammad Mu‗īn (Tehran: Zavv r, 1333/1954), 75–83; Ni mī ‗Arū ī,
Revised Translation of Chahár Maqála (―Four Discourses‖) of Ni ámí-i-‗Arúḍí of Samarqand,
trans. Edward G. Browne (London: Luzac, 1921), 54–59.
7 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 81; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 57.
8 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī t za bi zindigī-n ma-i Firdausī,‖ Nāme-ye Irān-e Bāstān: The
International Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies 6, nos. 1–2 (1385/2006): 13–14. For a ninety-
one-line version of the satire see Firdausī, Le livre des rois, ed. and trans. Jules Mohl, 7 vols.
(Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1838–78), repr. ed. (Paris: Jean Maisonneuve, 1976), 1: lxxxviii–
xcii.
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9 For a review of the controversy surrounding Firdausī‘s satire, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v.
―Ferdowsi, ii. Hajw-n ma.‖ Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Riy ḥī, Ṣaf , Taqīz da, and Nöldeke are among
scholars who maintain Firdausī did compose a satire in criticism of Maḥmūd. See Kh liqī
Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī t za bi zindigī-n ma-i Firdausī,‖ 13–15; Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-
hā-yi Firdaus -shinās : Majm ‗a-i nivishta-hā-yi kuhan darbāra-i Firdaus va Shāhnāma va
naqd-i ānhā (Tehran: Mu‘assisa-i muṭ li‗ t va taḥqīq t-i farhangī, 1372/1993), 84–97; Ṣaf ,
amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān, 190–191; Sayyid ḤasanTaqīz da, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ in
Firdaus va Shāhnāma-i : Shar -i āl-i Firdaus az ma‘khaz-i Shāhnāma; Muqaddama-i qad m-
i Shāhnāma; Ta q q darbāra-i Shāhnāma, ed. Ḥabīb Yaghm ‘ī (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r-i millī,
1349/1970 ), 230n1; and Theodor Nöldeke, Das iranische Nationalepos, 2nd ed. (Berlin:
Vereinigung Wissenschaftlicher Verleger, 1920), 29–31. For some of those who question the
authenticity of the satire, see Maḥmūd Kh n Shīr nī, Chahār maqāla bar Firdaus va Shāhnāma,
trans. ‗Abd al-Ḥay Ḥabībī (K bul, 1355/1977), 37–110; Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical
Biography, 97–103; Muḥammad Taqī Bah r, ―Firdausī: Sharḥ-i ḥ l-i Firdausī az rū-yi
Shāhnāma,‖ in Firdaus -nāma-i Malik al-Shu‗arā Bahār, ed. Muḥammad Gulbun (Tehran:
Sipihr, 1345/1966), 30–31; and Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics, 85–86.
10 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:259, lines 3393–94.
11 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:259–60, lines 3395–98.
12 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī t za bi zindigī-n ma-i Firdausī,‖ 9–10.
13 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:486–87, lines 884–92.
14 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī t za bi zindigī-n ma-i Firdausī,‖ 10.
15 For a discussion of Firdausī‘s revisions of the Shāhnāma and the dates of different editions of
the work, see Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical Biography, 71–94; and Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī
t za bi zindigī-n ma-i Firdausī,‖ 7–10. For the two different dates of 384/994 and 400/1010
95
given at the end of various manuscripts as the date of the completion of the Shāhnāma, see Jal l
Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Mu‗arrifī va arzy bī-i barkhī az dastnivīs-h -yi Shāhnāma,‖ pt. 1, Īrān-nāma 3,
no. 3 (1364/1985): 386–405; Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Mu‗arrifī va arzy bī-i barkhī az dastnivīs-h -yi
Shāhnāma,‖ pt. 2, Īrān-nāma 4, no. 1 (1364/1985): 18–31; and Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―T rīkh-i
rūz-i p y n-i Shāhnāma,‖ Īrānshināsi 12, no. 4 (1379/2000): 781–84.
16 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:177, line 1053.
17 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:177–78, lines 1054–62.
18 The preface to the manuscript dated 614/1217 (also known as the Florence Manuscript) has
missing folios, but another Shāhnāma manuscript, which is dated 903/1497–98, provides some
of the missing parts of this version of the account about Firdausī and Maḥmūd. For the text of the
preface, as it appears in the Florence manuscript, see Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Dastnivīs-i
Shāhnāma mu‘arrikh-i shishṣad va chah rdah-i hijrī-i qamarī: Dastnivīs-i Flaur ns,‖ Īrān-nāma
7, no. 1 (1367/1998): 89–93. For the complete text of this preface, edited based on two
manuscripts dated 614/1217 and 903/1497–98, see Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās ,
270–87. The manuscript dated 675/1276–77 also contains a second account about Firdausī and
sultan Maḥmūd. For the two accounts, see Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās , 193–206.
Note that the manuscript dated 675/1276–77 was not available to Riy ḥī at the time of his
research, so his edition of these two accounts are based on manuscripts dated 741/1340–41and
803/1400–1, which contain the same preface.
19 Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat va khaṭar-i ma khiz-i janbī dar taṣḥīḥ-i Shāhnāma,‖
Īrānshinās 7, no. 4 (1374/1995): 749n1; Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Chand tau īḥ darb ra-i
dastnivīs-i Flaur ns,‖ Kilk 10 (1369/1990): 227; and Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās ,
189–93.
20 Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās , 194–95, 204, and 272–80.
96
21
Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās , 195, 204–5, and 278–80.
22 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 75; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 54.
23 For a comprehensive study of various medieval sources containing the accounts about, or
references to, Firdausī‘s unrewarded work, see Jal l Matīnī, ―Firdausī dar h la-ī az afs na-h ,‖ in
Shāhnāma-shinās 1: Majm ‗a-i guftārhā-yi nukhust n majma‗-i ‗ilm -i ba s darbāra-i
Shāhnāma dar Ustān-i Hurmuzgān (23–27 Abān 1356) [Proceedings of the first Shāhnāma
congress in the Province of Hurmuzg n, November 14–18, 1978] (Tehran: Buny d-i Shāhnāma-i
Firdausī, 1357/1979), 120–51.
24 Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās , 351–52.
25 Ni mī ‗Ārū ī‘s version of the story also appears in Tār kh-i abaristān, but as shown by
Iqb l Āshtiy nī, it is a later interpolation. See Ibn Isfandiy r, Tār kh-i abaristān, 1:ṣ d, b ‘, jīm,
and 2:21–25.
26 Mukht rī, D vān-i ‗Usmān-i Mukhtār , ed. Jal l al-Dīn Hum ‘ī (Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va
nashr-i kit b, 1341/1963), 788n1 and 832, lines 10–14. Also see Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi
Firdaus -shinās , 219–20; and Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī t za bi zindigī-n ma-i Firdausī,‖ 15; and
Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat va khaṭar-i ma khiz-i janbī,‖ 732, and 749n5.
27 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 5; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 3.
28 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 18; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 12.
29 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 19; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 12.
30 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 44–46; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 29–31.
31 See Qazvīnī‘s comments in Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, xiv–xviii.
32 Ni mī Ganjavī, Khusrau va Sh r n: Niazām Ganja- 2, ed. Bihrūz Sirvatiy n (Tehran: Amīr
Kabīr, 1386/2007), 118, lines 21–22.
33 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 79–80; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 56.
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34 Ni mī Ganjavī, Khusrau va Sh r n, 281–82, lines 41–42.
35 Ni mī Ganjavī, Iqbāl-nāma yā khirad-nāma, ed. Vaḥīd Dastgirdī (Tehran: Mu‘assisa-i
maṭbū‗ tī ilmī, 1317/1938), 35.
36 Ni mī Ganjavī, Haft Paykar, ed. Vaḥīd Dastgirdī (Tehran: Armagh n, 1315/1936), 19, lines
1–2.
37 Farīd al-Dīn ‗Aṭṭ r, Ilāh -nāma, ed. Fu‘ d Rūḥ nī (Tehran: Zavv r, 1339/1960), 286–87.
38 Farīd al-Dīn ‗Aṭṭ r, Mu bat-nāma, ed. Nūr nī Viṣ l (Tehran: Zavv r, 1338/1959), 366–68.
39 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 83; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 59.
40 Farīd al-Dīn ‗Aṭṭ r, Asrār-nāma, ed. Ṣ diq Gauharīn (Tehran: Sharq, 1338/1959), 188–90.
41 ‗Aṭṭ r, Asrār-nāma, 190.
42 Sa‗d al-Dīn Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, ed. Khalīl Khaṭīb Rahbar (Tehran: Intish r t-i
D nishg h-i Shahīd Bihishtī, 1363/1984), 6–17. For an abridged English translation of this work
see, Var vīnī, The Tales of Marzuban, trans. Reuben Levy (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
Press, 1959). Var vīnī‘s introduction to the work is not included in the translation.
43 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 13.
44 Var vīnī‘s statement may be verified by Jurf diq nī‘s concluding verses at the end of his
translation, where he complains about his poverty and mentions that he was not rewarded for his
work. See Abū al-Sharaf N ṣiḥ b. Ẓafar Jurf diq nī, Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n , ed. Ja‗far Shi‗ r
(Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1345/1966), 439.
45 For example, see Farrukhī Sīst nī, D vān-i ak m Farrukh S stān , ed. Muḥammad
Dabīrsiy qī (Tehran: Iqb l, 1335/1956), 66 and 174; and ‗Unṣurī Balkhī, Divān-i ustād ‗Un ur
Balkh , ed. Muḥammad Dabīrsiy qī (Tehran: San ‘ī, 1342/1963), 120, lines 1337–40, and p. 313,
line 2969.
98
46
Both Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Omidsalar maintain that Maḥmūd‘s court poets refer to other
shāhnāmas than Firdausī‘s work. See Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma: Just rī
darb ra-i ma khiz-i mustaqīm va ghayr-i mustaqīm-i Shāhnāma,‖ unpublished article, posted on
the internet in January 2009 at
http://www.noufe.com/persish/Khaleghi/pdf/azshahnametakhodayname.pdf (accessed September
20, 2009.), 16; and Omidsalar, ―Nukta-ī dar Shāhnāma-shin sī,‖ 123.
47 On other shāhnāmas, see below, pp. 132–34.
48 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:259, line 3391.
49 Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Malik Nish būrī Amīr Mu‗izzī, D vān-i Am r Mu‗izz , ed. ‗Abb s Iqb l
Ashtiy nī (Tehran: Kit bfurūshī-i isl miyya, 1318/1939), 268:
اؾ کدب آؼظ ثیظ چؽا گلذ آى قوؽ هي ػدت ظاؼم ؾ كؽظقی ک رب چعاى ظؼؽ
50 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 81–82; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 58.
51 Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Yikī mihtarī būd gardan-far z,‖ Majjalla-i dānishkada-i adabiyāt va
‗ul m-i insān -i Dānishgāh-i Firdaus 2 (2536/1977), repr. ed., in Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Sukhan-hā-yi
d r na, 59–73; and Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Jav n būd va az gauhar-i pahlav n,‖ in Nāmvāra-i
duktur Ma m d Afshār, 1364/1985, repr. ed., in Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Sukhan-hā-yi d r na, 75–92.
Also see Shahbazi, Ferdows : A Critical Biography, 71–75.
52 Abu al-Fa l Khaṭībī, ―Abū Manṣūr Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Razz q,‖ In Dā‘irat al-ma‗ārif-i
buzurg-i islām , 6:290–93; Encyclopaedia Iranica., s.v. ―Abū Manṣūr ‗Abd-al-Razz q;‖ V.
Minorsky, ―The Older Preface to the Shāh-nāma,‖ in Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi
Della Vida, 2 vols. (Rome: Instituto per l‘Oriente: 1956), 2:162–166; and Parvaneh Pourshariati,
―The Parthians and the Production of the Canonical Sh hn mas: Of Pahlavī, Pahlav nī and the
Pahlav,‖ in Commutatio et contentio: Studies in the Late Roman, Sasanian, and Early Islamic
99
Near East; In Memory of Zeev Rubin, ed. Henning Börm and Josef Wiesehöfer (Dusseldorf:
Wellem Verlag, 2010), 358–60.
53 Pourshariati, ―Parthians and the Production of the Canonical Sh hn mas,‖ 362; and
Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire, 263.
54 Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Vahh b Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm-i Shāhnāma,‖ in Qzvīnī,
Daura-i kāmil-i b st maqāla-i Qazv n , 2 vols. in 1, vol. 2, ed. ‗Abb s Iqb l, 2nd ed. (Tehran:
Ch pkh na-i sharq, 1332/1953), 89–90; Minorsky, ―Older Preface,‖ 179.
55 Pourshariati, ―Iranian Tradition in Ṭūs and the Arab Presence in Khur s n,‖ (PhD diss.,
Columbia University, 1995), 239–85. Also see Pourshariati, ―Parthians and the Production of the
Canonical Sh hn mas,‖ 364–67.
56 Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 33–34; Minorsky, ―Older Preface,‖ 168.
57 Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 30–36; Minorsky, ―Older Preface,‖ 167–69.
58 Abū Sa‗īd ‗Abd al-Ḥayy b. al-Żaḥḥ k b. Maḥmūd Gardīzī, Zayn al-akhbār, ed. ‗Abd al-Ḥayy
Ḥabībī (Tehran: Intish r t-i buny d-i farhang-i Īr n, 1347/1968), 167; Abū Sa‗īd ‗Abd al-Ḥayy
Gardīzī, The Ornament of Histories: A History of the Eastern Islamic Lands, AD 650–1041; The
Original Text of Ab Sa‗ d ‗Abd al- ayy Gard z , ed. and trans. Clifford Edmund Bosworth
(London: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 73; Abū al-Naṣr Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Jabb r al-‗Utbī, al-Yām n :
F shar akhbār al-sulṭān yam n al-daula wa am n al-milla Ma m d al-ghaznaw , ed. Iḥs n
Dhunūn al-Th mirī (Beirut: D r al-ṭalī‗a, 1424/2004), 76–87; and Jurf diq nī, Tarjuma-i Tār kh-
i Yam n , 71–75.
59 Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 35–37; Minorsky, ―Older Preface,‖ 169.
60 Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 39–40; Minorsky, ―Older Preface,‖ 171.
61 For a comprehensive annotated list of medieval Persian biographies, see Aḥmad Gulchīn-i
Ma‘ nī, Tār kh-i tazkira-hā-yi fārs , 2 vols. (Tehran: D nishg h-i Tihr n, 1348–50/1969–71).
100
62
Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 75–76; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 54.
63 Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 76; trans., Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 55.
64 For Aufī‘s words on the eminence of Firdausī and his work see Muḥammad ‗Aufī, Lubāb al-
albāb, ed. Edward Browne and Muḥammad ‗Qazvīnī, ed. Sa‗īd Nafīsī (Tehran: Ibn Sīna,
1335/1956), 269.
65 ‗Aufī, Lubāb al-albāb, 269.
ک ضاخ هكؼظ قؼع، ؼزو هللا، خوغ کؽظ اقذ هطبلؼ کع ظاع ک كؽظقی رب چ « اضزیبؼاد نببه»ؽ کف ک ...
....زع ثظ اقذ
66 Mahmoud Omidsalar, ―Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d-i Salm n va Shāhnāma-i Firdausī,‖ in Omidsalar,
Justārhā-yi Shāhnāma-shinās , 214–25; de Blois, Persian Literature, 5:132; and Sunil Sharma,
Persian Poetry at the Indian Frontier: Mas‗ûd-i Sa‗d-i Salmân of Lahore (Delhi: Permanent
Black, 2000), 129. Sharma considers Aufī‘s claim to be false, but he refers to the work that ‗Aufī
attributes to Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d as a ―prose rendering of the Shâhnâmah.‖ See Sharma, Persian
Poetry at the Indian Frontier, 129. Similarly, in his article in Encyclopaedia Iranica, Sharma
refers to the wok as ―an abridged prose Š h-n ma.‖ See Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Mas‗ūd-e
Sa‗d-e Salm n.‖ But, ‗Aufī clearly refers to a selection (ikhtiyārāt) compiled (jam‗ karda) from
the verses of the Shāhnāma, not a prose rendering of the poem as Sharma suggests.
67 See below for more on the selections from the Shāhnāma.
68 ‗Aufī, Lubāb al-albāb, 269–70.
69 Ḥamdull h b. Abī Bakr b. Aḥmad b. Naṣr Mustaufī Qazvīnī Tār kh-i guz da, ed. ‗Abd al-
Ḥusayn Nav ‘ī (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1960), 743; Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Ta‘ríkh-i-Guzída or
Select History, trans. Edward Browne (London: Luzac, 1913). The translations of the Persian
verses are not provided though. Firdausī‘s other poems have been collected by H. Ethé. See H.
Ethé, ―Firdûsî als Lyriker,‖ pt. 1, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und
101
historicshen Classe der Königlich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München 2
(1872): 275–304; and H. Ethé, ―Firdûsî als Lyriker,‖ pt. 2, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-
philologischen und historicshen Classe der Königlich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
zu München 3 (1873): 623–659. Taqīz da rejects the attribution to Firdausī of some of the verses
cited in Ethé‘s articles. See Taqīz da, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 274–75.
70 For the account in the preface to the B ysunghurī Shāhnāma, see Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi
Firdaus -shinās , 375–76; and Dabīrsiy qī, Zindig nāma-i Firdaus , 164–65.
71 Faṣīḥ Aḥmad b. Jal l al-Dīn Muḥammad Kh
v fī, Mujmal-i Fa , ed. Maḥmūd Farrukh, 3
vols. (Mashhad: Kit bfurīshī-i B st n, 1339–41/1960–62), 2:129.
72 Faṣīḥ Kh
v fī, Mujmal-i Fa , 2:129–30.
73 Daulatsh h b. ‗Al ‘ al-Daula Bakhtīsh h al-Gh zī al-Samarqandī, Tazkirat al-shu‗arā‘, ed.
Edward G. Browne (London: Luzac, 1901), repr. ed. (Tehran: As ṭīr, 1382/2003), 49.
74 Daulatsh h Samarqandī, Tazkira al-shu‗arā, 49–50.
75 Daulatsh h Samarqandī, Tazkira al-shu‗arā, 50.
76 Nūr al-Dīn ‗Abd al-Raḥm n b. Aḥmad J mī, Bahāristān, ed. Ism ‗īl Ḥ kīmī (Tehran: Iṭṭil ‗ t,
1367/1988), 93.
77 Cf. Meisami, Persian Historiography, 52–53; Meisami, ―Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes,‖
266; and Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 262–63, where she argues that the
archaic language, style, and content of the Shāhnāma was the reason for its unenthusiastic
reception by sultan Maḥmūd.
78Angelo Michele Piemontese, ―Ta‗rīf-i Firdausī dar dast-nivishta-h -yi kuhan-i Shāhnāma,‖ in
Sukhanvāra: Panjāh guftār-i pazh hish bi yād-i duktur Parv z Nātil Khānlar , ed. Iraj Afsh r
and Hans Robert Roemer (Tehran: Tūs, 1376/1997), 282–83.
79 Piemontese, ―Ta‗rīf-i Firdausī,‖ 283.
102
80
Piemontese, ―Ta‗rīf-i Firdausī,‖ 283.
81 Piemontese, ―Ta‗rīf-i Firdausī,‖ 282–83.
82 Piemontese, ―Ta‗rīf-i Firdausī,‖ 282.
83 Auḥad al-Dīn Anvarī Abīvardī, D vān-i Anvar , ed. Muḥmmad Taqī Mudarris Ra avī, 2 vols.
(Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1337/1958), 2:659.
84 Ḍiy ‘ al-Dīn Ibn al-Athīr, al-Mathal al-sā‘ir f adab al-kātib wa al-shā‗ir, ed. Aḥmad al-Ḥūfī
and Badawī Ṭab na, 4 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat Nihḍat Miṣr, 1959–65), 4:12:
لى الؼؽة كی ػ الکزخ الوهبؼالیب، كبى نبػؽن یػکؽکزبثب هلب هي أل الی آضؽ ػلی ػا كبی خعد الؼدن یل
الوم، کوب كؼل اللؽظقی كی ظن نؼؽا، نؽذ هى أزال، یکى هغ غلک كی ؿبیخ اللبزخ الجالؿخ كی لـخ
به، قزى ألق ثیذ هي الهؼؽ، یهزول ػلی ربؼیص اللؽـ، هؽآى الوم، هع أخوغ الوم الکزبة الوؼؽف ثهب
كسبإن ػلی أ لیف كی لـزن أكر ه، ػا ال یخع كی اللـخ الؼؽثیخ ػلی اركبػب رهؼت كب أؿؽاب،
. أى لـخ الؼدن ثبلكج الیب کوطؽح هي ثسؽ ػلی
85 In his brief review of the Persian classical works on rhetoric that were written before the
thirteenth century, Qazvīnī refers to eight works, five of which were composed during the reign
of the Ghaznavids. But unfortunately, except for Tarjumān al-balāgha, we only know the titles
and names of the authors of these works. See Shams-i Qays, al-Mu‗jam f ma‗āy r ash‗ār al-
‗ajam, ed. Muḥammad Qazvīnī, ed. Mudarris Ra avī (Tehran: Kit bfurūshī-i Tihr n,
1338/1959), ii–iv.
86 For example, see Omidsalar, ―Mas‗ūd-i Sa‗d-i Salm n,‖ 217.
87 Muḥammad b. ‗Umar al-R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. Ahmed Ateş (Istanbul: Ibrahim
Horoz Basimevi, 1949).
88 Muḥammad b. ‗Umar al-R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. ‗Alī Qavīm (Tehran: Ch pkh na
Muḥammad ‗Alī Fardīn, 1339/1960), 8.
103
89
Cf. R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. Ateş, 130 and 4–7 (Persian text); and R dūy nī,
Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. Qavīm, 87–89 and 161–63.
90 R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. Qavīm, 87–88. Cf. R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed.
Ateş, 7, line 3, (Persian text).
91 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 3:194, line 1474.
92 R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. Qavīm, 69.
93 ‗Aufī, Lubāb al-albāb, 270. In Ateş‘s edition of the Tarjumān al-balāgha, these two verses are
attributed to Muḥammad ‗Abduh, a scribe (dab r/kātib) at the court of Bughr kh n the
Qarakhanid ruler. See R dūy nī, Tarjumān al-balāgha, ed. Ateş, 103–104.
94 Shams-i Qays, al-Mu‗jam, 178, 419.
95 Shams-i Qays, al-Mu‗jam, 178.
96 Shams-i Qays, al-Mu‗jam, 418–19. The verses are quoted as they appear in al-Mu‗jam.
97 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:230, line 1702.
98 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:241, line 1870.
99 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:231, line 1710–11.
100 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:231, line 1715.
101 Cf. ‗Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma: Matn guz da az qarn-i panjum-i hijr , ed. Muṣṭaf
Jayḥūnī and Muḥammad Fish rakī (Mashhad: Āst n-i Quds-i ra avī, Markaz-i Khur s n-shin sī,
1379/2000), 125–26, lines 1165–67, 1169, and 1176. For more on this work, see above pp. 51–
53.
102 Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān, 283–342.
103 Abū Naṣr ‗Alī b. Aḥmad Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsb-nāma, ed. Ḥabīb Yaghm ‘ī (Tehran: Brūkhīm,
1317/1938), 13–14.
104
104
Ṣaf ‘s survey of Persian epics published in 1954 still remains the most comprehensive work
on the subject. For other studies of post-Shāhnāma epics see François de Blois‘s article in
Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Epics;‖ Marijan Molé, ―L‘épopée iranienne après Firdōsī,‖ La
Nouvelle Clio 5 (1953): 377–93; Hanaway, ―Iranian Epics,‖ 89–93; Henri Massé, Les épopées
persanes: Firdousi et l‘épopée nationale (Paris: Librairie Académique Perrin, 1935), 263-91, and
Firdausī, Le livre des rois, liv–lxxvii. For information on the date, location, and authorship of the
manuscripts, and information on edited works see de Blois, Persian Literature 5:465–75.
105 Molé, ―L‘épopée iranienne après Firdōsī,‖ 386. The work was not edited at the time of Molé‘s
research. For a critical edition of K sh-nāma, see Īr nsh n b. Abī al-Khayr, K sh-nāma, ed. Jal l
Matīnī (Tehran: ‗Ilmī, 1377/1998). For more information on this work and a summary of the
story, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Kuš-n ma.‖
106 Jal l Matīnī, ―Barkhī az nayrang-h -yi k rz r dar kūsh-n ma,‖ Īrānshinās 11, no. 3
(1378/1999): 651–52.
107 Matīnī, ―Barkhī az nayrang-h -yi k rz r dar K sh-nāma,‖ 652.
108 Matīnī, ―Barkhī az nayrang-h -yi k rz r dar K sh-nāma,‖ 654–66.
109 For example, see Chapters 12–29 of the twelfth-century Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a (The
manners of war and gallantry) in Muḥammad b. Manṣūr b. Sa‗īd Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va
al-shujā‗a, ed. Aḥmad Suhaylī Khv ns rī (Tehran: Iqb l, 1346/1967). This work is written as a
mirror for princes and contains moral and political advice for rulers, but a good part of it is on
how to be victorious in war. For more on this work, see below, p. 303.
110 Jal l Matīnī, ―Tarjuma-i man ūm-i dīgarī az Yādgār-i Buzurgmihr,‖ Īrān-nāma 5, no. 1
(1365): 115–42. The Pahlavi text of Ayādgār-i Wuzurgmihr was first edited and published by
Jamaspji Minocheherji Jamasp-Asana in Pahlavi Texts (Bombay, 1897–1913), 85–101. For the
Pahlavi text of Ayādgār-i Wuzurgmihr and its transliteration and translation in Persian and
105
English see Andarz-nāma-i Buzurgmihr-i ak m, ed. and trans., Farh d Āb d nī (Iṣfah n:
Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Iṣfah n, 1350/1971). Also see Shaul Shaked‘s edition and translation of
the text published on the website of Middle Persian Dictionary Project at
http://micro5.mscc.huji.ac.il/~msshaul/mpdp (accessed June 12, 2011). For a Russian translation
of the text, along with its transliteration and a commentary, see ―Ayādgār Wuzurgmihr,‖ in
Izvedat‘ dorogi i puti pravednykh: Pekhlevijskie nazidatel‘nye teksty, ed. and trans. O. M.
Chunakova, (Moscow: Nauka, 1991), 49–56 (transliteration), 86–93 (translation), and 117–20
(commentary). For the text in the K sh-nāma, see Īr nsh n, K sh-nāma, 379–84.
111 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:286–303.
112 Matīnī, ―Tarjuma-i man ūm-i dīgarī az Yādgār-i Buzurgmihr, 119–26.
113 Īr nsh n, K sh-nāma, 151, lines 108–09.
114 Īr nsh h b. Abī al-Khayr, Bahman-nāma, ed. Raḥīm ‗Afīfī (Tehran: Shirkat-i intish r t-i ‗ilmī
va farhangī, 1370/1991). As remarked by Jal l Matīnī in the introduction to his edition of K sh-
nāma, the correct name of the poet is ―Īr nsh n,‖ not ―Īr nsh h.‖ See Īr nsh n, K sh-nāma, 25–
30.
115 For some examples, see Īr nsh h, Bahman-nāma, xxiii–xxx, and li–lv.
116 Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsb-nāma, ii. Rashīd Y samī has collected and published the aphorisms of
Garshāsb-nāma. See Rashīd Y samī, ed., Andarz-nāma-i Asad (Tehran: Sharq, 1307/1928).
117 Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Gardishī dar Garsh spn ma,‖ pt. 2, Īrān-nāma 1, no. 4 (1362/1983):
552–59; and ―Gardishī dar Garsh spn ma,‖ pt.3, Īrān-nāma 2, no. 1 (1362/1983): 94–147.
118 Farāmarz-nāma, ed., Majīd Sarmadī (Tehran: Anjuman-i Ᾱs r va maf khir-i farhangī,
1382/2003).
119 Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Farāmarz-nāma,‖ Īrān-nāma 1, no. 1 (1361/1982): 22–56; and Jal l
Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Muṭ li‗ t-i ḥam sī 2: Farāmarz-nāma,‖ Nashriya-i dānishkada-i adabiyāt va
106
‗ul m-i insān -i Dānishgāh-i Tabr z 128–29 (1362/1983): 85–121, repr. ed., in Farāmarz-nāma,
8–31. I was not able to consult Marjolijn van Zutphen, ―Faramarz, the Sistani Hero‖ (PhD diss.,
Leiden University, 2011).
120 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Farāmarz-nāma,‖ 30–31.
121 See Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s summary of the poem in his ―Farāmarz-nāma,‖ 26–27. For the verses,
see Farāmarz-nāma, 55–62.
122 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Farāmarz-nāma,‖ 27.
123 ‗Al -nāma: Man ma‘ kuhan, ed. Re Bay t and Abū al-Fa l Ghul mī (Tehran: Mīr s-i
Maktūb, 2010). References are to this edition of ‗Al -nāma. For a general review of the work, see
Muḥammad Re Shafī‗ī Kadkanī, ―Ḥam sa-ī shī‗ī az qarn-i panjum,‖ Majalla-i dānishkada-i
adabiyāt va ‗ul m-i insān -i Dānishgāh-i Firdaus -i Mashhad 33, nos. 3–4 (1379/2000): 425–94,
repr. ed., in ‗Al -nāma: Man ma‘ kuhan, a facsimile edition of the Konya Museum Library MS
no. 2562 (Tehran: Mīr s-i Maktūb, 1388/ 2009), xi–lxxv.
124 ‗Al -nāma, 5, line 94:
ؾ هـؿ ظؼؽ اقذ اؾ آى ظلکم اقذ اگؽ چع نبه ـؿ ضل اقذ
125 ‗Al -nāma, 135, lines 2981–88. On the Karramites, see The Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v.
―Karr miya‖ (by C. E. Bosworth).
126 ‗Al -nāma, 5, lines 95; and Al -nāma, 303, line 6759.
127 For a general review of this work and relevant bibliography, see Charles Melville, ―Ibn
Ḥus m‘s Ḫāvarān-nāma and the Šāh-nāma of Firdawsī,‖ in ―Liber amicorum: Études sur l‘Iran
médiéval et moderne offertes à Jean Calmard,‖ ed. Michele Bernardini, Mashashi Haneda, Maria
Szuppe, special issue, Eurasian Studies 5, nos. 1–2 (2006): 219–34.
107
128
Ibn Ḥus m, ―Khāvarān-nāma,‖ ed. Ḥamīdull h Mur dī (MA thesis, Firdausī University,
Mashhad, 1378/1999), 49, as quoted in Parvīn-Dukht Mashhūr, ―Ru‘y -yi ṣ diq va b zt b-i n
dar Khāvarān-nāma,‖ Fa l-nāma-i Pārs 4, no. 4 (1378/1999): 95–96.
129 Mashhūr, ―Ru‘y -yi ṣ diq,‖ 96.
130 Zabīḥull h Ṣaf , ―Ḥam sa-h -yi t rīkhī va dīnī dar ‗ahd-i ṣafavī,‖ Īrān-nāma 1, no. 1
(1361/1982): 5–21. Also see Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān, 79–90; and Hossein Esmaïli,
―L‘épopée chiite persane,‖ in Feuillebois-Pierunek, Épopées du monde, 203–26.
131 Shafī‗ī Kadkanī provides some examples of moral advices contained in ‗Al -nāma. See ‗Al -
nāma, xxxvii–xxxviii.
132 On Persian historical epics and particularly Iskandar-nāmas, see Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar
Īrān, 343–76. On Ni mī‘s Iskandar-nāma see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Eskandar-n ma of
Ne mī;‖ Encyclopaedia Iranica., s.v. ―Eskandar-n ma;‖ and de Blois, Persian Literature,
5:366–70.
133 de Blois, Persian Literature, 5:366–67; and Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Eskandar-n ma of
Ne mī.‖
134 Ni mī Ganjavī, Sharaf-nāma: Ni ām Ganja- 5, ed. Bihrūz Sarvatiy n (Tehran: Tūs,
1368/1989), 91, lines 117–19.
135 Ni mī Ganjavī, Sharaf-nāma, 91, lines 120–21.
136 For a study of these works as mirrors for princes, see Julie Scott Meisami, Medieval Persian
Court Poetry (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 192–236.
137 Ni mī Ganjavī, Khusrau va Sh r n, 137, lines 46–48.
138 Ni mī Ganjavī, Khusrau va Sh r n, 137, lines 49–50.
139 Ni mī Ganjavī, Haft Paykar, 16, lines 8–9.
140 Ni mī Ganjavī, Haft Paykar, 16, lines, 10.
108
141
Ni mī Ganjavī, Haft Paykar, 16, lines, 10–11.
142 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma bi-inżimām-i Shāhnāma-i Ab al-Qāsim Firdaus , bi
ta -i amdullāh Mustauf , a facsimile edition of the British Library MS Or. 2833, supervised
by Naṣrull h Pūrjav dī and Nuṣratull h Rastg r, 2 vols. (Tehran: Markaz-i nashr-i d nishg hī,
1377/1999). A critical edition of the work is in progress. See Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma,
ed. Mahdī Mad yinī and others (Tehran: Pazhūhishg h-i ‗ulūm-i ins nī va muṭ li‗ t-i farhangī),
1380/2001–.
143 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, 1:7–8; Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, ed. Mad yinī,
1:p nzdah–hifdah, lines 294–346. Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s edition of the Shāhnāma appears on the
margins of the British Library MS Or. 2833, copied in 807/1405, and published in facsimile
edition noted above.
144 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, 1:6; Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, ed. Mad yinī,
1:chah rdah–p nzdah, lines 258–91.
145 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī‘s imitation of the Shāhnāma is to the extent that he even begins his
afar-nāma in the same style as the Shāhnāma, that is, he starts with the praise of God followed
by the praise of wisdom (khirad) and the myth of creation. Most other classical Persian authors
begin their works with the praise of God followed by the praise of the prophet Muḥammad. See
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, 1:2–5; Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, yik–shish, lines 1–
110.
146 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, ed. Mad yinī, 1:chah rdah, lines 262–64.
147 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, ed. Mad yinī, 1:chah rdah, line 266.
148 Mad yinī edits ―rāyash‖ (meaning ―his intention‖) in line 265 to ―rā bas,‖ adding in the
footnote that the word reads as ―rāyash‖ in the manuscript. He does not explain why he edited
―rāyash‖ to ―rā bas,‖ which does not seem to bear meaning in the verse.
109
149
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, ed. Mad yinī, 1:chah rdah, line 273:
گؽ اؾ ظن یبثع قطي ؼگ ث كؽااى نظ هیل هؽظم ثع
150 For the titles and brief reviews of some of these works, see Melville, ―The Mongol and
Timurid Periods, 1250–1500,‖ in Persian Historiography, 193–97; and Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar
Īrān, 354–76.
151 For example, see Michele Bernardini, Mémoire et propagande à l‘époque timouride (Paris:
Association pour l‘Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2008), 127–54; Charles Melville,
―History and Myth: The Persianisation of Ghazan Khan,‖ in Irano-Turkic Cultural Contacts in
the 11th–17
th Centuries, ed. M. Jeremiás (Piliscaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern
Studies, 2003), 133–60; and Melville, ―Mongol and Timurid Periods,‖ 197.
152 Charles Melville, ―Between Firdausī and Rashīd al-Dīn: Persian Verse Chronicles of the
Mongol Period,‖ Studia Islamica, nos. 104–105 (2007): 45–65.
153 Melville, ―Between Firdausī and Rashīd al-Dīn,‖ 63.
154 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:286–303.
155 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:177–219.
156 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, afar-nāma, 1368–86.
157 Melville, ―History and Myth,‖ 137–39 and 141–44.
158 Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Sulaym n al-R vandī, Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r, ed. Muḥammad
Iqb l (London: Luzac, 1921), 57–58:
زکن نب به آچ جغ رثعاى هیل کػ هعؼ ظیكذ ثیذ اؾ ؽ کدب اضزیبؼکي یبغگیؽ ثؽ ضاعى نب به ... اؾ "
."هظجذ وبی رب نؼؽ ثـبیذ ؼقػ
159 For a facsimile edition of the manuscript of this work, see Abū al-Majd Muḥammad b.
Mas‗ūd Tabrīzī, Saf na-i Tabr z (Tehran: Markaz-i nashr-i d nishg hī, 1381/2002).
110
160
For a study of the Shāhnāma verses in Saf na-i Tabr z, see Sajj d Āydinlū, ―Shāhnāma dar
‗Saf na-i Tabr z,‘‖ Nāma-i Bahāristān 6, nos. 1–2 (1384–85/2005–6): 233–42.
161 Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma. According to the information provided at the end of
one of the Shāhnāma manuscripts copied at the court of the Timurid prince B ysunghur (d.
1434), the compiler‘s name was ―‗Alī b. Aḥmad Q yinī.‖ See Mahmoud Omidsalar, ―Kit b-i
Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma,‖ Īrānshinās 14, no. 4 (1381/2002): 850–855, repr. ed., in Omidsalar, S
va dau maqāla dar naqd va ta h-i mut n-i adab (Tehran: Buny d-i mauqūf t-i duktur
Maḥmūd Afsh r, 1389/2010), 171–72. The compiler‘s name is also given as ―‗Ali b. Aḥmad al-
Q ‘inī‖ in the colophon of Tehran Gulist n/Āt b y II 352. See de Blois, Persian Literature,
5:132n1.
162 According to the information provided at the end of one of the Shāhnāma manuscripts copied
at the court of B ysunghur, the number of verses compiled by ‗Alī b. Aḥmad was five to six
thousand. See Omidsalar, ―Kit b-i Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma,‖ 173–74.
163 For the patron‘s name and his identity as a Saljūq ruler, see the complier‘s panegyric to him
in Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 26–30, lines 65, 108, and 129. Also see Omidsalar,
―Kit b-i Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma,‖ 175–76, where he draws attention to other epithets of the
Saljūq ruler Malikhsh h rendered in different forms in order to fit the metre of the poem.
164 Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 228, line 58.
165 Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī maintains that this work was dedicated to a member of the
Suldūqiy n family, who ruled in Erzurum (eastern Anatolia) in the twelfth century and therefore
suggests that the date 474 be emended to 574. See Riy ḥī, Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās ,
245. But, Muḥsin Z rkir al-Ḥusaynī points out that Malik-sh h of Banī Sulduq ruled from 580–
590 and did not have the epithet Abū al-Fatḥ, thus rejecting Riy ḥī‘s suggestion, and arguing that
the compiler was ‗Alī b. Aḥmad Asadī Ṭūsī, the author of Garshāsb-nāma. See Muḥsin Z rkir
111
al-Ḥusaynī , ―Sukhanī chand az ikhtiy r t-i Shāhnāma,‖ Nāma-i farhangistān-i zabān va adab-i
fārs 5, no. 3 (1381/2002): 88, and 90–91.
166 Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 229.
167 ‗Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 227, lines 29–32:
زکوذ نکلذ[ ]گل ثبؽ ظؼ پع بهؼ به رب ا ثگلذ ظؼ ایي
168 ‗Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 24, line 17 (کدب هـؿ نبه ایي ثظ ثف); 228, line 52;
and 227, line 26 (ث چهن ضؽظ ثگؽ ایي اضزیبؼ).
169 Muḥammad b. Badr al-J jarmī, Mu‘nis al-a rār f daqā‘iq al-ash‗ār, ed. Mīr Ṣ lih Ṭabībī, 2
vols. (Vol. 1, Tehran: Ittiḥ d, 1337/1959; Vol. 2, Tehran: Anjuman-i s r-i millī, 1350/1971),
2:841–860.
170 de Blois, Persian Literature, 5:132–37.
171 Charles Melville, ―Firdawsi‘s Shahnama and Its Reception in India‖ (paper presented at the
Seventh Iranian Studies Biennial, Toronto, August 2, 2008). For a recent edition of this work, see
Tavakkul Beg, Tār kh-i dilgushā-yi Shamsh r-Khān , ed., Ṭ hira Parvīn Akram (Islam Abad,
Pakistan: Markaz-i taḥqīq t-i f rsī-i Īr n va P kist n, 2005). Also see de Blois, Persian
Literature, 5:133–134.
172 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat va khaṭar-i ma khiz-i janbī,‖ 728. On problems concerning
critical editions of the Shāhnāma and suggestions for future editions of the poem, see Amin
Mahdavi, ―‗Genetically Modified Text‘ or ‗Critical Edition:‘ The Shāhnāma Genome Project,‖
Persica 19 (2003): 1–31.
173 For example, as shall be pointed out below, two verses from Asadī Ṭūsī‘s Garshāsb-nāma
appear in three of the works reviewed here.
174 Meisami, ―Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes,‖ 265–273; Julie Scott Meisami, ―R vandī‘s
Rā at al- ud r: History or Hybrid?‖ Edebiyat 5, no. 2 (1994): 183–215; and Julie Scott
112
Meisami, ―Mixed Prose and Verse in Medieval Persian Literature,‖ in Prosimetrum:
Crosscultural Perspectives on Narrative in Prose and Verse, ed. Joseph Harris and Karl Reichl
(Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), 304–9.
175 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, xxii.
176 For these verses in the order in which they appear in the Rā at al- ud r, see Appendix A (1),
and in the order in which they appear in the Shāhnāma, see Appendix A (2). Appendix A (2)
demonstrates which parts of the Shāhnāma were mostly used by R vandī.
177 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, xxii.
178 Meisami, ―Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes,‖ 268 and 273; and Meisami, ―R vandī‘s Rā at
al- ud r,‖ 187.
179 Meisami, ―Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes,‖ 269n13; Meisami, ―R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r,‖
204n14.
180 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 29, lines 1–5.
181 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 29, line 6. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:283, line 771:
ظؼضزی ثکهزن ث ثبؽ ثهذ کؿ ثبؼؼرؽ كؽیعى کهذ
182 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:81–82, lines 60–63.
183 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:82–83, lines 64–73.
184 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:83, line 75.
185 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:83–84, lines 74–85.
186 According to Meisami, the tree ―for Firdawsī was his poem,‖ but this is not borne out by the
context. See Meisami, ―Mixed Prose and Verse,‖ 306; and Meisami, ―R vandī‘s Rā at al-
ud r,‖ 189.
187 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 29, lines 7–16. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 3:3–4, lines 1–12. Also see
Appendix B.
113
188
‗Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 99–100, lines 831–41.
189 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 29, line 66. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 3:4, line 11. Also see Appendix
B.
190 ‗Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 100, line 841. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 3:4, line 11.
Also see Appendix B. For more examples of the difference in the sequence of verses in the two
works, see Appendix C.
191 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 29, line 67. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:467, line 29. Also see
Appendix B.
192 ‗Alī b. Aḥmad, Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, 145, line 1420; and Appendix B.
193 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 59, lines 15–16.
194 Meisami, ―Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes,‖ 265–73; Meisami, ―R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r,‖
201–203.
195 For R vandī‘s citations form other Arabic and Persian sources, see R vandī, Rā at al- ud r,
xxii.
196 For a discussion of R vandī‘s borrowings, especially from Firdausī and Ni mī Ganjavī, see
Meisami, ―R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r,‖ 186–203.
197 On Khusrau va Sh r n as a mirror for princes, see Meisami, Medieval Persian Court Poetry,
192–98.
198 Abū al-Fa l Yūsuf b. ‗Alī Mustaufī, Khirad-nāma, ed. Adīb Burūmand (Tehran: Anjuman-i
s r-i millī, 1347/1968).
199 Yūsuf b. ‗Alī, Khirad-nāma, 1: رب ؽک رؤهل کع خبى ا ثیلؽؾظ
200 See Muḥammad Dabīrsiy qī, ―Ash‗ r-i Firdausī dar Khirad-nāma va mav i‗-i nh dar
Shāhnāma,‖ Fa lnāma-i anjuman-i āsār va mafākhir-i farhang 2, no. 1 (1381/2002): 4–18.
114
201
Farā‘id al-sul k, ed. Nūr nī Vis l (Tehran: P zhang, 1368/1989). According to the editor of
the work, the identification of the author who refers to himself only with the pen-name ―Shams‖
is unknown. See Farā‘id al-sul k, xxiv–xxv. But, Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī opines that this
―Shams‖ is the famous early thirteenth-century poet Shams-i Saj sī. See Jam l Khalīl Shirv nī,
Nuzhat al-Majālis, ed. Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī (Tehran: Zavv r, 1366/1987), 72–73.
According to de Fouchécour, the author is Isḥ q b. Ibr hīm Q nim al-Ṭ ‘ī of Saj s, a district of
Zanjan in north-western Iran. See de Fouchécour, Moralia, 288.
202 For a review and analysis of the narratives of this work, see ‗Alīri Nabīlū, ―Barrasī va
taḥlīl-i ‗an ṣur-i d st nī-i Farā‘id al-sul k,‖ Majjala-i dānishkada-i adabiyāt va ‗ul m-i insān -i
Dānishgāh-i I fahān, n.s., 2, no. 3 (1389/2010): 97–116.
203 de Fouchécour, Moralia, 288.
204 Farā‘id al-sul k, 49–63.
205 Farā‘id al-sul k, 82.
206 Farā‘id al-sul k, 71.
207 On Sindbād-nāma, see above, pp. 73–74.
208 Farā‘id al-sul k, 42: اکى ثب هطلى کزبة هؽاخؼذ کین ظؼ هکبؼم هسبقي هلک قطي ؼاین.
209 Farā‘id al-sul k, 42.
210 Farā‘id al-sul k, 42. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:458, line 552. This verse is attributed to
Firdausī in the Chahār maqāla as well. See Ni mī ‗Arū ī, Chahār maqāla, 18; trans., Ni mī
‗Arū ī, Four Discourses, 11.
211 Farā‘id al-sul k 43–51.
212 Farā‘id al-sul k, 51. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:85, lines 489–90.
213 For the verses and their location in the Shāhnāma, see Appendix D. For the author‘s
acknowledgement of Firdausī, see Farā‘id al-sul k, 20, 594.
115
214
Farā‘id al-sul k, 7, 11, 13, 20, 21, 42, 51, 52, 594.
215 For the author‘s acknowledgement of Firdausī in the prologue, see Farā‘id al-sul k, 51, and
in the epilogue, see Farā‘id al-sul k, 594.
216 Farā‘id al-sul k, 537. Interestingly, Kh liqī Muṭlaq considered this verse to be an
interpolation and removed it from the main text. For quick reference, see Appendix D, line 65.
217 Farā‘id al-sul k, 330.
218 Farā‘id al-sul k, 351 and 353.
219 Farā‘id al-sul k, 51: ثعام هیبؼ ثیکجبؼگی کی خبى ؼا ثکنع ؾ ثیچبؼگی
―Do not bring him to the point, where he would have no choice but to give up his life.‖
Cf. Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsb-nāma, 360, lines 73–74:
ک خبى ؼا ثکنع یکجبؼگی چبهبى هگؽظاى ؾ ثیچبؼگی
220 Jurf diq nī, Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n , 30.
221 Najm-i R zī (Najm al-Dīn Abū Bakr b. Muḥammad b. Sh h var b. Anūshirv n R zī), Mir ād
al-‗ibād, ed. Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī (Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1352/1973),
454; Najm al-Dīn R zī, The Path of God‘s Bondsmen from Origin to Return (Mer ād al-‗ebād
men al-mabdā‘ elā‘l-ma‗ād), trans. Hamid Algar (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1982), 426.
222 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 23, and 738–39. Var vīnī‘s introduction and epilogue, which
contain the name of the dedicatee, and chapter 9 of the work are not included in Levy‘s
translation of Marzbān-nāma.
223 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 20:
ههزول ثؽ چعیي ظاقزبى ثؿثبى جؽقزبى پبؼقی هعین ثبقزبى اظا کؽظ آى ػبلن هؼی ؼا ثلـذ بؾل ػجبؼد ؽ ثبثی
.قبكل ظؼ چهوب ضاؼ گؽظایع
224 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 20–21.
116
225
Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 39; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 13. In his Qāb s-nāma
(475/1082), ‗Unṣur al-Ma‗ lī Kayk ‘ūs states that his mother was the daughter of Prince
Marzb n b. Rustam b. Sharvīn, who composed the Marzbān-nāma. See ‗Unṣur al-Ma‗ lī
Kayk ‘ūs b. Iskandar b. Q būs, Qāb s-nāma, ed. Ghul m Ḥusayn Yūsufī, 14th ed. (Tehran:
Intish r t-i ‗ilmī va farhangī, 1385/2006), 5.
226 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 39–92.; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 13–31.
227 See Appendix E for Var vīnī‘s citations from the Shāhnāma.
228 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 173. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:180, line 1108. For quick
references to the verses cited from Marzbān-nāma and their locations in the Shāhnāma, see
Appendix E. Levy‘s translation of Marzbān-nāma does not include this verse, but for its context,
see Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 63.
229 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 206. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 2:419, line 8. The passage containing
this verse does not appear in Levy‘s translation.
230 The verses are not included in Levy‘s translation, but for their context, see Var vīnī, Tales of
Marzuban, 94–96, where the wisdom of a sage is put on display for a demon (d v) who has no
wisdom. The second verse is also cited in Farā‘id al-sul k in the chapter that concerns the virtue
of wisdom, see Farā‘id al-sul k, 114.
231 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 268. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:323, line 383; and Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 1:4, line 18.
232 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 273. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:4, line 14.
233 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 278–347; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 99–125.
234 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:374–81. Also see the editors‘ extensive comments on this story in
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma (bā i lā āt va afz da-hā), 4 pts. in 4 vols., pt. 1
in 2 vols., pts. 3–4 in vol. 4, pt. 3 with the cooperation of Maḥmūd Ūmīds lar and Abū al-Fa l
117
Khaṭībī (New York: Persian Heritage Foundation, 2001–9), repr. ed., 4 pts. in 3 vols., pts. 2–3 in
1 vol. (Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‗ rif-i buzurg-i isl mī, 1389/2011), pt. 3, 344–48, 423.
Pagination is the same in both editions. All references are to the reprint edition.
235 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 278–85; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 99–105.
236 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 285. The wording of the first verse is slightly different in the
Shāhnāma. See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:219, lines 1575–76. Levy‘s translation does not include
these verses, but for their context, see Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 101.
237 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 288–92; trans.,Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 102–4.
238 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 293. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:179, line 1094, and Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 7:180, line 1104.
239 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 315–20; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 114–16.
240 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 457–70; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban,173–77.
241 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 470.
242 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 4:3, line 5.
243 On Firdausī‘s preambles to his tales, see below, pp. 137–38.
244 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 4:3, lines 1–15.
245 See Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Muḥammad al-Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Sindbād-nāma, ed. Aḥmad Ateş
(Istanbul: Milli e itim basimevi, 1949), 126, line 10. For a more recent edition of this work, see
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Sindbād-nāma, ed. Muḥammad B qir Kam l al-Dīnī
(Tehran: Mīr s-i Maktūb, 2002). Subsequent references to this work are to Ateş‘s edition.
246 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 482–536; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 183–98.
247 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 536.
248 For the first verse in the Shāhnāma, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:326, line 411:
ث هؽظی هکي ثبظ ؼا ظؼ هلف قذ کف هگی آچ ؽگؿ گلز
118
Do not say what no one has ever said
Do not [try] to put the wind in a cage, [relying] on your manliness (that is, do not try to
do something impossible).
The second verse is not modified. See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:326, line 417. In the third verse,
only one word is changed. See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:330, line 467:
یی ک آاؾ ؼثب هیع یی ر گؽظکهبى ؼا کدب ظیع
For a translation of this tale and the above-mentioned verses, see Jerome W. Clinton, trans., In
the Dragon‘s Claws: The Story of Rostam and Esfandiyar from the Persian Book of Kings by
Abolqasem Ferdowsi (Washington, DC: Mage, 1999), 56, 59.
249 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 620; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 4:248, line 1220.
250 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 23–24:
قطي هزبػی ظؼ ثبؼ ضظ جكزن، ؼأیذ الؼؽی ضیؽا لی هي ضبۀ كکؽد یچ يبزت ظابی آنکبؼ بى ظاع ک اؾ بى
الثة الوؼبؼ ؽ ظؼی ک ظؼ خیت كکؽ گؽیجبى قطي هبعم اؾ ظؼج هلکؽۀ ضیم ثیؽى گؽكزن ؽ هؽخبی ک اؾ
.یطزن، اؾ ضؿاۀ زبكظۀ ضظ ثؽآؼظمآقزیي ػول خبى ؼ
and 736–37:
اع، چبى هسزؽؾ ثظ ک ظاهي قطي ثثلل ضبئیع اؾ اهثبل ناع انؼبؼ ربؾی پبؼقی ک ظیگؽاى ظؼ کزت ایؽاظ کؽظ
.کؽظهبلیعۀ ظیگؽاى اقزهوبم هکیعۀ ایهبى ثبؾ یلزبظ اال ػلی قجیل اعؼح ثگلبی ثئیع ظقذ
Levy‘s translation does not include these passages.
251 Farā‘id al-sul k, 593:
…ام اؾ یچ يسیل هؼبذ طلجیػ ظؼ پؽظاضزي ایي هدوع ثیچ کزبة اقزؼبذ جؽظ
252 For commentaries on the Persian and Arabic verses and proverbs used in this work, as well as
a glossary of its terms, see ‗Alīmuḥammd Hunar, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Sindbād-nāma (Tehran:
Buny d-i mauqūf t-i duktur Maḥmūd Afsh r, 1386/2007).
119
253
On Sindbād-nāma as a symbolic account of the Zurvanite cosmogony, see Mohsen Zakeri,
―Sindbādnāma: A Zurvanite Cosmogonic Legend?‖ in Early Islamic Iran, ed. Edmund Herzig
and Sarah Stewart (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 42–58.
254 The work also contains six more verses in the meter of the Shāhnāma, which I could not
identify. For all fifteen verses, see Appendix F.
255 For a list of poets whose works are cited in Sindbād-nāma, see Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Sindbād-
nāma, 412–14. Under the entry ―Firdausī,‖ Ateş refers the reader to four verses cited in the text,
but one of them (p. 120, line 17) is in Arabic. Also, the reference to p. 116, line 5, should be
amended to p. 116, line 13.
256 For the four verses, see Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Sindbād-nāma, p. 36, lines 7–9 and p. 252, line
10.
257 Aufī, Lubāb al-albāb, 120–21.
258 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa: Matn az qarn-i shishum-i hijr , ed.
Ja‗far Shi‗ r (Tehran: Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Tehran, 1349/1970).
259 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, v–vii, and 4–5.
260 The author states that he selected seventy-five men, but the work contains seventy-four
chapters on seventy-four men. See Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 18–19. It is possible
that he counted his own patron as one of the seventy-five men; although, no chapter is devoted to
his aphorisms.
261 See Appendix G for the Shāhnāma verses cited in Aghrāż al-siyāsa.
262 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 210–11; and Appendix G, lines 3–5.
263 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 412–79; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 394–
444.
120
264
Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 451, 542; and Appendix H, lines 6–10; trans., Najm-i R zī,
Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 423, 490.
265 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Ahammiyat va khaṭar-i ma khiz-i janbī,‖ 738.
266 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 2 and 66; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 26 and
95. Appendix H, lines 1–2.
267 Fakhr al-Dīn ‗Ir qī (d. 688/1289), who was contemporaneous with Najm-i R zī, cites this
verse in his address to God without any reference to Firdausi. See Fakhr al-Dīn Ibr hīm
Hamad nī ‗Ir qī, Kulliyāt-i ‗Irāq , ed. Sa‗īd Nafīsī (Tehran: Kit bkh na-i San ‘ī, 1335/1956),
338, (lam‗a no. 8). ‗Aṭṭ r alludes to God‘s forgiveness of Firdausi because of the verse he
composed on the oneness of God, but he does not quote the verse. See ‗Aṭṭ r, Asrār-nāma, 188–
190. We find a verse with similar wording and addressed to God in Ni mī Ganjavī‘s Sharaf-
nāma. See Ni mī Ganjavī, Sharaf-nāma, 53, lines 1–2:
ضعایب خبى پبظنبی ر ؼاقذ ؾ هب ضعهذ آیع ضعائی ر ؼاقذ
آچ غری ذئی و یكزع پغری ذئی تلذیپب
Another version of this verse that is addressed to God, appears in J mī‘s Khirad-nāma-i
Iskandar . See J mī, Masnav -i haft aurang, ed. Murti Murdarris Gīl nī (Tehran: Sa‗īdī,
1337/1958912), lines 1–4:
الی کوبل الی ر ؼاقذ خوبل خبى پبظنبی ر ؼاقذ
خوبل ر اؾ قغ ثیم ثؽى کوبل اؾ زع آكؽیم ثؽى
طان ر ؼا هویع ث ایب عان ر ؼا تلذی پغری
غری ذییظ كذ ریی ک كزیتلذی پغری رب
This verse and the account associated with it (that is, Firdausī composed it on the oneness of God
and, in return, God forgave all his sins and sent him to heaven) appears in Dabīrsiy qī‘s edition
of the prose preface to B ysunghurī Shāhnāma (completed in 833/1430), but Riy ḥī‘s edition of
121
the same preface does not include it. Cf. Dabīrsiy qī, Zindig nāma-i Firdaus , 198; and Riy ḥī,
Sarchishma-hā-yi Firdaus -shinās , 416. Daulatsh h Samarqandī too includes this verse and the
account associated with it in his work. See Daulatsh h Samarqandī, Tazkirat al-shu‗arā‘, 54.
268 Cf. Firdausī, Shah Nameh: An Heroic Poem; Containing the History of Persia from Kioomurs
to Yesdejird, ed. Turner Macan, 4 vols. (Calcutta, 1829), 2:714; Firdausī, Le livre des rois, ed.
Mohl, 3:200, line 731; Firdausī, Shāhnāma-i Firdaus , ed. E. È. Bertel‘s and others, 9 vols.
(Moscow: Nauka, 1960–71), 4:254n11; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, ed. Kh liqī Muṭlaq, 3:238.
269 Cf. Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 82; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 109;
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:7, lines 65–66. Appendix H, lines 3–4.
270 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 93–94; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 120.
271 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 94; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 120–21.
272 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 95–96; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 121.
273 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 96; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 121. Cf.
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:151, line 993.
274 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 444:
گؽ خبى ظاؼاقزی، ن ظؼ خبى ظاؼاقزی چى خبى ثگؽكذ اقکعؼ ؾ ظاؼا، ن عانذ
نبى ثكز کوؽ خؾاقزی کؿ یت ریؾ آى و نببى ایؽای رؼای کدبقذ
trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 419:
Alexander took the world from Darius, then lost it,
For Darius would yet be king, were rule everlasting!
Where now are all the kings of Iran and Turan
From the awe of whose swords Gemini stood girded to serve?
275 This study is not concerned with references of later medieval (post-Mongol and beyond)
historians to Firdausī and his work.
122
276
‗Al al-Dīn ‗Aṭ Malik b. Bah ‘ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Juvaynī, Tār kh-i
jahāngushāy, 3 pts., ed. Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Vahh b Qazvīnī (Leiden: Brill, 1912–37); ‗Al
al-Dīn ‗Aṭ Malik Juvaynī, The History of the World-Conqueror, trans. John Andrew Boyle, 2
vols. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1958).
277 For the verses that contain aphorisms, see Appendix I, lines 2, 3, 7, 8, 13, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34,
47, 48, 49, 53–54, 64, 70, 71, 74, 75–77.
278 For some examples, see Appendix I, lines 7–8, 19–20, 44–46, 62–63.
279 Cf. Juvaynī, Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 2:139, line 15; trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-
Conqueror, 2:408; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:347, line 125. For quick reference, see Appendix
I, line 59.
280 Cf. Juvaynī, Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 2:116, line 15; trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-
Conqueror, 2:386; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 2:186, line 866. For quick reference, see Appendix
I, line 50.
281 For some examples, see Żiy ‘ al-Dīn Sajj dī, ―Shāhnāma dar Tār kh-i jahāngushāy-i
Juvaynī,‖ in Shāhnāma-shināsi 1, 243–45. On Juvaynī‘s use of the Shāhnāma, also see
Assadullah Souren Melikian-Chirvani, ―Le livre des rois: Miroir du destin II; Takht-e Soleym n
et la symbolique du Shāh-nāme.‖ Studia Iranica 20, no. 1 (1991): 54–74.
282 Juvaynī, Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 2:31, line 7; trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-Conqueror,
1:302.
283 Juvaynī, Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 1:103, line 5–6; trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-
Conqueror, 1:130.
284 Rashīd al-Dīn Fa lull h Ḥamad nī, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, ed. Muḥammad Raushan and Muṣṭaf
Mūsavī, 4 vols. (Tehran: Alburz, 1373/1994); [Rashīd al-Dīn Fa lull h] Rashiduddin Fazlullah,
Jami‗u‘t-tawarikh (Compendium of Chronicles): A History of the Mongols, trans. W. M.
123
Thackston, 3 pts. ([Cambridge, MA]: Harvard University, Department of Near Eastern
Languages and Civilizations, 1998–99.
285 See Appendix J.
286 The same may be observed in the works of later historians whose citations from the
Shāhnāma point to intermediary sources and not the Shāhnāma itself. For example, Tār kh-i
guz da contains three verses from the Shāhnāma in a passage that is clearly taken from the works
of earlier historians. Cf. Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 469–70; Juvaynī, Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 2:31;
trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-Conqueror, 1:302; Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, 1:349;
trans., Rashīd al-Dīn, Compendium of Chronicles, 1:170.
287 Cf. Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 2:163; trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-Conqueror, 2:431;
Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, 1:265; trans., Rashīd al-Dīn, Compendium of Chronicles,
1:131. Also cf. Juvaynī, Tār kh-i jahāngushāy, 1:143; trans., Juvaynī, History of the World-
Conqueror, 1:182; Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, 2:1085; trans., Rashīd al-Dīn, Compendium
of Chronicles, 530.
288 For a list of Persian verses cited in Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, see Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh,
4:2445–56.
289 For example, see Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, 1:474, where two consecutive verses are
cited, one of which is from the Shāhnāma and the other one is not. Also see Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗
al-tavār kh, 2:1103, where three consecutive verses are cited, in which the first and third verses
are from two different parts of the Shāhnāma, and the second verse is not from the Shāhnāma.
For the location of the verses in the Shāhnāma, see Appendix J.
290 Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, lxi.
291 Charles Melville, ―Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāma‖ (paper presented at the Shahnama
Millennium Conference: Firdausi; The Next Thousand Years, Cambridge, December 13–15,
124
2010). For Bay vī‘s particular treatment of Iranian history, see Charles Melville, ―From Adam
to Abaqa: Q ḍī Baiḍ wī‘s Rearrangement of History,‖ Studia Iranica 30, no. 1 (2001): 67–86;
and Charles Melville, ―From Adam to Abaqa: Q ḍī Baiḍ wī‘s Rearrangement of History (Part
II),‖ Studia Iranica 36, no. 1 (2007): 7–64. For a Persian translation of these two articles, see
Charles Melville, Az Adam tā Abaqa: Barqarār -i tart b-i tāza dar tār kh tavassuṭ-i Qāż
Bayżāv , trans. Muḥammad Ri Ṭahm sbī, Ᾱyina-i M rās: Fa lnāma-i v zha-i naqd-i kitāb,
kitābshinās , va iṭṭilā‗-risa n dar auzh-i mut n 6, no. 14 (1387/2009).
292 Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh, 22; trans., Rashīd al-Dīn, Compendium of Chronicles, 1:13.
293 Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi as , ed. Malik al-Shu‗ar ‘ Bah r (Tehran: Kul la Kh var,
1318/1939).
294 Mujmal al-tavār kh, xxxv–xxxvi.
295 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 2: اؾ آچ ضاع این ظؼ نببهۀ كؽظقی ک ايلی اقذ، کزبثبء ظیگؽ ک نؼجبء آكذ
296 As noted by Malik al-Shu‗ar ‘ Bah r, the style of the prose in certain passages seems to be
older than that of the author. These changes in style made him suspect that the author quoted
directly from the prose Shāhnāma of Abū al-Mu‘ayyad. See Mujmal al-tavār kh, v–vi.
297 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 30–31; and Appendix K, lines 4–5.
298 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 41; and Appendix K, lines 3 and 6.
299 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 28 and 58.
300 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 28.
301 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 65.
302 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 63.
303 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 29.
304 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 8; and Appendix K, line 2. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:175, line 1036.
305 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 3; and Appendix K, line 1. Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 3:192, line 1436.
125
306
Mujmal al-tavār kh, 3.
307 Mujmal al-tavār kh, 2.
308 Ibn Isfandiy r, Tār kh-i abaristān, 1:58; and Appendix L, line 1. The Persian verses are not
translated in the abridged translation of the work.
309 Ibn Isfandiy r, Tār kh-i abaristān, 1:60; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:85, lines 489–90; and
Appendix L, lines 2–3.
310 Cf. Farā‘id al-sul k, 51; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:85, lines 489–90.
311 Ibn Isfandiy r, Tār kh-i abaristān, 1:155; and Appendix L, lines 5–8. For the context of
these verses in the abridged translation of the work, see Ibn Isfandiy r, History of abaristán, 98.
312 Ibn Isfandiy r, Tār kh-i abaristān, 1:60, 1:82, 1:135; trans., Ibn Isfandiy r, History of
abaristán, 18, 85. The reference to Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma in Tār kh-i abaristān, 1:82 does not
appear in the translation of the work.
313 On ‗Utbī‘s work and its translation by Jurf diq nī, see Meisami, Persian Historiography, 53–
66, and 259–61.
314 Jurf diq nī, Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n , 30:
ک ؾبؼ ظاظى ؾ پیکبؼ ث چ ؾبؼ ضاع ؾبؼ ظ
ک خبى ؼا ثکنع یکجبؼگی ثعاى نبى هیبؼ ؾ ثیچبؼگی
If they seek forgiveness, forgive them, because forgiving is better than fighting.
Do not bring them to the point where they would give up their lives altogether.
Cf. Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsb-nāma 360, lines 73–74.
315 The verse in Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n reads:
ؾهیي نع نم آقوبى گهذ هذ ؾقن قزؼاى ظؼآى پي ظنذ
Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:348n 34. For the other verse that might be from the Shāhnāma, see
Jurf diq nī, Tarjuma-i Tār kh-i Yam n , 179 and 182.
126
316
Muṣliḥ b. ‗Abudull h Sa‘dī, Gulistān, ed. Khalīl Khaṭīb Rahbar, 19th ed. (Tehran: Ṣafī ‗Alī-
Sh h, 1386/2007), 68–70.
317 ‗Izz al-Dīn Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, ed. ‗Umar ‗Abd al-Sal m Tadmurī. 11 vols.
(Beirut: D r al-kit b al-‗arabī, 1997), 7:710:
! ثلی: أهب هؽأد نببه، ربؼیص اللؽـ، ربؼیص الطجؽي، ربؼیص الوكلویي؟ هبل: العل ، هبل ل هدعأزؽ
كوب زولک ػلی : هبل. ال: كل ؼأیذ نبب یعضل ػلی نب؟ هبل: هبل! ثلی: هب زبلک هي هؽأب؛ أهب لؼجذ ثبلهطؽح؟ هبل: هبل
.قیؽ الی ضؽاقبى هوجب أى قلوذ لكک الی هي أهی هک؟ ثن
318 Sa‗dī, Kulliyāt-i Sa‗d : Gulistān, B stān, Ghazaliyāt, Qa ā‘id, Qaṭa‗āt, va rasā‘il, ed.
Muḥammad ‗Alī Furūghī, 12th ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1381/2002), 724:
ري اقلعیبؼ اع ؼقزن ؼئی ب آؼظ ایک ظؼ نبه
اع ایي ضعاعاى هلک کؿ ثكی ضلوكذ ظیب یبظگبؼرب ثع
چهن یچ گؽكزین اؾ ایهبى اػزجبؼ ایو ؼكزع هبی نش
319 al-Fatḥ b. ‗Alī al-Bund rī, trans., al-Shāhnāma, 2 vols. in 1, ed. ‗Abd al-Vahh b ‗Azz m,
1932; repr. ed. (Tehran: Asadī, 1970).
320 Bund rī, al-Shāhnāma, 1:3 and 2:277.
127
Chapter Two
The Portrayal of Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma
In order to illustrate how the Shāhnāma functions as a mirror for princes, I have selected the
cycle of accounts about the reign of Ardashīr (r. 224–241), the founder of the Sasanian dynasty
(224–651).1 Firdausī‘s account about the Sasanian dynasty is commonly known as the
―historical‖ part of the Shāhnāma because the main characters and events of this part can
generally be identified with historical figures and events. The Ardashīr cycle would therefore
serve as a good example to show how little historical information can be gleaned from the
―historical‖ part of the work, and how history only constitutes a framework in the Shāhnāma to
present lessons on kingship. In addition, the Ardashīr cycle contains both heroic and mythical
materials, and these make the cycle comparable to the other two parts of the Shāhnāma that are
generally known as ―heroic‖ and ―mythical.‖ A further reason why I chose Ardashīr is that he
plays an important role in both the Middle Persian literature and the Perso-Islamic literature of
advice for rulers. Like other usurpers in history, the Sasanians, who supplanted the Parthians by
forceful seizure of power, had to construct a foundation myth to legitimate their rule. The
attributes of a legitimate king, as formulated by the Sasanians, were recorded in Sasanian
historical writing, preserved in the Shāhnāma, and later adopted by authors of Islamic mirrors for
princes with certain modifications. In the Middle Persian, Arabic, and Persian literature, Ardashīr
is depicted as a wise and powerful ruler with a noble lineage, who rebelled against his overlord
and established a new dynasty. He is portrayed as a king who was granted farr (divine
glory/fortune), charismatic power, which enabled him to rule over an empire. According to the
extant sources, Ardashīr restored Zoroastrianism, which had been neglected under the reign of
128
the Parthians, and he centralized power, which had previously been divided among local rulers.
He is described as establishing new laws, building new cities, promoting agricultural
development, and securing peace and prosperity for people by maintaining order and justice in
society. More important, his name is always associated with the idea of the union of kingship and
religion, as he reportedly proclaimed that ―religion and kingship are twin brothers,‖ an idea that
formed the basis of almost all Perso-Islamic mirrors for princes. Through my textual analysis of
the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, in which I compare it to the available Middle Persian,
Persian, and Arabic historical sources, I aim to demonstrate how in the Shāhnāma history is
turned into a series of symbolic tales the aim of which is to promote ideas and ideals of kingship.
Although our knowledge of Ardashīr‘s life before he came to power is very limited, the
available sources describe him as a rebel who became a successful king. The historicity of the
portrayal of Ardashīr in the sources, however, has been questioned by modern scholars who
argue that it was a later Sasanian invention.2 Various reasons have been offered for this, but the
general supposition is that by representing their ideal ruler through the figure of Ardashīr, the
revered founder of their dynasty, later Sasanian political propagandists validated and legitimized
their ideas and claimed an historical precedent for their ideals.3 But even if the portrayal of
Ardashīr is an idealized one, studying it is still important because it represents what was
understood in late antique and medieval Iran to represent an ideal ruler. Therefore, the present
study will not be concerned with the historical accuracy of Ardashīr‘s portrayal in the available
sources; rather, it will focus on how Ardashīr is portrayed in Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma. An analysis
of Firdausī‘s treatment of the accounts about Ardashīr will reveal how he composed a versified
history that functioned primarily as a book of wisdom and advice for kings. In this study, I will
also examine other medieval Arabic and Persian sources that contain accounts about Ardashīr to
demonstrate how Firdausī‘s presentation of similar accounts differs from them.
129
Before discussing the image of Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma, it would be instructive to
explain where the Shāhnāma stands in relation to the available historical sources that contain
accounts about Ardashīr. In this connection, I will also attempt to explain why these sources,
which were written in different languages, do not always agree.
All indications point to the fact that the ancient Persian dynasties kept historical records.
According to the Greek historian Diodorus (first century BCE), Ctesias, who wrote a history of
Persia in the fourth century BCE, had stated that he had access to the Persian royal archives
(basilikai anagraphai and basilikai diphtheria).4 Also, as may be inferred from the writings of
the Persian-period Biblical authors, the kings of the Medes and Persians preserved in their royal
archives the historical records of previous kings and had these chronicles read to them for
entertainment, or consulted them when making decisions about contemporary issues.5 The fact
that ancient Persian monarchs kept records of important events of their reigns is confirmed by
the many remaining royal rock-reliefs and inscriptions—not only from the Sasanian era, but also
from earlier periods such as those of the Parthians, Achaemenids, and Elamites—which depicted
the king and his courtiers at various occasions, such as victories in battle, royal investitures,
ritual ceremonies, and the hunt. The inscriptions of Sh pūr I (r. 240–70) and the Sasanian chief
priest Kerdīr at Naqsh-i Rustam in southern Iran, for example, attest to the fact that both royal
and religious records were kept at the Sasanian courts.6
The archaeological evidence on keeping historical records in ancient Iran in turn confirms
the reports of medieval historians about the existence of such records. For example, one of the
most erudite historians of pre-Islamic Iran, Ḥamza Iṣfah nī (b. ca. 280/893–d. after 350/961),
refers to the Persians‘ ―houses of wisdom‖ (buy t al- ikma), that is, libraries/archives, where
they kept their histories (akhbār), accounts about wars, and love stories.7 Also, the celebrated
medieval historian Mas‗ūdī (d. 345/956) writes that in 303/915–16 he had seen a large book on
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Persian sciences, accounts of their kings, buildings, and government policies that contained
twenty-seven portraits of Sasanian rulers (twenty-five men and two women), accompanied by
full accounts of their reigns. Mas‗ūdī states that the book was copied in mid-Jamādā al-ākhir of
113 (August 731) from the records of Persian royal archives, and that it was translated from
Persian into Arabic for the caliph Hish m b. ‗Abd al-Malik. He explains that when Persian kings
died, their portraits were drawn and submitted to the treasury along with detailed accounts of
their reigns, so that future generations would know what their former rulers looked like and how
they ruled.8 Mas‗ūdī‘s description of this book is supported by Ḥamza, who describes the
portraits of all Sasanian monarchs contained in the book that he calls a kitāb uwar mul k ban
Sāsān (the book of portraits of the Sasanian monarchs).9 In fact, Ḥamza Iṣfah nī‘s description of
Khusrau I appears to be confirmed by the portrait of this king found on a Sasanian bowl.10
Further evidence for the ancient Persian practice of keeping historical records is found in
the Histories of the Byzantine historian Agathias (d. ca. 582). Agathias mentions that a friend of
his working at the court of the Sasanian king Khusrau I (r. 531–79) provided him with a
summary of the annals kept in the royal archives.11
Furthermore, medieval Persian epics
frequently refer to the existence of historical records at the courts of ancient Persian kings and
state that histories were read to kings and courtly élites as a form of entertainment.12
Despite all the evidence for the existence of ancient Persian historical writing, however,
no historical text from the Sasanian era has survived (except for inscriptions on coins, artefacts,
and rock-reliefs). The only extant Middle Persian text that contains an account about a Sasanian
king is Kārnāmag Ardaš r Pābagān (The book of feats of Ardashīr, son of B bak), a
legendary account about Ardashīr, the earliest manuscript of which dates from 1322.13
Moreover,
the date of the composition of the Kārnāmag Ardaš r has been questioned by modern scholars.
Whereas some maintain that the work was originally written during, or shortly after, the reign of
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Ardashīr and was revised and expanded under Khusrau I, others argue that it was written during
the reign of Khusrau I or later.14
We also know that the extant Kārnāmag Ardaš r is a redaction
of a more comprehensive work, as its opening sentence reads: ―It is written in the Kārnāmag
Ardaš r Pābagān that ....‖15
These are, in fact, common problems with the extant Middle
Persian texts, because they all date from the early Islamic era and, most probably, were also
subjected to changes during the long period of Sasanian rule. The extant Kārnāmag Ardaš r is
nevertheless important for the present study because, despite some minor differences, it closely
corresponds to Firdausī‘s account about Ardashīr.
With the fall of the Sasanian dynasty and the Arab conquest of Iran, the official language
eventually changed from Middle Persian to Arabic. As a result, during the early Islamic era in
Iran, the Sasanian historical records were apparently translated into Arabic.16
At the same time,
as Middle Persian gradually evolved into New Persian, New Persian translations of the accounts
about ancient Persian kings were made either directly from Middle Persian or from Arabic
translations.17
Regrettably, none of these early Arabic and New Persian translations of ancient
Persian histories has survived. Consequently, we only know about these translations through
excerpts from them included in the works of later authors or through sporadic references to them
in later literature.
The best-known of these now-lost works is Ibn al-Muqaffa‗‘s (ca.102/720–ca.139/756)
Arabic translation of ancient Persian history, which is commonly referred to by such titles as
Siyar mul k al-furs (The history of the kings of the Persians), Siyar al-‗ajam (The history of the
Persians), and Siyar mul k al-‗ajam (The history of the kings of the Persians).18
The names of
other less well-known Arabic and Persian translators, compilers, and editors of ancient Persian
histories, as well as some information about their works, may be gleaned from the works of
medieval Muslim historians and scholars.19
For example, we learn from these later works that the
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early Muslim historians used the title ―Khudāynāma‖ (The book of lords) to refer to the ancient
Persian histories.20
When Persian Muslims began to use the term khudāy (lord) as a translation
for All h, the title Khudāynāma was gradually replaced by the title Shāhnāma (The book of
kings).21
It is interesting to note that, in his translation of Ṭabarī‘s history (352/963), Bal‗amī
refers to Ibn al-Muqaffa‗‘s translation of ancient Persian histories with the title ―Shāhnāma-i
buzurg‖ (the great Shāhnāma) not with the above-mentioned Arabic titles.22
This would indicate
that early medieval Persian authors used the terms khudāynāma, shāhnāma, and siyar al-mul k
interchangeably in reference to ancient Persian histories.
Referring to the profusion of historical works on ancient Persia in the early Islamic era,
Ḥasan Taqīz da suggests that we may aptly refer to this period as ―the era of the shāhnāmas‖
(‗ahd-i shāhnāma-hā).23
By the tenth century, historians complained about inconsistencies in
Persian historical sources due to their transmission through various languages and scripts.24
Ḥamza Iṣfah nī states that the information available on the regnal years of Persian kings were
erroneous and confused because they were transmitted 150 years later from one language to
another and from a script that looked like numbers (ruq m al-a‗dād) to another script that looked
like strings of necklaces (ruq m al-‗uq d). So, he adds, he had no choice but to compare eight
works on the topic in order to provide the correct information in his own work.25
He also reports
that Mūs b. Īs al-Kasrawī, one of the early translators of ancient Persian histories into Arabic,
could not find two identical works on the history of Persian kings due to erroneous translations.26
Ḥamza further states that the Zoroastrian priest Bahr m b. Mard n-sh h collated more than
twenty copies of Khudāynāma in order to write his history of ancient Persian kings ( atta
a la tu minhā tawār kh mul k al-furs).27
With respect to Persian translations of Khudāynāmas, we know of four works, none of
which has survived. The earliest of these is Mas‗ūdī Marvazī‘s composition in verse. The Arab
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historian Muqaddasī (fl. 355/965), quotes three verses from Mas‗ūdī Marvazī and refers to the
Persians‘ high regard for that work.28
Considering the time that was needed for the work to
become popular, we may surmise that it was written much earlier than Mas‗ūdī‘s work. Another
medieval author who refers to Mas‗ūdī Marvazī is Tha‗ libī (350/961–429/1038).29
But, neither
Muqaddasī nor Tha‗ libī refer to the title of Mas‗ūdī Marvazī‘s work. From their citations,
however, we know that the work was on Persian history, and that it was composed in the form of
a masnav , which is usually used for long tales, and in the hazaj metre.
The prose Shāhnāma of Abū al-Mu‘ayyad Balkhī—a well-known poet at the court of the
Samanids—is another Persian work on the history of Persian kings. The earliest source that
refers to Abū al-Mu‘ayyad‘s Shāhnāma is Bal‗amī‘s adaptation (352/963) of Ṭabarī‘s (d.
310/923) history.30
Abū al-Mu‘ayyad‘s prose Shāhnāma seems to have been recognized as an
authoritative work on ancient Persian history, as it was referenced by several medieval authors.31
The third lost Shāhnāma is the well-known Abū Manṣūrī Shāhnāma commissioned by
Abū Manṣūr Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Razz q in 346/957. We know more about this work because
its preface has survived, thanks to later copyists of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma who preserved it by
appending it to the work.32
The information contained in the preface to the Abū Manṣūrī
Shāhnāma, as well as Firdausī‘s own statements, have led Shāhnāma scholars to opine that
Firdausī used this prose Shāhnāma as his source.33
The fourth Shāhnāma, which was only cited by Bīrūnī (b. 362/973–d. after 442/1050), is
that of the poet Abū ‗Alī Muḥammad b. Aḥmad Balkhī.34
The identity of this poet has been the
subject of debate among modern scholars, but, as convincingly argued by Kh liqī Muṭlaq, he
must be identical with Abū al-Mu‘ayyad Balkhī just mentioned above.35
Irrespective of who the
actual author of this Shāhnāma might have been, Bīrūnī‘s citation from it, which differs from
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other contemporary and near contemporary sources of ancient Persian history, points to the
inconsistent information available on the topic in the early Islamic era.36
As may be deduced from Mas‗ūdī‘s reports, inconsistencies in historical accounts were
not just the result of the transmission of texts in different languages and scripts, as disagreements
seem to have existed in the original sources as well. Mas‗ūdī claims to reveal a secret kept by
Persian kings and Zoroastrian priests that explains the reason for a major discrepancy in Persian
historical sources. According to him, when Ardashīr assumed power, he realized that no more
than two hundred years were left in the Zoroastrian calendar until the end of the millennium.
Since the end of the millennium was to bring destruction to Persian kingship and religion, in
order to guarantee the support of the faithful who expecting defeat would probably surrender to
enemies, Ardashīr altered history by reducing the length of the Parthian era, which was about
500 years, by almost half, thereby securing the future of his newly-established kingship for
another 250 years.37
Although Mas‗ūdī‘s claim cannot be verified, his report points to the issue
of inconsistency in the original sources.
By examining the excerpts from earlier translations of Khudāynāmas, which have
survived in later sources, modern scholars have hypothesized that different types of historical
works were available during the Sasanian era and this is what gave rise to incongruities in later
historical writings.38
For example, Kh liqī Muṭlaq argues that Sasanian chronicles consisted of
two distinct types, royal and religious.39
The royal chronicles were recorded by the scribes who
accompanied the king during historically significant events, such as wars and special ceremonies,
while the religious chronicles were written by Zoroastrian priests, who related their accounts of
history based on the Avestan myths.40 In Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s opinion, the early translators of the
Khudāynāmas used different types of Sasanian chronicles as their source, and later medieval
historians combined the materials from these translations, creating in the process a convoluted
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body of accounts about ancient Persian history.41
He further postulates that the process of
compiling Khudāynāmas during the Sasanian era caused discrepancies in historical sources as
well. Basing his argument on Ḥamza Iṣfah nī‘s and Bīrūnī‘s references to al-siyar al-kab r (large
chronicles) and al-siyar al- agh r (small chronicles), Kh liqī Muṭlaq maintains that, during the
reign of each Sasanian king, detailed accounts of contemporary events, court decrees, official
letters, and the king‘s throne speech and testament were recorded in separate books.42
Later,
these individual books were assembled and incorporated into large chronicles (al-siyar al-kab r)
that contained historical records of previous kings, a process that most likely entailed the
redaction of the original works.43
Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s suppositions appear to be confirmed by the
extant sources on Ardashīr and help to explain why these are not in agreement.
The conflation of different versions of Khudāynāmas can be seen in the Arabic and
Persian accounts about Ardashīr in later medieval histories. A case in point is two reports about
Ardashīr‘s son, Sh pūr, in Ṭabarī‘s history, Ta‘r kh al-rusul wa al-mul k (The history of
prophets and kings). According to Ṭabarī, Sh pūr fought alongside his father in the decisive
battle against Ardav n (the last Parthian king), a battle which marked the beginning of
Ardashīr‘s kingship.44
Ṭabarī also provides an account of Sh pūr‘s birth and upbringing in secret
in the household of Ardashīr‘s minister, an account which contains motifs similar to those
connected with the birth and upbringing of such ancient Persian kings as Cyrus, Farīdūn, and
Kay-Khusrau.45
Ṭabarī‘s description of Sh pūr‘s bravery in the battle against Ardav n (before
his father became king), and his account of Sh pūr‘s birth after Ardashīr‘s accession to the
throne indicate that he recorded these two reports from two different types of Khudāynāmas.
Ṭabarī‘s report about Sh pūr in the battle against Ardav n is supported by a rock-relief (without
inscription) in Fīrūz b d, which depicts Ardashīr and two young men assaulting Ardav n and
two others in attendance.46
If one of the young men fighting alongside Ardashīr is Sh pūr, as
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suggested by Ghirshman and other archaeologists,47
then it may be surmised Ṭabarī took this part
of Ardashīr‘s account from the royal chronicles, because this was how the Sasanian monarch
depicted his victory and announced it to the public. Subsequently, the account of Sh pūr‘s birth,
which borrows motifs from the legends about great kings in the Zoroastrian tradition, might have
been taken from the religious version of chronicles, which emphasized the divine protection of
the infant king, which granted him the divine right of kingship. These two accounts somehow
found their way into Ṭabarī‘s history and, from there, to Bal‗ mī‘s expanded translation of
Ṭabarī‘s work.48
Other medieval historians seem to have avoided the confusion of depicting
Sh pūr both as a young man before Ardashīr‘s kingship and a new-born after Ardashīr became
king. Similar discrepancies of this type, caused by the conflation of materials from different
versions of Khudāynāmas, can be found in the sources on Ardashīr.
Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s hypothesis about inconsistencies created in the process of
incorporating separate small works into the large chronicles is also helpful for understanding the
state of the extant sources on Ardashīr. The Arabic and Persian sources available for the study of
Ardashīr consist of the accounts of his reign and the political treatises attributed to him. One of
the political treatises attributed to Ardashīr is his testament (‗ahd).49
The text of Ardashīr‘s
testament has been preserved in Arabic translation in three works that present it as an
independent political treatise.50
This text is also preserved as part of the account about Ardashīr‘s
reign in three other works. One of these is Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma. The second is the early
medieval Arabic work Nihāyat al-arab f tār kh al-furs wa al-‗arab (The utmost proficiency in
the history of the Persians and the Arabs).51
The third is Tajārib al-umam f akhbār mul k al-
‗arab va al-‗ajam (The experiences of peoples in the history of the kings of the Arabs and the
Persians), which is a twelfth-century Persian translation/adaptation of the Nihāyat al-arab.52
When the texts of Ardashīr‘s testament (‗ahd) in the Shāhnāma, the Nihāyat al-arab, and the
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Tajārib al-umam are compared with those works that present it as an independent treatise, the
omissions and changes that occurred in the process of incorporating this treatise into large
chronicles become apparent.53
Obviously, we cannot determine whether Firdausī or the
anonymous authors of the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam worked from large chronicles
that contained already abridged treatises or whether they summarized the text of Ardashīr‘s
testament themselves, but we can see the kinds of changes and omissions that could have taken
place when these treatises were incorporated into large chronicles. Not surprisingly, the abridged
treatises in the Shāhnāma, Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam do not exactly correspond
either.
In addition to the above-mentioned explanations for the discrepancies in the sources,
another reason for the variations in accounts about Ardashīr may be the intended audience of the
authors. For example, Muslim historians adapted certain parts of the account about Ardashīr for a
Muslim readership. Similarly, as will be demonstrated in this chapter, Firdausī, or his sources,
adjusted certain parts of the account to make them suitable for conveying lessons on kingship.
The Structure of the rd sh r Cycle in the Shāhnāma
Firdausī divides his accounts about Ardashīr into two parts. The first part deals with
Ardashīr‘s birth and upbringing as well as his campaigns against the Parthians.54
The episodes in
this first part aim to establish the legitimacy of Ardashīr‘s rule on the basis of ancient Persian
criteria for kingship. The second part is concerned with Ardashīr‘s wisdom with respect to the
maintenance of kingship.55
These two parts are preceded by a prologue in the form of a
conversation between the poet and Fate, in which Fate declares that man‘s success is determined
by his own wisdom and God‘s will, not by fate.56
Thus, the prologue prepares the reader for the
general theme of the Ardashīr cycle, that is, divine intervention and Ardashīr‘s wisdom are the
main contributors to his success. Firdausī‘s technique of using prologues to encapsulate the
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central message of his tales can be found in other parts of the Shāhnāma, a practice which
demonstrates that he carefully planned the details of his narratives.57
Firdausī‘s method of setting
the stage for the reader does not seem to have been used by other medieval Persian historians.
Firdausī‘s use of this technique indicates that he was more concerned with the concepts he aimed
to present in his tales than with recording historical events. These prologues also demonstrate
that he wanted to help his readers understand the lessons he aimed to convey.
The prologue is followed by a panegyric to the Ghaznavid ruler sultan Maḥmūd (r.
388/421–998/1030) that seems to be designed to do more than simply praise the ruler. Like
Ardashīr, Maḥmūd was originally an underling who challenged his master and established his
own rule. This common background shared by the two rulers might have been why Firdausī
included a panegyric to sultan Maḥmūd at the beginning of his account about Ardashīr. The poet
probably aimed to draw Maḥmūd‘s attention to the story about Ardashīr by praising the sultan at
the beginning of the account.
Part I – rd sh r s Eligibility for Kingship
Noble Lineage and Protection of Religion
According to ancient Persian tradition, the ruler had to be of royal blood in order to be
considered eligible for kingship.58
Therefore, rulers who were not of royal descent usually
fabricated a noble genealogy for themselves. Royal descent, however, was not enough to
legitimate power; the ruler had to demonstrate that he intended to protect the ―right‖ religion as
well. Thus, Ardashīr‘s fictitious lineage traced his roots back to Isfandiy r and Gusht sp, two
prominent religio-political figures in Zoroastrian history and myth.59
Gusht sp was believed to
have been the first king to convert to Zoroastrianism and promote the new religion. Isfandiy r
was Gusht sp‘s son and the champion of Zoroastrianism on account of the many battles he
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fought for the propagation of the religion.60
By connecting Ardashīr to these highly revered
figures, the Sasanian political propagandists not only claimed a noble lineage for Ardashīr, but
also associated his campaigns with those of Gusht sp and Isfandiy r, thereby superimposing the
image of these defenders of Zoroastrianism onto Ardashīr. Firdausī‘s emphasis on Ardashīr‘s
relationship with Isfandiy r in particular is evident in his frequent references to Isfandiy r as
Ardashīr‘s ancestor,61
as well as in his explanation of Ardashīr‘s name. According to the
Shāhnāma, because he looked like Isfandiy r‘s son Bahman, who was also called Ardashīr,
Ardashīr was named after him.62
This statement, which does not seem to have been reported
anywhere else, served to assert Ardashīr‘s kinship to Isfandiy r. Moreover, Firdausī describes
Ardashīr‘s background at great length. First, he introduces Ardashīr‘s father, S s n, whom he
calls a descendant of the ancient Persian king D r who was defeated by Alexander of
Macedon.63
He then lets S s n proudly talk about his forefathers:
[ث ثبثک چیي گلذ اؾ آى پف خاى] ک هي پؼ قبقبن ای پلاى
وی یبظگیؽ ک ثوي ل ضاعی جیؽ خبعاؼ نب اؼظنیؽ
قؽاكؽاؾپؼ یل اقلعیبؼ ؾ گهزبقت اعؼ خبى یبظگبؼ
―I am the son of S s n,64
O hero!
I am the great great-grandson of the ruler of the world, king Ardashīr,
Whom the intelligent man calls Bahman,
The honourable son of hero Isfandiy r,
A memorial left to the world from Gusht sp.‖ 65
By using titles such as jahāndār (ruler of the world), shāh (king), sarafrāz (honourable),
and yal (hero) in reference to Ardashīr‘s forefathers, Firdausī highlights Ardashīr‘s nobility.
Firdausī‘s particular concern with the genealogy of Ardashīr becomes more prominent when the
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Shāhnāma is compared to other historical sources: There is no mention of Isfandiy r or Gusht sp
in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, which only refers to Ardashīr‘s father, S s n; although, it does call
him a descendant of the ancient Persian king D r .66
In the Arabic and Persian sources,
references to Ardashīr‘s genealogy are limited to a list of names which, although they often
include Isfandiy r and Gusht sp, place no particular emphasis on them.67
To Firdausī, however,
who understood the political implications of Ardashīr‘s genealogy, Isfandiy r was not just a
name in Ardashīr‘s lineage; rather, he was a symbol of nobility and protection of religion, a
symbol that Firdausī frequently used to underline the two essential criteria for legitimate
kingship. To stress further Ardashīr‘s right to rule as a protector of religion, Firdausī comments
that Ardashīr‘s construction of fire temples in honour of his major victories renewed ancient
Persian traditions.68
Divine Election
Another criterion for legitimate kingship was divine sanction of the ruler‘s power.
Influenced by ancient Near Eastern traditions and Indo-European ideas of leadership, ancient
Iranian societies considered legitimate rulers to be representatives of God on earth, who
maintained order, peace, and prosperity.69
Throughout history and across cultures, whenever
divine affirmation of religio-political matters was required, concocted dream narratives served
the purpose best because dreams were understood to be a medium of communication between
human and divine realms.70
Thus, according to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, the emergence of a new
ruler from the house of S s n was foreseen in a series of dreams experienced by Ardashīr‘s
maternal grandfather, B bak. This type of dream narrative, which announces the coming of a
great ruler, is a recurrent topos that appears in the legends of other ancient Persian kings such as
Cyrus, Farīdūn and Kay-Khusrau and persists into the later Islamic period.71
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According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, S s n—whose family had kept its noble lineage
secret from the time of the death of its putative ancestor D r —worked as a shepherd in the
service of B bak, a vassal of the Parthian king Ardav n.72
One night, B bak dreamed that the sun
was shining from S s n‘s head, illuminating the entire world.73
The second night, B bak
dreamed of S s n sitting on a decorated white elephant while everyone praised him.74
And on the
third night, he dreamed that the three sacred fires of Zoroastrianism, representing the three social
classes of priests, warriors, and peasants, were seen shining from S s n‘s house, again
illuminating the entire world.75
The dream interpreters told B bak that his dreams meant that
either S s n or one of his sons would become the king of the world. 76
B bak therefore married
his daughter to S s n, and Ardashīr was born of their union.77
A similar account is related in the Shāhnāma, except that the dream of the first night is
not described and the other two dreams are described with minor differences.78
In Firdausī‘s
version, S s n was sitting on a formidable elephant, holding an Indian sword in his hand.79
This
depiction of S s n, which more effectively conveys the idea of a world conqueror, seems to be
an allusion to sultan Maḥmūd, who was known for his use of royal elephants in battles and
ceremonies.80
Given that the poet had just praised the sultan in his introduction, he may have
used this allusion as another means to attract the sultan‘s attention. Firdausī‘s version of the third
dream may be interpreted as an allusion to the poet‘s time as well. According to the Shāhnāma,
the Zoroastrian symbols of the three holy fires—which were cleverly used by Sasanian political
propagandists to demonstrate the support of Ardashīr by all classes of society—are carried to
S s n‘s house.81
The act of carrying fires to S s n by representatives of the three classes of
society may be understood as a symbolic representation of the shift of the people‘s allegiance
from one ruler to another, which could also refer to the political shift from the Samanids to the
Ghaznavids. Even if these subtle variations in the dream narratives were not introduced by
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Firdausī himself but were in the sources available to him, we may assume that the poet chose the
version that best reflected the political circumstances of his own time.
To further reinforce Ardashīr‘s legitimacy, Sasanian political propagandists also took
advantage of astrology, a science that was highly regarded during the Sasanian period and used
at royal courts.82
According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, the astrologers at the court of Ardav n
predicted that his kingship would be terminated by an underling (bandag) who would run away
from his master (xwatāy).83
Firdausī relates the same account regarding the astrologers‘
predictions with respect to Ardav n‘s kingship, but he is careful not to give the impression that
the renegade, i.e. Ardashīr, was a mere underling by adding that the ―underling‖ (kihtar) was
descended from a commander (sipahbud-nizhād) and was a hero (gund-āvar). 84
As with the dream interpreters at the court of B bak, the astrologers at the court of
Ardav n merely predicted the upcoming change of kingship. Neither the dream interpreters nor
the astrologers could determine who the new king would be. In other words, the Sasanian
literature does not suggest that Ardashīr‘s kingship was pre-determined; what was pre-
determined was the rise of a new king. Who that individual would be depended on who proved to
be most qualified for the position. Any wise, knowledgeable, and courageous nobleman who
aspired to protect religion and restore legitimate authority could be helped to win the throne by
divine intervention. Thus, in both the Kārnāmag Ardaš r and the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s
eligibility as a qualified candidate for kingship is depicted in a series of tales that precede his
eventual coronation as king of kings.
Whereas Ardashīr‘s efforts to prove worthy of divine support are taken into consideration
in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r and the Shāhnāma, in Ṭabarī‘s account, and following him, in the
histories of Bal‗ mī and Ibn al-Athīr, the narratives are presented in a way that suggest
Ardashīr‘s kingship was predetermined. According to these Muslim historians, astrologers told
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Ardashīr that he would become king.85
In addition, Ardashīr himself dreamed that an angel
brought him the news and asked him to be prepared for kingship.86
This modification of the
dream narrative reflects a frequently quoted prophetic Tradition ( ad s) which states that in the
absence of the prophet Muḥammad, God sends His messages to Muslims through an angel, who
appears to them in their dreams.87
In a variation of the account related in the Tajārib al-umam, it
is Ardashīr‘s father who appears to him in a dream and tells him that God will bestow kingship
upon him.88
Interestingly, the Tajārib al-umam, which is a twelfth-century Persian translation of
the Nihāyat al-arab, does not follow its source in this part of the account, as it contains no
mention of dreams predicting Ardashīr‘s kingship. According to the Nihāyat al-arab, when
B bak—who is introduced as Ardashīr‘s father—died, the people of F rs expressed their
allegiance to Ardashīr on account of his wisdom, zeal, and beauty, even though he had elder
brothers who expected to succeed their father.89
The author of the Tajārib al-umam, who
probably took the dream narrative from another source, perhaps decided that, as a non-Muslim,
Ardashīr could not have received God‘s message through an angel. In any case, the exact
predictions about Ardashīr‘s kingship in the works of these historians seem to point to the
Qur‘anic verses that state that God bestows sovereignty on whomever He wills.90
In short,
according to the Islamic versions of the accounts about Ardashīr, it was God‘s will that Ardashīr
should be king. Although these Muslim historians do refer to Ardashīr‘s competence in
leadership, their references to this are very brief. To Firdausī, however, the concept of
demonstrated aptitude for kingship seems to have been of great significance and he deals
extensively with it in his narrative.
Divine Support of rd sh r
In addition to being of royal descent, Ardashīr had to acquire the knowledge and skills
required for kingship. According to the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr received such a thorough education
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that the repute of his excellence reached Ardav n, who asked for his service at the royal court.91
It is at the court of Ardav n that Ardashīr‘s aptitude for kingship begins to manifest itself. As
Ardashīr‘s prowess becomes more and more evident, he receives more and more support from
the Divine. Consequently, divine support results in Ardashīr‘s victory and accession to the throne
as king of kings.
Like their ancient Near Eastern predecessors, the Sasanian kings‘ ability to protect their
subjects against enemies was demonstrated in the sport of hunting, because similar techniques,
skills, and courage were required for fighting on the battlefield.92
Thus, the first sign of
Ardashīr‘s capability for kingship is displayed in his hunting skills. During a hunting expedition
with Ardav n and his entourage, Ardashīr shoots an arrow at an onager in such a skilful manner
that the arrow together with its shaft passes right through the animal‘s buttock.93
Astonished by
the scene, Ardav n exclaims:
ذک ثب ظقذ آى کف ؼاى ثبظ خل ث ریؽی یکی گؼ کبكگع گلذ
Who is the one who shot an onager with a single arrow?
The swift (ravān) wind (bād) is paired (juft) with the hand of that person. 94
As Frantz Grenet points out, Ardav n immediately realizes the supernatural power of the
hunter and attributes it to the deity Wind (Middle Persian, V d).95
In addition to being an ancient
divinity,96
the wind was also associated with Verethraghna (Middle Persian, Warahr n/Wahr m;
New Persian, Bahr m), the deity Victory, who manifests itself in the material world in many
different forms, one of them being a powerful wind.97
Irrespective of whether Ardav n meant
that Ardashīr was helped by the wind, or that his extraordinary skill was comparable to the wind,
his remark contains an allusion to the fact that Ardashīr received divine favour. This allusion,
which is not mentioned in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, is invoked by Firdausī who paid close
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attention to the symbolic representation of the concepts he found in his sources. As shall be seen,
wind and other avatars of Verethraghna will appear again in the tale to support Ardashīr.
Ardashīr responds to Ardav n‘s question of who shot the onager by stating that it was he.
However, Ardav n‘s son claims that it was he who shot the onager and says that he is seeking its
―pair‖ (hamān juft) as well, a response which conveys a double meaning of both seeking the pair
of the onager and the support of the deity.98
Ardashīr challenges Ardav n‘s son by asking him to
shoot another onager in the same manner if he is telling the truth and adds that lying is a sin.99
Ardashīr‘s fearless confrontation of Ardav n‘s son demonstrates his courage in defending the
truth in spite of his own inferior status. Truth and falsehood are two important concepts in
Zoroastrianism connected with both moral virtue and the natural order of the world. In order to
maintain order and peace in the world, Zoroastrians were urged to protect the principle of Truth.
As the story evolves, we realize that Ardashīr is rewarded for his righteousness and for
upholding the principle of Truth.
Furious with Ardashīr for his lack of respect, Ardav n imprisons him in the royal
stables.100
Ardashīr spends his time in prison playing music, drinking, and eating, the means for
which are provided by B bak, who advises him to be obedient to his overlord and stay in
prison.101
Ardashīr‘s greatest joy in prison, however, is Guln r, Ardav n‘s favourite concubine.
She falls in love with Ardashīr and visits him in the stables every night.102
As Ardav n‘s
confidante, Guln r hears the astrologers‘ prediction of the possible defeat of the king by a
renegade and she shares this information with Ardashīr.103
This news encourages Ardashīr to
consider escaping from prison, and subsequently, they decide to escape together.104
The
following night, Guln r collects Ardav n‘s jewels from the treasury and brings them to Ardashīr,
who had prepared Ardav n‘s best horses for their flight.105
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Guln r‘s willingness to endanger her own life to help Ardashīr does not make sense when
we consider her high status at Ardav n‘s court and note that her role in the tale ends after she
escapes with Ardashīr. Her descriptions in the Shāhnāma, however, help us to understand the
short but important role that she plays. According to the Shāhnāma, Guln r was like a minister
(dast r) to Ardav n (bar-i Ardavān hamch dast r b d), and she also functioned as his treasurer
(bar ān khvāsta n z ganj r b d).
106 Furthermore, when Ardav n invited the astrologers to his
palace to predict the future of his kingship, he sent them to Guln r‘s residence to work.107
These
references indicate that she was the most trusted person at the royal court. Moreover, Ardav n
would only wake up to her beautiful face in the morning, because he believed her beauty would
bring good omen to him throughout the day.108
Besides the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, none of the
available historical sources contain any reference to such an important figure at the court of
Ardav n. Hence, we may consider Guln r to represent a symbolic, rather than historical,
figure.109
As noted above with regard to the deity Wind, and as will be further discussed in this
chapter, divine support of Ardashīr in this tale is represented through symbols. According to
Zoroastrian sources, the deity Ashi protects the treasure of the pious.110
This responsibility of
Ashi corresponds to Guln r‘s position as protector of Ardav n‘s treasure (ganj r). Furthermore,
Guln r‘s extreme beauty and her tremendous help to Ardashīr seem to correspond to the
descriptions of Ashi‘s splendour and her rewards to the pious, as described in Zoroastrian
literature. According to the Avesta, Ashi endows the upholders of truth with all the good things
of life, such as wealth and abundance, beautiful women, jewellery, and swift horses.111
Thus, we
might interpret Ardashīr‘s pleasures in prison, that is, abundant food, drink, and music, Guln r‘s
night visits, as well as the jewels and swift horses that they stole from the palace as signs of
Ashi‘s rewards to him. Guln r‘s turning away from Ardav n and her love for and support of
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Ardashīr might also be interpreted as a symbolic representation of Ardav n‘s loss of divine
support in favour of Ardashīr. The significance of Ashi‘s support of Ardashīr, if we consider
Guln r as a symbolic representation of her, is that Ashi also helps the righteous to defeat their
enemies.112
As soon as Ardav n is informed of Ardashīr‘s escape, he gathers an army and sets out in
pursuit of him.113
Along the way, Ardav n is told by villagers that they saw two riders galloping
away, followed by a mountain sheep.114
In response to Ardav n, who asks his minister why a
mountain sheep would follow Ardashīr, the minister says:
چیي ظاظ پبقص ک آى كؽ اقذ ث نبی یک اضزؽی پؽ اقذ
... It is [a sign of] his farr,
It is his wings/feathers (parr) in (achieving) kingship (shāh ) and good fortune (n k-
akhtar ). 115
Ardav n‘s minister warns that if the mountain sheep reaches Ardashīr, he must not try to
catch him; otherwise, he warns, he will get into a serious battle with Ardashīr.116
The minister‘s
references to farr (divine glory/fortune), parr (wings/feathers), and a serious battle, in his
interpretation of the mountain sheep, might be an allusion to Verethraghna‘s support of Ardashīr.
As mentioned in the Avestan hymn dedicated to him, Verethraghna, who is praised as a deity
most endowed with farr,117
appeared to Zoroaster in ten different forms, one of them being a
beautiful mountain sheep.118
All avatars of Verethraghna, that is, a swift wind, a bull, a horse, a
camel in rut, a wild boar, a young man, a bird of prey, a beautiful mountain sheep, a mountain
goat, and an armed hero, represent the virility of this deity and reflect the meaning of his name,
that is, ―smiting resistance.‖119
If the mountain sheep is a sign of Verethraghna‘s support of
Ardashīr, its supernatural power of smashing the resistance of the opponent must be what
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concerns Ardav n‘s minister when he advises Ardav n to stop trying to catch Ardashīr if the
mountain sheep reaches him. The minister‘s reference to wings/feathers (parr) also seems to
allude to another avatar of Verethraghna, that is, a bird of prey. The feathers of the bird that
represents Verethraghna, as described in the hymn dedicated to him, have the magical power of
bestowing victory upon warriors who seek his support.120
Thus, when Ardav n‘s minister
mentions that the mountain sheep is Ardashīr‘s parr (wings/feathers) in achieving kingship and
good fortune, he might be alluding to the extraordinary power of the feathers of the bird of prey
that represents Verethraghna. Verethraghna is also worshipped as a deity who protects
voyagers,121
and Ardashīr is clearly in need of protection on his dangerous journey from
Ardav n‘s prison. Moreover, the allusion to Verethraghna has important ideological
implications. As will be discussed in detail later in this chapter, the Sasanian political
propagandists represented Ardashīr as a Saviour of the world and a number of parallels can be
drawn between his character in the Shāhnāma and those of the Saviours of the world in
Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature.122
According to Zoroastrian eschatological beliefs,
Verethraghna will be a mighty helper of Pešōtan, one of the world Saviours at the end of time.123
Thus, the references to the avatars of Verethraghna might also be understood as an attempt on
the part of Sasanian political propagandists to represent Ardashīr as a Saviour of the world who,
like his counterpart Pešōtan, was helped by Verethraghna in renovating the world order and
restoring Zoroastrianism.
Although one would expect Ardav n to have pressed harder to catch Ardashīr on hearing
his minister‘s advice—as is the case in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r—in the account in the
Shāhnāma, Ardav n stops to rest.124
It is possible that Firdausī wanted to contrast the efforts of
Ardav n with those of Ardashīr in trying to achieve victory, as we learn that Ardashīr does not
spare a moment along the way.
149
As narrated in the Shāhnāma, when Ardashīr and Guln r stop at a spring to refresh
themselves, they see two young men, who advise them not to stop but to continue riding.125
Ardashīr tells Guln r that they should take their advice, and they dash away.126
The theme of two
young men advising Ardashīr is repeated later in the tale, when Ardashīr struggles to overcome a
formidable enemy. The sudden appearance of these young helpers in the tale, their advice, and
how they are represented in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r and the Shāhnāma indicate that they are of
supernatural nature. According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, Ardashīr and Guln r arrive at a
village and fear to pass through it lest they be recognized and captured by its inhabitants. As they
decide to avoid the village, they see two women, one of whom calls out to Ardashīr:
Do not be afraid, Kay Ardashīr, son of B bak, of the seed of S s n, descendant of D r !
You have escaped from all evil. No one can catch you. You are to rule Iran for many
years. Hasten towards the sea. When the sea comes into your sight, do not delay until you
reach it. When you reach the sea, you will have no fear of the enemy.127
The woman‘s knowledge of Ardashīr‘s genealogy, his future, and his fear of being
captured, as well as her insistence that he reach the sea, all indicate that she is not an ordinary
villager but someone with knowledge of the unknown. Although the episode, as narrated in the
Kārnāmag Ardaš r, differs from that narrated in the Shāhnāma, the advice given to Ardashīr
occurs in both versions. In the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s helpers are two young men and they do not
mention anything about the sea, but the significance of Ardashīr‘s eventual arrival at the sea
becomes clear, for as soon as he reaches it, he praises God for His help along the way.128
Also,
the meaning of a verse that immediately precedes the episode in the Shāhnāma supports the idea
that the two young men are of the same nature as the two women in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r:
کؽا یبؼ ثبنع قپؽ ثلع ثؽ ثؽ ؾ ظنوي یبیع گؿع
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He who is befriended by the lofty Sphere/fortune (sipihr),
Is not harmed by the enemy. 129
The term sipihr often refers to the firmament containing the constellation of stars that
determine one‘s destiny or fortune. It also denotes ―sky,‖ which according to Zoroastrian
literature is the realm of the Zoroastrian supreme deity, Ohrmazd, and other divine entities.130
In
Zoroastrian mythology, the sky is itself a divine entity that is often depicted as an invincible
warrior protecting Ohrmazd‘s creations.131
These connotations of the term sipihr convey the idea
that Ardashīr was helped by a supernatural force, be it the force of fortune or that of a divine
entity. Thus, the episode immediately following the above-mentioned verse might be understood
as an illustration of how Ardashīr was protected by this force. Since one of the ten avatars of
Verethraghna was a young man, we may suppose that the young man advising Ardashīr not to
stop and continue riding represents Verethraghna.
The significance of arriving at the sea, which is mentioned in both the Kārnāmag
Ardaš r and the Shāhnāma, might be interpreted in the context of Zoroastrian apocalyptic
literature as well. As will be further discussed later in this chapter, the Zoroastrian prophetic
literature introduces Ardashīr in the same way that it introduces other Saviours of the Good
Religion.132
As described in the Avesta, the last Saviour of the world will emerge at the shore of
a lake.133
Thus, the motif of the sea in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r and the Shāhnāma, which marks
the starting point of Ardashīr‘s long journey in restoring the Good Religion, might be understood
as parallel with the motif of the lake in the descriptions of the coming of the last Saviour of the
world. Furthermore, according to the Avesta, the Saviours of the world, Saošyants, are endowed
with farr, a divine power, that helps them renovate the world and restore the Good Religion.134
As may be inferred from a statement made by Ardav n‘s minister, Ardashīr too receives the farr.
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As related in both the Kārnāmag Ardaš r and the Shāhnāma, when Ardav n stops at another
village to inquire, he is told that two dusty and thirsty riders passed by their village, and that an
exceptionally beautiful mountain sheep was sitting on the rump of the horse of one of the
riders.135
On hearing this, Ardav n‘s minister tells him that it is now useless to pursue Ardashīr
because the mountain sheep has already reached him.136
He advises Ardav n to send a letter to
his son Bahman, who was the governor of P rs, to find Ardashīr there and stop him from milking
the mountain sheep.137
According to the Middle Persian text of Wiz dag hā Zādspram,
Ohrmazd, who had created the farr of Zoroaster before he was even conceived, transferred the
farr of the prophet to the bodies of his parents through cow‘s milk.138
When the prophet‘s
parents drank the milk that contained the farr of the prophet, they transferred it to their son when
he was conceived. And according to the Middle Persian text of the Dēnkard, the material essence
(tan-gohr) and soul (fravahar) of Zoroaster, which were also created before he was conceived,
were transferred to the bodies of the prophet‘s parents through the milk that they drank on the
night that Zoroaster was conceived.139
―Milk‖ in these texts functions as a vehicle for the
transmission of divine gifts. Similarly, the milk of the mountain sheep in the Shāhnāma account
about Ardashīr might be interpreted as a vehicle for the transmission of farr to him. Thus, the
advice of Ardav n‘s minster might mean that he wanted Bahman to try one last time to find
Ardashīr and stop him from receiving that divine gift/power. But, Ardav n‘s efforts will be in
vain, as Ardashīr will triumph over him and his son.
The Support of the Military and the Priesthood
Another requirement for an individual who aspires to challenge the ruling power and
become king is the support of the military and the priesthood. Thus, the Shāhnāma relates that,
on his arrival at the seashore, Ardashīr is welcomed by a large crowd of warriors (shamsh r-zan)
and wise men/priests (rāy-zan) who had gathered there to express their allegiance to him.140
152
Since Firdausī refers to this idea immediately after his depiction of the divine support Ardashīr
received, this indicates that a would-be ruler also needs the support of the military and the
priesthood in addition to the support of the divine. In a speech delivered to the assembly,
Ardashīr asserts his right to rule on the basis of his being a descendant of Isfandiy r.141
As
already mentioned above, Ardashīr‘s alleged kinship to Isfandiy r secures for him a noble
lineage and justifies his wars. Claiming his right to the throne, Ardashīr asks those assembled for
their support in his restoring religion and legitimate authority. By inserting Ardashīr‘s speech
just before his account of Ardashīr‘s battles, Firdausī lends legitimacy to Ardashīr‘s seizure of
power. This speech, which is not found either in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r or in any other
historical sources, demonstrates how meticulously Firdausī dealt with the details of the narrative
in order to present the concepts that characterized an ideal king.
rd sh r s Battles: The Stages of Founding a New Empire
According to the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr fought four major battles before ascending to the
throne as king of kings.142
These battles, however, are not reported in the way that the accounts
of Ardashīr‘s wars are recorded in other sources.143
Compared to other works, Firdausī‘s
accounts are dramatic descriptions of battlefields, heroic acts, and legends rather than accurate
historical records. Whereas historians like Ṭabarī and others report on Ardashīr‘s numerous
battles, Firdausī‘s account is limited to four battles. Furthermore, according to several medieval
historians, Ardashīr received the title king of kings after he killed Ardav n, but this is not the
case in the Shāhnāma.144
Why do the accounts of Ardashīr‘s battles in the Shāhnāma differ from
those in other medieval sources? The answer to this question may be sought in the purport of the
work. As a work written to convey ethico-political concepts within an historical framework, the
accounts in the Shāhnāma are presented in an entertaining manner so as not to bore the reader
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with a dry record of historical events. Firdausī certainly knew that his account of Ardashīr‘s
battle against a giant worm, for example, would not be understood as historical fact, for he urges
the reader to look for the lesson that can be learned from that extraordinary tale.145
The poet‘s
advice to learn lessons from his tales is an indication that he wanted his reader to focus on the
concepts presented in them not on their historicity. Therefore, rather than attempting to
determine how Firdausī‘s account of Ardashīr‘s battles might correspond with actual historical
events, the following analysis aims to reveal the message that it conveys.146
Each of the four battles described in the Shāhnāma seems to represent a different stage in
the process of Ardashīr‘s founding of a new dynasty. In his first battle, which is against
Ardav n‘s son, Ardashīr aims to take control of his homeland, an endeavour in which he has the
support of the military and the priesthood. Ardashīr‘s second battle is against Ardav n himself,
the chief Parthian ruler in Iran. He embarks on this battle only after achieving victory in his local
territory and receiving the support of its inhabitants. In his third battle, which is against the
Kurds, Ardashīr restores peace and order in his realm. In the fourth and final battle, which deals
with Ardashīr‘s slaying of a giant worm, Ardashīr is portrayed as a Saviour of the world, who
defeats Ahriman (Evil) and restores the Good Religion (Zoroastrianism). In this fourth battle,
Ardashīr‘s efforts to expand his territories and promote Zoroastrianism is also displayed. Only
after the fourth battle is Ardashīr proclaimed king of kings. This victory marks the end of the
first part of the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, which is concerned with establishing Ardashīr‘s
legitimacy and qualifications for kingship.
Battles nos. 1 and 2. When Ardashīr sets out to defeat the Parthians, a Zoroastrian priest
(m bad) advises him that if he wishes to re-establish kingship (sar-i shahriyār ham nau kun ),
he should first clear his homeland, P rs, of enemies.147
Next, he should challenge Ardav n
because he is the most powerful ruler, and once he is defeated, other rulers will not offer
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resistance.148
It was obviously wise to start with P rs, where Ardashīr already had the support of
his own people. We know that Ardav n‘s appointment of his son Bahman as governor of Pars
had caused discontent in the region because the nobility had expected one of their own to be
assigned to the position.149
Before Ardav n‘s son, B bak had ruled over P rs, but B bak died
when Ardashīr was in Ardav n‘s captivity.150
So, when the people of P rs heard the news of
Ardashīr‘s escape from Ardav n, they gathered at the seashore to show him their support in
restoring P rs to B bak‘s family.151
Ardashīr also had the support of S s n‘s family, the putative
descendants of the ancient Persian king D r .152
In addition to these, Bun k, a vassal of Ardav n
in Jahrum, and his large army also allied with Ardashīr.153
Confident in the strength of his army, Ardashīr heads for Istakhr, the seat of Bahman, and
wins the battle against him.154
Ardashīr‘s victory against Bahman increases the number of his
supporters; thus, he will have an even larger army when he sets out to fight against Ardav n. It is
noteworthy that in both battles with Bahman and Ardav n, Ardashīr prevails over the enemy
right after the occurrence of a powerful wind.155
In the battle against Ardav n, the forceful wind
frightens Ardav n‘s troops, and everyone in his army comes to understand that the war against
Ardav n is being waged by the Divine (ki n kār bar Ardavān zad st).156
References to the wind
in these two battles, especially in the second battle, where the wind is associated with the Divine,
may be understood as allusions to Verethraghna, the deity Victory, one of whose avatars, as
mentioned above, is a powerful wind. So, Ardashīr‘s wise planning and divine support of him are
presented as main contributors to his success.
As related in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, having failed to catch Ardashīr, Ardav n and his
son jointly wage war against Ardashīr.157
In this version of the account, in which Ardav n
initiates the war, Ardashīr is not represented as a courageous man who arises to restore faith and
order; nor can he (or his advisor) be credited with a well-planned war. So, the depiction of
155
Ardashīr‘s proactive role in the Shāhnāma is absent in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r. Furthermore,
whereas in the Shāhnāma Ardashīr‘s victories over Bahman and Ardav n are attributed to both
his wisdom and divine intervention, according to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, Ardashīr wins the
battle because of his royal farr (xwarrah Kayān).158
Firdausī‘s emphasis on Ardashīr‘s wisdom
and divine support harks back to the prologue to the Ardashīr cycle, where Fate asserts that
man‘s success is due to his own wisdom as well as to God‘s help.
Battle no. 3. The purpose of Ardashīr‘s next battle, which is against the Kurds, is to
eliminate them because they are thieves (duzd).159
As clearly stated in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s
aim is not to subjugate a local ruler or to conquer a new territory; but rather, to punish the Kurds
who were disturbing peace and order. This is evident from the end of the account, where it is
stated that Ardashīr‘s victory made the region so safe that if an old man with a tray of gold coins
on his head passed through the area, no one would even dare to look at him.160
In the Kārnāmag
Ardaš r, however, the purpose of this battle is different from that stated in Shāhnāma. In the
Kārnāmag Ardaš r, Ardashīr‘s opponent is the Median king of the Kurds, and there is no
mention of thieves at all.161
The outcome of the war is the capture of the Median king and his
noblemen and the confiscation of all their properties.162
In other words, Ardashīr‘s battle against
the Kurds, according to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, is a typical conquest war. The difference
between the two versions demonstrates how Firdausī utilizes the framework of an historical
account to illustrate a political concept—in this case, the restoration of peace and order after the
collapse of a major power.
Firdausī‘s account of this battle contains two additional notions that are not included in
the Kārnāmag Ardaš r. One of these is the importance of using spies, and the other concerns
the role of good fortune in achieving victory versus man‘s wisdom. According to both versions
of the account, Ardashīr fails in his first assault on the Kurds. He escapes from the battlefield in
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the dark of night and gets lost in the mountains.163
Ardashīr‘s underestimation of the power of
the Kurds and his getting lost in the dark clearly point to his unfamiliarity with the region he
invaded. According to the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr prepares himself for his second assault by
sending spies into the region.164
The spies report that the Kurds are not alarmed by him anymore
because they believe that his good fortune (bakht) has ―become old‖ (kahun gashta), meaning
that he is not as fortunate and powerful as he used to be.165
Based on this information, Ardashīr
makes a night raid on the Kurds and triumphs over them.166
By providing the detail of Ardashīr‘s
strategy in his second assault, Firdausī points to several important issues: First, he demonstrates
that Ardashīr wisely responded to his mistake of engaging in a battle without sufficient
knowledge of the opponent. Second, he illustrates the benefits of espionage.167
As we shall see in
the next chapter, the political literature attributed to Ardashīr makes a point about his use of spies
in all areas of government.168
And third, he confirms that Ardashīr‘s success was due to wise
planning not good fortune. As related in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, the Kurds assumed that
Ardashīr conceded defeat and returned to P rs. Instead, he prepared a large army and invaded
them again.169
So, the general story line in both accounts is the same, but the details provided in
the Shāhnāma demonstrate, once again, Firdausī‘s desire to illustrate the characteristics of an
ideal ruler.
Battle no. 4. As noted above, throughout the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, references
are made to Ardashīr‘s endeavour to restore the Good Religion, which had allegedly become
corrupted under the Parthians. But it is in the symbolic tale of Haftv d‘s worm that Ardashīr‘s
role as a Saviour of the Good Religion is represented in full relief. The full account of this battle
is provided only in the Shāhnāma; the Kārnāmag Ardaš r does not contain the details, and
historians like Ṭabarī and others either strip the account of its ―legendary‖ content or refer to it
only very briefly.170
The details of this account, however, are indispensable for understanding its
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symbolic significance. Firdausī certainly understood the meaning of this fantastic tale and did not
omit the details that help the reader to grasp it.
Firdausī begins his account by describing how the daughter of a man named Haftv d
finds a worm in an apple and discovers its power to bring good luck to those who believe in it.171
According to the Shāhnāma, the name of this man was Haftv d because supposedly he had seven
(haft) sons.172
Modern scholars, however, have offered different opinions about the meaning of
this name.173
But, irrespective of its meaning, the esoteric number seven (haft) in the name points
to the symbolic meaning of the character that Haftv d represents in the tale.
Haftv d‘s daughter nurtures the worm, and the worm in turn generates income for her
family.174
Soon, the number of worm worshippers increases, the worm grows as large as an
elephant, and Haftv d becomes a very powerful man in the region.175
Eventually, Haftv d builds
a castle on top of a mountain to protect the worm and its caretakers, and he himself becomes the
chief of the castle.176
When the news of Haftv d and the worm reaches Ardashīr, he is not
pleased with the idea of a worm being worshipped.177
Therefore, he undertakes the challenging
task of eliminating it.
Based on the etymology and meaning that he suggests for the name ―Haftv d,‖ Walter
Bruno Henning offered an interpretation of the historical background of this tale.178
In his
opinion, ―Haftv d‖ is the New Persian form of an Old Aramaic word meaning ―the protector of
the seventh realm.‖ He adds that this term was used by the Achaemenids to refer to the governor
of a specific region of the empire. Based on this interpretation and the location of the story on the
coasts of the Persian Gulf, Henning postulates that Haftv d was probably a pirate chief who
controlled the southern regions of Persia after the collapse of the Parthians, and that his
association with the giant worm might be connected with his pirate activities along the Indian
coasts and his close contacts with the Indian cult of snake-gods (N ga).179
In Henning‘s opinion,
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Ardashīr‘s slaying of the worm represents his effort to promote Zoroastrianism and abolish the
cults in southern Persia. This interpretation, however, does not explain the symbolism of the
worm in the apple and how it becomes a ―snake-god.‖ A different interpretation has been offered
by Grenet, who, based on the association between the worm and spinning, suggests that this tale
might have been connected with a Khotanese belief regarding the deity of silk-worm.180
But the
story takes place on the shores of the Persian Gulf far from Khotan in Central Asia.181
Jules
Mohl, too, had already suggested that the story has to do with the introduction of silk worm
industry to Iran and the prosperity it brought.182
But, Firdausī clearly states that the girl finds the
worm in an apple, and that she spins cotton (panba) not silk. Other scholars, such as James
Darmesteter, pointed to parallels between this story and the ancient Indo-European epics of
dragon-slaying heroes.183
But there is certainly more to this long tale than just the killing of a
worm/dragon by a hero.
When interpreted within the context of Zoroastrian beliefs regarding the Saviours of the
world, the contours of the tale become more meaningful. As it turns out, the themes of the tale
closely correspond with the themes of Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature, which describe the acts
of the Saviours of the world. The parallel themes between this tale and the relevant Zoroastrian
literature will demonstrate that the account of Ardashīr‘s slaying of the giant worm depicts him
as a Saviour of the Good Religion and destroyer of Ahriman (Evil). Before discussing these
themes, it will be helpful to review briefly the Zoroastrian ideas concerning the world and its
Saviours.
According to the Zoroastrian worldview, the world was in a state of pure goodness when
Ohrmazd first created it, but later, Ahriman and his helpers attacked Ohrmazd‘s good creation
and destroyed it. Nevertheless, Ohrmazd and his helpers fought back and restored the world.
Since then, the world has undergone several periods of destruction by Ahriman and restoration
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by its Saviours. These alternating periods of destruction and renovation will continue until the
end of time, when the last Saviour will come and eliminate Ahriman and all his helpers
forever.184
The destruction of the world by Ahriman manifests itself in different ways.
Widespread disease, the death of humans, domestic animals, and crops, and even harsh winters
are considered to be the result of Ahriman‘s attacks on the world, but more importantly, the signs
of Ahriman‘s success are tyrannical rule and ―Bad Religion.‖ Detailed accounts of the past and
future periods of world history are related in the Zoroastrian prophetic literature. The fact that
some of these texts praise Ardashīr as one of the restorers of the Good Religion and of order in
the world appears to confirm the idea that in his battle against the worm, Ardashīr is represented
as one of the Saviours of the Good Religion.185
The motif of the worm. According to Zoroastrian teachings, the worm was a khrafstra, a
noxious creature of evil nature that harms people, domestic animals, and crops. Hence, Haftv d‘s
daughter should have killed it because khrafstras were considered to be helpers of Ahriman in
the cosmic battle against Ohrmazd.186
Instead, she put the worm in her spindle-case, fed it, and
even pleaded with it to give her good luck. In other words, by nurturing a khrafstra, the girl took
the side of Ahriman in the battle between Ohrmazd and Ahriman. The Shāhnāma clearly states
that the worm of the tale is to be considered a demon (d v) and an opponent of the Creator:
قذ خبى آكؽیع ؼا ظنوي
خگی اقذ ؼیؿع ضى یکی ظی
قذ وبى کؽم ؼا کؿ هـؿ آؽهي
وی کؽم ضای ث چؽم اعؼى
You call that worm, which is of the very essence of Ahriman (az maghz-i Ahr man)
[And] the enemy of the Creator of the world (jahān-āfar nanda),
[Just] a worm inside a leather[-sheath]?
It is a warring demon (d v-i jang ) that sheds blood (r zanda-kh n). 187
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Ridding the world of khrafstras is one of the tasks of the Saviours of the world.
According to the Bundahishn, all khrafstras will perish when Ūshīdarm h (one of the great
Saviours of the world) will arise to renew the Good Religion.188
As mentioned in another
Zoroastrian text, when Ūshīdarm h comes, all members of the serpent species will go to one
place and merge into one extremely large serpent.189
Ūshīdarm h will then form an army of the
righteous to combat that colossal serpent. The description of Ūshīdarm h‘s battle against a
monstrous serpent strikingly resembles Ardashīr‘s battle against the worm that is described as
being as large as an elephant. Thus, like the colossal serpent of Ūshīdarm h‘s epoch, Haftv d‘s
gigantic worm may be understood as the symbol of all khrafstras (noxious creatures) of
Ardashīr‘s time, and thus, Ardashīr‘s killing of the worm represents his victory over Ahriman
and the re-establishment of the Good Religion.
A reference to the destruction of khrafstras during the glorious periods of world history is
made in the Dēnkard, which states that one of the miracles of the prophet Zoroaster was that,
during his epoch, people learned how to get rid of khrafstras.190
Further evidence that Ardashīr‘s slaying of the worm represents his triumph over
Ahriman comes from the sphere of archaeology. In a rock-carving at Naqsh-i Rustam in southern
Iran, which depicts Ardashīr‘s investiture scene, Ardashīr and Ohrmazd are shown facing each
other on horseback and trampling two human figures.191
The figure beneath Ohrmazd‘s horse is
depicted with a snake (or perhaps a giant worm) on his head. That the snake-crowned figure is
crushed by the horse of Ohrmazd indicates that Ardashīr‘s victory in the material world equalled
Ohrmazd‘s triumph over Ahriman on the cosmic level.
The theme of greed. It may be argued that it was greed on the part of Haftv d‘s daughter
that instigated the worm‘s response. Later, Haftv d‘s greed for possessions and power turns the
worm into a monster. In other words, it is greed that fuels evil. Similarly, in the Zoroastrian
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apocalyptic texts, the demon Greed (Ᾱz) is represented as one of the mighty helpers of Ahriman,
who will be removed from the world when Ahriman is vanquished.192
As described in the Zand
Wahman Yasn, during periods of evil rule, people become ―worshippers of Ᾱz and of the religion
of wealth,‖ and their ―greedy eyes will never be satisfied by wealth.‖193
Furthermore, according
to a passage in the Bundahishn, ―along with the khrafstras, Ūshīdarm h will destroy the evil that
is from the seed of Greed (Ᾱz) and is a snake.‖194
Ūshīdarm h‘s destroying of a snake that has its
origin in greed represents another remarkable parallel with our tale, as Ardashīr likewise kills a
giant worm/snake that is generated by greed.
Although Firdausī does not explicitly refer to greed as a demon in the tale, he implicitly
associates the girl with its demonic power. When the girl‘s parents notice how much cotton their
daughter was spinning in one day, they ask her in astonishment whether she had become sister to
a par (magar bā par giriftast ay pāk-tan khvāhar ).
195 According to ancient Iranian traditions,
par s (Avestan, pairikā; Middle Persian, par g) were female demons who appeared to people in
the form of beautiful women in order to deceive them.196
In addition to this, Firdausī refers to the
girl by means of such terms as par -r y (fairy-face) and pur-fus n (deceitful), which may be
understood as allusions to the girl‘s association with demonic powers.197
Furthermore, as argued
by R. C. Zaehner, the demon Ᾱz is a female companion of Ahriman.198
As a female caretaker
(nigahdār) of the worm associated with demonic powers, Haftv d‘s daughter may be considered
to represent the demon Ᾱz, the chief companion of Ahrīman, whom Ardashīr will eliminate in
order to renew the world.199
The motif of molten metal. Ardashīr‘s method of killing the worm with molten metal is
another theme that finds parallels in the Zoroastrian apocalyptic texts.200
According to these, at
the end of time, all creatures will be submerged in a river of molten metal, which will only burn
the wicked, and thus, the world will be cleansed of all evil-doers.201
Aradshīr‘s use of molten
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metal to slay the worm may be interpreted as an act of removing evil from the world in the same
manner that the last Saviour of the Good Religion will uproot evil.
But, this part of the tale seems to represent another idea as well. As prophesied in the
Zand Wahman Yasn, during the reign of Ardashīr‘s son, Sh pūr, the ordeal of molten metal
would be undergone by a Zoroastrian priest named Ᾱdūrb d, whose survival would prove the
authenticity of the Good Religion practised in Sh pūr‘s reign.202
This prophecy indicates that the
ordeal of molten metal was performed to distinguish liars from those who spoke the truth.
Therefore, Ardashīr‘s pouring molten metal on the worm may be understood as an ordeal that
proves the falsehood of the worm and its believers and the truthfulness of Ardashīr‘s claim
regarding his restoration of the true faith. We know from the Letter of Tansar that Ardashīr was
accused of introducing innovations to the ancient faith, and that his minister defended him by
arguing that he restored the Good Religion, which had become corrupted.203
Thus, the theme of
molten metal in this tale also alludes to Ardashīr‘s effort to prove the authenticity of the faith he
was restoring.
The motif of two friendly hosts. The role of Ardashīr‘s two companions in his battle
against Haftv d‘s worm in the Shāhnāma may be compared with the two deities who help
Saōšyant, the last Saviour of the Good Religion. When Ardashīr withdraws from the battle
against Haftv d to return to P rs to take care of a matter there, he arrives at a town where two
friendly and hospitable young men invite him to their home.204
Ardashīr first hides his identity
from his hosts, but after he realizes how wise they are, he reveals who he is and asks them for
guidance in his battle against the worm.205
The two young men give Ardashīr a piece of good
advice, which helps him to overcome Haftv d and the worm.206
These young men will later
accompany Ardashīr to the worm‘s castle and help Ardashīr to melt the metal that will be poured
on the worm.207
Similarly, the two divine entities that help the Zoroastrian Saviour Saōšyant,
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namely, Ᾱtar (fire) and Airyaman, will help him by melting metals for the ordeal of the Last
Day.208
The names of Ardashīr‘s hosts are not mentioned in the Shāhnāma, but Firdausī
repeatedly refers to them as ―m zbān‖ (host) and ―d st‖ (friend).209
It has been suggested that
―Airyaman‖ personifies the Spirit of ―hospitality,‖ or ―friendship towards a guest,‖ a notion that
exactly reflects the terms Firdausī uses to refer to them.210
Moreover, Saōšyant is said to recite
the prayer Airyemā išyō, which invokes Airyaman for victory over Ahriman.211
In this
connection, one might speculate that Ardashīr‘s appeal to the two young men for guidance and
help is analogous to Saōšyant‘s invocation of Airyaman for victory in battle.
The motif of seven helpers. As narrated in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr enters Haftv d‘s
impregnable castle disguised as a merchant and takes with him, as his associates, seven noble
men from his army.212
Similarly, according to the Zand-i Wahman Yasn, Pešōtan, another one of
the Saviours of the Good Religion, will be helped by seven divine entities, namely, Nēryōsang,
Srōš, Mihr, Rašn, Wahr m (Verethraghna), Ašt d, and Xwarenah.213
The role of Ardashīr‘s
seven helpers in the Shāhnāma is unclear; only one line of the poem tells us that Ardashīr
selected seven noble and courageous men to help him, but we do not hear about them anymore.
This single verse of the poem, which does not seem to add much meaning to the tale by itself,
becomes meaningful when the motif of Pešōtan‘s seven helpers are taken into account.
The theme of replacing idol-temples by fire temples. One last theme that is shared by the
tale and Zoroastrian literature is the destruction of idol-temples and the building of fire-temples
in their stead. According to the Bundahishn and the Zand-i Wahman Yasn, Pešōtan will destroy
the abode of evil and establish the Warahr n fire in its place.214
In the same manner, Ardashīr
renews the ancient traditions by building a fire temple on the same spot where he destroyed the
worm‘s castle.215
164
The striking similarities between the motifs in the tale of Ardashīr‘s battle against the
monstrous worm and Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature leave little doubt about the symbolic
meaning of this tale, in which Ardashīr is represented as a Saviour of the ancient faith and
restorer of order in the world. It is noteworthy that the account of Ardashīr‘s act of saving the
world is related not in the Zoroastrian apocalyptic texts but in the book of acts of Ardashīr. This
points to the intention of political propagandists who aimed to present an idealized image of
Ardashīr by comparing him to such great figures of Zoroastrianism as Pešōtan, Ūshīdarm h, and
Saōšyant. 216
To determine how much of this idealized figure of Ardashīr was recognized by
Firdausī‘s contemporary readers would require a study of the religious and social culture of the
time, but we know that the poet repeatedly asks his readers not to treat his tales as legends and
even advises them to find their meaning through symbols (ramz).217
If Firdausī expected his
readers to perceive the symbolic meaning of his fabulous accounts, then we may assume that
they were able to grasp the ideas presented in them.
On the surface, the tale of Ardashīr‘s fight against Haftv d represents his efforts to
expand his realm and promote the Good Religion. As related in the Shāhnāma, when Ardashīr‘s
army is besieged by Haftv d, he receives the news from P rs that Mihrak-i Nūshz d, one of his
generals, has taken over his palace.218
On hearing this news, Ardashīr says:
ا قبضزن ؼؾم ثیگب ؼاچؽ گلذ بقبضز ضب ؼا وی
... with an unfinished [battle at] home,
Why did I start a combat with strangers? 219
Along the same lines, when Ardashīr seeks the advice of his generals in this regard, they
respond:
خبى چؽا خكذ ثبیع ث قطزی ظ ظنوي اعؼ بى چهؽک ث
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Since Mihrak [has turned out to] be a covert enemy,
Why should [we] take pains to conquer the world? 220
As clearly expressed in these lines, Ardashīr‘s fight against Haftv d takes place outside
his homeland. In other words, his battle against Haftv d is part of his effort to expand his
territories by promoting the Good Religion. But he soon realizes that political stability at home
takes priority over expansion of territory. Thus, he withdraws from the battle and returns to P rs
to settle the problem there. After he secures peace and order in P rs, he returns to Haftv d‘s
castle to complete his task. This episode also depicts Ardashīr‘s wise handling of a problem that
could have led to his complete loss of power.
Part II – rd sh r s Successful Kingship
Ardashīr‘s success in maintaining his kingship is portrayed in the second part of the
Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma. Several important concepts concerning the maintenance of
kingship are presented in this part of the work in the form of a long and entertaining tale. These
concepts include the importance of having an heir to the crown and a wise minister, as well as
avoiding vengeance against old powers.221
In addition to these, this part of the cycle contains
three pieces of wisdom literature attributed to Ardashīr that demonstrate his wisdom in
organizing and maintaining his kingship. They are his āy n (custom and practice) in governing
the state,222
his andarz (advice) to high officials (referred to as khuṭba ―throne speech‖ in the
medieval Arabic and Persian sources),223
and his ‗ahd (testament) addressed to his son,
Sh pūr.224
The tale will be analysed here and the three pieces of wisdom literature will be
examined in the next chapter.
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A Wise and Conscientious Minister
The tale focuses on the benefits of having a wise and conscientious minister by
portraying the important role Ardashīr‘s minister played in saving the life of the crown prince
and ensuring the continuation of the dynasty after Ardashīr‘s death. As related in the Shāhnāma,
after Ardashīr kills Ardav n, he marries Ardav n‘s daughter.225
Later on, provoked by her
brother, Ardav n‘s daughter attempts to take revenge on Ardashīr on behalf of the family by
poisoning him, but her plot is discovered and Ardashīr orders his minister to execute her.226
The
minister finds out that the queen is pregnant and advises Ardashīr not to kill his own child by
executing the queen, but Ardashīr insists.227
The minister refuses to implement Ardashīr‘s order
and hides the queen in his own home, so that she can give birth to the king‘s legitimate
successor.228
Whereas other historical sources either do not explain why the minister refused to
kill the pregnant queen, or simply state the he did not want to ―uproot the seed that the king had
planted,‖ the Shāhnāma implies that the minister had a political purpose in mind, for if the queen
and her unborn child were killed, the king would not have had an heir to the throne:229
گؽ ا قبلیبى ثی نوؽ ثهوؽظ ث ظنوي ؼقع رطذ چى ثگػؼظ
Even if he (Ardashīr) should live countless years,
When he passes away, his throne will go to the enemy.230
When the minister decides to save the life of the pregnant queen and hides her in his own
house, he castrates himself in order to protect himself against possible accusations. He then puts
his testicles and a note explaining the situation in a sealed box and takes the box to Ardashīr and
asks him to keep it for him in the treasury.231
Later on, when Ardashīr realizes how his minster
endangered his own life in order to protect his kingship, he orders his minister‘s name to be
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inscribed on coins.232
Ardashīr‘s order highlights the importance of wise ministers at royal
courts. This point seem to have been understood by the Ilkhanid historian Ḥamdull h Mustaufī,
who provides a summary of the account related in the Shāhnāma and adds that the Barmakid
family (a reputable family of ministers and court officials serving the early Abbasid caliphs)
were descendants of Ardashīr‘s minister.233
A Rightful Heir to the Crown
The tale emphasizes that Ardashīr‘s kingship could continue to exist only if he had a son
to succeed him. According to the Shāhnāma, as he gets older, Ardashīr starts to worry about the
future of his kingship, because he does not have a son of his own to continue his legacy. A
comparison between this part of the tale and the Kārnāmag Ardaš r demonstrates how Firdausī
highlights the necessity of having an heir apparent for the continued existence of kingship.
According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, during a hunting expedition, when he witnesses wild
animals protecting their young and their mates, Ardashīr feels ashamed for having ordered the
murder of his own wife and innocent child. Remembering what he did to his wife and child,
Ardashīr starts sobbing in front of his entourage.234
The Shāhnāma, however, does not mention
anything about Ardashīr‘s regret, nor does it describe an emotional scene; rather, it merely
relates that as Ardashīr approached the end of his life, he became concerned about not having an
heir to the throne.235
It seems that Firdausī avoids the emotional aspect of the account in order to
underscore Ardashīr‘s rational thinking about the future of his kingship. Firdausī‘s deliberate
attempt to highlight rational, as opposed to emotional, decisions of his characters can be seen in
the account of the minister‘s decision not to kill the queen. According to the Shāhnāma, when he
realizes he has a son, Ardashīr interprets this to mean that God wanted his kingship to continue
and therefore saved the life of his son.236
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The characteristics of a crown prince, such as noble lineage, valour, and proper education
are among other concepts that feature in this tale. Once again, Firdausī‘s desire to underline these
concepts becomes evident when his narrative is compared to other sources that relate the same
account.
Noble lineage. According to the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr marries Ardav n‘s daughter
because as a princess, she possesses farr (royal glory/fortune) and also because, through
marriage with her, he could take hold of all the wealth of Ardav n.237
According to historians
like Ṭabarī and others, however, Ardashīr falls in love with a girl who he thinks is a former
servant of the Parthians, and only after making love to her, does he realize that she is of Parthian
descent. Because he had earlier pledged not to leave a single Parthian alive, Ardashīr orders her
execution despite her being pregnant.238
Whereas the Shāhnāma explicitly refers to Ardashīr‘s
purposeful decision to marry Ardav n‘s daughter, other writers represent Ardashīr as unaware of
the background of the woman he married, and even relate that the woman‘s Parthian origin was
the reason why Ardashīr ordered her execution.239
Interestingly, we encounter exactly the same
difference between Firdausī‘s account about the marriage of Ardashīr‘s son, Sh pūr, and the
accounts of Ṭabarī, Bal‗amī, and Ibn al-Athīr. According to these historians, Sh pūr falls in love
with a beautiful girl who he thinks is a shepherd‘s daughter, and only after marrying her, does
the girl reveal her noble background.240
In the Shāhnāma, however, Sh pūr notices the noble
manners of the girl and therefore asks her about her background.241
When the girl tells Sh pūr
who she is, Sh pūr asks for her hand in marriage.242
The outcome of Sh pūr‘s marriage to this
noble girl is the crown prince, Ūrmazd.243
Both Ardashīr‘s and Sh pūr‘s conscious decisions to
marry noblewomen point to the importance of the nobility of women who would give birth to
future crown princes, a concept that is taken into consideration in both the Shāhnāma and the
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Kārnāmag Ardaš r, but ignored by the Muslim historians who present both Ardashīr‘s and
Sh pūr‘s marriages to noblewomen as being incidental.
Kingly aura and courage. According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, as soon as the minister
reveals the truth about the king‘s son being alive, Sh pūr is brought into Ardashīr‘s presence.244
In the Shāhnāma, on the other hand, Ardashīr asks the minister to bring Sh pūr and a hundred
boys of Sh pūr‘s age and appearance to a polo field to play, so that he might test his fatherly
instinct by recognizing his son among them.245
When the boys are brought to the field, Sh pūr
stands out and Ardashīr recognizes him, but he decides to confirm his son‘s identity by testing
his courage.246
To do so, he asks his men to shoot the ball in such a way as to have it fall right in
front of him. The boys would then have to come near him to get the ball.247
As Ardashīr had
expected, the only boy who is not afraid to approach him is his son.248
A similar episode is
narrated in the account about Sh pūr‘s son, Ūrmazd, except that in his case the incident is not
pre-arranged.249
The point of both these episodes is that the crown prince stands out in the crowd
on account of his royal aura and courage.250
Education. Compared to other historical sources that relate the accounts about Ardashīr,
Sh pūr, and Ūrmazd, the Shāhnāma is the only work that emphasizes the importance of the
education of prospective kings by describing Ardashīr‘s, Sh pūr‘s, and Ūrmazd‘s educations.
The Kārnāmag Ardaš r and other historical works only refer to the education of Ardashīr and
do not mention anything about the schooling of Sh pūr or Ūrmazd, but the Shāhnāma both refers
to the tutoring of Ūrmazd and provides detailed information on how Sh pūr learned all the skills
of the time, such as writing, hunting, fighting, and royal etiquette.251
The importance of this
concept in the Shāhnāma becomes evident when we note that Firdausī refers three times to the
education of princes in his account about Ardashīr, whereas other historians do not deal with it as
prominently.
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Reconciliation with Former Enemies
Another concept that is presented in this tale teaches new rulers that they can avoid
perpetual wars and revolts by avoiding vengeance. As related in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr had not
seen peace since he ascended the throne, because local rulers, who had lost their semi-
autonomous power, kept revolting against him.252
So, he decided to seek the advice of an Indian
sage and inquire whether he could ever rule over the entire realm without any worries.253
The
Indian sage tells Ardashīr that peace will prevail in his realm only if a marital union is made
between his house and that of Mihrak, the general who had rebelled against him when he was at
war with Haftv d.254
What the Indian sage suggests is that peace can only be achieved through
reconciliation between the new and old powers. Unable to imagine making peace with his
enemy, Ardashīr rejects the advice of the Indian sage and makes every effort to destroy Mihrak‘s
family, but Mihrak‘s daughter somehow survives.255
Later on, irrespective of their families‘ old
vengeance, Sh pūr marries Mihrak‘s daughter, and as a result, peace prevails in Ardashīr‘s
kingdom.256
The symbolic meaning of this episode is lost in the reports of Ṭabarī, Bal‗amī and Ibn al-
Athīr. According to these historians, the astrologers had predicted that a descendant of Mihrak
would succeed Ardashīr; therefore, fearing that his kingship would fall into the hands of
enemies, Ardashīr killed all members of Mihrak‘s family except for one girl who fled and sought
refuge with some shepherds. Later, assuming that she is a shepherd‘s daughter, Sh pūr marries
her and Ūrmazd is born of their union.257
When Ardashīr finds out that Ūrmazd is a descendant
of Mihrak, he is relieved to know that the prophecy of the astrologers had come true but without
ending his kingship.258
The important concept of the recognition of old powers by new rulers
does not stand out in the accounts of these historians. Firdausī, however, who paid attention to
171
the political concepts he found in his sources, did not miss the fine point of this episode and
clearly presented it in his work.259
According to the Shāhnāma, after peace prevails in his realm, Ardashīr is officially
recognized as king of kings by all local governors in his kingdom. As mentioned above, Ardashīr
also received the title king of kings after his victory over Haftv d and the giant worm. But his
first designation as king of kings seems to have been limited to his own court. This is yet another
fine point that is only found in the Shāhnāma. As mentioned above, other historians report that
Ardashīr was called king of kings after he killed Ardav n. Apparently, for Firdausī, simply
defeat of former powers would not make a new ruler worthy of the title king of kings.
* * * *
Although Firdausī‘s accounts about the Sasanian kings are generally regarded as
constituting the historical or semi-historical parts of the Shāhnāma, there is little historical
information that can be gleaned from his account about Ardashīr, the founder of the dynasty.
This account has little to do with history. It is presented only within an historical framework that
informs us that Ardashīr revolted against the Parthians, established a new empire, and set new
policies. Ardashīr‘s accomplishments are narrated through symbolic episodes and tales that are
based on ancient Persian mythology, and that aimed at promoting Sasanian political ideology.
Firdausī‘s ―history‖ of Ardashīr does not provide any information about the dates or precise
locations of significant events, which are typically provided in historical accounts. More
important, unlike many historians who avoided legends to increase the credibility of their
reports, Firdausī did not hesitate to include ―legends‖ in his ―historical‖ accounts. True to his
sobriquet ― ak m‖ (sage), however, he insists that everything in the Shāhnāma accords with
wisdom and he emphasizes the symbolic (ramz) meaning of his fabulous accounts.260
Interestingly, despite the fact that it contains more ―legends‖ than historical facts, the Shāhnāma
172
presents the most comprehensive account about Ardashīr as an ideal king. Through a series of
entertaining tales, the Shāhnāma depicts in detail Ardashīr‘s eligibility for kingship, his
legitimation of power, and his success in maintaining his kingship.
These characteristics of the Shāhnāma set it apart from other historical writings of the
period. Modern scholars who have approached the Shāhnāma as history have noted the
distinctiveness of the work and proposed divergent views about it. Julie Scott Meisami, for
example, refers to the Shāhnāma as an ―anomaly‖ in Persian medieval historiography.261
She
maintains that, although ―Firdausī considered his primary purpose to be historical,‖ his work
―was not taken seriously as history.‖262
She argues that, at a time when writers and rulers
favoured Islamic traditions and current events, the Shāhnāma, with its focus on ancient Persian
traditions and legends, was too archaic and outmoded for contemporary tastes.263
But, as shown
in the previous chapter, the Shāhnāma enjoyed continuous perusal and was highly admired by
the literati for centuries after its completion. If the language and content of the Shāhnāma were
outdated by the time Firdausī composed his work, why would it have received such enduring
attention over the centuries? Ehsan Yarshater, on the other hand, maintains that the myths and
legends of the Shāhnāma were conceived as history and that ―in the hands of Firdausī, who
understood the character and direction of Persian historical writing, Iranian history developed
into a literary masterpiece.‖264
If legends and myths were conceived as history, why would the
poet need to emphasize that the meaning of his tales should be understood through symbols?
And why would medieval historians seek to distance themselves from fantastic materials and
refer to works that contain them as fit only for night-time entertainment?265
A further difference between Firdausi‘s Shāhnāma and other medieval Persian historical
writings is Firdausī‘s inclusion of throne speeches, testaments, letters, and similar materials that
contain ethico-political wisdom and advice. These are not usually included in other historical
173
writings, and when they are, they are not presented as part of the narrative. As will be shown in
the following chapter, Firdausī presents the wisdom literature attributed to Ardashīr, that is, his
āy n (custom and practice), andarz (advice to dignitaries/throne speech), and ‗ahd (testament to
his son, Sh pūr) as part of his narrative and in a way that would keep the attention and interest of
the reader. Firdausī‘s inclusion of these types of texts in his work and his particular form of
presenting them constitutes a notable difference between his work and other historical writings.
The following chapter deals with Firdausī‘s presentation of the political literature attributed to
Ardashīr.
174
1 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:133–238.
2 Arthur Emanuel Christensen, Les gestes des rois dans les traditions de l‘Iran antique (Paris: P.
Geuthner, 1936), 75–105; Geo Widengren, ―Sources of Parthian and Sassanian History,‖ in
Yarshater, Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, pt. 2, 1272; J. de Menasce, ―Zoroastrian Pahlavī
Writings,‖ in Yarshater, Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, pt. 2, 1184; Touraj Daryaee, ―The
Ideal King in the Sasanian World: Ardaxšīr ī Pabag n or Xusrō Anūšag-ruw n?‖ Nāme-ye Irān-e
Bāstān: The International Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies 3–4 (2003): 33–45; and Jamsheed
K. Choksy, ―Sacral Kingship in Sasanian Iran,‖ Bulletin of the Asia Institute, n.s., 2 (1988): 40;
and Sara Mashayekh, ―Epic of K rnamag and the Late Sasanian Period,‖ e-Sasanika 17 (2007):
1–37, URL: http://www.humanities.uci.edu/sasanika/pdf/e-sasanika17-Mashayekh.pdf.
3 Philippe Gignoux, ―Church-State Relations in the Sasanian Period,‖ in Monarchies and Socio-
Religious Traditions in the Ancient Near East: Papers Read at the 31st International Congress of
Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa, ed. Mikasa No Miya Takahito (Wiesbaden:
Harrasswotiz, 1984), 72–80; Gherardo Gnoli, The Idea of Iran: An Essay on Its Origin (Rome:
Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1989), 164–74.
4 Diodorus 2.32.4–5. This statement has been contested by modern scholars who maintain such
archives never existed. But, as aptly argued by Jan P. Stronk, ―absence of proof does not equal
proof of absence.‖ See Stronk, ed. and trans., Ctesias‘ Persian History, Pt. 1, Introduction, Text,
and Translation (Dusseldorf: Wellem Verlag, 2010), 15–25.
5 Esther, 6:1 and 10:2; Ezra, 4:14, 4:15, and 4:19.
6 Shapur Shahbazi, ―Iranian Notes 7–13,‖ Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (1986): 165–66;
and Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 391–93.
175
7 Ḥamza b. al-Ḥasan al-Iṣfah nī, al-Amthāl al- ādira ‗an buy t al-shi‗r, ed. Aḥmad b.
Muhammad al-Ḍubayb (Beirut, D r al-mad r al-Isl mī, 2009), 64:
ى كي ثطى الکزت، اهب اللؽـ كبى هثؼ اضجبؼن، زؽثن، هزهؽ أجبء ػهبهن کبذ رولت لولکن أنؼبؼا، رع
. رطلع كي الطؿائي، الزي کبذ ثید السکوخ
8 al-Mas‗ūdī (Abū al-Ḥasan ‗Alī b. al-Ḥusayn al-Mas‗ūdī), al-Tanb h wa al-ishrāf, ed. M. J. de
Goeje. 1894, repr. ed. (Beirut: Maktaba khayy ṭ, 1965), 106:
لی ػع ثؼ ال ثیربد الوهؽكخ هي اللؽـ کزبثب ػظیوب یهزول ػ ٣٠٣ ؼایذ ثوعیخ ايططؽ هي اؼ كبؼـ كی قخ
ؼ كی هلک كبؼـ هي آل قبقبى قجؼخ ػهؽى هلکب ... ػلم کثیؽ هي ػلهن اضجبؼ هلکن اثیزن قیبقبرن ه
کبا رؤؼیص ػا الکزبة ا کزت هوب خع كی ضؿائي هلک كبؼـ للق هي ... هن ضوكخ ػهؽى ؼخال اهؽأربى
.ػجع الولک ثي هؽاى هي اللبؼقیخ الی الؼؽثیخ ول لهبم ثي ١١٣خوبظی اآلضؽح قخ
9 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin mul k al-arḍ wa al-anbiyā‘, ed. and trans. I. M. E. Gottwaldt, 2
vols. in 1, Vol. 1, Arabic text, Vol. 2, Latin translation (Petropoli: Sumtibus editoris, 1844–
1848), 1:48–63.
10 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:49. Cf. Friedrich Sarre, Die Kunst des alten Persien (Berlin: B.
Cassirer, 1922), 144; and Arthur Emanuel Christensen, L‘Iran sous les Sassanides, 2nd ed.
(Copenhagen: E. Munksgaard, 1944), 398–99.
11 Agathias, Histories 2.27.4 and 4.30. For a detailed study of Agathias‘s use of Sasanian
chronicles see Averil Cameron, ―Agathias on the Sassanians.‖ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23–24
(1969–70): 67–183.
12 For example, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:442, line 319; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:445, line 357;
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:6, lines 31–32; and Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsb-nāma, 13, line 16.
13 All other existing manuscripts of the Kārnāmag Ardaš r have been derived from this
fourteenth-century manuscript (known as MK), which was copied in Gujarat and assumed for a
long time to have been lost. As indicated in its colophon, this manuscript was copied from
176
another manuscript that was copied in 1255. See Frantz Grenet, ed. and trans., La geste
d‘Ardash r fils de Pâbag: Kārnāmag Ardaxšēr Pābagān (Die, France: Éditions A Die, 2003),
26 and 47. Grenet provides the transliteration of the Pahlavi text along with a French translation
and a comprehensive introduction. Also see Bahr m Farahvashī, ed. and trans., Kārnāma-i
Ardash r-i Bābakān, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Tihr n, 1382/2003). Farahvashī
provides the transcription and transliteration of the Pahlavi text along with a Persian translation
of the text and a glossary. He also provides the edition of the text by Edalji Kers sji Anti
(Bomby, 1900) and the excerpts from the Shāhnāma and other Persian and Arabic sources that
contain an account about Ardashīr. For an English translation of the work, see Rah m Asha, ed.
and trans., The Book of the Acts of Ardašir Son of Pābag: Kārnāmag Ardašir Pābagān
(Vincennes: Erm n, 1999).
14 Cf. Christensen, Les gestes des rois, 82–83; Ahmad Tafazzoli [Aḥmad Tafa ulī], Tār kh-i
adabiyāt-i Īrān p sh az Islām, ed. Zh la Āmūzg r (Tehran: Sukhan, 1997), 263–64; Grenet, La
geste d‘Ardash r, 32, 35, 45; Daryaee, ―The Ideal King in the Sasanian World,‖ 37–38.
15 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 3, 1.1; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 53, 1.1.
16 Clifford Edmund Bosworth, ―The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature,‖ in Arabic Literature
to the End of the Umayyad Period, ed. A. F. L. Beeston and others (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), 483–96. For an extensive study of one of the less-known early
translators of Persian texts into Arabic, see Mohsen Zakeri, ed. and trans, Persian Wisdom in
Arabic Garb: ‗Al b. ‗Ubayda al-Ray ān (d. 219/834) and his Jawāhir al-kilam wa-farā‘id al-
ikam, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2007), especially 1:100–150. Also see Dimitri Gutas, Greek
Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early
‗Abbāsid Society (2nd–4th/8th–10th centuries), 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1999), 25–27;
Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 7–10; Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān, 68–72; Taqīz da,
177
―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 96–106; and Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma,‖ 70–
71.
17 Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 10–16; Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān, 88.
18 Copious citations from Ibn al-Muqaffa‗‘s work and frequent references to him are found in
[Pseudo-Aṣma‗ī], Nihāyat al-arab f tār kh al-furs wa al-‗arab, ed. Muḥammad-Taqī
D nishpazhūh (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r va maf khir-i farhangī, 1374/1995), 82, 85, 89, 99, 110,
159, 203, 208, 212, 213, 216, 256, 277, 324, 328, 336. Also see Abū al-Faraj Muḥammad b. Abī
Ya‗qūb Isḥ q b. al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, ed. Yūsif ‗Alī Ṭawīl (Beirut: D r al-kutub al-‗ilmiyya,
1416/1996), 190; Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:8 and 64; and Mujmal al-tavār kh, 2, 8, 521.
19 For example, see Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 475–77; Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:8–9; Abū
al-Rayḥ n Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Bīrūnī al-Khv razmī, al-Ᾱthār al-bāqiya ‗an al-qur n al-
khāliya, ed. Eduard Sachau, 1878, repr. ed. (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1923), 99; Mujmal al-tavār kh,
2 and 521; Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 4; Abū ‗Alī Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i
Bal‗am : Takmila va tarjuma-i Tār kh-i abar , ed. Muḥammad Taqī Bah r ―Malik al-Shu‗ar ‘‖
and Muḥammad Parvīn Gun b dī, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Zavv r, 1385/2006), 90; and Mas‗ūdī, Mur j
al-dhahab wa ma‗ādin al-jauhar, ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, rev. ed.,
Charles Pellat, 7 vols. (Beirut: Manshūr t al-j mi‗at al-lubn niyya, 1965–74), 1:12–16; for a
French translation of Mur j, see Mas‗ūdī, Les prairies d‘or, trans. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet
de Courteille, rev. ed., Charles Pellat, 5 vols (Paris: Société Asiatique, 1962–1997), 1:4–8. Also
see Taqīz da, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 98–106.
20 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:16, 24, and 64; Mas‗ūdī, al-Tanb h, 106; Mujmal al-tavār kh,
85; and Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 190.
21 Ṣaf , amāsa-sarāy dar Īrān, 64–66; Shapur Shahbazi, ―On the Xwad y-N mag,‖ in Iranica
Varia: Papers in Honour of Professor Ehsan Yarshater (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 208–9; M. Rahim
178
Shayegan, ―The Evolution of the Concept of Xwad y ‗God,‘‖ Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae 51, nos. 1–2 (1998): 31–54; and Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 10n1.
22 Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 3–4.
23 Taqīz da, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 105.
24 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:8–12 and 1:16–17.
25 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:8–9.
26 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:16–17. Based on J ḥi ‘s (d. 255/868 or 869) citations from the
works of Kasrawī (Khusravī), as well as other medieval references to this translator, Taqīz da
opines that Kasrawī probably wrote his history of ancient Persia around 253/867. See Taqīzada,
―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 102n2.
27 Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:23–24. We do not have any information on Bahr m b.
Mard nsh h, but he seems to have been recognized by medieval authors as an authority on
ancient Persian history. Ḥamza refers to Bahr m b. Mard nsh h‘s Tār kh-i mul k-i ban Sāsān
(the history of Sasanian kings) as one of his eight sources. See Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:9.
The author of Mujmal al-tavār kh frequently cites him and refers to him as Bahram-i mūbad
(Bahr m, the priest) and Bahr m, m bad-i Sh pūr (Bahr m, the m bad of the city of Sh pūr).
See Mujmal al-tavār kh, 21, 32, 39, 58, 65, 83. Taqīz da identifies a Mard nsh h who was the
son of Z d n Farrukh b. Pīrī Kaskarī (d. 82/701–2), a scribe at the court of Ḥajj j b. Yūsif (d.
95/714). See Taqīzada, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 102n1.
28 Muṭahhar b. Ṭ hir al-Muqaddasī (Maqdisī), al-Bad‗ wa al-tār kh, ed. Clement Huart, 6 vols.
(Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1899–1919), 3:138.
29 Abū Manṣūr ‗Abd al-Malik b. Muḥammad b. Isma‗īl Tha‗ libī, Ghurar akhbār mul k al-furs
wa siyarihim: Histoire des rois des Perses, ed. and trans. Hermann Zotenberg (Paris: Imprimerie
nationale, 1900), repr. ed. (Amsterdam: Academic Publishers Associated, 1979), 10 and 388.
179
30
Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 90.
31 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 4; Mujmal al-tavār kh, 2 and 3; Ibn Isfandiy r, Tār kh-i abaristān,
60; and Tār kh-i S stān, 13, 16, 17, 35.
32 For the text of the preface, see Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 30–90; Minorsky, ―Older
Preface,‖ 166–79.
33 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma,‖ 2–11; Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Yikī mihtarī būd
gardan-far z,‖ 59–73; and Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Jav n būd,‖ 75–92; Omidsalar, Poetics and Politics,
63–69; Taqīz da, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 158–59; Qazvīnī, ―Muqaddama-i qadīm,‖ 22.
Despite compelling arguments set forth in support of this opinion, some scholars maintain that
Firdausī used oral sources in the composition of his oeuvre. See Olga M. Davidson, Poet and
Hero in the Persian Book of Kings, 2nd ed. (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2006); Olga M.
Davidson, ―The Text of Ferdowsi‘s Shāhnāma and the Burden of the Past,‖ Journal of the
American Oriental Society 118, no. 1 (1998): 63–68; and Dick Davis, ―The Problem of
Ferdowsi‘s Sources,‖ Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 1 (1996): 48–58. Also
see Mahmoud Omidsalar, ―Unburdening Firdausi,‖ Review of Poet and Hero in the Persian
Book of Kings, by Olga M. Davidson, Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 2
(1996): 235–42; and Michael Wickens, review of Poet and Hero in the Persian Book of Kings,
by Olga Davidson, International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 4 (1995): 528–30.
34 Bīrūnī, Āthār al-bāqiya, 99–100.
35 For a review of different opinions about the identity of Abū ‗Alī Balkhī, and Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s
argument, see Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Abū ‗Alī Balkhī,‖ in Dānishnāma-i Īrān va Islām (Tehran:
Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 2537/1979), 8:1073–77.
36 According Abū ‗Alī‘s account, Kayūmars was the first man not the first king. He lived for
3000 years in heaven and for another 3000 years on earth. The details of this account closely
180
correspond with the myth of creation related in the Zoroastrian literature. Other medieval
sources, however, report that Kayūmars was the first king who ruled for thirty years. For Abū
‗Alī‘s account about Kayūmars, see Bīrūnī, Ᾱthār al-bāqiya, 99–100.
37 Mas‗ūdī, al-Tanb h, 97–98.
38 Nöldeke, Iranische Nationalepos, 13–19; Christensen, Les gestes des rois, 33–41. Shahbazi,
―On the Xwad y-n mag,‖ 215–18; Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Abū ‗Alī Balkhī,‖ 1074–75; Kh liqī Muṭlaq,
―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma,‖ 27–28; and Taqīz da, ―Mash hīr-i shu‗ar -yi Īr n,‖ 91.
39 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Abū ‗Alī Balkhī,‖ 1074–75. Shahbazi considers a third type for the
Khudāynāmas and refers to them as ―heroic‖ chronicles. See Shahbazi, ―On the Xwad y-n mag,‖
217–18. According to Christensen, Sasanian chronicles were of two types of ―national‖ and
―religious.‖ See Christensen, Les gestes des rois, 33.
40 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Abū ‗Alī Balkhī,‖ 1074–75.
41 For a diagram of the relationships between early translations of Khudāynāmas and later
historical writings, see Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma,‖ 48. Also see
Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire, 458–63, where she points to the Sasanian
and Parthian versions of the Khudāynāmas.
42 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma,‖ 27–28 and 40. For Ḥamza Iṣfah nī and
Bīrūnī‘s references, see Ḥamza Iṣfah nī, Tār kh sin , 1:21; and Bīrūnī, Ᾱthār al-bāqiya, 123.
43 Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Az Shāhnāma t Khudāynāma,‖ 27–28.
44 Abū Ja‗far Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh al-rusul wa al-mul k, ed. M. J. de Goeje, 15
vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1879–1901), 2:819; Ṭabarī, The History of al- abar (Ta‘r kh al-rusul wa‘l-
mul k), ed. Ehsan Yarshater, vol. 5, The Sāsānids, The Byzantines, The Lakhmids, and Yemen,
trans. C. E. Bosworth (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), 13–14.
181
45
Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:823–24; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:23–25. For the legend of Cyrus, see
Herodotus, Histories 1.108–122; for the legends of Farīdūn and Kay-Khusrau, see Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 1:62, lines 108–147; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma 2:365, lines 2369–2435 respectively.
46 Roman Ghirshman, Iran: Parthes et Sassanides, (Paris: Gallimard, 1962), 125, pl. 163; and
Hubertus von Gall, Das Reiterkampfbild in der iranischen und iranisch beeinflussten Kunst
parthischer und sasanidischer Zeit (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1990), 20, fig. 3, and pls. 5 and 6.
47 Ghirshman, Iran: Parthes et Sassanides, 127–28; Gall, Reiterkampfbild, 20; and Walter Hinz,
Altiranische Funde und Forschungen (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1969), 115–18.
48 Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 616 and 620.
49 The other political treatises attributed to Ardashīr are his customs and practice (āy n), his
throne speech (khuṭba/andarz), and a political letter attributed to his chief priest and minister,
Tansar. On his āy n, see below, pp. 203–13; and on his khuṭba/andarz, see below, pp. 214–23.
The letter has been preserved in Persian translation in Tār kh-i abaristān (written during
603/1206–7 to ca. 613/1216–17) by Ibn Isfandiy r, who claims to have translated it from Ibn al-
Muqaffa‗‘s Arabic translation of the original Pahlavi text. In the letter, Tansar justifies
Ardashīr‘s new policies in response to the complaints of the ruler of Ṭabarist n. See Nāma-i
Tansar bi Gushnasp, ed. Mujtab Mīnuvī and Muḥammad Ism ‗īl Ri v nī, 2nd ed. (Tehran:
Khv razmī, 1354/1975). For an English translation of the letter and an informative introduction
to it, see Mary Boyce, trans., The Letter of Tansar (Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed
Estremo Oriente, 1968).
50 On the sources that contain Ardashīr‘s testament as an independent political treatise, see ‗Ahd-
i Ardash r, ed. Iḥs n ‗Abb s (Beirut: D r Ṣ dir, 1387/1967), 39–45.
51 Nihāyat al-arab, 177–200. The exact date of the Nihāyat al-arab is unknown. Whereas some
attribute it to early eleventh century, others argue it was written in the seventh century. See the
182
editors‘ introduction to a twelfth-century translation/adaptation of this work in Tajārib al-umam
f akhbār mul k al-‗arab wa al-‗ajam, ed. Ri Anz bī-nizh d and Yaḥy Kal ntarī (Mashhad:
Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Firdausī, 1373/1994), 11–19.
52 Tajārib al-umam, 176–95.
53 Cf. ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 49–84; Nihāyat al-arab, 196–200; Tajārib al-umam, 192–95; and
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:229–36.
54 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:133–189, lines 1–781.
55 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:193–238, lines 1–654.
56 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:133–35, lines 1–22.
57 For more examples of Firdausī‘s use of prologues see Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq, ―Nig hī kūt h bi
fann-i d st n-sar ‘ī-i Firdausī‖ (paper presented at the Shāhnāma Conference, Cologne,
Germany, 1990), in Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Sukhan-hā-yi d r na, 119–22.
58 Choksy, ―Sacral Kingship in Sasanian Iran,‖ 36–37.
59 For Ardashīr‘s lineage in Zoroastrian literature, see Zand-Ᾱkās h: Iranian or Greater
Bundahišn, ed. and trans. Behramgore Tehmuras Anklesaria (Bombay, 1956), 297, chap. 35.36;
and Bundahish, ed. and trans. Mihrd d Bah r, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Tūs, 1380/2001), 151, sec. 232.
60 For references to Gusht sp (Avestan, Vīšt spa) in the Avesta, see Yasnas 28.7, 46.14, 51.16,
53.2, 12.7, 23.2, 26.5, and Yashts 19.84–87, 9.29–31, 5.99–100, 5.108–9, and 5.132. Various
Pahlavi texts such as Dēnkard, bk. 7, chaps. 4.64–89 and 5.1–12; Dēnkard, bk. 5, chaps. 2.8–11
and 3.1; Wiz dag hā Zādspram, chap. 24.6; and the Pahlav Rivāyat of the Dādestān Dēn g,
chap. 47 provide information about Vīšt spa‘s conversion to Zoroastrianism. For Persian
translations of these passages, see Zh la Ᾱmūzg r and Aḥmad Tafa ulī, ed. and trans., Usṭ ra-i
zindig -i Zardusht, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Chishma, 1375/1996), 95–105, 110–12, and 147–49.
Isfandiy r (Avestan, Spentōdh ta) is portrayed more prominently in the Shāhnāma than in the
183
Avestan and Pahlavi texts. On Spentōdh ta in the Avesta, see Yasht 13.103 and Vīšt sp
Yasht.25. On Gusht sp and Isfandiy r in the Shāhnāma, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:76–438.
61 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:157, line 353; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:183, line 706; and Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:210, line 246.
62 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:143, lines 137–38.
63 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:139–40, lines 87–98.
64 According to the Shāhnāma, D r ‘s son and four generations of sons after him, including
Ardashīr‘s father, were all named S s n. See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:139, lines 87–92.
65 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:142, lines 126–28.
66 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 5, 1.6 and 33, 2.17; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 55, 1.6
and 69, 3.19. Although the names of Isfandiy r and Gusht sp are not mentioned in the
Kārnāmag Ardaš r, they are included in Ardashīr‘s genealogy in the Bundahishn. See Zand-
Ᾱkās h, 297, chap. 35.36; and Bundahish, 151, sec. 232.
67 Cf. Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:813; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:2–3; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 610;
Mas‗ūdī, Mur j, 1:285, sec. 576; trans., Mas‗ūdī, Prairies d‘or, 1:217, sec. 576; Mas‗ūdī, al-
Tanb h, 99; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:348; Abū Ḥanīfa Aḥmad b. Da‘ūd al-Dīnawarī,
al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Theodorovich Guirgas (Leiden: Brill, 1888), 44; Mujmal al-
tavār kh, 32–33; Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 102; trans., Ḥamdull h Mustaufī,
Ta‘ríkh-i-Guzída or Select History, 36. Ḥamza Iṣfah nī does not provide any genealogy for
Ardashīr.
68 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:165, line 460; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:188, 773.
69 Richard Frye, ―The Charisma of Kingship in Ancient Iran,‖ Iranica Antiqua 4 (1964): 36–40;
Choksy, ―Sacral Kingship in Sasanian Iran,‖ 35–36. For a general study of the Mesopotamian
view of the world power structure see Thorkild Jacobsen, ―Mesopotamia,‖ chaps. 5–7 in The
184
Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1946), 125–
219; see especially chap. 6, ―The Function of the State,‖ 185–201.
70 Across different cultures, certain types of dreams are recognized as having been caused by a
divine force with especial regard for kings. See John C. Lamoreaux, The Early Muslim Tradition
of Dream Interpretation (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2002), 71.
71 For the case of Cyrus, see Herodotus, Histories, 1.107–108. For Farīdūn and Kay-Khusrau see
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:58–61, lines 43–106; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 2:365, lines 2369–77
respectively. For the use of dreams in political propaganda in the Islamic period see Toufy Fahd,
―The Dream in Medieval Islamic Society,‖ in The Dream and Human Societies, ed. G. E. Von
Grunebaum and Roger Caillois (Berkely, CA: University of California Press, 1966), 351–63;
Sholeh A. Quinn, ―The Dreams of Shaykh Ṣafī al-Dīn in Late Safavid Chronicles,‖ in Dreaming
across Boundaries: The Interpretation of Dreams in Islamic Lands, ed. Louise Marlow (Boston:
Ilex Foundation, 2008), 221–32; and Caroline Finkel, Osman‘s Dream: The Story of the Ottoman
Empire, 1300–1923 (New York: Basic Books, 2005), 2 and 11–12.
72 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 5, 1.6–7; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 55, 1.6.
73 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 5, 1.9; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 55, 1.8.
74 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 5–7, 1.10; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 57, 1.9.
75 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 7, 1.11; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 57, 1.11.
76 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 7, 1.13; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 57, 1.13.
77 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 11, 1.20; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 59, 1.20–2.1.
78 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:139–43, lines 87–138.
79 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:140, line 100.
185
80
For the significance of elephants for sultan Maḥmūd, see Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The
Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1963), 115–19.
81 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:140–41, lines 104–6.
82 Antonio Panaino, ―The Two Astrological Reports of the Karnamag i Ardaxshir i Pabagan (III,
4–7; IV, 6–7),‖ Die Sprache 36, no. 2 (1994): 181–98; and Enrico G. Raffaelli, L‘oroscopo del
mondo: Il tema di nascita del mondo e del primo uomo secondo l‘astrologia zoroastriana
(Milan: Mimesis, 2001), 184.
83 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 25–27, 2.5–6; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 65–67, 3.5–
6.
84 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6: 150, line 251.
85 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:815; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:7; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 612; Ibn al-
Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:349.
86 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:815; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:7; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 612; Ibn al-
Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:349. The authors of Tār kh-i guz da and Mujmal al-tavār kh, who
seem to have followed Firdausī‘s account, attribute the dreams to B bak not Ardashīr. See
Mujmal al-tavār kh, 32–33; and Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 102; trans., Ḥamdull h
Mustaufī, Ta‘ríkh-i-Guzída or Select History, 36. In Tha‗ libī‘s version, both B bak and S s n
dream that light was shining from S s n‘s head and body. See Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 474.
87 Lamoreaux, Early Muslim Tradition, 4, 28, 35, 58, 82. Also see Pierre Lory, Le rêve et ses
interprétations en Islam (Paris: Albin Michel, 2003), 145–49.
88 Tajārib al-umam, 177.
89 Nihāyat al-arab, 177.
90 Qur‘an 2:247 and 3:26.
186
91
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:143, lines 141–50.
92 Philippe Gignoux, ―La chasse dans l‘Iran sasanide,‖ in Orientalia Romana: Essays and
Lectures 5; Iranian Studies, ed. Gherardo Gnoli (Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo
Oriente, 1983), 101–18; William L. Hanaway, ―The Concept of the Hunt in Persian Literature,‖
Boston Museum Bulletin 69, nos. 355–56 (1971): 25–27; and Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v.
―Hunting in Iran, i. In the Pre-Islamic Period.‖
93 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:145, lines 181–82.
94 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:145, line 184.
95 Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 41.
96 Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, 3 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1989), 1:79n384.
97 Yasht 14.2.
98 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:146, line 186.
99 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:146, lines 187–88.
100 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:146, lines 189–95.
101 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:148, lines 213–14; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:147, lines 200–208.
102 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:149, lines 214–30.
103 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:150–51, lines 242–56.
104 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:151, lines 258–62.
105 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:151–52, lines 267–74.
106 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:148, line 216.
107 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:150, line 242.
108 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:153, lines 280–81.
187
109
In his Tār kh-i guz da, Ḥamdull h Mustaufī mentions in passing that Ardashīr and one of
Ardav n‘s concubines got together and escaped from the palace. See Ḥamdull h Mustaufī,
Tār kh-i guz da, 103. This passage is not included in the translation of Tār kh-i guz da.
110 Zand-Ᾱkās h, 229, chap. 26.96; and Bundahish, 115, sec. 176. The Middle Persian translation
of the S h-rōzag, too, contains a passage (1.25) on Ashi‘s protection of the property of the pious.
For this text and its English translation, see Enrico Raffaelli, The Sīh-rōzag and its Middle
Persian Version (forthcoming). For a study of Ashi, see Éric Pirart, L‘Aphrodite iranienne:
Étude de la déesse Ārti; Traduction annotée et édition critique des textes avestiques la
concernant (Paris: L‘Harmattan, 2006).
111 For example, see Yashts 17.6–14 and 13.107.
112 Yasht 13.107.
113 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:153, lines 291–93.
114 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:154, lines 297–98.
115 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:654, line 033.
116 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:154, lines 300–301.
117 Yasht 14.3
118 Yasht 14.23.
119 Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:63. Given the ancient proto-Aryan roots of Verethraghna
[see Paul Thieme, ―The ‗Aryan‘ Gods of the Mitanni Treaties,‖ Journal of the American Oriental
Society 80, no.4 (1960): 312-14)], we might suppose that the recurrent motifs of rams, mountain
goats, wild boars, and birds of prey (or just their wings) in the art of ancient Iran from pre-
historic times to the Sasanian era represent the ancient warrior-god Verethraghna. For some
images of these motifs from pre-historic times to Sasanian era, see Ghirshman, Perse: Proto-
iraniens, Mèdes, Achéménides (Paris: Gallimard, 1963), 25, pl. 25; 32, pl. 34; 33, 34, pl. 37; 35,
188
pl. 40; 36, pl. 43; 40; 58; 67; 78; 94, pl. 124; 97, pl. 128; 96, pl. 125; 107, pl. 138; 113, pl. 148;
115; 116; 249; 251; 254; 255; and Ghirshman, Iran: Parthes et Sassanides, 1, pl. 2; 31; 101; pl.
114; 111; 187; 189, pls. 231–32; 194–95; 200; 206–7; 255; 218; 221; 228–29. In her article on
the representation of Verethraghna in Iranian art, Parivash Jamzadeh only refers to the forms of
hero, eagle (falcon), wild boar, and fire (which is not included in the ten avatars of Verethraghna
mentioned in the hymn dedicated to this deity) as avatars of Verethraghna in Seleucid, Parthian,
and Sasanian arts. See Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Bahr m, ii., Representation in Iranian Art.‖
120 Yashts 14.34–40 and 16.42–46.
121 Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:62n267. Another allusion to Verethraghna‘s help to
voyagers in the Shāhnāma may be found in the story of Rustam‘s second trial, in which Rustam,
extremely hot and thirsty in the middle of the desert and unable to find water, asks God for help.
At this point, a mountain sheep suddenly appears and leads Rustam to a water spring. See
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 2:23–24, lines 302–17.
122 See below, pp. 158–64.
123 For the role of Verethraghna (Middle Persian, Wahr m; New Persian, Bahr m) at the end of
time, see Carlo G. Cereti, ed. and trans., The Zand Wahman Yasn: A Zoroastrian Apocalypse
(Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1995), 165, chap. 8.1. For the names of
deities whom Ahura Mazda sends to help Pešōtan, see Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 164, chap.
7.28.
124 Cf. Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 41, 3.16; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 73, 4.18; and
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:154, line 302.
125 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:154–55, lines 306–14
126 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:155, lines 315–16.
127 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 33–35, 2.16–18; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 69, 3.16–19.
189
128
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:156, lines 337–38.
129 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:154, line 305.
130 Harold Walter Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-Century Books, rev. ed. (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1971), 139–41.
131 Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems, 141–47.
132 See below, pp. 158–64.
133 Yasht 19.66 and 19.92.
134 Yasht 19.22–23. The meaning of farr has been the subject of much discussion in modern
scholarship. For a general study and review of different opinions, see Gherardo Gnoli‘s article in
Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Farr(ah).‖ For a chronological study of the concept of farr, see
Abolala Soudavar, The Aura of Kings: Legitimacy and Divine Sanction in Iranian Kingship
(Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2003).
135 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:155, lines 323–24.
136 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:155–56, lines 325–27.
137 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:656, line 029. Ardav n‘s minister‘s concern about Ardashīr‘s milking
the sheep is not mentioned in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r.
138 Philippe Gignoux and Ahmad Tafazzoli, eds. and trans. Anthologie de Zādspram: Édition
critique du texte pehlevi traduit et commenté (Paris: Association pour l‘Avancement des Études
Iraniennes, 1993), 60–61, chap. 6.1; Persian trans., Muḥammad-Taqī R shid-Muḥaṣṣil, Guz da-
hā-yi Zādspram (Tehran: Mu‘assisa-i muṭ li‗ t va taḥqīq t-i farhangī, 1366/1987), chap. 6.1.
139 Dēnkard 7, 2.46–47, as cited in Ᾱmūzgar, Usṭ ra-i zindig -i Zardusht, 67. For the Pahlavi text
and French translation of this passage, see Marijan Molé, La légende de Zoroastre selon les
textes pehlevis (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1967), 22–23.
140 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:157, lines 344–48; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158, line 357.
190
141
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:157, lines 353.
142 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:160–89, lines 398–781.
143 Cf. Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:815–22; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:7–22; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am ,
612–18; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:349 –52; Dīnawarī, Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 44–45; Ibn al-
Balkhī, Fārs-nāma, 60; Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 478–80; Nihāyat al-arab, 177–83; Tajārib al-umam,
177–80.
144 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:819; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:14; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 616; Ibn al-
Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:351; Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 480; and Mujmal al-tavār kh, 60.
145 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:169, line 516: چ ایي ظاقزبى ثهی یبظگیؽ
146 Firdausī‘s accounts of Ardashīr‘s battles correspond closely (but not exactly) with the
Kārnāmag Ardaš r.
147 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158, lines 367–68.
148 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158, lines 369–71.
149 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:149, line 234; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:157, lines 343–45; and Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:158, lines 359–60.
150 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:149, line 232.
151 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:157, lines 343–48; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158, lines 359–63.
152 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:157, line 345; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158, line 360.
153 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:159, lines 376–82.
154 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:160, line 398.
155 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:161, lines 404–10; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:163, lines 426–31.
156 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:163, lines 428–29.
157 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 43, 3.22; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 73–75, 5.1–2.
158 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 49, 4.14; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 77, 5.13.
191
159
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:166, line 468.
160 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:169, lines 510–11.
161 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 51, 5.1; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 79, 6.1.
162 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 53 –55, 5.11; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 81, 6.9.
163 Cf. Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 51–53, 5.2–6; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 79–81, 2–5;
and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:166–67, lines 470–90.
164 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:168, line 495.
165 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:168, lines 496–98.
166 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:168–69, lines 503–9.
167 In classical Persian literature, the metaphor ―the king‘s eyes and ears‖ is often used to refer to
the king‘s spies, a metaphor which might be connected with the hymn to the Zoroastrian divinity
Mithra, who, with his one thousand eyes and one thousand ears, watches over the pact made
between Ahura Mazda and Ahriman. See Yasht 10.7.
168 According to the Letter of Tansar, Gushnasp the ruler of Ṭabarist n criticized Ardashīr for his
excessive use of spies. See Nāma-i Tansar, 71; trans., Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 49–50.
169 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 53, 9–10; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 81, 8–9.
170 Cf. Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 55–87; Grenet, Lat geste d‘Ardash r, 81–95; Ṭabarī,
Ta‘r kh, 2:817 and 820; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:9 –10 and 5:16; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 614
and 617; Mujmal al-tavār kh, 60; and Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 103; trans.,
Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Ta‘ríkh-i-Guzída or Select History, 36.
171 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:170–71, lines 528–539.
172 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:170, line 528. Cf. Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 54, 6.1; and
Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 81, 7.1. Farahvashī reads this name as ―haft n buxt,‖ but Grenet
reads it as ―Haftow d.‖ The Kārnāmag Ardaš r does not offer any meaning for this name.
192
173
For a review of different opinions and references, see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Haftv d.‖
174 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:172, lines 549–56.
175 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:172–75, lines 557–89.
176 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:173–74, lines 571–79.
177 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:175, line 590.
178 Walter Bruno Henning, ―Ein persischer Titel im altaramäischen,‖ in Memoriam Paul Kahle,
(Berlin: Alfred Töpelmann, 1968), 138–45, repr. ed., in W. B. Henning Selected Papers, ed.
Mary Boyce, Vol. 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977).
179 Henning, ―Ein persischer Title im altaramäischen,‖ 140–42.
180 Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 34.
181 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:170, line 518.
182 Mohl, Le livre des rois, 5:iv–v. Recent studies too refer to the connection between this tale
and the introduction of sericulture to Iran. See Sara Kuehn, The Dragon in Medieval East
Christian and Islamic Art (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 7.
183 James Darmesteter, Études iraniennes, vol. 2, Études sur la langue, la littérature, les
croyances de la Perse ancienne (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1883), 83. For other interpretations and
suggested historical backgrounds for this tale see Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Haftv d.‖ Also
see Abbas Daneshvari, Of Serpents and Dragons in Islamic Art: An Iconographical Study (Costa
Mesa, CA: Mazda, 2011), 49–50.
184 For a study of the development of the concept of world Saviours in Zoroastrianism, see Almut
Hinze, ―The Rise of the Saviour in the Avesta,‖ in Iran und Turfan: Beiträge Berliner
Wissenschaftler, Werner Sundermann zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet, ed. Christiane Reck and
Peter Zieme (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995), 77–90. For the periods of world history in
Zoroastrianism, see Andres Hultgård, ―Mythe et histoire dans l‘Iran ancien: Étude de quelques
193
thèmes dans le Bahman Yašt,‖ in Apocalyptique iranienne et dualism qoumrânien, ed. Geo
Widengren, Andres Hultgård, and Marc Philonenko (Paris: Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve,
1995), 85–96; Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:285–93; Mary Boyce, ―On the Antiquity of
Zoroastrian Apocalyptic,‖ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of
London 47, no. 1 (1984): 57–75; and Mahnaz Moazami, ―Millennialism, Eschatology, and
Messianic Figures in Iranian Tradition,‖ Journal of Millennial Studies 2, no. 2 (2000): 1–16.
185 For example, see Zand-Ᾱkās h, 277, chap. 33.15; Bundahish, 140, sec. 215; Cereti, Zand
Wahman Yasn, 152, chap. 3.25; and Dēnkard, bk. 4, as cited in Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn,
182.
186 Zand-Ᾱkās h, 183, chap. 22.4; and Bundahish, 98, sec. 143. Also see Boyce, History of
Zoroastrianism, 1:90; and Mahnaz Moazami, ―Evil Animals in Zoroastrian Religion,‖ History of
Religions 44, no. 4 (May 2005): 300–317.
187 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:186, line 682–83.
188 Zand-Ᾱkās h, 281, chap. 33.32; and Bundahish, 142, sec. 219.
189 A. V. Williams, trans., The Pahlavi Rivāyat Accompanying the Dādestān Dēn g, 2 pts.
(Copenhagen: Munksgard, 1990), 2:81, chap. 48.26.
190 Dēnkard 7, 5.9, as cited in Ᾱmūzgar, Usṭ ra-i zindig -i Zardusht, 104. For the Pahlavi text
and its French translation, see Molé, La légende de Zoroastre, 64 and 65, sec. 9.
191 Hinz, Altiranische Funde und Forschungen, 126, 127, pl. 60, and 131, pl. 64.
192 Zand-Ᾱkās h, 291, chap. 34.28, 30; Bundahish, 148, sec. 227; Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn,
166, chap. 8.2; and Williams, Pahlavi Rivāyat, 2:87, chap. 48.94; Gignoux, Anthologie de
Zādspram, 120–121, chap. 34.34; Persian trans., R shid-Muḥaṣṣil, Guz da-hā-yi Zādspram,
chap. 34.34.
193 Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 156, chap. 4.41; and 157, chap. 4.62.
194
194
Bah r‘s Persian translation of this line reads: ―Ᾱn dur j-i āz-tukhma rā ki mār ast, bā
khrafstarān nāb d kunad‖ (... will destroy that dr j that is from the seed of Greed and is a snake,
along with the khrafstras). See Bundahishn, 142, sec. 219. Anklesaria, however, reads ―az-
tôkhma‖ instead of ―āz-tôkhma‖ and translates the line as ―the ‗druj‘ of the race-of-the-dragon
will-perish.‖ See Zand-Ᾱkās h, 281, chap. 33.32.
195 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:172, lines 550–51.
196 Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:62–63.
197 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:172, lines 548, 549, and 551.
198 R. C. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (New York: G. P. Putnam‘s Sons,
1961), 230–31.
199 For the term nigahdār in reference to the girl, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:174, line 581.
200 For this part of the tale in the Shāhnāma, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:186, lines 744–48.
201 Zand-Ᾱkās h, 289, chap. 34.18–19; Bundahish, 147, sec. 225; Williams, Pahlavi Rivāyat,
2:84, chap. 48.70–72.
202 Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 152, chap. 3.25. Also mentioned in Dēnkard, bk. 4, as cited in
Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 183. That the ordeal of molten metal was performed on Adūrb d ī
Mahrspand n is also mentioned in the Pahlavi text of Ardāv rāf-nāma, but with no reference to
Sh pūr. See Zh la Āmūzg r, ed. and trans., Ardāv rāf-nāma (Ardāv rāz-nāma) (Tehran: Mu‗īn
and Institut Français de Rechereche en Iran, 1382/2003), chap. 1, sec. 10. Ardāv rāf-nāma is the
account about the journey to the other world of a Zoroastrian priest, known as the righteous
Vīr f/Vīr z. According to the narrative, Vīr f travelled to the other world in order to find out
whether the religion practised at the time was right or wrong and in order to remove any doubts
about religious duties. Although there is no mention of Ardashīr in the Pahlavi text of Ardāv rāf-
nāma, according to the extant New Persian versions of the account, which are available in both
195
prose and verse, it was Ardashīr who wanted to ensure that the religion he promoted was right,
and it was him who ordered that the most righteous man be selected for the task of traveling to
the other world to confirm the authenticity of the religion practised under his reign. The New
Persian versions of Ardāv rāf-nāma, which portray Ardashīr as doubtful about the religion of the
time, do not conform to the portrayal of Ardashīr in the Pahlavi texts, which represent him as a
king who rose to restore the Good Religion. Modern scholars have drawn attention to the
differences between the Pahlavi and New Persian versions of Ardāv rāf-nāma, suggesting that
they represent different strands of Zoroastrianism. For Ardāv rāf-nāma in New Persian prose, see
Dariush Kargar, Ardāy-V rāf Nāma: Iranian Conceptions of the Other World (Uppsala: Uppsala
Universitet, 2009), 3–66 (Persian text); for a study on an extended New Persian version of the
text in verse, see Olga Yastrebova, ―The Influence of the Shahnama in the Extended Version of
Arday Virafnama by Zartusht Bahram,‖ in Shahnama Studies II: The Reception of Firdausi‘s
Shahnama, ed. Charles Melville and Gabrielle van den Berg (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 79–100. For
differences between the Pahlavi and New Persian versions of Ardāv rāf-nāma, see Bijan Gheiby,
―Ard Vīr z N mag: Some Critical Remarks,‖ Nāme-ye Irān-e Bāstān: The International
Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies 1, no. 1 (2001): 3–16; and Kargar, Ardāy-V rāf Nāma, 169–
83.
203 Nāma-i Tansar, 55, 68; trans., Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 36, 47.
204 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:180, lines 654–664.
205 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:181, lines 672–74.
206 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:181, lines 678–79.
207 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:182, line 689; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:186, lines 743–47.
196
208
Zand-Ᾱkās h, 289, chap. 34.18–19; and Bundahish, 147, sec. 225. According to the Pahlavi
Rivāyat, the divine entity who melts the metal is Shahrīwar. See Williams, Pahlavi Rivāyat, 2:84,
chap. 48.70.
209 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:184, lines 717–18; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:186, line 743, and Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:188, line 774. In the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, the names of Ardashīr‘s hosts are Burzag
and Ᾱtūr Burzag. See Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 69, 7.2; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r,
87, 8.7.―Ᾱtūr‖ in the name of Ᾱtūr Burzag may refer to the deity Ᾱtar (Fire), who helps to melt
metals.
210 Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 55–56.
211 Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism, 1:261.
212 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:183–84, lines 709–16.
213 Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 163, chap. 7.19 and 164, chap. 7.28–29.
214 Cereti, Zand Wahman Yasn, 165, chap. 7.37; Zand-Ᾱkās h, 279, 32.28; and Bundahishn,
142, sec. 218.
215 Firdausī, Shāhnāma 6:188, line 773.
216 The abridged version of this tale in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r is evidence that Firdausī did not
invent this account.
217 For example, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:12, lines 113–14; Firdausī, Shāhnāma 3:289, lines
17–18; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 3:296, lines 134–41.
218 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:177–78, lines 621–26.
219 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:178, line 628.
220 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:178, line 600.
221 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:194–214, lines 15–294.
222 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214–23, lines 296–419.
197
223
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:223–28, lines 423–501.
224 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:230–37, lines 541–644.
225 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:194, lines 15–16.
226 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:194–96, lines 19–48.
227 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:196–97, lines 51–55.
228 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:197, lines 56–63.
229 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:824–25; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:24–25; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 619–
20; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:352–53; Dīnawarī, Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 45, Nihāyat al-arab,
183; Tajārib al-umam, 180. Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, who presents a summary of the account related
in the Shāhnāma, states that the minister did not execute the queen because Ardashīr had no son.
See Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 103. According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, the
minister thought it was inappropriate to kill a child of royal origin. See Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i
Ardash r, 99, 9.20; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 101, 10.14.
230 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:197, line 58.
231 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:197–98, lines 63–72.
232 Ardashīr orders that his own name be inscribed on one side and the name of his minister on
the other side of the coins. See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:203–4, lines 151–52. According to
Dīnawarī, Ardashīr ordered that the face of the minister be engraved on coins. See Dīnawarī,
Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 46. Dīnawarī‘s reference provides further evidence for Michael Alram, who
argues against the commonly-held belief that the two images on a particular series of Ardashīr
coinage, known as ―throne-successor‖ coins, depict Ardashīr and his crown prince, Sh pūr.
Alram suggests that the image of the young beardless man on these coins might belong to a
eunuch priest not Sh pūr, an idea that agrees with the account about Ardashīr‘s castrated high
priest/minister related in the Shāhnāma and other historical sources. As mentioned by Alram,
198
scholars have not been able to decipher the name of the beardless person inscribed on the coins.
According to the Shāhnāma, the minister‘s name is Gir n-khv r, which is a rather unusual name,
as it means ―gluttonous‖ (See Lughat-nāma-i Dihkhudā, s.v. ―gir n-khv r‖). If this name is a
corrupted form of a Middle Persian name, perhaps it could help the experts to decipher the name
on the coins. See Michael Alram, ―Ardashīr‘s Eastern Campaign and the Numismatic Evidence,‖
Proceedings of the British Academy 133 (2007): 236–37.
233 Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 103; trans., Ḥamdull h Mustaufī, Ta‘ríkh-i-Guzída or
Select History, 36. Ni m al-Mulk (d. 485/1092) too refers to the Barmakid family as descents of
Ardashīr‘s minister. See Ni m al-mulk, Siyar al-mul k (Siyāsat-nāma), ed. Hubert Darke
(Tehran: Bung h-i tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1340/1962), 219; Ni m al-Mulk, The Book of
Government or Rules for Kings: The Siyar al-Muluk or Siyasat-nama of Nizam al-Mulk, trans.
Hubert Darke, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 174.
234 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 101–3, 10.1–6; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 103, 11.1–5.
235 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:198–99, lines 77–88. The account about Ardashīr‘s emotional
experience on the hunting field, which is related in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, does not appear in
Bertle‘s, Mohl‘s, or Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s editions of the Shahnama, nor does it seem to have been
recorded in any of the manuscripts that were consulted for these editions. It does, however,
appear in a nineteenth-century illustrated manuscript of the Shāhnāma preserved in the
Government Museum in Alwar, India (ms. ACC 114). See my paper, ―A Unique Episode from
the Kārnāmag Ardaš r Ardash r i Pābagān in a Nineteenth-Century Illustrated Indian
Manuscript of the Shāhnāma,‖ in ―Pre-Islamic Iranian Literary Heritage,‖ ed. Enrico Raffaelli,
special issue, Iranian Studies 45, no. 2 (2012): 203–16. After my article was published, I came
across a similar account in the Marzbān-nāma, but with no reference to Ardashīr. See below,
p. 302.
199
236
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:203, line 138.
237 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:164, lines 452–53.
238 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:823; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:24; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 619; Ibn al-
Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:352; Dīnawarī, Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 45, Nihāyat al-arab, 183; and
Tajārib al-umam, 180.
239 According to the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, Ardashīr knowingly marries Ardav n‘s daughter, but
no reason is given for it. See Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 49, 4.16; Grenet, La geste
d‘Ardash r, 77, 5.13.
240 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:832; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:41; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 626–27; Ibn
al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:355. Ṭabarī, Bal‗amī, and Ibn al-Athīr seem to be the only
historians who relate this story. The Shāhnāma closely corresponds with Kārnāmag Ardaš r in
relating this account except that, in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r, Sh pūr appears very rude in his first
encounter with the girl. In the Shāhnāma, however, Sh pūr behaves properly when he first meets
the girl. This difference points to Firdausī‘s attention to details and his desire to represent the
crown prince as a young man with noble manners. Cf. Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 119,
12.1–24; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 111, 13.1–22; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:208, lines 212–
13.
241 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:209, lines 229–30.
242 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:209–10, lines 238–42.
243 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:210, lines 244–48.
244 See Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 109, 10.15; Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 107, 11.14.
245 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:201, lines 111–15.
246 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:201, line 118; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:202, lines 122–23.
247 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:202, lines 124–28.
200
248
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:202, lines 130–32.
249 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:210–11, lines 250–60.
250 Other historians relate similar accounts about Ardashīr‘s recognizing Sh pūr and Ūrmazd. For
their reports on Sh pūr and Ūrmazd respectively, see Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:825, 2:832–33; trans.,
Ṭabarī, History, 5:26–27, 5:41–42; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 620–21, 627; Ibn al-Athīr, al-
Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:353, 1:355; and Dīnawarī, Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, 46.
251 For Sh pūr‘s education, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:203, lines 147–50; and for that of Ūrmazd,
see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:210, line 251. The reference to Ūrmazd‘s schooling is implied in the
verse in which Firdausī relates that the young boy was tired of [too much] learning.
252 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:204, lines 160–61.
253 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:205, lines 170–74.
254 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:205–6, lines 181–84.
255 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:206, lines 189–96.
256 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:207–13, lines 201–93.
257 Ṭabarī Ta‘r kh, 2:831–32; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:40–41; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 626–
27; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:355.
258 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:832–33; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:42; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 627; Ibn
al-Athīr, al-Kāmil f al-tār kh, 1:355.
259 Except for subtle differences, Firdausī‘s account corresponds with the Kārnāmag Ardaš r.
See Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 111–35; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 107–15.
260 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:12, lines 113–14.
261 Meisami, Persian Historiography, 53; Meisami, ―Šâh-nâma as a Mirror for Princes,‖ 266; and
Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 263.
262 Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 253 and 265.
201
263
Meisami, ―The Past in Service of the Present,‖ 262–65; and Meisami, Persian
Historiography, 52–53.
264 Yarshater, ―Iranian National History,‖ 366, 369.
265 For example, see Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam, 48–49.
202
Chapter Three
The Wisdom of Ardashīr and His Advices in the Shāhnāma
The second part of the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma portrays Ardashīr as a wise king, who
successfully organized and maintained his kingship. This image of Ardashīr is presented through
his customs and practice (āy n), his throne speech or advice (andarz) to dignitaries, and his
testament (‗ahd) to his son, Sh pūr. In what follows Ardashīr‘s āy n, andarz, and ‗ahd as
presented in the Shāhnāma and other medieval sources will be examined in order to demonstrate
how Firdausī‘s presentation of the wisdom literature attributed to Ardashīr differs from that of
others, and how he uses this material to impart lessons on kingship.
Firdausī introduces this section of the Ardashīr cycle, by enjoining the reader to learn
from Ardashīr‘s wisdom:
یک یبظگیؽ ث قطي ثه یک کى اؾ ضؽظهعی اؼظنیؽ
Now hear the words of wisdom (khiradmand ) of Ardashīr,
And keep each one of them in mind.1
Throughout his presentation of Ardashīr‘s āy n, andarz, and ‗ahd, Firdausī urges the
reader to pay attention and learn, a clear indication that he intended to teach, not to merely record
historical documents. As shall be demonstrated in this chapter, this is a major point of difference
between Firdausī‘s presentation of the advice and wisdom literature attributed to Ardashīr and
that of other medieval authors.
203
rd sh r s Custom and Practice (āy n)
The term āy n is the New Persian form of the Middle Persian term ēwēn, which means
―manner, custom, form, propriety.‖2 As we are informed by the Pahlavi and medieval Arabic
sources, āy n-nāma/ēwēn-nāmag (book of customs/manners) was a generic title applied to
Pahlavi works and treatises that described a variety of customs and protocols, such as the
customs of royal courts, state administration, the rules of war, royal sports, as well as religious
customs and ceremonies.3 Unfortunately, no āy n-nāma has survived in its entirety in the Pahlavi
language. But, we know from the medieval Arabic sources that some of these Pahlavi works
were translated into Arabic in the early Islamic era.4 It appears that Ardashīr‘s customs and
practice (āy n) in organizing the state constituted one of these surviving works.
In addition to the Shāhnāma, three other medieval sources have preserved Ardashīr‘s
āy n; although, with the exception of Firdausī, who uses the term āy n to refer to Ardashīr‘s
customs and practice, other medieval writers used different terms and titles for it.5 The Nihāyat
al-arab, which refers to Ardashīr‘s āy n with the title ―mā waḍa‗a Ardash r min uss al-mulk wa
mihnat al-sulṭān‖ (what Ardashīr established regarding the foundation of kingship and the task
of the king),6 uses the term tadb r (wisdom/management) in reference to Ardashīr‘s specific
customs and practices in different areas of the government, for example, the tadb r in hiring
scribes.7 The Tajārib al-umam, a twelfth-century Persian translation/adaptation of the Nihāyat
al-arab, uses the term ‗ādat (custom) to refer to Ardashīr‘s customs and practice.8 The third
source, identified and introduced by Mario Grignaschi as Āy n li-Ardash r (Ardashīr‘s Āy n),9 did
not have a title of its own, but, since its opening sentence was similar to the title of a work on
Ardashīr‘s customs and practice listed by the medieval bibliographer Ibn al-Nadīm (d. 380/990–
91) in his al-Fihrist, Grignaschi entitled it Āy n li-Ardash r.10
The work that Ibn al-Nadīm refers
204
to is Kitāb mā amara Ardash r bi-istikhrājih min khazā‘in al-kutub allat waḍa‗ahā al- ukamā‘
f al-tadb r (The book that Ardashīr had ordered to be extracted from the treasury of books that
the sages had composed on wisdom/management).11
The opening sentence of Grignaschi‘s text
reads: ―…[Ardashīr] amara bi-istikhrāj kitāb al-da‗a wa tadb r al-maṭā‗im wa al-mashārib min
khazā‘in al-kutub …‖ (... [Ardashīr] ordered that the book of composure and the customs of
eating and drinking be extracted from the libraries …).12
According to Grignaschi, the manuscript that contains Āy n li-Ardash r was copied in the
sixteenth or seventeenth century from a twelfth-century work, which contained several other
treatises from the eighth or ninth century.13
Āy n li-Ardash r mostly deals with protocols to be
observed by different classes of society, especially the nobility. For example, what should be
done at different times of the day, what should be worn according to social rankings, how people
of different classes should interact with each other, how women and boys should be treated, and
detailed guidelines concerning the decorum to be observed at official banquets. Aside from a
short paragraph in the Nihāyat al-arab, entitled ―Dhikr mā kāna min tadb r Ardash r f ta n fih
ahl al-mamlaktih (On Ardashīr‘s wisdom regarding the classification of the people of his
kingdom),14
which briefly refers to some of the topics discussed in Āy n li-Ardash r, most of the
information found in this text does not appear in the other sources that contain Ardashīr‘s āy n.
This suggests that the extant āy ns of Ardashīr are only parts of a larger work, which has not
survived in its entirety. The evidence that supports this is a report given by the medieval
historian Mas‗ūdī (d. 345/956–57) about an āy n-nāma, which he renders in Arabic as kitāb al-
rus m (book of customs), that was in the possession of Zoroastrian priests and nobles and that
amounted to thousands of pages.15
Medieval authors such as Tha‗ libī, Ibn al-Balkhī, and Abū
‗Alī Miskūya (Miskawayh) also refer to the large size of Ardashīr‘s wisdom and advice
literature.16
205
The topics covered by Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma are presented in the following
order: Ardashīr‘s customs and practice concerning the army, the scribal class (dab rs), the local
governors, war, the reception of foreign delegates, the construction of new cities, bankrupt
individuals, grievances, and the taxes of regions that suffer from drought and other disasters.17
These topics are discussed in the same order, but with minor differences in details, in both the
Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam. The similarity of the materials covered in these works and
the same order of their presentation point to a common source.
It must be noted, however, that one additional topic not found in the Shāhnāma is
discussed in both the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam. It concerns Ardashīr‘s effort to
protect people against oppressive local governors and tax functionaries by appointing jurists in
all provinces to settle disputes and prevent transgressions. According to the Nihāyat al-arab and
Tajārib al-umam, Ardashīr personally interviewed the most devout, knowledgeable, experienced,
and well-reputed scholars of religion and sent them to all districts of his realm, where he had
appointed local rulers and tax functionaries (al-jibāt wa al-umarā‘ wa a āb al-bard/umarā‘ va
a āb-i kharāj), so that they would ensure that justice was maintained and people were not
oppressed.18
The use of Islamic terms, such as qużāt (judges), ‗ulamā (scholars of religion), and
ahl al-fiqh (jurists), in reference to the judges selected indicates that this topic was probably a
later Islamic addition to Ardashīr‘s āy n. According to the Shāhnāma, prior to sending local
rulers (kārdār) to provinces, Ardashīr himself briefed them on proper conduct and maintaining
justice, and he inquired about their performance through local people who came to visit the
court.19
As we shall see in the discussion of Ardashīr‘s advice (andarz) to dignitaries, Firdausī
did not include in his work concepts that did not suit a Muslim context, but it seems that he did
not add Islamic-era concepts to his work either.
206
The Army
As described in the Shāhnāma, in order to expand his army, Ardashīr ordered that all
families educate their sons in the arts of battle, such as riding (suvār ) and using the mace (gurz),
bow (kamān), and arrow (t r-i khadang).20
After the boys mastered these skills, they were
supposed to go to the royal court (dargāh-i shāh) to have their names registered by the army
registrar (‗ariż).21
When these young soldiers were sent to battle, Ardashīr would assign a priest
(m bad) to every thousand soldiers to watch over them and report on their performance.22
Those
who excelled would receive great recompense and robes of honour (khil‗at) from Ardashīr.23
These generous rewards, as stated in the Shāhnāma, would encourage those who did not perform
well to work harder.24
In this way, Ardashīr managed to form an extremely large army.25
According to his āy n, Ardashīr raised the ranks of the wise (rāy-zan) soldiers.26
He also offered
robes of honour (khil‗at-i shahriyār) to those who sought to satisfy the king (khushn d -i shāh
just) and demonstrated great courage in the battlefield.27
The Scribal Class
Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma also describes the particular attention Ardashīr devoted
to the position of dab rs—scribal officials, such as writers of official correspondence,
accountants, judicial secretaries, chroniclers, and copyists.28
According to the āy n, posts in the
d vān (government financial and administrative offices) were not given to the uneducated (b -
dānishān). Also, Ardashīr had informers (kār-āgahān) in his d vān to report to him on the
performance of the dab rs.29
Based on the reports he received, Ardashīr would increase the salary
(r z ) of those who were skilful in the use of language and had good penmanship (balāghat
nigah dāshtand va khaṭṭ).30
Those who were less qualified were sent to work for local governors
(kār-dārān).31
As stated in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr had very high regard for his dab rs because
the prosperity of his realm, the strength of his military, and the welfare of people depended on
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their work.32
Ardashīr trusted the judgement of his dab rs and acted based on their opinion
(rāy).33
Local Governors
According to the Shāhnāma, when Ardashīr assigned a local governor (kārdār) to a
province, he encouraged him to make the country prosperous (ābād) by maintaining justice
(dād).34
He advised the local governors to uphold honesty (rāst ) and wisdom (farzānig ) and to
avoid greed (āz) and evil-doing (d vānig ).35
The local governors were not allowed to take their
family and relatives (payvand va khvishān) with them, and were asked not to take any more
companions (yār) than the retinue (sipāh) that Ardashīr had already sent along with them.36
Ardashīr also advised them to give monthly alms to the poor (darv sh) and not to be benevolent
to the evil-minded (bad-and sh).37
To ensure that local governors performed their duties
properly, whenever people from the provinces came to the royal court, Ardashīr‘s agents asked
them about the performance of their governors.38
These visitors were also asked to introduce the
knowledgeable (dānā), the pious (pārsā), and the sages (jahān-d da p r) of their local areas, so
that they could be brought to the royal court, where their knowledge and wisdom could be put to
good use.39
As stated in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr not only sought the expertise of the old (p r),
but also looked for young men who were knowledgeable (dānā), patient (burdbār), and eager-to-
learn (dānish-paz r) for employment at his court.40
The War
Prior to sending his troops to war, Ardashīr would send a wise (khiradmand) and
knowledgeable (bā-dānish) scribe (dab r) along with a well-written (bih-āy n) and flattering
(charb) letter to his opponent to encourage him to surrender without fighting—a further purpose
of sending the envoy was to collect information on the adversary.41
If the opponent responded
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positively, Ardashīr would send him a robe of honour (khil‗at-i shahriyār) and official
documents (‗ahd va mansh r) recognizing the opponent as a new vassal. He would also send the
new vassal a pair of earrings (g shvār), which was a symbol of obedience to the king.42
But, if
the opponent did not surrender, Ardashīr would wage war against him.43
Before war, Ardashīr would distribute money in his army to satisfy the soldiers.44
Then,
he would assign a wise (khiradmand), courageous (pahlavān), and well-mannered (bih-āy n)
scribe (dab r) to watch over the troops and ensure that they would not plunder or mistreat
innocent people.45
Ardashīr‘s representative also took note of those who escaped from the
battlefield; those soldiers would be dismissed from the military, imprisoned, or executed.46
The
scribe would also advise the commander-in-chief (sālār) to embolden the soldiers by his
provocative words.47
Another important duty of the scribe was to advise the commander-in-chief
about the proper placement and function of the vanguard (ṭalāya), the elephant infantry, the left
wing (maysara) and the right wing (maymana), the centre (qalbgāh), and the supplies (buna).48
The scribe also would advise the commander-in-chief to avoid bloodshed when the enemy
withdrew or surrendered.49
The commander-in-chief was supposed to give quarter (zinhāhr) and
avoid vengeance (k na); yet, he had to beware of possible surprise attacks.50
He was also
instructed to distribute the spoils of war (ghan mat) among those who fought courageously.51
According to the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, one-fifth (khums) of the spoils of war
was to be put aside for the king, and the rest distributed among the soldiers.52
This instruction,
which is not mentioned in the Shāhnāma, seems to be another Islamic-era addition.
Finally, according to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, a new city (shārstān) was to be
built for the accommodation of prisoners of war (as r).53
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Foreign Delegates
As may be inferred from Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s custom of
receiving foreign dignitaries was designed to inspire them with awe. Frontier guards (marzbān)
were aware of the upcoming visits of foreign envoys (firistāda) and never underestimated (khvār
nagzāsht ) such matters.54
The envoy‘s accommodation, food, clothing, and everything else that
he needed to make his way to the royal court were pre-arranged.55
As soon as local governors
would find out the purpose of the envoy‘s visits (ki bar chi āmad bar-i shahriyār), a scribe
(dab r) would immediately bring the information to Ardashīr, so that the court could prepare for
the visit.56
Ardashīr would have his turquoise throne (takht-i p r za) and the military (sipāh)
prepared for the visit, and the courtiers (parastanda) would dress in golden (bi-zar āzda) attire to
receive the envoy.57
The envoy would be seated near the king‘s throne, and Ardashīr would ask him about the
customs and practice (āy n), army (lashkar), justice (dād), and injustice (b dād) in his country.58
According to the Nihāyat al-arab and the Tajārib al-umam, Ardashīr would ask the envoys what
they thought of his kingdom, its buildings, and its people.59
These questions do not seem to fit
the portrayal of Ardashīr in the medieval sources, as he is often depicted as being keen in
gathering information about others. Firdausī‘s description of Ardashīr‘s questions to the envoys,
which is more consistent with the depiction of Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma, points to his attention
to detail.
As described in the Shāhnāma, the envoy would be seated on a golden throne (takht-i
zarr n) and served food and wine (khvān va may).
60 Ardashīr and his entourage would also take
their guest on the hunt (nakhch r).61
Finally, on his departure, the envoy would receive a robe of
honour (khil‗at-i shahriyār) as a gift.62
Ardashīr‘s royal treatment of foreign envoys and his
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boasting of his wealth and power would not only impress the envoys, but also intimidate their
respective rulers, who received the reports of their visits to Ardashīr‘s empire. This point is
clearly expressed by the authors of the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, who mention that
the reports of the envoys inspired awe and fear (haybat/ru‗b) in the hearts of foreign rulers and
made them obedient to Ardashīr.63
Construction of New Cities
As described in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr sent the Zoroastrian priests (m badān) all over
the country to oversee the building of new cities for the accommodation of the poor. The poor
were provided with not only housing (jāygāh-i nishast) but also food (khurish). The purpose of
this custom was to increase the subject population (tā farāvān shavad z rdast).64
This custom of
Ardashīr would encourage people to stay and work in his kingdom.
Bankrupted Individuals
According to the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s informers (kār-āgahān) reported to him if a
wealthy man (māya-dār) went bankrupt (b -māya), so that the king might assist him to rebuild
his fortune. This would be done secretly in order to protect the reputation of the individual.65
As
part of his assistance to those who were bankrupt, Ardashīr would provide for the education of
their children (k dakash rā bi farhangiyān sipurd ), a custom that points to the importance of
education for the prosperity of the empire.66
As mentioned in the āy n, Ardashīr built schools
(dabistān) and fire temples (khān-i ātash-parastān), which were also centres of religious
learning, in every district.67
As shall be discussed below, according to the Arabic texts of
Ardashīr‘s testament, Ardashīr advised his successors to help the wealthy to maintain their social
status. The rationale given for this was that if people of higher classes of society lost their fortune
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and were moved to lower classes, they would hold grudges against their former peers, and this
could eventually threaten the ruling power.
As stated in the Shāhnāma, unless people kept their hardship secret (magar dāsht sakht -
i khv sh rāz), no one in Ardashīr‘s kingdom had to live in need (niyāz).
68 This point highlights the
importance of providing for all groups of people in society, so that everyone might contribute to
the prosperity of the kingdom.
Addressing Grievances
According to the āy n, regardless of their social status, all individuals who had grievances
were to go to the main square (maydān) to seek justice from Ardashīr, who personally heard
people‘s complaints every morning.69
The outcome of this custom was that Ardashīr‘s subjects
were happy (shād) and his entire kingdom was prosperous (ābād).70
Taxes
As described in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s wise (khiradmand) and vigilant (b dār)
informers, whom he had sent all over his kingdom, would report to him if a particular region
suffered from drought and poor harvest. In such cases, Ardashīr would abolish the taxes on that
land (kharāj andar ān b m bardāsht ). He would also provide farmers of that region with
farming supplies and animals (ālat va chār-pāy) in order to help them survive.71
Ardashīr‘s āy n, in general, conveys the idea that, in order to successfully organize his
state, the king must give utmost priority to the strength of the military, the wisdom and
knowledge of the government financial and administrational officers, and the satisfaction of the
subjects. To ensure that these priorities were in place, the ruler had to have accurate knowledge
about what was going on in his realm, and that knowledge could not be gained but through the
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reports of informers. We know that Ardashīr was even criticized for his excessive use of spies.72
Ardashīr‘s custom of using spies everywhere is clearly expressed in his āy n in the Shāhnāma:
كؽااى قطي ظؼ بى ظانزی ث ؽخبی کبؼآگبى ظانزی
[Ardashīr] knew many secrets (sukhan dar nihān).
He had spies (kār-āgahān) everywhere.73
It is noteworthy that while the Shāhnāma version of Ardashīr‘s āy n provides information
about his customs and practice concerning all classes of society, from the army to the scribes and
the subjects, it does not provide any information about his policy towards religious authorities.
The information given in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam about Ardashīr‘s
appointment of ‗ulamā‘ (scholars of religion) and ahl al-fiqh (jurists) does not provide much
insight into this matter. In Grignaschi‘s opinion, the reason for the lack of information about the
Zoroastrian religious institution in Ardashīr‘s āy n might be that Muslim historians and
translators of the Sasanian chronicles intentionally did not include in their works any information
that had to with the Zoroastrian religion.74
As we shall see in the discussion of Ardashīr‘s
testament (‗ahd) to his son, a religious institution does not seem to have existed during the reign
of Ardashīr. This might explain the reason for the lack of any information about religious
institutions in Ardashīr‘s āy n.
In his description of Ardashīr‘s āy n, Firdausī repeatedly urges the reader to heed and
learn from Ardashīr‘s wisdom. The first time, as noted above, is just before he starts describing
Ardashīr‘s āy n. The second time, he states:
اؾ ایي پعب یچ گ هگؽظ چ ضای ک هبی ر ثی ؼح ظؼظ
Do not deviate from these advices (pandhā) in any way,
If you want to stay [in power] without distress and pain. 75
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This verse appears at the end of the advice that Ardashīr‘s representative (scribe) gives to
the commander-in-chief just before war. So, while it reads as part of the advice given to the
commander-in-chief, it can also be read as Firdausī‘s own words trying to draw the attention of
the reader to what is being said. The third time, Firdausī states:
ظ ظچ پف اؾ هؽگ ا یبظگبؼی ث ي ا ظؼ خبى نؽیبؼی ث
If there is a ruler like him (i.e., Ardashīr) in the world,
The memory (yādgār) of him will remain after his death. 76
In the above-mentioned verse, Firdausī suggests that rulers should try to leave a good
name behind just like Ardashīr did. Finally, at the end of Ardashīr‘s āy n, Firdausī tells the ruler
to act like Ardashīr:
ظاؼخبى ؼا ثؽیي گ آثبظ ؾ ظاب قطي ثه ای نؽیبؼ
Listen (bishnau) to the words of the wise (dānā), O king!
Make the world prosperous (ābād) in this same manner (bar ng na). 77
―Dānā‖ (wise/knowledgeable) in the above-mentioned verse could refer both to the poet,
who is sharing Ardashīr‘s wisdom with the reader, and to Ardashīr himself as a wise king.
Firdausī‘s direct and indirect calls on the ruler to learn from Ardashīr‘s wisdom indicate that he
wanted the ruler to look up to Ardashīr as a model and emulate his deeds. These reminders are
not found in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, which contain a similar text of Ardashīr‘s
āy n. Whereas Firdausī highlights the importance of Ardashīr‘s āy n by his calls on the ruler to
learn from it, the other two works present Ardashīr‘s āy n without any particular emphasis on its
benefits to rulers.
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rd sh r s Throne Speech (andarz)
In the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr delivers two throne speeches. The first one, which is his
speech on accession, is delivered after his victory in the four major battles.78
In this very short
speech, Ardashīr, as a new king, promises to uphold justice. The medieval historian Mas‗ūdī (d.
345/956) reports that a part of Ardashīr‘s throne speech had survived to his time and he quotes it
in his work.79
Mas‗udī‘s citation is very similar to Ardashīr‘s accession speech in the Shāhnāma.
At the end of Mas‗ūdī‘s citation, Ardashīr tells the audience that his deeds will confirm his
words, that is, his promises to uphold justice will be fulfilled. This statement indicates that
Mas‗ūdī‘s citation was from a speech that Ardashīr had delivered at the beginning of his career,
and that Ardashīr‘s accession speech in the Shāhnāma was not fabricated by Firdausī.
The second throne speech, which is analysed here, is delivered after peace prevails in
Ardashīr‘s realm and everyone recognizes him as king of kings.80
In this speech, Ardashīr shares
his experiences with his high officials and local governors and gives them moral and pragmatic
advice. Ardashīr‘s second throne speech in the Shāhnāma may be divided into three parts. In the
first part, after praising God for having bestowed kingship upon him, Ardashīr describes his tax
policy. In the second part of the speech, Ardashīr advises his high officials on proper conduct.
Finally, in the third part, Ardashīr describes the responsibilities of the king and subjects towards
each other.
The general outline and many details of Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma
correspond with the text of the throne speech (khuṭba) preserved in the Nihāyat al-arab and
Tajārib al-umam.81
The first part of Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma is also very
similar to the short text of Ardashīr‘s throne speech preserved in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r.82
This
would point to the likelihood of a Sasanian origin for Ardashīr‘s throne speech. The Kārnāmag
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Ardaš r, the Shāhnāma, the Nihāyat al-arab, and its Persian translation, Tajārib al-umam, are the
only sources known to contain the text of Ardashīr‘s throne speech.
Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma begins with his call on the audience to regard
him as a role model:
طكزیي ؾ کبؼ هي اعاؾ گیؽ گػنز ثع یک هي ربؾ گیؽ
First of all, measure (andāza g r) [your deeds] against mine,
Consider my past good and bad [practices] to be current (tāza). 83
This advice, which does not appear in the other texts of Ardashīr‘s throne speech, seems to be
Firdausī‘s own words addressed to the ruler of the time to compare himself to Ardashīr.
To assert the legitimacy of his kingship, Ardashīr continues his speech by stating that
God bestowed kingship upon him because he sought help from Him.84
Then he talks about his
justice (dād) by referring to his cancellation of the tithe (dah yik) on land and livestock (b m va
rama) and the imposition of a levy only on surpluses (ān-chi āyad fuz n).85
He continues that the
tithe was solely used to raise a large army (lashkar-i b -shumār) for the security ( man ) of
people and to eliminate the Ahrimanic Religion (nihān kardan-i k sh-i āharman ).86
The Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam both include the information about Ardashīr‘s
imposing a tax (kharāj) on surpluses (mā kāna faḍlan ‗an al-ma‗ sha/āncha fāżil az ma‗āsh), but
they do not mention anything about the cancellation of the tithe.87
The term kharāj used in these
two works is an Islamic term, which refers to a canonical Islamic tax. Firdausī does not use this
term to refer to Ardashīr‘s levy on surpluses. So, here we have another Islamic-era concept
introduced into a text originating in pre-Islamic era. The Kārnāmag Ardaš r, on the other hand,
only refers to the tithe (sāk ud bāj az dah ēk) and does not mention anything about its
cancellation and the new levy on surpluses.88
The absence of information about the levy on
216
surpluses in the Kārnāmag Ardaš r might suggest that it was a later addition, but it could also
mean that Firdausī had access to a more comprehensive source.
According to the Shāhnāma, before proceeding to the second part of his speech, Ardashīr
calls upon everyone in his realm to heed his advice:
ایع اعؼیي هؽؾ هي و ؽ ک کدب گل ظاؼیع اعؼؾ هي
All of you who are within my borders,
Listen (g sh dār d) to my advice (andarz).89
Two verses later, Firdausī asks his audience to pay attention to what Ardashīr is about to say:
گل ظاؼیع ثؽب پیؽو اؼظنیؽ ث گلزبؼ ایي بهعاؼ
Listen (g sh dār d) to the words of the renowned (nāmdār) Ardashīr,
All of you, young and old. 90
Two more times during the course of his speech, Ardashīr urges the audience to heed his advice:
ي قظهع هؽاقطي گلز و گل ظاؼیع پع هؽا
ثظ ثؽ ظل ؽکكی اؼخوع ک یبثع اؾ ایوی اؾ گؿع
All of you, listen (g sh dār d) to my advice (pand),
[And to] my useful speech.
[My advice] is precious to all hearts,
For, owing to it, they find safety from harm. 91
و یبظ ظاؼیع گلزبؼ هب کهیعى ثعیي کبؼ ریوبؼ هب
All of you, keep my words in mind,
[And my] exertion in this job (that is, kingship).92
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None of these calls on the audience to listen carefully appears in the Nihāhyat al-arab and
Tajārib al-umam. The recurrence of the verb g sh dār d (listen, pay attention), the use of the
verb yād dār d (keep in mind), and references to Ardashīr‘s speech as valuable (s dmand,
arjumand) advice (pand, andarz) indicate that Firdausī aimed to do more than just record the text
of Ardashīr‘s throne speech. By having Ardashīr repeatedly ask the audience to pay attention to
his advice, which is described as valuable and useful, Firdausi not only emphasized the
importance of Ardashīr‘s advice, but also broke the monotony of a long list of counsels and
helped the reader to be more attentive.
In the Shāhnāma, and also in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, Ardashīr‘s
counsels are grouped under various headings, for example, ―five qualities that would promote
health and happiness‖ or ―five virtues that would improve faith.‖93
According to Shaul Shaked,
grouping lists of precepts under numerical headings is a common stylistic device used in the
Pahlavi advice and wisdom literature.94
The precepts in the extant texts of Ardashīr‘s throne
speech, which are grouped under numerical headings, thus further point to the Pahlavi origin of
the speech.
Ardashīr‘s first group of advices in the Shāhnāma is introduced as five guidelines (rāh)
that are ―more beneficial than crowns and treasures (tāj va ganj).‖95
These are:
1. Belief in God.96
2. Knowledge (dānish) should not be taken lightly (khvār), neither by the king (shahriyār)
nor by the subjects (z rdast).97
3. To a wise man (mard-i dānā), wise words (sakhun) never become outdated (kahun).98
4. The wrongdoer‘s fear of punishment (b m-i gunāh) is worse than the punishment.99
5. Nobody respects slanderers/those who speak ill (mardum-i zisht-g y).100
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A comparison of this first group of advices in the Shāhnāma with the first group of advices in
the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam reveals Firdausī‘s (or his source‘s) particular attention
to detail in presenting Ardashīr‘s throne speech. According to the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib
al-umam, Ardashīr‘s first group of advice consists of five virtues that ―improve faith.‖101
These
are:
1. Belief in God (yaq n bi-Allāh/yaq n bi-Khudā)
2. The indispensability of traditions (luz m āli al-sunan/luz m-i sunan)
3. Observing religious duties (adā‘ al-farā‘iḍ/adā-yi farā‘iż)
4. Respecting religious scholars (tawq r al-‗ulamā‘/tauq r-i ‗ulamā)
5. Attending the circle of sages ( uḍ r majālis al- ukamā/ uż r dar majālis-i ukamā102
).
Just like its heading, the contents of the first group of advices in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib
al-umam give the speech a religious tone. In the Shāhnāma, however, the references to crowns
and treasures in the heading of the group clarify that the speech is about those who possess
crowns and treasures, that is, rulers. Furthermore, the precepts about the importance of learning
and the validity of ancient wisdom that are included in this group of advice in the Shāhnāma
indicate that Firdausī (or his source) intentionally presented Ardashīr‘s first group of advice with
such heading and contents to establish right from the beginning that Ardashīr‘s wisdom was still
a valid model for rulers to learn from and emulate.
The second group of Ardashīr‘s advices in the Shāhnāma is introduced as being ―better
(bihtar) than having eyes (d da), soul (jān), and property (ch z).‖103
These are:
1. To make the world prosperous (ābād).104
2. To speak softly (āvāz-i narm) and pleasantly (guftār-i garm), while maintaining wisdom
(khirad) and respect (sharm).105
3. Not to spend money boastfully (az bahr-i lāf) and in vain (bar gazāf).106
219
4. To choose the mean (miyāna) between two extremes.107
As presented in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, Ardashīr‘s second group of advices
consists of three precepts that would ―improve one‘s livelihood ( alā ma‗ā‘ish/ alā -i
ma‗ shat).‖108
The first advice in this group is on promoting agricultural development. This
advice closely corresponds with what is given in the Shāhnāma as the first precept in the same
group: ―good for those who make the world prosperous (ābād).‖109
The other two counsels given
in this group in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam are on making good judgements about
financial gains and spending.110
When examined more closely, we notice that the third and fourth
precepts in the same group of advices in the Shāhnāma are about avoiding unreasonable
expenses and practicing moderation. Thus, although the headings and contents of the second
group of advice in the Shāhnāma and the other two works seem to be different, their general
themes are almost the same.
The third group of Ardashīr‘s advices in the Shāhnāma consist of five precepts that are
put together under three headings: Precepts (rāy) that would invigorate faith and religion (tāza
gardad turā d n va k sh), promote health and happiness (tan-āsān va shād afzāyadat), and
whose sweetness offsets the bitterness of poison (ki bā shahd-i zahr nagzāyadat).111
These are:
1. Know that by greed (bi āz) and endeavour (bi k shish), you cannot surpass (nayāb
guzar) the lot that God has assigned (bakhshish-i dādgar) to you; he who is contented
(khursand) becomes wealthy (tavāngar).112
2. Avoid greed (āz), and do not tell secrets (rāz) to women.113
3. Avoid rivalry in reputation (nang) and battles (nabard).114
4. Keep sorrow (gham) from your heart, and do not worry about ills that have not come (nā-
āmada bad).115
5. Do not strive for things that are not within your reach.116
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Four of the above-mentioned injunctions appear in the third group of advices in the Nihāyat al-
arab and Tajārib al-umam. These are advice on being content with one‘s own destiny,117
avoiding greed,118
avoiding rivalry,119
and not striving for what cannot be achieved
successfully.120
Also, one of the headings of this group of advices in the Shāhnāma, that is, five
things that promote health and happiness, is exactly the same as the heading given to the same
group in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam.121
Interestingly, the heading that the Nihāyat
al-arab and Tajārib al-umam use for the first group of advice, that is, ―five virtues that improve
faith‖ is used as a second heading for this third group in the Shāhnāma.
One can only speculate why Firdausī gave three headings to one group of advices, one of
which used for an entirely different group in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam. But the
close correspondence of this second group of advice in the Shāhnāma with the same group in the
other two works indicates that these texts shared the same origin. The differences we find among
them, however, might be due to the discretion of the authors who included the text of Ardashīr‘s
throne speech in their work. We may also consider the alterations that took place in the original
text in the process of its transmission form one language and cultural sphere to another.
The precepts in the fourth group of Ardashīr‘s advices in the Shāhnāma are introduced as
that which ―bestows safety against harm‖ (ki yāband az man az gazand).122
These are:
1. Never take a rest (zamān mayāsāy) from learning (ām khtan) if you wish to enlighten
(afr khtan) your soul (jān).123
2. Have your children educated (bi farhang dār), and limit their play (bāz ).124
3. Do not avoid socializing with one another (ām zish-i yikdigar).125
The heading of this fourth group of advices is very similar to that of the same group in the
Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam.126
But, the counsels given there are different from what is
given in the Shāhnāma. The above-mentioned first and third precepts, that is, advice on
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education and friendship, do however appear in the fifth group of Ardashīr‘s advices in the
Nihāyat al-arab and the Tajārib al-umam.127
Finally, the fifth and last group of Ardashīr‘s advices in the Shāhnāma is presented as
four precepts that ―comfort hearts and bring about goodness (kh b ) and benefits (s dmand ).‖
These are:
1. To have fear (b m) of God and show modesty (āzarm va sharm) toward Him.128
2. To be one‘s own judge (that is, before the Day of Judgement), to keep the faith from
corruption, to obey God and the king, and to like the king just like oneself.129
3. To seek the truth (rāst ) and avoid falsehood (kazhzh va kāst ).130
4. To be obedient to the king.131
Neither the heading nor the precepts of this group appear in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-
umam.
The third part of Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma describes the responsibility of
the king and his subjects towards each other. The king is responsible for upholding justice and
penalizing those who oppress the people. In turn, people are supposed to be obedient to the
king.132
In the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, this last part of Ardashīr‘s speech is more
extensive, although it is not quite clear whether it is still part of the speech or not, because in
both works, after his last group of advices, Ardashīr states, ―this is all my advice to you.‖133
Regardless of this statement, which signals the end of the speech, the text continues in both
Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam by explaining the responsibility of people towards those
from whom they draw benefits. Thus, people are responsible toward God, toward their own
souls, toward the king, and toward each other, because they receive advantages and benefits from
God, from their own souls, from the king, and from each other. Based on whom they serve most,
people are then divided into four groups. The first group consists of those who choose to devote
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their lives to the worship of God. The second group consists of people who choose to serve the
king by helping him to maintain justice and protect people. The third group is devoted to taking
care of the financial and administrative affairs of the state, thereby serving the king and all his
subjects. Finally, the people of the fourth group busy themselves with acquiring wealth and
property, which means that they serve their own souls.134
This is a peculiar, perhaps Islamic,
form of describing the four classes of society, that is, the priests, the warriors, the scribes, and the
peasants/artisans/merchants. As pointed out by de Fouchécour, by describing the Sasanian social
class system in moral terms (that is, people‘s responsibility toward those from whom they draw
benefits) and thereby making it impossible to define the functions of each class, the author of the
Nihāyat al-arab adapted the Iranian concept of the division of society into four classes to an
Islamic society.135
As mentioned above, in this part of Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the
Shāhnāma, Firdausī only refers to the responsibility of the king toward his people and vice versa,
and there is no mention of the four classes of society. We know that Firdausī was aware of the
class system in ancient Iranian societies, because he clearly describes it in his account about the
mythical king Jamshīd.136
We might presume that Firdausī (or his source) intentionally left out
the information about Ardashīr‘s classification of society, because it was no longer applicable to
a Muslim context. Whereas other medieval authors modified ancient Persian concepts to make
them suit the standards of a Muslim society, Firdausī seems to have only recorded concepts that
were useful and relevant without trying to change what was no longer valid. This is a further
indication that Firdausī‘s primary goal was not to record history; rather, he intended to teach
lessons on kingship by drawing upon experiences of past rulers that were still relevant.
At the end of Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma, an old man named Khurr d
stands up and praises Ardashīr for securing peace and prosperity in the kingdom. Khurr d also
exalts Ardashīr for his wisdom:
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کف چى ر ظاؼظ ؾ نببى ضؽظ اعیه اؾ ؼای ر ثگػؼظ
No king has your wisdom
Nobody‘s perception surpasses your insight.137
This short episode, which functions as a confirmation of Ardashīr‘s ideas, also appears in
the Tajārib al-umam and Nihāyat al-arab, where ―the head of the country‖ (ra‘ s ahl al-
mamlaka/ra‘ s-i mamlikat) praises Ardashīr for upholding justice (ma‗dila), securing peace, and
unifying the country.138
This person does not however praise Ardashīr for his wisdom. While
Firdausī begins and ends Ardashīr‘s throne speech by highlighting Ardashīr‘s wisdom, we do not
find any particular emphasis placed on Ardashīr‘s wisdom in the other two works that contain his
throne speech. Moreover, Firdausī‘s poetic narration brings the scene of Ardashīr‘s throne
speech to life. For example, while Firdausī describes Khurr d and mentions him by name, the
Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam merely refer to him as the head of the country and do not
provide any information about him. Firdausī‘s employment of literary techniques to bring the
scene of Ardashīr‘s throne speech to life helps him to make his didactic text more entertaining. It
also helps him to convey his message in a more effective manner. This is something that is
absent in the Nihāyat al-arab and the Tajārib al-umam.
Ardashīr s Testament (‘ah )
In the early Islamic period, Ardashīr‘s testament was a well-known Arabic work on
statecraft and kingship, as a number of medieval authors refer to its significance. For example,
the early medieval historians Abū ‗Alī Miskūya (d. 421/1030) states that the best thing that
survived from Ardashīr was his testament.139
Ibn al-Balkhī (fl. 498/1105–510/1116), another
medieval historian, reports that several copies of Ardashīr‘s testament were available at the
time.140
Both Miskūya and Ibn al-Balkhī mention that the Sasanian king Anūshīrv n (r. 531–79)
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perused and practiced Ardashīr‘s testament.141
In Ibn al-Nadīm‘s list of ―the best books in
everyone‘s opinion‖ (al-kutub al-majma‗ ‗alā j datihā), ‗Ahd-i Ardash r (Ardashīr‘s testament)
appears at the very top.142
Ibn al-Nadīm also states that Bal dhurī (d. 279/892), a translator of
Persian works into Arabic, versified Ardashīr‘s testament.143
According to the celebrated
medieval philologist Mubarrad (d. 286/899), the ‗Abbasid caliph Ma‘mūn (r. 198/813–218/833)
had asked the tutor of his son al-W thiq bi-All h (b. 199/814–15) to teach him Ardashīr‘s
testament after teaching him the Qur‘an.144
The famous medieval Arab belletrist J ḥi (d.
255/868), on the other hand, scorned the scribes (kuttāb) who admired Ardashīr‘s testament and
who cited it ―as if it were the greatest authority in organizing the state.‖145
This scornful
statement, nevertheless, points to the popularity of Ardashīr‘s testament among members of the
scribal class.
The Arabic translation of Ardashīr‘s testament has survived in several medieval sources.
The earliest work that contains a copy of it is al-Ghurra, an Arabic anthology of poems and
treatises on various topics by authors of different nationalities.146
Based on the names of poets
and writers given in al-Ghurra, Iḥs n ‗Abb s suggests that it must have been written in the early
tenth century.147
Miskūya‘s Tajārib al-umam is another work that has preserved the text of
Ardashīr‘s testament in Arabic translation.148
The third work is Nathr al-durr composed by Abū
Sa‗d Manṣūr b. al-Ḥusayn al-Ābī (d. 421/1030).149
These three texts and other medieval sources
that contained excerpts from Ardashīr‘s testament were used by Iḥs n ‗Abb s in his edition of
‗Ahd-i Ardash r (1967). Another copy of Ardashīr‘s testament was identified and introduced by
Grignaschi in 1966.150
The manuscript that contains this fourth copy of Ardashīr‘s testament also
contains Āy n li-Ardash r, which was mentioned above. According to ‗Abb s, the Pahlavi text of
Ardashīr‘s testament was translated into Arabic sometime in the eighth century.151
Based on the
information given in the Arabic text of Ardashīr‘s testament, Grignaschi opines that the Pahlavi
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text of the testament was written during the reign of the last Sasanian king, Yazdgird III (r. 632–
51).152
Mary Boyce and Aḥmad Tafa ulī, however, maintain that the Pahlavi text of Ardashīr‘s
testament was written in the early Sasanian era but modified and expanded in later periods.153
Summaries of Ardashīr‘s testament have also survived in the medieval sources.
Muntakhab min ‗ahd Azdash r [sic.] b. Bābak al-malik (Selections from the testament of
Ardashīr son of B bak the king) is a short text that contains selections from Ardashīr‘s
testament.154
The Nihāyat al-arab and its Persian translation, Tajārib al-umam, also contain a
summary of Ardashīr‘s testament.155
In addition to these, excerpts from Ardashīr‘s testament are
scattered in various medieval sources.156
As shall be discussed below, while the text of
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma shares commonalities with the Arabic texts, it contains
concepts that are not found in the Arabic versions of the testament. On the other hand, some of
the concepts that are discussed at length in the Arabic texts of the testament do not appear in the
Shāhnāma version. Aside from differences in content, the major point of difference between
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma and that preserved in the other works is the form of
presentation of the testament.
It must also be noted here that the addressee, and hence the precise title, of Ardashīr‘s
testament is inconsistent in our sources. In the text of the testament in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr
clearly speaks to his own son, and the testament is presented under the rubric ―‗Ahd-nāma-i
Ardash r-i Bābakān bā Shāp r‖ (The testament of Ardashīr son of B bak to Sh pūr). But, the
Arabic texts of the testament refer to it as Ardashīr‘s testament not only to his son, Sh pūr, but
also to all who succeeded him.157
In the Muntakhab min ‗Ahd, which consists of selections from
the testament, the rubric simply reads ―Ardashīr‘s testament to his successors.‖158
Grignaschi
maintains that the testament was originally addressed to all successors of Ardashīr, and that the
name of Sh pūr was added to the title by later Muslim translators.159
But, the inconsistency is not
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just in the title. In the Arabic text of the testament in the Nihāyat al-arab, a number of
paragraphs start with ―a‗lam yā bunay,‖ in which ―a‗lam ‖ (be aware) is a plural verb used
with a singular addressee, that is, ―yā bunay‖ (oh, my son). The Tajārib al-umam, the Persian
translation of the Nihāyat al-arab, however, translates this phrase as ―bidān ay pisar-i man,‖ (be
aware, oh, my son), using the singular form of the verb in Persian. Furthermore, except for the
last paragraph, the text of the testament in this Persian work only addresses Ardashīr‘s son, and
not his successors.160
Moreover, in his al-Fihrist, Ibn al-Nadīm refers to Ardashīr‘s testament
twice with the title ‗Ahd-i Ardash r (Ardashīr‘s testament) and once with the title ‗Ahd-i
Ardash r ilā ibnih Sāb r (‗Ardashīr‘s testament to his son Sh pūr).161
Ibn al-Nadīm‘s use of two
titles in reference to Ardashīr‘s testament might imply that he referred to two different works. To
determine whether the extant texts of the testament might be combinations of two different texts
would take us away from the main topic of the discussion here, but a note had to be made here
about this inconsistency in order to avoid confusion while citing from these different texts.
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma begins with a preamble on the transient nature of
the world and advice on leaving a good legacy behind.162
This preamble contextualizes
Ardashīr‘s testament, for the poet concludes it by stating:
چ اؾ هي قطي ثهی یبظگیؽ
هبى ثف ثظ نؽیبؼ اؼظنیؽ
There are many signs (nishān) [left behind by] king Ardashīr
Learn (yād g r) [from them] as you hear [about them] from me. 163
Firdausī thus presents Ardashīr‘s testament as a legacy, which immortalized his name.
Having prepared the stage for discussing the legacy of Ardashīr, Firdausī describes Ardashīr
growing old and realizing that he has approached the end of his life, a state that makes him think
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about sharing his experiences of ruling the empire with his crown prince in order to have his
kingdom survive after his death. Firdausī then presents the testament as Ardashīr speaks to his
son and advises him on kingship. In other medieval works, Ardashīr‘s testament is not preceded
by any preamble; nor is it contextualized. It is not presented in the form of a conversation
between a father and son either. For example, the anonymous author of the Tajārib al-umam
simply states that when Ardashīr approached the end of his life, he wrote a testament to his son.
Following this statement, the author presents the testament.164
The Nihāyat al-arab does not even
provide an introductory statement before presenting Ardashīr‘s testament and simply presents it
under the rubric ―A copy (nuskha) of Ardashīr‘s testament to his son, Sh pūr, and his order to
obey it, learn its contents, and not oppose it. Here is what his testament contained.‖165
Miskūya
writes in his Tajārib al-umam ―the best thing Ardashīr left behind is his testament to his
successors, and here is a copy of it (hādhih nuskhatuh).‖166
Firdausī‘s technique of using a preamble and a narrative introduction to the testament, as
well as his way of presenting it, that is, having Ardashīr speak to his son, lends immediacy to the
text. If Firdausī‘s main goal was simply to record an historical document, he would not need to
try to keep his reader attentive by making the text as entertaining as possible. Like a teacher who
tries to keep his students engaged, Firdausī employs literary techniques to make his lessons
interesting. Moreover, as narrated in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr begins his lecture to Sh pūr by
asking him to commit his testament to memory (bid guft n ‗ahd-i man yād dār) and to put his
words into practice (sakhun-hā-yi man ch n shin d bivarz).167
These reminders, which we find
only in the Shāhnāma version of the testament, might be Firdausī‘s own words to emphasize the
importance of what is going to be said—just like the reminders at the beginning of Ardashīr‘s
āy n and andarz, which were mentioned above. Firdausī‘s desire to keep the reader attentive
demonstrates that he wanted to help his reader follow his work carefully.
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The Concept of Justice
According to the Shāhnāma, the first concept that Ardashīr refers to in his advice to his
son is justice (dād). Surprisingly, this concept is not discussed in the extant texts of Ardashīr‘s
testaments. In the Shāhnāma version of the testament, the issue of justice is raised again when
Ardashīr enumerates three things that end kingship, one of them being an unjust king (b dādgar
shahriyār).168
But, in the other texts of Ardashīr‘s testament, injustice is not mentioned as one of
the causes that can end kingship. It is difficult to determine whether the original text of the
testament included the concept of justice or not, but, based on the excerpts from Ardashīr‘s
testament preserved in other medieval works, we may presume that the concept did exist in the
original text. In his al-Kāmil, Mubarrad quotes the following maxim from Ardashīr‘s testament:
―‗adl al-sulṭān anfa‗ lilra‗ya min khi b al-zamān‖ (the king‘s justice is more beneficial to the
peasant than the abundance of time‖).169
Tha‗ libī quotes the same maxim by Ardashīr; although,
he does not mention that it is from his testament.170
The eleventh-century author, Ẓahīrī
Samarqandī, too attributes a similar maxim to Ardashīr: ―Sulṭān ‗ādil khayr min maṭar wābil‖ (A
just sultan is better than torrential rain).171
In the extant texts of Ardashīr‘s testament, this maxim
reads ―rishād al-wāl khayr lilra‗ya min khi b al-zamān‖ (the integrity of the conduct of local
governors is more beneficial to the peasant than the abundance of time).172
The use of the term
‗adl (justice) in the citations by Mubarrad Tha‗ libī, and Ẓahīrī Samarqandī indicates that, for
some reason, the authors of the extant texts of the testament, or their sources, preferred not to use
this term in the above-mentioned maxim. Moreover, while the concept of justice and the term
‗adl are mentioned several times in the Muntakhab min ‗ahd (selections from the testament), no
mention of it is made in the corresponding sections of the longer versions of the testament.173
This would further corroborate the assumption that the concept of justice was included in the
original text of the testament.
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The Idea of the Union of Kingship and Religion
The most prominent theme of Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma and all other sources
that contain it is the idea of the union of kingship and religion. Firdausī highlights this idea by
explaining it in eleven consecutive lines.174
The fact that so many lines are allocated to one
particular concept demonstrates its importance. While medieval sources often ascribe this idea to
Ardashīr, modern scholars argue that it could not have been proclaimed by Ardashīr because
there is no historical evidence for the existence of an established religious institution or a
prominent religious figure who could be considered an ally of the institution of kingship during
the reign of Ardashīr.175
However, modern scholars‘ interpretation of this concept seems to differ
from what it actually means in the Zoroastrian literature. According to the Dēnkard, every time
religion and good kingship are united in the person of a good Zoroastrian king, the world is
restored to its ideal state.176
In other words, ideally, kingship and religion are conjoined and
manifested in the person of the king. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Zoroastrian
tradition holds that there are several alternating periods of world renovation and destruction from
the time of creation to the end of time.177
It recognizes Ardashīr as one of the Saviours who
restored the world to its ideal state. Thus, we may interpret the idea of the union of kingship and
religion under Ardashīr in terms of the Zoroastrian notion of an ideal world, that is, one in which
kingship and religion are conjoined in the person of a good Zoroastrian king.178
As noted
previously, the Sasanian authors of the account about Ardashīr represent his acts as being
analogous to those of Saōšyant, Ūshīdarm h, and Pešōtan, the Saviours of the Good Religion,
whose coming is still expected.179
According to Marijan Molé, the coming of Saōšyant coincides
with the reunion of kingship and religion.180
Thus, the idea of the union of religion and kingship
during Ardashīr‘s reign draws a further parallel between the eras of Ardashīr and Saōšyant. In
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other words, kingship and religion were conjoined and manifested in the person of Ardashīr, just
as they will be in Saōšyant‘s epoch.
According to Molé, however, the ideal state of the union of kingship and religion in one
person, as described in the Dēnkard, reflects an eschatological concept; otherwise, according to
him, kingship and religion are normally represented by two different persons.181
But the above-
mentioned passage of the Dēnkard specifically mentions ―every time‖ not ―at the end of time‖
when describing the state of an ideal world, and we know that the Zoroastrian tradition
recognizes several periods of world restoration before the end of time.182
So, ―every time‖ may
be understood to refer to the times when the world is renovated by a Saviour, one such Saviour
being Ardashīr. Furthermore, we have a clear example of a time when the world was in an ideal
state and the king represented both kingship and priesthood. The reign of the mythical king
Jamshīd is always represented in Zoroastrian literature as a glorious period of world history,
during which there was no disease or death, no extreme heat or cold, no drought, and no evil
activity.183
Jamshīd‘s ideal world is even compared to Zoroaster‘s.184
The Shāhnāma describes
Jamshīd‘s reign in the same way and provides a further piece of information that conforms to the
Dēnkard passage regarding the union of kingship and religion in an ideal world:
ایؿظی ون نؽیبؼی ن هثعی هن گلذ ثب كؽ
He (Jamshīd) said, ―I possess the divine glory (farrah-i zad ),
I possess both kingship (shahriyār ) and priesthood (m bad ).‖ 185
Thus, as both king and priest, Jamshīd exemplifies the ideal king of the Dēnkard passage,
as does Ardashīr, in whose person kingship and religion were conjoined. There is also a small
clue in the Shāhnāma that points to a link between Ardashīr and priesthood. According to the
Shāhnāma, having victoriously escaped from Ardav n‘s prison, Ardashīr prepares himself for
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serious battles with Ardav n and his son Bahman. Just before leaving for his decisive battles,
Ardashīr goes to the fire temple of R m Khurr d to pray for guidance and victory.186
R m
Khurr d is another name of Āzar Farnbagh, one of the three major fire temples associated with
the class of priests. It is remarkable that Ardashīr should pray at this particular fire temple that
was used by Zoroastrian priests. This brief reference might be understood as an indication that
Ardashīr was not only a king but also a priest.
The Sasanian authors of Ardashīr‘s testament aimed to depict an ideal image of Ardashīr
by likening his era to the era of the mythical king Jamshīd and the last Saviour of the world,
Saōšyant. Considering the parallel themes between the ideal world of Ardashīr and those of
Jamshīd and Saōšyant, we may suppose that the Sasanian political authors of Ardashīr‘s
testament and the accounts about him aimed to provide an historical precedent for their ideal
world. Perhaps the mythical and eschatological worlds of Jamshīd and Saōšyant were too far
from the real world to be used as exemplars of an ideal kingship.
A statement from Ardashīr‘s throne speech cited by Tha‗ libī also points to the same
meaning for the idea of the union of kingship and religion that is found in the Zoroastrian
literature. According to Tha‗ libī, Ardashīr stated that God favoured him and chose him as his
representative, so that he might redress the affairs of religion and kingship, which are like twin
brothers: اقزطللی ػلی ػجبظ ثالظ الرعاؼک اهؽ العیي الولک اللػیي وب اضاى رءهبى ….187
This statement
clearly represents Ardashīr as a leader not only in the realm of kingship (mulk), but also in the
realm of religion (d n).
Ardashīr‘s warning in his testament against the dangers of religion also supports the idea
that his proclamation of the union of religion and kingship does not refer to an alliance between
two different institutions. In the Arabic texts of the testament, Ardashīr warns his son/successors
that the men of religion have the power to overthrow kingship. He admonishes them not to allow
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the men of religion (al-‗ubbād wa al-nussāk wa al-mutabattal n) to defy their orders. As a
remedy for dealing with the men of religion who turn people against the king, Ardashīr refers to
his ancestors‘ solution, which was to defame such people by calling them ―heretics in religion‖
(al-mubtadi‗ n). The defamation, according to Ardashīr, was enough to eliminate these people
(yaqtuluhum) and rid (yuri ) the king of them.188
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma contains similar warnings. The following verses
appear right after Ardashīr‘s explanation of the concept of the brotherhood of religion and
kingship:
ؼا پبؼقب ظاؼ کیي ظاؼظ اؾ پبظنب چ ظیي گؽ رب طای
ؽ آکف ک ثؽ ظاظگؽ نؽیبؼ گهبیع ؾثبى هؽظ ظیم هعاؼ
If the man of religion (d n-dār) holds grudges (k n) against the king (pādshā),
Take care not to call him pious (pārsā).
He who opens his mouth against a just (dādgar) king (shahriyār)
Do not consider him to be a man of religion (mard-i d n). 189
As may be inferred from the above-mentioned verses, Ardashīr asserts the supremacy of
the king over men of religion and avows that the king holds absolute power in both secular and
religious realms. Thus, in an ideal state, the men of religion are supposed to be obedient to the
king. The king‘s supreme authority is also mentioned in the Dēnkard.190
The references to the
absolute power of the king in Zoroastrian literature and also in the Arabic and Persian texts of
Ardashīr‘s testament point to the ever-present tension between royal and religious power, and
further support the idea that Ardashīr‘s proclamation of the union of kingship and religion meant
that both political and religious power should be held by the king.
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Threats to Kingship
According to Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma, three things can overthrow kingship
(sar-i takht-i shāh bip chad si kār).191
The first is an unjust king (b dādgar shahriyār). The
second is the king‘s assigning high positions to those who are incompetent (b -s d rā bar
kishad). And the third is when the king endeavours to increase his own wealth (bi d nār k shad
ki b sh kunad).192
Firdausī refers to these three dangers in three verses of the Shāhnāma, and this
is the only occasion in Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma where threats to kingship are
mentioned. In the Arabic texts of the testament, however, threats to kingship are discussed at
length. In fact, almost half of Ardashīr‘s testament in these texts deals with issues that lead to the
collapse of kingship. The seriousness of these issues is emphasized in these texts by the use of
terms and phrases such as al-balā (affliction), ra‘sa mā akhāfu ‗alaikum (what I fear the most for
you), akhwaf (most dreadful), aw ash (most frightening), ashadd mā yużirrukum (what harms
you the most), aqwā ‗aduww (the most powerful enemy), and the recurrent use of terms and
phrases that denote the end of kingship, such as ḍahāb al-duwal (transfer of kingship), tanaqqul
al-malik ‗an mulkih (removal of the king from his kingship), and fasād al-mulk (disintegration of
kingship).193
These terms and phrases give an ominous tone to the entire text. The followings are
some examples of the threats discussed at length in the Arabic texts of the testament:
1. When people of lower classes surpass the king in the study of religion, secret religious
leaderships are formed. Secret religious leaders do not get along with kings, and in the
end, religious leaders will take control of power.194
2. Two things overthrow kingship. The first is defeat by the enemy, and the second is the
corruption of the kings‘ proper conduct (fasād adabikum).195
According to the text of the
testament edited by Grignaschi, the second cause is the corruption of the king‘s religion
234
(fasād d nikum).196
In the Nihāyhat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, the second cause is the
corruption of judgement (fasād ra‘y) and bad management (s ‘ tadb r).197
3. People should always be occupied. When they have no work to do, they start scrutinizing
the performance of authorities. This leads to the formation of different groups with
different agendas, who all oppose the king. The king is not able to deal with too many
opposing groups, and the chaos tempts foreign enemies to take advantage of the unstable
situation created.198
4. People should be banned from moving between different classes of society. If people of
lower classes are allowed to move to higher classes, they will eventually aspire to
become king. It is also dangerous when people of higher classes lose their social status,
because they will hold grudges against those who are above them, and this will
eventually turn into a threat to those in power. People of higher classes should therefore
be helped to remain in their own classes.199
5. Five groups of people threaten kingship: those who enjoy the excitement of opposing the
king; those who hold grudges against the king and people; those who have left the court
but keep in touch with current court officials; those who are ambitious but pretend to be
humble; those who advise the king on religious matters and pretend to be more concerned
about religion than the king.200
6. Revealing the name of the crown prince before the king has died leads to the
disintegration of kingships.201
As may be inferred from the above-mentioned examples, the Arabic texts of the testament
evince concerns about the socio-political issues that can lead to revolts. Except for the warning
against the men of religion, none of the above-mentioned issues are discussed in the Shāhnāma.
According to the Shāhnāma version of the testament, the root cause of all threats to kingship is
235
the conduct of the king himself. As mentioned above, if the king upholds justice, avoids greed,
and assigns competent men to high positions, he will be able to maintain his kingship. In other
words, the Shāhnāma version of Ardashīr‘s testament holds the king himself, and not society or
ambitious court officials, responsible for what goes wrong in the kingdom. In the Arabic texts of
the testament, the king is portrayed as the target of all kinds of threats originating in society and
at the royal court, notwithstanding his proper conduct. He is therefore advised to be vigilant and
to detect any possible threat to his kingship before it is too late.
Commonalities and Differences
The common points shared by the Shāhnāma and the Arabic texts of Ardashīr‘s testament
are moral and pragmatic advices for kings. For example, not telling lies, 202
avoiding fear,203
not
divulging secrets,204
and inquiring about the affairs of the state.205
Sometimes even the wording
of the injunctions in the Shāhnāma are similar to those in the Arabic texts. For example, in the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr tells his son that anger leads to regret (ch khishm āvar ham pash mān
shav ).206
Similarly, in the Arabic texts, the kings are advised to avoid anger (ghaḍab), for it
leads to regret (nidāma).207
Or, in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr admonishes his son against allowing
whims (havā) to overcome (ch ra gardad) his wisdom (khirad).208
Similarly, in the Arabic texts,
Ardashīr advises his successors to have their wisdom (ra‘y) overcome their whims (hawā).209
These commonalities point to a common source for the text of the testament, just as in the case
of the texts of Ardashīr‘s āy n and andarz.
The Shāhnāma version of the testament also contains a number of moral counsels that are
not found in the other texts of the testament. Similarly, some of the moral advice given in the
Arabic texts does not appear in the Shāhnāma. For example, in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr advises
his son not to feast and hunt on the same day, because the wine will make him incapable of
hunting.210
This advice is not included in the Arabic texts of the testament. Also, advice on how
236
to treat enemies appears in the Shāhnāma but not in the Arabic texts of the testament.211
On the
other hand, the Arabic texts of the testament advise the kings to have someone to point out their
faults to them, so that they might recognize them before other people notice them.212
This advice
is not found in Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma.
If the extant texts of Ardashīr‘s testament have a common source, we might presume that
they contain selections from that original source. Depending on the socio-political conditions of
the time and the purpose of the authors who included Ardashīr‘s testament in their works,
relevant parts seem to have been selected from it and, at the same time, new concepts were added
to it. Although we cannot determine the reason behind the inclusion or exclusion of certain
topics, by comparing the extant texts of Ardashīr‘s testament, we can discern that their authors
pursued different goals. As demonstrated above, a comparison of the extant texts of Ardashīr‘s
testament demonstrates that while proper conduct and moral integrity of the king seem to have
been Firdausī‘s main concern, the authors of the Arabic texts of the testament seem to be more
concerned with the maintenance of kingship through vigilance and exercise of power. To
Firdausī, whose work centred on the conduct of kings, the maintenance of kingship was a
corollary of the maintenance of justice, and the maintenance of justice was the responsibility of
the king.
At the end of his counsels in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr once again stresses the importance
of his testament by asking his son to take care of his father‘s testament like his soul (tau ‗ahd-i
pidar bā ravānat bidār), to leave it as a legacy for his own son (bi farzand mān hamchun n
yādgār), and to always remember his advices (tau pand-i pidar hamchun n yād-dār).213
The
personal tone of Ardashīr‘s words to his son bring life to an otherwise dull text and make it more
interesting for the reader. In the Arabic texts of the testament, Ardashīr tells his successors that
since he could not make his body immortal, he left them his wisdom. He states that by sharing
237
his wisdom, he did what he considered to be his duty and asks his successors to consider it their
duty to follow his advices.214
rd sh r s Prediction
In conclusion, as described in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr predicts that, in five hundred
years, the prosperous empire that he created will fall into ruin, and that his testament will be
destroyed (tabah gardad) and injustice (b dād) and Evil Religion (k sh-i āharman ) will
prevail.215
According to the Arabic texts of the testament, however, Ardashīr predicts that the
good world he created will be destroyed in one thousand years.216
In his synopsis of Ardashīr‘s
testament, Mas‗ūdī states the same thing.217
Ardashīr‘s original testament must have included
this particular length of time because, according to the Zoroastrian view of world history, it
would take one thousand years for the world to completely collapse after it had been restored by
a Saviour. This prediction of Ardashīr‘s would have served as another indication that he was
viewed as a world Saviour. The fact that in the Shāhnāma version, the length of time is five
hundred not one thousand years suggests that Ardashīr‘s prediction concerned not the end of
Zoroastrian reckoning of the period of world history, but rather the Arab conquest of Iran, or,
more precisely, about a hundred years before the collapse of the Sasanian empire. We encounter
a similar situation in Ardashīr‘s prediction in the Nihāyat al-arab and the Tajārib al-umam,
where the length of time is six hundred years, that is, precisely when the last Sasanian king was
defeated by Arab forces.218
This discrepancy in the number of years might have had to do with a
prevalent view about the imminent end of time around the turn of the millennium and the efforts
of the political and religious propagandists to convince people that the world was not going to
end any time soon.219
238
rd sh r s Cities
In the Shāhnāma, following his prediction, Ardashīr tells his son that he ruled for forty
years and two months and that he built six prosperous cities (shārstān). He then names the cities
and describes their beautiful gardens, numerous springs, fragrant air, and dense populations.220
The first city he names is Khurrah-i Ardashīr (Ardashīr‘s glory) in the province of Khūz
(kishvar-i kh ziyān). The second is Ūrmazd Ardashīr; the third is R m Ardashīr en route to P rs,
and the fourth, Birka-i Ardashīr (the pond of Ardashīr). The fifth and sixth cities are those built
in Būm-i Mīsh n by the Euphrates (dau bar b m-i Mishān va r d-i Furāt). These he names
Sat b d-i Sh h Ardashīr.221
Here again, Firdausī uses his poetic skills to draw attention to
something important. Prosperous cities are the signs of successful kings, and, as deftly presented
in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr boasts about his success by describing the affluent cities he built.
Among the Arabic texts of Ardashīr‘s testament, only the Nihāyat al-arab and its Persian
translation, Tajārib al-umam, mention the names of the cities that Ardashīr built. But, they do
not provides this information as part of the testament. Rather, they mark the end of the testament
by stating, ―then he (Ardashīr) died‖ (thumma māta/va vafāt farm d), and following this, they
state that Ardashīr built six cities (seven, according to the Tajārib al-umam) and provide their
names and location without describing them.222
The numbers, names, and locations of the cities
built by Ardashīr are reported by several medieval historians. These reports are not consistent,
but they all point to Ardashīr‘s reputation in the construction of new cities. But, more
importantly, when compared to the Shāhnāma, these reports reveal how Firdausī provides the
same information in a different way to make an impact. The reader may not pay much attention
to the hard data about Ardashīr‘s cities, but the beauty and prosperity of these cities, as skilfully
portrayed by Firdausī, does stay in the mind.
239
To end his words with his son, Ardashīr wishes him success and asks him to keep his
father‘s soul happy by upholding justice. Unlike the Arabic texts of the testament, which do not
include the concept of justice, Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma begins and ends with this
concept, a further indication that for Firdausī, justice was the key to the maintenance of kingship.
* * * *
Except for the anonymous authors of Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam, other
medieval historians who provide accounts about Ardashīr‘s reign only refer to the significance of
his political treatises and do not include the texts of these in their accounts, or else, they only
provide a few synopses of them.223
On the other hand, the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam,
which include the texts of Ardashīr‘s political treatises, provide very brief accounts about
Ardashīr‘s reign. Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma is thus the only work that provides a comprehensive
account about the rise to power and reign of Ardashīr, complemented by the wisdom and advice
literature attributed to him. Instead of simply stating that Ardashīr established new laws and
regulations and that his books of advice were voluminous and well-known, Firdausi included
these materials in his work, so that his reader would understand what exactly was meant by the
wisdom of Ardashīr. He was not satisfied with simply appending the texts of Ardashīr‘s āy n,
andarz, and ‗ahd at the end of his account about him, but endeavoured to make these didactic
texts as interesting as possible. Also, he broke the monotony of successive injunctions by his
frequent calls to the reader at intervals throughout the text to heed the advice of Ardashīr and to
learn from him. Occasionally, he even commented on Ardashīr‘s greatness and asked the ruler of
the time to be like him.
Although medieval historical writings were in general exemplary and intended to impart
lessons on kingship by drawing upon the experiences of past rulers, it is in Firdausī‘s work that
we see a deliberate effort to make these lessons interesting and entertaining so as to make an
240
impact on the reader. A significant difference between Firdausī‘s work and other historical
writings, which is often ignored when they are compared, is that Firdausī took the trouble to
versify his. Indeed, presented in verse, Ardashīr‘s testament would be more pleasant to read or
listen to. It would also be easier to commit to memory. As medieval authors often mentioned, the
ideas expressed in a prose text are like unbored pearls, whose true value and beauty transpire
when they are pierced and strung together (that is, when they are put into verse). In other words,
it is when the ideas in a prose text are versified that they make an impact. This is what Firdausī
did with the prose texts of the advice and wisdom literature attributed to Ardashīr.
A further difference between Firdausī‘s recording of these texts and other medieval
writers is that he did not include in his work those ancient Persian concepts that were no longer
applicable to a contemporary Muslim society. This is further evidence that he wanted his work to
be used as a practical guide on kingship and not merely a chronicle describing past events and
ancient traditions.
Finally, a comparison between the Shāhnāma version of the testament and that of the
Arabic texts reveals Firdausī‘s particular concern for the proper conduct of kings. Whereas the
Arabic texts of Ardashīr‘s testament consider socio-political problems to be the reasons for the
collapse of kingship, according the Shāhnāma, it is solely the conduct of the king that leads to
the loss of his power. As a work designed to entertain and instruct rulers, the Shāhnāma
concentrates on the importance of their conduct. Firdausī‘s particular treatment of the literature
of wisdom and advice attributed to Ardashīr clearly points to his desire to teach through the
experiences of past rulers.
241
1 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214, line 295.
2 D. N. MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), s.v.
―Ēwēn.‖ The term ēwēn/ēwēnag also means ―mirror,‖ and, as pointed out by Shaul Shaked, it is
close in meaning to the term andarz (advice), when it is applied to customs and protocols at royal
courts. See his article in Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Andarz.‖ This remark points to a possible
connection between ēwēn/ēwēnag and the title ―Fürstenspiegel‖ or ―mirrors for princes‖ applied
to the books of advice for rulers.
3 Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Ā‘īn-n ma;‖ and Tafazzoli, Tār kh-i adabiyāt, 245–48.
4 For example, Ibn al-Nadīm refers to Ibn al-Muqaffa‗‘s Arabic translation of an ā‘ n-nāma. See
Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 190. He also refers to a Kitāb āy n al-ramy (Book of customs of
archery) of the Sasanian king Bahr m Gūr and a Kitāb ā‘ n al-żarb bi-al- awālija (Book of
customs of playing polo) of the Persians. See Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 490. Also, in his
discussions about the customs of battle ( arb), archery (ramy), polo ( awlajān), and
prognostication by the flight of birds (‗ayyāfa), Ibn Qutayba frequently states ―I read in the āy n‖
(qara‘tu f al-āy n). He does not clarify, however, whether he read the āy n in Pahlavi or used a
translation. See ‗Abdull h b. Muslim b. Qutayba al-Dīnawarī, ‗Uy n al-akhbār, ed. Aḥmad Zakī
al-‗Adawī, 4 vols., 1925–30, repr. ed. (Cairo: al-Mu‗assasat al-miṣriyya al-‗ mma li al-ta‘līf wa
al-ṭib ‗a va al-nashr, 1964), 1:112, 1:133, and 1:151. Tha‘ libī also refers to a Kitāb al-ā‘ n
(Book of customs). See Tha‘ libī, Ghurar, 14–15.
5 In the Shāhnāma, the opening verse of the section that describes Ardashīr‘s customs and
practice starts with the hemistich ―bik sh d va āy n-i n k nihād‖ (He endeavoured to establish
good customs), but the title of the section is ―Guftār andar buzurg -i Ardash r-i Bābakān (On the
greatness of Ardashīr-i B bak n). See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214, line 296.
242
6 Nihāyat al-arab, 186.
7 Nihāyat al-arab, 187–92.
8 Tajārib al-umam, 183–89.
9 Mario Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens de la littérature sassanide conservés dans les
bibliothèques d‘Istanbul,‖ Journal Asiatique 254 (1966): 3–4 (introduction), 91–102 (Arabic
text), 111–28 (French translation).
10 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 3–4.
11 Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 492.
12 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 91.
13 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 2. As shall be discussed below, this manuscript also
contains a copy of Ardashīr‘s testament.
14 Nihāyat al-arab, 196.
15 For Mas‗ūdī‘s report, see Mas‗ūdī, al-Tanb h, 104:
بهب کزبة الؽقم ػظین كی االلف هي االؼام ال یکبظ یخع کبهال اال بهب رلكیؽآئیي ػا الکزبة هي خولخ آئیي...
.ػع الواثػ ؿیؽن هي غی الؽئبقبد
16 Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 481: بجبر هکبرجبر لوعؼر ػلی رجسؽ كی کبى یطیل الکالم كی هط ; Miskūya,
Tajārib al-umam, 1:122: ل هکبئع زؽة یطل الکزبة ثػکؽب ; Ibn al-Balkhī, Fārsnāma, ed. G. Le
Strange and R. A. Nicholson (London: Luzac, 1921), 66.
17 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214–23, lines 296–419.
18 Nihāyat al-arab, 188; Tajārib al-umam, 185.
19 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 325–34. The advices that Ardashīr gives to local rulers is
given to the scribes in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam. Cf. Nihāyat al-arab, 187; and
Tajārib al-umam, 184.
20 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214, line 297–99.
243
21
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214, line 300–2. According to Dihkhud ―‗ariż‖ is the contracted form
of ―‗āriż,‖ meaning the officer who keeps record of the military personnel. See Lughat-nāma
Dihkhudā, s.v. ―‗ariż.‖ The term is vocalized as ―‗araż‖ in Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of this line.
22 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:214, lines 303–5.
23 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 309.
24 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 310.
25 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 311.
26 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 312.
27 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, lines 313–14.
28 On the position of scribes during the Sasanian era, see Ahmad Tafazzoli, Sasanian Society
(New York: Bibliotheca Persica Press, 2000), 28–34.
29 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 316.
30 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, lines 317–18.
31 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215–16, lines 319–20.
32 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 321, 323, and 324.
33 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, line 322.
34 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, line 330.
35 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, line 327.
36 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, line 328. In the Nihāyat al-arab and the Tajārib al-umam, this
advice is given to the scribes and tax functionaries. See Nihāyat al-arab, 187; and Tajārib al-
umam, 184.
37 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, line 329.
38 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 332–34.
39 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:217, lines 335–36.
244
40
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 339–40.
41 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:217, lines 341–44.
42 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6: lines 345–46.
43 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:217, line 347. Other medieval historians too have reported on this
custom of Ardashīr. For example, Mas‗ūdī refers to the letters of Ardashīr‘s minister to different
rulers to ask them to submit to Ardashīr. In addition to the Letter of Tansar to the ruler of
Ṭabarist n, Mas‗ūdī also refers to another letter by Tansar to the king of India. See Mas‗ūdī, al-
Tanb h, 100. Muqaddasī (Maqdisī) is another historian who writes about Ardashīr‘s letters to
rulers of far and near. See Muqaddasī, al-Bad‘ wa al-tār kh, 3:156. Dīnawarī refers to Ardashīr‘s
letter to the last Parthian king, Ardav n, before engaging in war with him. See Dīnawarī, Akhbār
al-ṭiwāl, 44.
44 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, line 348.
45 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, lines 349–55.
46 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, lines 356–58.
47 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218–19, lines 361–64.
48 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, line 360; and 6:219, lines 365–70.
49 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:219, line 371.
50 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:219, lines 372–74.
51 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, line 376.
52 Nihāyat al-arab, 189; and Tajārib al-umam, 186.
53 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, lines 377–78.
54 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, lines 381–82.
55 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, lines 383–84.
56 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, lines 385–86.
245
57
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, lines 387–88.
58 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220–21, lines 389–91.
59 Nihāyat al-arab, 190; and Tajārib al-umam, 187.
60 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:221, line 393.
61 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:221, line 394.
62 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:221, line 395.
63 Nihāyat al-arab, 191; and Tajārib al-umam, 187–88.
64 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:221, lines 396–99.
65 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, lines 403–7.
66 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:233, line 408.
67 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 409.
68 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 410.
69 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, lines 411–12.
70 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 413.
71 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:223, lines 415–19.
72 See Nāma-i Tansar, 71; trans., Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 49–50.
73 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 403.
74 Mario Grignaschi, ―Les Rêgles d‘Ardaşîr b. Bâbak pour le gouvernement du royaume,‖ Islâm
Tetkileri enstitüsü dergisi (Review of the Institute of Islam Studies) 5, nos. 1–4 (1973): 103.
75 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, line 379.
76 Firdausī, Shāhnāma 6:221, line 401. I have followed Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s suggestion in
changing the last word of this verse from ―nab d‖ to ―buvad.‖ For his argument, see Kh liqī
Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt. 3, 185.
77 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220, line 423.
246
78
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:193, lines 4–11.
79 See Mas‗ūdī, Mur j, 1:285, sec. 577; trans., Mas‗ūdī, Prairies d‘or, 1:217, sec. 577.
80 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:223–28, lines 427–501. As discussed in the previous chapter, Ardashīr
is proclaimed king of kings twice in the Shāhnāma. For more on this, see above, p. 171.
81 Nihāyat al-arab, 193–96; and Tajārib al-umam, 189–92.
82 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:224–25, lines 438–49; Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 139–43;
and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 77–79.
83 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:224, line 406.
84 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:224, line 437.
85 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:224–25, lines 443–46.
86 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, lines 447–49.
87 Nihāyat al-arab, 193, Tajārib al-umam, 190.
88 Farahvashī, Kārnāma-i Ardash r, 141; and Grenet, La geste d‘Ardash r, 77.
89 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 456.
90 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 458.
91 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226–27, lines 478–79.
92 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 482.
93 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 457; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, lines 464 and 470;
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 484; Nihāyat al-arab, 194; and Tajārib al-umam, 190.
94 Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ―Andarz.‖
95 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 457: حک قظل كؿى آیع اؾ ربج گ
96 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 459.
97 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 460.
98 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 461.
247
99
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 462.
100 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 463.
101 Nihāyat al-arab, 194: كیي يالذ ظیکن; Tajārib al-umam, 190: ايالذ ظیي نوب ظؼ آى اقذ.
102 This phrase seems to have been missing from the manuscript of Tajārib al-umam, since the
editors have added it to the text from the Nihāyat al-arab. See Tajārib al-umam, 190n2.
Nevertheless, the importance of frequenting the homes of sages is clearly mentioned there.
103 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 464.
104 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 465.
105 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 466.
106 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 467.
107 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 469.
108 Nihāyat al-arab, 194; Tajārib al-umam, 190.
109 Cf. Nihāyat al-arab, 194: اخزبظ كی الؼوبؼح; Tajārib al-umam, 190: اخزبظ ظؼ ػوبؼد; Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 465: ضک آک آثبظ ظاؼظ خبى
110 Nihāyat al-arab, 194: ؼ السبل یلی اللبهخزكي الزوییؿ كی الوکبقت یكؽ الكؽ، االلبم ثوع ; Tajārib al-
umam, 190: زكي رویؿ ظؼ هکبقت البم ثوعؼ هبل.
111 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, lines 470–71.
112 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, lines 472–73.
113 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 474.
114 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 475.
115 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 476.
116 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 477.
117 Nihāyat al-arab, 194: الؽب ثبلوكن; Tajārib al-umam, 190: ؼب ث هب هكوذ; Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 472–73:
248
یکی آک اؾ ثطهم ظاظگؽ ث آؾ ث کنم یبثی گػؼ
نظ ؽ ک ضؽقع گهذ گل ثبؼل ثؽهع گهذ راگؽ
118 Cf. Nihāyat al-arab, 194: الووغ للبزم السؽو; Tajārib al-umam, 190: هوغ كبزم زؽو; Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 474: ظگؽ ثهکی گؽظى آؾ ؼا .
119 Cf. Nihāyat al-arab, 194: الزؿ ػي الوبككخ السكع; Tajārib al-umam, 190: ظؼ ظانزي لف اؾ هبككذ;
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 475:
قعیگؽ بؾی ث گ جؽظ ک گ جؽظ آؼظ ؼح ظؼظ
For the correction made to the first hemistich, see Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt.
3, 187.
120 Nihāyat al-arab, 194: رؽک الكؼی كیوب الیثن ثدس; Tajārib al-umam, 190: رؽک قؼی ظؼ چیؿی ک
.هدر جبنع كبیع عع ; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 477:
ث پدن ث کبؼی ک کبؼ ر یكذ زبؾی، ثعاى ک نکبؼ ر یكذ
121 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 471: ري آقبی نبظی اكؿایعد; Nihāyat al-arab, 194: ايیکن
کن ث پح ضلذ ک ؼازذ يیذ هی :and Tajārib al-umam, 190 ;ثطوف كیي ؼازخ الثعاکن ظام لكؽؼکن
.اثعاى نوب ظام قؽؼ نوب ظؼ آى اقذ
122 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 479.
123 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 480.
124 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 481.
125 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 483.
126 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 479: ک یبثع اؾ ایوی اؾ گؿع; Nihāyat al-arab, 194: كیي ظام
ت اهي اهبى ثبنعهخ :Tajārib al-umam, 192 ;أهکن ؼازخ اثعاکن .
127 For advice on education, cf. Nihāyat al-arab, 194: اخزبظ كی هؼؽكخ خویغ اثة الؼلن السػم ثف
,Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227 ;اخزبظ ظؼ هؼؽكذ ػلم رؼلن خویغ يبػبد :Tajārib al-umam, 191 ;البػبد
lines 480–81:
249
اگؽ خبى وی ضای اكؽضزي ؾهبی هیبقبی اؾ آهضزي
چ كؽؾع ثبنع ث كؽگ ظاؼ ؾهب ؾ ثبؾی ثؽ ا رگ ظاؼ
and for advice on friendship, cf. Nihāyat al-arab, 195: االئزالف ػلی الزسبثت الزاظظ; Tajārib al-
umam, 191: قؼی ظؼ راظظ; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 483:
ؾ آهیؿل یکعگؽ هگكلیعا ظلیع ؽآکف ک ثب ظاظ ؼني
128 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 485.
129 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 486–87.
130 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 488.
131 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 490.
132 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227–28, lines 493–501.
133 Nihāyat al-arab, 195: كػا خوبع يبیبب لکن هاػظب ایبکن; Tajārib al-umam, 191: يبیبء هي ثب نوب
.ایي اقذ الكالم
134 Nihāyat al-arab, 195–96; Tajārib al-umam, 191–92.
135 de Fouchécour, Moralia, 97
136 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:42–43, lines 19–34.
137 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:229, line 516.
138 Nihāyat al-arab, 196; Tajārib al-umam, 192.
139 Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam, 1:122.
140 Ibn al-Balkhī, Fārsnāma, 60.
141 Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam, 1:179–80; Ibn al-Balkhī, Fārsnāma, 88.
142 Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 203.
143 Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 181: کزبة ػع اؼظنیؽ، رؽخو ثهؼؽ... ل هي الکزت .
144 Abū al-Abb s Muḥammad b. Yazīd al-Mubarrad, Kitāb al-fāḍil, ed. ‗Abd al-‗Azīz al-
Maymanī (Cairo: D r al-Kutub al-Miṣriyya, 1956), 4:
250
کزبة هللا خل اقو، أى یوؽئ ػع [ أى یؼلو] – هع قؤل ػوب یؼلو ایب –ثبهلل یؽی أى الوؤهى أهؽ هؼلن الاثن
.اؼظنیؽ، یسلظ کزبة کلیل ظهخ
145 J ḥi , Rasā‘il al-Jā i , ed. ‗Abd A. Muhann , 2 vols. (Beirut: D r al-ḥad tha, 1988), 1:122:
ؼی لجؿؼخوؽ اهثبل ألؼظنیؽ ػع لؼجعالسویع ؼقبئل الثي الوولغ أظث يیؽ کزبة هؿظک هؼعى ػلو ظكزؽ
.اللبؼم األکجؽ كي الزعثیؽ[ أ]ظي -کلیل ظه کؿ السکو
J ḥi ‘s reference to al-fār q al-akbar might also be an allusion to ‗Umar the second Caliph,
whose epithet was al-fār q.
146 For more information on the manuscript of this work, which was copied in 584/1188, see
‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 39–43.
147 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 41.
148 Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam, 1:122–144.
149 Abū Sa‗d Manṣūr b. al-Ḥusayn al-Ābī, Nathr al-durr, Vol. 7, ed. Munīr Muḥammad al-
Madanī and Ḥusayn Naṣ r (Cairo: al-Hay‘a al-miṣriyya al-‗ mma li-al-kit b, 1990), 84–107.
150 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 2–3 (introduction), 46–67 (Arabic text), and 68–90
(French translation).
151 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 33–35.
152 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 3 and 8–9.
153 Boyce, Letter of Tansar, 22n3; Tafazzoli, Tār kh-i adabiyāt, 217.
154 The author of this text is unknown, and the manuscript that contains it is dated 710/1310–11.
For the text, see Muḥammad Kurd ‗Alī, ed., Rasā‘il al-Bulaghā‘, 3rd ed. (Cairo: Maṭba‗a li-
janna al-ta‘līf wa al-tarjama wa al-nashr, 1365/1946), 382–84. This short text too was used by
‗Abb s in his edition of Ardashīr‘s testament.
155 Nihāyat al-arab, 196–200; and Tajārib al-umam, 192–94.
251
156
For example, see Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 482–84, where he cites a few synopses from the
testament under the title ―Fu l min ghurar kalāmih f kull fann‖ (Synopses from the best of his
words on every topic). Also see Mas‗ūdī, al-Tanb h, 98; and Abū al-Abb s Muḥammad b. Yazīd
al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, ed. Muḥammad Aḥmad al-D lī, 4 vols. (Beirut: Mu‘assasat al-ris la,
1986), 1:349.
157 Cf. ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 49: هي أؼظنیؽ هلک الولک الی هي یطلق ثؼوج هي هلک كبؼـ; Grignaschi,
―Quelques spécimens,‖ 46: الولک اؼظنیؽ ثي ثبثک الی هي یطلل ثؼوج هي هلک هي هلک ; and Miskūya,
Tajārib al-umam, 1:122: هي هلک الولک أؼظنیؽ ثي ثبثک الی هي یطلل ثؼوج هي هلک كبؼـ. In the Nihāyat
al-arab, the rubric of the section introducing Ardashīr‘s testament is different from the opening
sentence of the testament. The rubric presents the text as Ardashīr‘s testament to his son: كطخ
Ardashīr‘s testament to his) ػع اؼظنیؽ الی اث قبثؼ أهؽ ثبهزثبل الؼلن ثوب كی رؽک هطبللز الی ؿیؽ
son, Sh pūr, and his order of obeying it, learning its contents, and avoiding to oppose it), but the
opening sentence of the text presents it as Ardashīr‘s testament to his son and all his successors:
هي لع لع ػا هب ػع اؼظنیؽ ثبثکبى الی اث قبثؼ اؼظنیؽ زیي ايطلب للولک ألجك الکؽاه الی هي ضلق ثؼع
. لع (This is the testament of Ardashīr son of B bak to his son, Sh pūr, when he chose him for
kingship and dressed him in the attire of nobility, and to his descendants who succeeded him).
See Nihāyat al-arab, 196–97. The opening sentence of the testament in the Persian translation of
the Nihāyat al-arab reads as: ػا هب ػع اؼظنیؽ كبكکبى الی اث نبپؼ ظؼ هزی ک ا ؼا اؾ ثؽای قلطذ ثؽگؿیع
.See Tajārib al-umam, 192. لجبـ کؽاهذ ظؼ ا پنبیع الی هي ضلل لع لع لع
158 Kurd ‗Alī, Rasā‘il al-bulaghā‘, 382: هي الولک الولک اؾظنیؽ ثي ثبثک ألی هي یطلق هي الولک
159 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 11–12n9.
160 Tajārib al-umam, 192.
161 Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, 181, 203, and 491.
162 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:229–30, 525–37.
252
163
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:203, line 507.
164 Tajārib al-umam, 192.
165 Nihāyat al-arab, 196–97:
كکبى هب رو ػع. كطخ ػع اؼظنیؽ الی اث قبثؼ أهؽ ثبهزثبل الؼلن ثوب كی رؽک هطبللز الی ؿیؽ
166 Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam, 1:122.
167 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:230, lines 541–42.
168 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 563.
169 Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, 1:349:
. ػعل الكلطبى ألغ للؽػی هي ضت الؿهبى: هع هبل األلى هب: كی ػع اؼظنیؽ
170 Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 483: ػعل الكلطبى الغ هي ضت الؿهبى
171 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 164–65.
172 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 53, sec. 3; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 49.
173 Cf. ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 70, sec. 21; and Kurd ‗Ali, Rasā‘il al-bulaghā‘, 383, where ايالذ الؽػیخ
,are mentioned. Also, cf. ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 58, sec. 8; and Kurd ‗Ali ثك الؼعل and ثبلؼعل ػلیب
Rasā‘il al-bulaghā‘, 383, where ثوب یدؽی ػلی یع لكب هي الؼعل andػلی الؼعل زكي الزعثیؽ are
mentioned. The above-mentioned maxim cited by Mubarrad and Tha‗ libī also appears in the
Muntakhab min ‗ahd, but the term rishād is used instead of‗adl. See Kurd ‗Alī, Rasā‘il al-
bulaghā‘, 382: ؼنبظ الولک ضیؽ هي ضت الؿهبى (the integrity of the conduct of the king is better than
the abundance of time).
174 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:231–32, lines 552–62.
175 For example, see Gnoli, Idea of Iran, 138n13, and 164–65; Richard Frye, ―Notes on the Early
Sassanian State and Church,‖ in Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida, 2 vols.
(Rome: Istituto per l‘Oriente, 1956), 1:325–27, Gignoux, ―Church-State Relations in the
Sasanian Period,‖ 72–73; and Daryaee, ―The Ideal King in the Sasanian World,‖ 43. Some
253
medieval authors, like Shams the author of Farā‘id al-sul k and Fakhr-i R zī attribute the idea to
the prophet Muḥammad. See above, p. 62, and below, p. 293 respectively.
176 J. de Menasce, ed. and trans., Le troisième livre du Dēnkart (Paris: C. Klincksieck, 1973),
133, sec. 129.
177 See above, pp. 158–59.
178 In his reading and interpretation of two passages from the Dēnkard and Wiz dag hā
Zādspram, Shaul Shaked refers to the terms ham-nāf ―of the same womb‖ and ham-dēh ―of the
same village‖ used in reference to the union of religion and kingship. These two terms further
indicate that kingship and religion are to reside in one place, that is, the person of the king. See
Shaul Shaked, ―From Iran to Islam: Notes on Some Themes in Transmission,‖ Jerusalem Studies
in Arabic and Islam 4 (1984): 40, repr. ed., in Shaul Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam:
Studies in Religious History and Intercultural Contacts (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1995), chap.
6.
179 See above, pp. 159–64.
180 Marijan Molé, Culte, mythe et cosmologie dans l‘Iran ancien: Le problème zoroastrien et la
tradition mazdéenne (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 38.
181 Molé, Culte, mythe et cosmologie, 38 and 41.
182 See above, pp. 158–59.
183 For example, see Yasht 19.32–33; Yasht 13.130; and Yasn 9.5.
184 de Menasce, Troisième livre du Dēnkart, 317, sec. 343.
185 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:41, line 8 and 1:44, lines 56–60.
186 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:160, line 393.
187 Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 481. The term الرعاؼک does not seem to bear meaning here; the correct term
must be القزعؼاک, meaning ―to redress.‖
254
188
‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 53–54, sec. 4; ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 56–57, sec. 6; Grignaschi, ―Quelques
spécimens,‖ 49 and 50–51; Nihāyat al-arab, 197. The Tajārib al-umam does not include these
warnings.
189 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:202, line 563–61.
190 Molé, Culte, mythe et cosmologie, 50–51; de Menasce, Troisième livre du Dēnkart, 277, sec.
278.
191 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 563.
192 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, lines 563–65.
193 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 51, 53, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 66; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 47,
49, 50, 51, 53, 54; Nihāyat al-arab, 197, 199.
194 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 53–54, sec 4; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 49; The Nihāyat al-arab
does not provide as many details as the other texts provide, and the Tajārib al-umam does not
include this topic. See Nihāyat al-arab, 197.
195 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 58, sec. 8.
196 Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 51.
197 Nihāyat al-arab, 197; and Tajārib al-umam, 193.
198 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 60, sec. 12; and Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 53–54. The Nihāyat al-
arab very briefly refers to this issue, and the Tajārib al-umam does not include it. See Nihāyat
al-arab, 199.
199 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 62–64, sec. 13; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 54–55.
200 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 74–77, sec. 29; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 61–63; Nihāyat al-arab,
199. The Tajārib al-umam very briefly refers to this topic. See Tajārib al-umam, 194. The idea
to help people of higher classes to remain in their own classes is also mentioned in Ardashīr‘s
āy n. See above, pp. 210–11.
255
201
‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 66–69, sec. 17; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 56–58; Nihāyat al-arab,
199.
202 Cf. Firdausi, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 567: ؼش پبظنب ریؽ ظاؼظ ظؼؽ; and ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 69, sec.
.Grignaschi‘s text and the Nihāyat al-arab do not include this advice ;لیف ل أى یکػة :18
203 Cf. Firdausi, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 576: گوبى گؽ ثین ظاؼی ث ظل یک ؾهبى نظ ضیؽ ؼای ظل ثع ;
‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 69, sec. 18: لیف ل أى یطبف; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 58: لیف ل أى یطبف;
Nihāyat al-arab, 198: لیف ل اى یطبف; and Tajārib al-umam, 193: هبیع ک ضبیق ثبنع.
204 Cf. Firdausi, Shāhnāma, 6:234, lines 592–95; ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 72, sec. 25; Grignaschi,
―Quelques spécimens,‖ 60; Nihāyat al-arab, 198; and Tajārib al-umam, 194.
205 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:233, line 580; ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 57–58, sec. 7; Grignaschi,
―Quelques spécimens,‖ 51. The Nihāyat al-arab does not include this advice.
206 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 573.
207 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 69, sec. 18; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 58; Nihāyat al-arab, 198;
and Tajārib al-umam, 193.
208 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 597.
209 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 74, sec. 28: اقزؼعا الؽأي ػلی الی; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 61:
,Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam ;اقزؼیا ثبلؽأي ػلی الی :Nihāyat al-arab, 198 ;اقزؼیا ثبلؽأی ػلی الی
.اقؼعا الؽای ػلی الی :1:137
210 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:233, lines 581–83.
211 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, lines 609–12.
212 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 66, sec 16; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 56.
213 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:235, line 615 and 618.
214 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 82, sec. 36; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 66; Nihāyat al-arab, 200;
Tajārib al-umam, 194.
256
215
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:235–36, lines 621–28.
216 ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 83, sec. 36; Grignaschi, ―Quelques spécimens,‖ 66.
217 Mas‗ūdī, al-Tanb h, 98.
218 Nihāyat al-arab, 200; and Tajārib al-umam, 194.
219 For more on this issue, see Elton Daniel, ―The S m nīd ‗Translations‘ of al-Ṭabarī,‖ in Al-
abar : A Medieval Muslim Historian and His Work, ed. Hugh Kennedy (Princeton: Darwin,
2008), 294–96; Elton Daniel, ―Manuscripts and Editions of Bal‗amī‘s Tarjamah-i Tār kh-i
abar ,‖ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 3rd ser., 2 (1990):
290; and Julie Scott Meisami, ―Why Write History in Persian? Historical Writing in the Samanid
Period,‖ in Studies in Honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth, vol. 2, The Sultan‘s Turret: Studies
in Persian and Turkish Culture, ed. by Carole Hillenbrand (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 366–68.
220 For the verses, see below, pp. 286–87.
221 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:236–37, lines 634–41.
222 Nihāyat al-arab, 200; Tajārib al-umam, 194.
223 In his account about Ardashīr, Ṭabarī only refers to Ardashīr‘s political letters that he sent to
other rulers to ask them to submit to him. See Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh 2:820; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:17.
Bal‗amī and Ibn al-Athīr do not mention anything about Ardashīr‘s political treatises. For other
medieval historians‘ references to Ardashīr‘s political treatises, see Gardīzī, Zayn al-akhbār, 22;
Mas‗ūdī, Mur j, 1:285–90; trans., Mas‗ūdī, Prairies d‘or, 1:215–20; Mas‗ūdī, al-Tanb h, 98–99;
Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 481–84; Mujmal, 61; Mustaufī, Tār kh-i guz da, 104–105; and Ibn al-Balkhī,
Fārs-nāma, 60.
257
Chapter Four
The Ardashīr Cycle and Medieval Persian Mirrors for Princes
The second and third chapters of this study were concerned with the ethico-political advice and
wisdom presented in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma and they demonstrated how the
Shāhnāma narratives functioned as a book of wisdom and advice for rulers and courtiers. In this
final chapter, I will show how the ideas in the Ardashīr cycle were reflected in later medieval
Persian mirrors for princes, and how Ardashīr is represented in them. Ardashīr continued to be
recognized as an ideal king and an authority on good governance by later medieval authors who
kept attributing to him various aphorisms and maxims on statecraft and kingship. It will be
demonstrated that these works reflect Firdausī‘s portrayal of an ideal ruler. ―Mirrors for princes‖
here refers to any form of writing that provides ethico-political advice for rulers on how to
comport themselves and organize their states in order to maintain their power.
In this chapter, the ideas in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma will be compared with
nine medieval Persian advisory works. In order to keep the focus of the study within the
medieval Persian cultural milieu, only medieval mirrors written in Persian were selected. Also,
an effort was made to include a variety of works that were written in different styles and
structures by authors of different social status in different geographical, historical, and cultural
contexts. The authors include two rulers, one minister, two theologians, two court secretaries, a
philosopher, and a court dignitary, who wrote from different perspectives and with different
intentions in a wide geographical area from northern Iran to India. This variety will help to
demonstrate that, despite significant differences, the medieval Persian mirrors share common
ideas that are similar to those in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma. The result of this
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comparative survey supports the argument that the Ardashīr cycle in Shāhnāma, like other
medieval Persian works of wisdom and advice for rulers, differs in many ways from other works
of this genre, but presents the same ideas and ideals and can therefore be studied as a mirror for
princes.
A further criterion for the selection of the works reviewed here was their time of
composition. As pointed out by de Fouchécour, the authors of the advisory literature written
during the fifth/eleventh to the seventh/thirteenth centuries generally drew on earlier collections
of advice and mostly focused on the literary aspect of their writings in order to make their works
more entertaining and convincing. The authors of this earlier period employed verses, maxims,
proverbs, aphorisms, and anecdotes in their works in order to make an impact on their readers
and encourage them to adhere to the ideas and values that they promoted. The authors of later
periods, on the other hand, tended to take a more philosophical approach in their exposition of
the ideal of kingship.1 This does not mean that the ideas found in later works are different from
those of earlier periods. The fact is that, under the influence of Akhlāq-i Nā ir (The Nasirean
ethics) of Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī (d. 672/1274), composed in 633/1235, which exerted a profound
influence on all subsequent literature, later authors of medieval Persian advice literature
articulated their ideas more theoretically and less by way of examples and practical advices.2
Therefore, since the Shāhnāma is a literary not a philosophical work, and it better compares with
earlier medieval Persian wisdom and advice literature, only the works composed during the
fifth/eleventh to the seventh/thirteenth centuries were selected for this study. But, in order to
demonstrate the difference between the literary and philosophical approaches to the presentation
of ideas, the work of a philosopher, who wrote in the earlier period, is also included among
selected works.
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When selecting the sources, their availability as published texts, and their general
recognition as advisory literature for rulers were also taken into consideration. To situate the
works within an historical timeline, they have been reviewed in a chronological order.
Pand-nāma of Sebüktegin
Considered to be one of the oldest Persian mirrors for princes, the Pand-nāma (Book of
advice) of Sebüktegin is a short testament on statecraft and kingship attributed to Sebüktegin (d.
387/997), the father of sultan Maḥmūd of Ghazna and true founder of the Ghaznavid dynasty.
According to later medieval historians, Sebüktegin wrote this testament to his son Maḥmūd when
he appointed him as his successor, but modern scholars maintain that it was most likely written
during the reign of sultan Maḥmūd (r. 388/998–421/1030).3 Like the Ardashīr cycle in the
Shāhnāma, this testament consists of two parts: The first part aims to establish the legitimacy of
Ghaznavid rule, and the second part is a didactic text in plain language, giving straightforward
counsels on how to exercise and maintain kingly power.
Right at the beginning of his testament, Sebüktegin establishes a connection between his
tribe and ancient Persian kingship. He states that he comes from the Barskh niy n tribe in
Turkistan, and explains that this name was given to the tribe because in olden times, a Persian
ruler known as B rs Kh n (P rs Kh n ―Persian Chief‖ ?) ruled over Turkistan. The name B rs
Kh n (ثبؼـ ضبى), according to him, eventually changed to Barskh n (ثؽقطبى).4 By providing this
etymology for the name of his Turkic tribe, Sebüktegin seems to imply that he was from a region
of Turkistan that was influenced by Persian culture and ways of rulership. Sebüktegin then
describes his own father as the most powerful man of the tribe and a generous person who
enjoyed having company. Having recounted the noble characteristics of his father, Sebüktegin
then relates that one day, when his father was away, their encampment was raided and all the
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women, children, and property of their tribe were carried off. Sebüktegin, who was only a child
at the time, was put to work as a shepherd by his captors, and four years later, he was sold as a
slave. By making a point about his father‘s noble characteristics and then describing how he
happened to become a slave, Sebüktegin communicates the idea that he was of a noble origin,
even though he served as a slave for some time. It may be recalled that, according to the Ardashīr
cycle, Ardashīr‘s father, who was supposedly a descendant of ancient Persian kings, worked as a
shepherd, and that Ardashīr himself was a kihtar (a person of low rank) at the court of Ardav n.
In both accounts, the authors suggest that the new ruler, though seemingly of lower social status,
is worthy of kingship on account of his noble background.
Sebüktegin also states that when he was a child, an old fortune-teller (p rmard kāhin)
told him that he would have an amazing life with a great fortune, and that his descendants would
become kings. The words of that old diviner, asserts Sebüktegin, encouraged him to strive for the
best and achieve the glorious life that was predicted for him. The divine election of the future
king and the individual‘s own effort to materialize it is another important concept that is dealt
with in the Ardashīr cycle.5
Sebüktegin recalls that his kidnappers worshipped a man-made stone statue, which
resembled a human. He stresses that, although he was only a child, he did not care for that statue,
and, in order to reassure himself that he was right and they were wrong, he once smeared dirt and
excrement on that idol to see whether anything bad would befall him, and nothing happened.
This symbolic story delineates Sebüktegin‘s contempt for the ―wrong‖ religion and aims to
represent him as a wise man who could differentiate between the ―right‖ and ―wrong‖ religions.
This concept, which is an important element in legitimizing the power of a usurper, figures
prominently in the Ardashīr cycle.6 Sebüktegin‘s testament continues with another entertaining
story that emphasizes on his own effort and wisdom in acquiring the skills required for rulership.
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Similarly, in the Ardashīr cycle, the wisdom, knowledge, and skills of Ardashīr are depicted
through entertaining tales in order to represent him as qualified for kingship.
Having established his right to rule on account of his noble background, wisdom, and
skills, Sebüktegin begins to advise his son on how to exercise and maintain power. The
followings are some of the advices of Sebüktegin to Maḥmūd that find parallels in the Ardashīr
cycle in the Shāhnāma:
1. ―Inquire about the [conduct] of tax functionaries who have held their positions for two
to three years‖ (ػبهلی ک ظ ق قبل ػبهلی کؽظ ثبنع اؾ زبل ا ثپؽـ).7 Inquiring about the performance
of local governors, who were in charge of tax collection, is one of the customs and practices of
Ardashīr described in his āy n in the Shāhnāma:
نب ث نبیكز کبؼی گؽ ظاظضا ؽآکف ک ؼكزی ث ظؼگب
نععی ثؽل اقزاؼاى ای ث پؽقیعى اؾ کبؼظاؼاى ای
ؾیهبى ک ضكجع ث ریوبؼ یؿ اؾیهبى، اگؽ آؾ چیؿک ظاظقذ
Anyone who went to the court of the king
Whether to praise or seek justice,
His (Ardashīr‘s) confidants would go to him (the visitor)
To inquire about his (the king‘s) local governors
[They would ask] whether they uphold justice or have greed for property
[And whether] anyone sleeps in fear of them (local governors).8
2. ―Honour and reward those who display manliness‖ (هؽظهبى هؽظا ؼا یک ظاؼ ثاؾ).9
According to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr promised robes of honour to those who
showed great courage on the battlefield:
ک ؽ کف ک ضهظی نب خكذ ؾهیي ؼا ث ضى ظلیؽاى ثهكذ
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ثیبثع ؾ هي ضلؼذ نؽیبؼ ثظ ظؼ خبى بم ا یبظگبؼ
Anyone who sought to please the king
And washed the earth with the blood of heroes (killed many heroes [of the enemy])
Will receive from me (Ardashīr) a robe of honour
[And] his name will be remembered in the world.10
3. ―Secure roads, as it is the most important thing to do‖ ( هوزؽیي کبؼی ایي ؼاب ایوي ظاؼ ک
.(اقذ11
As narrated in the Ardashīr cycle, Ardashīr fought against thieves and bandits in a
particular region of his realm and made the area so safe that if an old man with a tray of gold
coins on his head passed through that region, no one dared to even look at him.12
Also, the
elderly man who praises Ardashīr at the end of his throne speech, makes a point about Ardashīr‘s
providing a safe place for people to live.13
4. ―Listen to people‘s grievances yourself‖ (ث ظیاى هظبلن ضظ ثهیي).14
According to
Ardashīr‘s āy n, Ardashīr listened to people‘s grievances himself:
ث هیعاى نعی ثبهعاظ پگب ثؽكزی کكی ک ثعی ظاظضا
He (Ardashīr) would go to the square early in the morning
Everyone who sought justice went [there too].15
5. ―Forgiveness is better than anything.‖ (ػل اؾ و چیؿی ثزؽ اقذ).16
In his advices to his
son, Ardashīr exhorts him to forgive those who seek pardon and to avoid vengeance:
ؽآکف ک پؾل کع ثؽ گب ر ثپػیؽ کیي گػنز هطا
Accept the apology of those who apologize for their wrongdoings
Do not seek vengeance for [what is] past.17
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6. Be generous, but avoid excess ( یؿ ثبیع ک اقؽاف ؼا عاؼی... قطبد خاوؽظی پیه کی ).18
In his throne speech in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr admonishes against lavish spending and advises
his audience to keep moderation.
ؿی، قعیگؽ، ک اؾ ثؽ الف ث ثیظ پؽاگع ثؽ گؿاف
هؿظ ظاؼظ کكی ؾآى قپبـ ثپكعظ آى هؽظ یؿظاى نبـ
هیب گؿیی، ثوبی ث خبی ضؽظهع ضاعد پبکیؿ ؼای
Thirdly, not to spend money excessively and in vain for the sake of boasting
[As] there will neither be a recompense for it, nor anyone would appreciate it
Nor is that approved by the believer in God
[If] you choose the mean, you will keep your status
[And] the wise will call you [a man of] sound mind.19
7. ―You should assign spies and informers all over your realm, so that, day and night,
they keep you informed about the state of affairs‖( ثبیع ک خبققبى هیبى ثؽ خولۀ هوبلک ضظ ثگوبؼی رب
آگب کع ؼؾ نت اؾ ازالب رؽا ).20
Throughout the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s use
of spies is presented as a key to his success.21
Ā āb-i salṭanat va vizārat
As opined by Charles Schefer and Charles-Henri de Fouchécour, Ādāb-i salṭanat va
vizārat was written around the end of the fourth/tenth or early fifth/eleventh century.22
The name
of the author, the title, and the addressee of the work are unknown, but in the introduction to his
work, the author refers to it as a treatise on the rules and customs (ādāb) of kingship (salṭanat)
and viziership (vizārat); hence the title Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat given to it by Schefer.23
The author divides his treatise into two parts, the first dealing with the proper conduct
and duties of kings, and the second with those of ministers. This treatise, which is devoid of any
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anecdotes, symbolic tales, or exemplary accounts about past kings and ministers, very formally
and systematically deals with its subject. The author divides each part of the work into several
chapters, each devoted to a specific topic. The frequent citations from the Qur‘an and sayings of
the prophet Muḥammad and the absence of any reference to the ancient Persian kings, whose
famous maxims are cited without any acknowledgement, as well as the author‘s choice of words
(e.g., mubā ―religiously permissible‖) and emphasis on Islamic law (shar ‗a), suggest that he
was a religious scholar.24
Despite its religious tone, however, this treatise contains ideas and
advices that we also find in the Ardashīr cycle. To begin with, the author views justice as the
foremost quality that a king should possess and asserts that the king‘s extreme piety would not
save him on the Day of Judgement if a subject suffered from his injustice.25
The concept of
justice is of great importance in Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma. But, according to
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma, the purpose to maintain justice is to maintain kingship not
to be saved on the Day of Judgement.26
This is indeed a fine point of difference between the
Shāhnāma and later medieval Persian mirrors for princes. Whereas the Shāhnāma promises a
prosperous realm, a long-lasting kingship, and a good name after death to a just king, most later
medieval mirrors for princes warn the ruler about punishments on the Day of Judgement. In other
words, the promises of great achievements in this world, which we find in the Shāhnāma, are
generally replaced in later medieval mirrors for princes by the threat of punishment in the
hereafter in order to encourage the ruler to maintain justice. Nonetheless, despite their different
approaches, we find similar advices given to the ruler in the Shāhnāma and in later medieval
mirrors. The following concepts from Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat are some examples of the
common points shared by this treatise and the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma:
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1. The king is chosen by the favour (fażl) of God.27
As demonstrated above, the divine
election of Ardashīr as a future king is dealt with at length in the first part of the Ardashīr cycle
in the Shāhnāma in order to establish the legitimacy of his rule.28
2. The king should not follow his whims (هزبثؼذ ا کع).29
In his testament in the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr asks his son not to let his whims (havā) overcome his wisdom:
گؽ چیؽ گؽظظ ا ثؽ ضؽظ هعد اؾ هؽظهبى هوؽظظضؽ
If whims prevail over your wisdom
The sage will not consider you a [true] man.30
3. The king should endeavour to protect kingship by means of religion ( ظؼ آى کنع ک ظلزؽا
.(اؾ ظیي زی قبؾظ31
The significant role of religion in the maintenance of kingship is stressed in
ten consecutive verses devoted to this concept in Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma.32
The
following two verses, which clearly make the point, may be cited here as representative of the
rest:
قذ ظیی ث پبی ثی رطذ نبی ثی ظیي ثظ نؽیبؼی ث خبی
No religion survives without the royal throne
Nor any kingship lasts without religion.33
چ ظیي ؼا ثظ پبظنب پبقجبى ر ایي ؽ ظ ؼا خؿ ثؽاظؼ هطاى
When the king is the protector of religion
Do not call these two other than brothers.34
4. The king should consider it his duty to ―stop the oppressors and corrupt men‖ ( کرب
.who exploit his subjects (کؽظى ظقذ ظلو ككو35
According to Ardashīr‘s throne speech, a king
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who is aware of the injustice that his local governors and military bring upon people and does
not punish them, is not worthy of kingship and will lose his divine right to rule (farr):
گؽ اؾ کبؼظاؼاى اؾ لهکؽل ثعاع ک ؼدكذ ثؽ کهؼل
یبؾظ ث ظاظ ا خبعاؼ یكذ ثؽ ربج نبی قؿااؼ یكذ
ؼا كؽی نبهیقی کؽظ ههؼ اؾ آى پف جبنع
If he (the king) is aware that his local governors and the military
Afflict his country with suffering
[Yet] he does not [bring] justice [to people], he is not king of the world
He is not worthy of the royal crown
[Such a king] nullifies the decree of kingship
[And] henceforth, he will have no farr (right to rule). 36
5. The king ―should not accept the words of those who are known for slander and
wrongdoing without any evidence and the testimony of trustworthy witnesses‖ ( قطي اؾ بیل ک
.(ؿوؿ ثعکؽظاؼی نؼبؼایهبى اقذ ثی ایبذ ثی اهبهذ نظ ػعل هكوع عاؼظ37
In his testament in the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr advises his son not to trust the words of slanderers (bad-g y), commoners
(‗āmiyān), and ill-minded (bad-nihān) people:
هدی اؾ ظل ػبهیبى ؼاقزی ک اؾ خكذ خی آیعد کبقزی
ؾیهبى رؽا گؽ ثع آیع ضجؽ ر هه ؾ ثعگی اع هطؼ
پؽقذ پؽقذ یؿظاى ضكؽ اگؽ پبی گیؽی، قؽ آیع ث ظقذ
ی ػبم نؽ چیي ثبنع اعاؾ رؽا خبظاى اؾ ضؽظ ثبظ ثؽ
بى ثزؽـ اؾ ثع هؽظم ثع ثبظا خبىبى رگ ک ثؽ ثع
Do not look for truth in the heart of commoners
For [this] search will bring upon you indignity
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And if they bring you bad news
You do not listen to [these] slanderers and do not worry
They worship neither the king nor God
If you reach [for their] feet, you will find [their] heads (that is, they reverse the truth)
This is the measure of the commoners of the realm
May you be endowed with wisdom forever
Be afraid of the harm of ill-minded people
May the world (life) be difficult for the ill-minded.38
The anonymous author of Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat devotes two of the four chapters of
the first part of his treatise, which is on the proper conduct and duties of kings, to the topics of
who the king should listen to (istimā‗-i kalamāt) and who he should consult with (dar
mashvirat), a clear indication that these two matters were of great relevance to his addressee.39
In
the Ardashīr cycle, this concept is featured on several occasions where Ardashīr either seeks
advice from the wise men or listens to those who approach him with their wise suggestions.40
Qāb s-nāma
Although not specifically designed to educate a king on the maintenance of kingship,
Qāb s-nāma contains the same concepts that we find in most medieval Persian works of advice
for rulers.41
This work was written in 475/1082–83 (or 457/1064–65) by ‗Unṣur al-Ma‗ lī
Kayk ‘ūs b. Iskandar b. Q būs b. Vushmgīr b. Ziy r, a prince of the Ziyarid family, who was a
son-in-law of sultan Maḥmūd of Ghazna and who probably ruled over Gurg n and Ṭabarist n in
northern Iran. In his work, Kayk ‘ūs addresses his son, Gīl nsh h, to educate him on a wide
range of customs and practices, from bathing to eating and drinking, from holding banquets to
hunting and playing games, and from farming the land and fighting in the army to ruling as a
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king. The content of the work and the titles of a number of its chapters that begin with the phrase
―dar āy n-i‖ (on the customs of), point to its affinity with the Sasanian āy n-nāmas ―books of
customs and practices,‖ none of which have survived in the original language.42
Some of
Kayk ‘ūs‘s instructions on the āy n of war and military, court administration, and kingship share
common points with the Ardashīr cycle, particularly his āy n, in the Shāhnāma. The followings
are a few examples:
In the chapter on the āy n and requirements of the commander-in-chief (dar āy n va
sharṭ-i sipahsālār ), Kayk ‘ūs gives the following advices to his son, which we also find in the
Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma:
1. To ensure that he has accurate information about the enemy by regularly sending out
spies (jās s) and vanguards (ṭalāya) to collect information for him ( اؾ خبقـ كؽقزبظى ؾ کبؼ ضن
.(ضیم آگب ثظى ؿبكل هجبل ثؽؾ ثهت اؾ الی كؽقزبظى رویؽ هکي43
Likewise, according to Ardashīr‘s
āy n in the Shāhnāma, the commander-in-chief is advised to dispatch vanguards from the army
(الی پؽاگع ثؽ چبؼ هیل ).44
2. To show high spirit and embolden the troops when the two armies face each other:
گی بک ثبل ثب لهکؽ ضیم وی ؼؾ زؽة چى چهن ثؽ لهکؽ ضن اكگی ؽ ظ لهکؽ ؼی ثیک ظیگؽ ع ضع
اؾیهبى ثؽآؼینچ قگبى ثبنع ایب؟ ثیک قبػذ ظهبؼ : ک ―On the day of battle, as you lay eyes on the
troops of the enemy, and as both armies face each other, keep laughing and tell your troops, ‗who
the hell are these dogs? In one hour, we will get rid of them.‘‖ 45
A similar advice is given to the
commander-in-chief in Ardashīr‘s āy n:
ث لهکؽ چیي گی کیي ضظ کیع ثعیي ؼؾهگب اعؼى ثؽ چیع
اكکي اؾ هب یکی اؾیهبى يع اقپ وبى يع ث پیم یکی اعکی
نوب ؼا و پبک ثؽب پیؽ قزبن یکی ضلؼذ اؾ اؼظنیؽ
Tell the troops, ―who the hell are these [people]?‖
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―Why the hell are they on this battlefield?‖
―One hundred of their cavalrymen [equals] one of us‖
―Even that one hundred is petty before one [of us]‖
―For everyone of you, young and old,‖
―I will get a robe of honour from Ardashīr.‖46
3. To reward competent soldiers, so that others may be encouraged to work harder:
ثعاى اعؼ گؽع و لهکؽ ... ثبؼبف آى ضعهذ هکبكبد کي اؾ ضلؼذ ؾیبظد هؼبل ... ؽ کف ک خگ یک ثکع
جبنع كزسی ثوؽاظ ثؽآیعرؽا آؼؾی خگ ضیؿظ یچ ظؼ خگ هوؽ ―Reward those who fight well … by
robes of honour and increasing their salary … all your troops will look at that and wish to fight,
and so, there will be no negligence and a desirable victory will be achieved.‖47
As already noted
in the discussion about the Pand-nāma of Sebüktegin, the advice about rewarding courageous
men is given in the Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma.48
The point of this advice, according to
Qāb s-nāma, is to encourage others. We find the same reasoning in Ardashīr‘s āy n:
ؽهع ؼا ضلؼذ آؼاقزی رؽ ضاقزی هبی ؾ گح آچ پؽ
چ کؽظی گب اعؼ آى ثی ؽ ثجكزی هیبى خگ ؼا ثیهزؽ
He (Ardashīr) invested the competent with robes of honour
He asked from the treasury that which was more valuable [to reward them with]
When the incompetent looked at that [honouring of the competent]
He girded his belt (that is, became determined) to fight harder.49
4. Not to follow a defeated enemy, as it may return with a surprise attack: چى ظلؽ یبكزی اؾ
.ی ثكیبؼ هؽ ک ظؼ ؼخؼذ ثكیبؼ ضطبب اكزع راى ظاكزي ک زبل چى ثبنعپف ؿیوز ―When you achieve
victory, do not go after a large defeated army, as blunders can occur on retreat, and it is not
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possible to know the state of affairs.‖50
A similar advice is given to the commander-in-chief in
Ardashīr‘s āy n:
چ ر پهذ ظنوي ثجیی، ث چیؿ هیبؾ هپؽظاؾ ن خبی یؿ
جبیع ک ایوي نی اؾ کویي قپ ثبنع اعؼ ظؼ ظنذ کیي
When you see the back of the enemy, do not seek more,
And do not empty your spot [on the battlefield].
You should not feel secure from surprise attacks
[As] the troops are in a plain of vengeance.51
5. To eat and drink with the army, for it is very effective in keeping their loyalty: یک لوو
ع ثی لهکؽ ضیم هطؼ ک آچ بى پبؼ کع ؾؼ قین زاع کؽظىبى یک هعذ جی ―Never eat a piece of bread
or drink a cup of wine without your army, for a piece of bread does things that gold and silver
cannot do.‖52
In the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, this advice is not given directly, but in the
tale of Ardashīr‘s battle with Haftv d, Firdausī depicts Ardashīr having dinner and wine with his
military officials.53
On the topic of secretaryship and the requirements of scribes (dar ādāb va āy n-i dab r
va sharṭ-i kātib), Kayk ‘ūs advises that a secretary with good penmanship should also know how
to speak ( یک ظاؼی ثؽ قطي هبظؼ ثبنی[ ثبیع ک]اگؽ ظثیؽ ثبنی ض ).54
As stated in Ardashīr‘s āy n in the
Shāhnāma, eloquence and good penmanship were two requirements of the scribes who worked at
the royal court:
ثالؿذ گ ظانزعی ض رؽ یک و، کكی ک ثعی چیؽ
Those (scribes) who were more experienced,
Maintained eloquence and penmanship.55
کكی ؼا ک کوزؽ ثعی ض یؽ اؼظنیؽ ؽكزی ث ظیاى نب
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Those who were weaker in penmanship and intelligence
Did not go to the court of king Ardashīr.56
In the chapter on the āy n and requirements of kingship (dar āy n va sharṭ-i pādshāh ),
Kayk ‘ūs exhorts his son, among other things, to be pious (pārsā), consult his wisdom (khirad),
be patient (burdbār), uphold justice (dād), speak the truth (rāst-g y), speak little (kam-g y), be
compassionate (ra m), and be completely aware of what is going on in his realm.57
We find
these advices in Ardashīr‘s testament to his son in the Shāhnāma and in most medieval Persian
mirrors for princes.
Siyar al-mul k of Ni ām al-Mulk
Siyar al-mul k (The conduct of kings), also known as the Siyāsat-nāma (The book of
statecraft), is generally recognized as the most representative of the medieval Persian mirrors for
princes, 58
and was written during the period 479/1086–484/1091 by the vizier Ni m al-Mulk (d.
485/1092), who served the two Saljūq rulers Alp Arsl n (r. 455/1063–465/1072) and Maliksh h
(r. 465/1072–485/1092).59
The directness and immediacy of the text demonstrate that the
author‘s intention was not so much to create a literary piece, but rather to write a straightforward
manual on how to rule. It is interesting to note that although the work is clearly a manual on
kingship and not history, its author refers to it as a kitāb-i siyar ―book of conduct‖ (of kings), a
generic title given to the early Islamic Arabic translations of the Khudāynāmas, histories of
ancient Persian kings, which were changed to shāhnāmas in New Persian. 60
Ni m al-Mulk‘s
reference to his own work as a kitāb-i siyar suggests that he considered the function of his work
to be like that of the Khudāynāmas, that is, teaching lessons on kingship and statecraft through
exemplary accounts of past kings. In other words, he considered histories of ancient Persian
kings to be manuals on kingship like his own work.
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Dividing his work into fifty chapters, each on a different aspect of statecraft and kingship,
Ni m al-Mulk draws upon both ancient and recent history to provide models for good
governance. He starts each chapter with a precept, which is often followed by an historical
account to illustrate the point. The followings are some of the advices of Ni m al-Mulk that
correspond to the concepts presented in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma:
1. Ni m al-mulk advises the ruler to dedicate two days of the week to listening to
people‘s grievances in person. He states that he had read in the books of the past (kutub-i
p sh nigān) that most Persian kings built a high platform (dukkān buland) in a field, from atop
of which they listened to the grievances of people. He further explains that if the king stays at his
palace, he will not learn the problems of people, because the court officials and guards will not
allow people to enter the palace and have their complaints heard by the king.61
According to
Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr listened to people‘s grievances in person in the main
square.62
This custom of Ardashīr is also mentioned in the Nihāyat al-arab and Tajārib al-umam,
where it is stated that Ardashīr built a high platform adjacent to his palace and named it dukkān
al-ma l m n (edited as makān al-ma l m n in the Tajārib al-umam), and listened to people‘s
complaints in person twice a month from atop this platform.63
2. Ni m al-Mulk advises the ruler to instruct tax functionaries, when assigning them
their posts, to treat people considerately, not oppress them with extortionate taxes and/or pre-
payments of their taxes, and provide them with farming supplies (gāv va tukhm) and loans (vām)
if need be, so that they stay and not emigrate.64
According to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma,
Ardashīr gave detailed instructions to local governors/tax functionaries when he appointed them
to provinces.65
It also describes Ardashīr‘s custom of providing farming supplies and animals
(ālat va chārpāy) to the farmers who suffered from poor harvest in order to help them survive.66
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3. Throughout his work, Ni m al-Mulk refers to the importance of collecting accurate
information about the conduct of tax functionaries, ministers, and other trusted government
officials through spies (kārāgahān).67
As discussed above, the importance of using spies
(kārāgahān) everywhere is mentioned throughout the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma.68
4. On the importance of religion for the king, Ni m al-Mulk states that ―kingship and
religion are like two brothers‖ (پبظنبی ظیي وچى ظ ثؽاظؼع) who influence each other.69
He
advises the king to educate himself in all matters related to religion, so that his kingship will not
be influenced by wrong religion.70
As already mentioned above, the idea of the brotherhood of
kingship and religion is the most prominent theme in Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma.71
Ni m al-Mulk cites this maxim without attributing it to Ardashīr, but he continues the
discussion by citing a saying, which he attributes to Ardashīr: ―A sultan who cannot lead his
entourage (khvā agiyān) to righteousness ( alā ) can never lead the common people (‗āmma)
and peasants (ra‗yat) to the right path‖ ( ک رابیی آى عاؼظ ک ضبيگیبى ضیم ؼا ثالذ ثبؾآؼظ ؽقلطبی
ذ زاى آؼظ ؽگؿ ا ػبه ؼػیذ ؼا ثال ).72
This saying is not in the Shāhnāma, but is found in the
Arabic texts of Ardashīr‘s testament.73
Ni m al-Mulk‘s use of this aphorism to expound on the
meaning of the maxim ―kingship and religion are twin brothers,‖ indicates that he understood
this maxim to mean that the king should function not only as a secular leader ordering the affairs
of his realm, but also as a religious leader leading his subjects to the right path. At the end of his
discussion about the importance of religion for the king, Ni m al-mulk states that if the king is
invested with the divine farr (right to rule) and his kingship is befriended with knowledge (that
is, the knowledge of religion, as this is the topic of discussion), he will find felicity in both
worlds ( ؼ ثبنع، قؼبظد ظ خبی ثیبثع اهب چى پبظنب ؼا كؽ االی ثبنع، هولکذ ثبنع ػلن ثب آى یب ). He then
provides a list of the past kings, caliphs, emirs, and sultans who were knowledgeable (in
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religion), which includes Ardashīr‘s name.74
Thus, he considered Ardashīr as a king with
knowledge of both kingship and religion.
5. A separate chapter of Siyar al-mul k deals with the importance of the visits of foreign
delegates. Ni m al-Mulk gives detailed instructions about receiving the envoys at the border,
immediately informing the king about the arrival of foreign delegates and the purpose of their
visit, arranging for their transfer to the palace, and presenting the palace and its guards to foreign
envoys in the most magnificent way in order to impress them.75
These instructions closely
correspond with those found in Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma.76
6. Ni m al-Mulk advises the ruler to avoid anger and be forgiving if a high ranking
official makes a mistake. He then cites an aphorism, which he attributes to ‗Alī b. Abī Ṭ lib, the
fourth caliph and the cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Muḥammad, indicating that he who
can control his anger is the most competent fighter, and that anger leads to regret ( اؾ اهیؽالوئهیي
آى ک ث هذ ضهن ضظ ؼا گب راع ظانذ کبؼی »گلذ « اؾ هؽظاى هؽظ کعام هجبؼؾرؽ؟»ػلی ػلی الكالم پؽقیعع ک
«.ع ک چى اؾ ضهن ثیؽى آیع پهیوبی ضؼظ قظل عاؼظک ).77
The aphorism that Ni m al-Mulk
attributes to ‗Alī is similar to one of Ardashīr‘s advices to his son in his testament in the
Shāhnāma:
ثعاى کل رب ظؼ ثبنی ؾ ضهن کبؼ چهن ث هؽظی ثطاة اؾ گ
چ ضهن آؼی ن پهیوبى نی پؾل گجبى ظؼهبى نیث
Endeavour to stay away from anger
Be a true man and close your eyes to the wrongdoer
When you become angry, you will [become] regretful withal
[And] by [making] apology, you will look for a remedy.78
چ ضای ک ثكزبیعد پبؼقب ضهن کیي چى نی پبظنبث
If you wish to be praised by the pious
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Put down anger and vengeance, when you become king.79
Advice on avoiding anger, which appears in almost every medieval Persian mirror for
princes, may seem to be a commonplace counsel at first sight, but it has roots in Zoroastrian
beliefs, which hold that anger is a demon in the service of Ahriman. Fighting against anger,
according to Zoroastrianism, means fighting against demon Anger, a mighty helper of Ahriman.
As mentioned in the Bundahishn, most kings and heroes were killed by the demon Anger, whose
seven-part strength was reduced to one by the ancient kings (kayān) and heroes (yalān), who
fought against it.80
As we shall see below, the celebrated theologian Abū Ḥ mid Ghaz lī (d.
505/1111) states that anger is a monster (gh l) in the service of Satan (ibl s), when he urges the
ruler to avoid anger. And according to the Shāhnāma, demons praise a man whose wisdom is
replaced by anger.81
Also, in the above-mentioned verse from the Shāhnāma, where it is stated
that he who controls his anger is praised by the pious, the connection drawn between piety and
controlling one‘s anger points to the religious (Zoroastrian) connotation of this idea. When read
against the backdrop of Zoroastrian beliefs concerning anger, ‗Alī‘s statement regarding the
―most competent fighter‖ becomes more meaningful; as do Ghaz lī‘s analogy and the above-
mentioned verses from the Shāhnāma. The advice on avoiding anger appearing in these different
works shows how ancient Persian concepts that are reflected in the Shāhnāma also found their
way in later medieval Persian mirrors for princes. As a matter of fact, it is not uncommon to find
ancient Persian wisdom presented in Islamic grab and/or attributed to Muslim religious figures in
the medieval Arabic and Persian works.82
The attribution of ancient Persian ideas to Muslim
religious figures obviously granted them definite approval.
Ni m al-Mulk further advises the ruler that, in order to be able to control his anger, the
king should not allow his whims to prevail over his wisdom. This is another advice that is given
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in Ardashīr‘s testament and was already noted above in the review of Ādāb-i salṭanat va
vizārat.83
As we shall see below, the idea of using wisdom in controlling anger reflects a
Zoroastrian concept as well.
7. Ni m al-Mulk advises that, in addition to sending courageous conquerors as military
commanders to the battlefield, the troops must be accompanied by experienced wise men to
oversee their conduct and avert any wrongdoings.84
According to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr assigned a wise (khiradmand), courageous (pahlavān), and well-mannered
(bih-āy n) scribe (dab r) to watch over the troops and ensure that they would not plunder or
mistreat innocent people.85
This representative of Ardashīr also advised the army commander
(sālār) on how to behave and reminded him of his duties.86
8. Avoiding excessive generosity is another advice that Ni m al-Mulk gives to the
ruler.87
As already noted in the review of the Pand-nāma of Sebüktegin, we find the same
precept in Ardashīr‘s throne speech (andarz) in the Shāhnāma.88
According to Ni m al-Mulk, good customs of kingship and statecraft were practised
from the time of Ardashīr to Yazdgird the last Sasanian king, who failed to adhere to his
ancestors‘ traditions, brought injustice upon people, and destroyed his kingship.89
This statement
indicates that in Ni m al-Mulk‘s view, the success of the Sasanian kings was due to the good
customs and practices that were initiated by Ardashīr and followed by later Sasanian kings.
Na ḥat al-mul k of Ghazālī
Ghaz lī‘s Na at al-mul k, which means ―advice for kings,‖ is another medieval mirror
for princes, the content of which is comparable to the concepts presented in the Ardashīr cycle in
the Shāhnāma. Modern scholars are not in agreement as to whether the great theologian Abū
Ḥ mid Muḥammad Ghaz lī (d. 505/1111) was the author of this work or not, but they agree that
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the content of the first part of the work closely corresponds to Ghaz lī‘s ideas expressed in his
other works, particularly his K miyā-yi sa‗ādat, which is a Persian translation and abridgement of
his celebrated I yā‘ ‗ul m al-d n.90
Although it is the second part of the Na at al-mul k that
contains many anecdotes about ancient Persian kings and sages and numerous aphorisms
attributed to them, and therefore shares more in common with the Shāhnāma, the first part of the
work too contains concepts that are similar to the ideas presented in the Ardashīr cycle in the
Shāhnāma.91
In the first part of the Na at al-mul k, Ghaz lī advises the ruler—sultan Muḥammad b.
Maliksh h (r. 498/1105–511/1118) or possibly sultan Sanjar (r. 511/1118–552/1157) when he
was still a prince92
—that it is incumbent upon him to thank God for His blessings. He further
states that the most valuable blessing of God to the ruler is faith, which is ―the seed of eternal
felicity.‖ He continues that God planted the seed of faith in the ruler‘s heart and left it up to him
to grow it with the water of obedience (ṭā‗at), so that it may become a great tree, the branches of
which reach as high as the sky and the roots of which go deep into the ground.93
Although
Ghaz lī refers to a Qur‘anic verse for his description of the faith of the ruler,94
his metaphor of
the tree of faith is strikingly similar to the symbol used in the Shāhnāma to describe the strong
faith of king Gusht sp. As already discussed above, Gusht sp considered his extraordinarily tall
cypress tree to be a gift from heaven and the proof of his faith.95
The tree of faith, according to Ghaz lī, has ten roots and ten branches.96
The roots of the
tree represent belief in God and other principles of faith, such as belief in the Day of Judgment.
The branches of the tree correspond to the ruler‘s deeds, such as worshiping God and upholding
justice. According to Ghaz lī, the ruler‘s failure in the proper performance of his duties toward
God might be forgiven by Him, but his shortcomings in performing his duties toward people will
never be forgiven. Since the most important responsibility of the ruler toward people is
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maintaining justice, Ghaz lī enumerates ten principles (a l) that the ruler should adhere to in
order to be just. Eight of these ten principles correspond with the concepts presented in the
Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma:
The first principle of justice is that the ruler (vāl ) should appreciate the value (qadr) and
danger (khaṭar) of the gift of rulership (vilāyat), which God has bestowed upon him.97
Ardashīr
gives a similar advice to his son, when he warns him that kingship has ups and downs and that he
should expect both comfort and hardship in kingship:
قذ بؾ نوب ؼا ن اؾ ؼح پیم ؾهبی هیت ؾهبی كؽاؾ
قذ کؽظاؼ گؽظاى قپؽ چیي گی ظؼظ آؼظد گب هؽ
Both suffering and comfort lie ahead of you
Sometimes low and sometimes high
This is the way of the revolving Sphere
Sometimes it brings upon you pain, other times compassion.98
As elaborated by Ghaz lī, the danger is about God‘s punishment of unjust rulers in the
next world. According to Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma, however, the hardship of
kingship is its maintenance. As mentioned above, whereas most medieval mirrors threaten the
ruler with the fear of punishment by God for failure to perform their duties, the fear expressed in
the Shāhnāma is about the loss of kingship. Both threats, however, are used for the same purpose
of urging the king to be just.
In describing the second principle of justice, Ghaz lī urges the ruler to meet the scholars
of religion (‗ulamā-yi d n), to be keen to hear their advice, and to avoid greedy scholars.99
We do
not find this concept in the Ardashīr cycle. As argued in the third chapter of this study and will
be further discussed below, the Shāhnāma represents Ardashīr as an ideal ruler who possessed
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knowledge of both kingship and religion.100
Therefore, he did not need to meet the scholars of
religion and listen to their advice.
According to Ghaz lī‘s third principle of justice, the ruler should not be content only with
his own justice, but he should also endeavour to stop his men from exploiting people.101
This is
an important concept, which appears in Ardashīr‘s throne speech and most medieval Persian
mirrors for princes.102
As noted above, Pand-nāma of Sebüktegin, Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,
and Siyar al-mul k all make a point about it.103
To elaborate his point about this principle of justice, Ghaz lī mentions that the ruler
cannot bring justice to people without first bringing justice to his own self. To explain the
meaning of bringing justice to oneself, he explains that one should not let his wisdom and
religion (‗aql va d n) be captives (as r) of tyranny ( ulm), anger (khishm), and lust (shahvat). He
expounds on this idea by stating that wisdom, which is of the essence of angels, belongs to the
army of God, but anger and lust are in the army of Satan (ibl s), and he concludes that a ruler
who lets the army of God be captured by the army of Satan can never bring justice to others. 104
These analogies are reminiscent of the Zoroastrian concept of the constant fight between the
armies of Ohrmazd and Ahriman and the demons Anger and Lust (Āz) serving in the army of
Ahriman. Furthermore, when Ghaz lī states that one should not let wisdom and religion (‗aql va
d n) be captives of anger and lust, the term ―d n,‖ especially in this particular context, does not
seem to carry its usual meaning as an institutional concept, but rather seems to convey its
Zoroastrian meaning as a power of the soul which was given to man by Ohrmazd for him to use
in his fight against Ahriman and his helpers. The terms ‗aql and d n (wisdom and religion) used
by Ghaz lī as a pair here correspond with the Middle Persian terms xrad and dēn (wisdom and
religion), which usually appear together as a pair in Zoroastrian religious writings.105
It is
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remarkable that we find these Zoroastrian concepts in the first part of Ghaz lī‘s work, which is
generally considered to be in accord with Ghaz lī‘s Islamic thoughts in his other works.
Ghaz lī‘s point that the ruler should not allow anger to overcome his wisdom is a
common theme of most medieval Persian mirrors for princes and appears in the Ardashīr cycle in
the Shāhnāma, as already noted above.
Ghaz lī‘s fourth principle of justice is a continuation of his discussion about overcoming
anger. He further explains that anger is a monster (gh l) and an enemy of wisdom (‗aql), and the
ruler should overcome his anger by mercy (karam) and patience (burdbār ).106
On more than one
occasion in his testament, Ardashīr advises his son to avoid anger, to have his wisdom overcome
his whims (havā), and to be patient (burdbār) and forgiving (bakhshanda).107
Here again,
Ghaz lī‘s reference to anger as a monster (gh l) evokes the Zoroastrian notion of the demon
Anger. He also refers the reader to his other work I yā‘ for further discussion about the affliction
(āfat) of anger and its remedy (‗alāj).108
As a fifth principle of justice, Ghaz lī exhorts the ruler not to wish for his subjects what
he does not wish for himself.109
A similar concept is presented in Ardashīr‘s testament, where he
states it is inappropriate for the king to wish bad for anyone and adds that a wise king only wants
goodness for others:
چ ثؽ نب ػیجكذ ثع ضاقزي ثجبیع ث یکی ظل آؼاقزي
Since it is inappropriate for the king to desire bad [for others]
[He] should adorn [his] heart with goodness. 110
ضؽظهع ثبنع خبعاؼ نب ضا کدب ؽ کكی ؼا ثظ یک
Wise is the king
Who wishes well for everyone.111
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Ghaz lī‘s sixth principle of justice is that the ruler should not belittle the expectations of
those who bring him their needs ( اؼثبة زبخبد ؼا ثؽ ظؼگب ضیم زویؽ هبقعازظبؼ ).
112 Ardashīr too
advises his son not to disgrace the poor man who asks for help (هکي ضاؼ ضاع ظؼیم ؼا).113
We
find the same advice also in the Qāb s-nāma.114
The seventh principle of justice is about contentment (qanā‗at). According to Ghaz lī,
there will be no justice if the ruler is not contented (ثی هبػذ ػعل هوکي هظ).115
In his throne
speech in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr states he who is contented (khursand) becomes wealthy ( راگؽ
.( نظ ؽک ضؽقع گهذ116
Contentment is a virtue highly regarded in Zoroastrianism and, as argued
by Shaul Shaked, is ―very characteristic of the Zoroastrian attitude to life.‖ He maintains that
contentment, like many other concepts, entered Islamic literature from Zoroastrianism.117
This is
another instance where we have a Zoroastrian concept presented in an Islamic medieval mirror
for princes.
Through his eighth principle of justice, Ghaz lī encourages the ruler to always act in a
gentle manner not in a harsh way ( اع ثؽكن کع ثعؼنزیو کبؼب رب ر ).118
In his throne speech,
Ardashīr gives the same counsel with regard to speaking:
ظگؽ آک ظاؼع آاؾ ؽم ضؽظ ظاؼظ نؽم گلزبؼ گؽم
The other [advice] is to speak softly
To maintain wisdom, respect (shame), and warm words.119
In describing his ninth principle of justice, Ghaz lī states that the ruler should endeavour
to make all his subjects satisfied with him (خع کع رب و ؼػیذ اؾ ضهظ ثبنع ).
120 This concept is
reflected throughout Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, where his attention to all classes of
society is described at length.121
The idea that everyone was happy under Ardashīr‘s reign is also
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highlighted in the statements of the elderly who praises Ardashīr at the end of his throne
speech.122
Finally, in his tenth principle of justice, Ghaz lī urges the ruler to ensure that all he does
is in accordance with the Islamic law, shar ‗a.123
This concept is obviously not included in the
Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma.
To elaborate his principles of justice, Ghaz lī quotes sayings from the prophet
Muḥammad and relates anecdotes about the conduct of prophets, caliphs, and rulers in the early
Islamic period. In this first part of the work, there is no mention of ancient Persian kings and
sages. But, the second part of Na at al-mul k, which has led modern scholars to doubt its
attribution to Ghaz lī, is replete with Persian verses, maxims, and aphorisms attributed to ancient
Persian sages and kings, and anecdotes about their ways of governing the state.
When Ardashīr‘s portrayal in Na at al-mul k is compared with that of Khusrau
Anūshīrv n (r. 531–579), another Sasanian king who is praised for his wisdom and justice not
just in Na at al-mul k but in almost all medieval Persian mirrors for princes, two distinct types
of ideal kingship reveal themselves: one in which the king is a sage, which generally is not
promoted in the medieval Persian mirrors, and one in which the king has a sage as his advisor,
and this is the model of kingship that is favoured by most authors of medieval Persian mirrors for
princes.
Na at al-mul k attributes seven aphorisms each to Ardashīr and Anūshīrv n.124
But,
we find eight anecdotes about Anūshīrv n and only one about Ardashīr in the same work.125
Thus, Ardashīr is largely known through his aphorisms, and this is generally the case in the other
medieval Persian mirrors as well. For example, Ni m al-Mulk relates no anecdotes about
Ardashīr in his Siyar al-mul k, but he attributes one aphorism to him and frequently mentions his
name as a wise ruler and initiator of the good customs and practices of ancient Persian kings.126
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Ni m al-Mulk on the other hand attributes no aphorisms to Anūshīrv n but relates three
anecdotes and one long account about him.127
Thus, Ardashīr‘s name in the medieval Persian
mirrors is primarily associated with wise sayings, as if he were a sage. Furthermore,
Anūshīrv n‘s success is commonly known to have been not just due to his own wisdom, but also
due to the wisdom of his famous minister and advisor, Buzurgmihr. The number of aphorisms
and maxims attributed to Buzurgmihr in Na at al-mul k greatly exceeds those attributed to
Anūshīrv n, but there is no mention of such a minister for Ardashīr.128
In a passage of his Siyar
al-mul k, Ni m al-Mulk states that all great kings of the past, and even prophets, had good
ministers, and then he lists the names of those great kings and prophets and their ministers
without including Ardashīr‘s name.129
This is of course not to say that Ardashīr had no minister,
but to draw attention to the fact that Ardashīr‘s minister is never depicted as his advisor. In the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s minister is portrayed as a caring and conscientious minister who saves the
kingship by saving the life of Ardashīr‘s pregnant queen.130
In the Letter of Tansar, Ardashīr‘s
minister only defends his master and justifies his acts in response to the complaints of the ruler
of Ṭabarist n.131
Thus, although Ardashīr is known to have had a wise and competent minister,
he is never portrayed as being advised by his minister, as is often the case with Anūshīrv n. It is
also noteworthy that medieval historians, such as Ṭabarī, Bal‗amī, Miskūya, Tha‗ libī, and Ibn
al-Balkhī all make a point about Anūshīrv n‘s interest in Ardashīr‘s literature of wisdom and
advice and his putting into practice what he learned from him.132
This particular representation of
Ardashīr as a sage-king was also noted by de Fouchécour in his study of the medieval Persian
and Arabic wisdom and advice literature attributed to Ardashīr. According to de Fouchécour,
Ardashīr‘s portrayal as a sage-king points to an earlier tradition of wisdom and advice literature
that considered the ideal king to be a sage and advisor himself. The later tradition of advisory
literature, according to de Fouchécour, focused on the pair of the king and his advisor as the
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ideal, typical examples of which would be the pairs of Anūshīrv n-Buzurgmihr and Alexander-
Aristotle.133
It must also be noted that the ―king‘s advisor‖ in the medieval Persian mirrors for princes
often refers to a religious scholar, that is, someone who could give both moral and legal advice to
the king. For example, we know from the Shāhnāma that Buzurgmihr was trained as a
Zoroastrian priest (m bad).134
In view of this point, Ardashīr‘s portrayal as a sage-king in the
medieval Persian and Arabic literature corresponds with his depiction in the Shāhnāma and the
Zoroastrian literature as a king with knowledge of both religion and kingship. This
correspondence supports the argument set forth in the third chapter of this study that the idea of
the union of kingship and religion, often ascribed to Ardashīr in the medieval sources, should be
interpreted in the context of Zoroastrian beliefs concerning the ideal state of the world, in which
religion and kingship are conjoined and manifested in the person of the king. It is only in this
context that Ardashīr‘s not requiring an advisor makes sense.
In addition to the aphorisms and one anecdote attributed to Ardashīr in Na at al-mul k,
a number of advices of Ardashīr that are found in the Shāhnāma are also mentioned in Na at
al-mul k, but they are either attributed to other historical or legendary figures or cited without
any attribution. For example, the maxim ―kingship and religion are like two brothers‖ ( ظیي
.is mentioned without being attributed to any particular person (پبظنبی چى ظ ثؽاظؼع135
Like
Ni m al-Mulk, Ghaz lī cites this maxim in a context where he stresses the importance of
knowledge of religion for the king. As demonstrated above, this maxim appears in the same
context in the testament of Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma.136
Another example of Ardashīr‘s aphorisms in the Shāhnāma that appears in Na at al-
mul k without any attribution concerns contentment. As stated in the second part of Na at al-
mul k, ―A sage was asked: ‗What is affluence?‘ He replied: ‗Contentment.‘‖
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.(زکیوی ؼا پؽقیعع راگؽی چیكذ، گلذ ضؽقعی)137
We find exactly the same aphorism in Ardashīr‘s
throne speech: ―He who is contented becomes wealthy‖ (راگؽ نظ ؽ ک ضؽقع گهذ).138
As noted
above, Ghaz lī refers to contentment as the seventh principle of justice in the first part of his
work too. The notion of contentment, as already discussed above, is a Zoroastrian concept that is
mentioned in both the Shāhnāma and later Perso-Islamic medieval mirrors for princes.
Here are a few more examples of the notions that are found in both Na at al-mul k and
the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma:
1. According to Ghaz lī, people should love their kings and be obedient to them, because
God has bestowed farr, the divine right of kingship, upon them ( کكی ؼا ک اپبظنبی كؽ ایؿظی ظاظ
‖.( ظقذ ثبیع ظانزي پبظنببى ؼا هزبثغ ثبیع ثظى139
In his throne speech in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr asks
his audience to be submissive to the will of God and accept and love their king:
ث كؽهبى ایؿظ ظل آؼاقزي هؽا چى ري ضیم ضاقزي
To give [your] heart to the command of God
To love me as your own selves.140
چبؼم ک اؾ ؼای نب خبى بىپیچی ظل اؾ آنکبؼ
Fourth, not to turn your heart away, openly or secretly,
From the prudence of the king of the world.141
Three more verses reiterating the same idea follow the above-mentioned verses in
Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma stressing the importance of people‘s love for the king
and their obedience to him.142
2. Ghaz lī states that ancient Persian kings endeavoured to keep their realm prosperous,
because they knew that the more prosperous their realm was, the more subjects they would have,
and because they knew that the sages of the world were right when they said: ―Religion is
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dependent on kingship, kingship on the military, the military on revenue, revenue on prosperity,
and prosperity on justice.‖ ( ظیي ثپبظنبی، پبظنبی ثكپب، قپب ثطاقز، ضاقز ثآثبظای آثبظای ثؼعل
اقذ[ اقزاؼ] ).143
This maxim that Ghaz lī attributes to the sages of the world ( زکیوبى خبى) is
known as the ―circle of justice,‖ and appears in many medieval works in different variants and
attributed to various personalities, including Ardashīr.144
What is significant about Ghaz lī‘s
variant is that he seems to be the only author who cites this maxim starting with ―religion.‖145
Other variants of this maxim usually start with ―kingship.‖146
One might suggest that only a
theologian like Ghaz lī would consider the ultimate goal of keeping justice in society to be the
maintenance of religion. It is remarkable that this maxim appears in the second part of the work,
which some scholars believe to have been the work of someone other than Ghaz lī on account of
its admiring ancient Persian ways of kingship.
According to Ghaz lī, the signs of justice of the ancient Persian kings, that is, the
prosperity of their realm, were evident until his time. These were the cities and villages, which
were named after the kings who built them, as well as the underground water channels (kār z)
and water springs.147
At the end of his testament in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr describes, as signs of
his prosperous realm, six great cities that he built during his reign:
ث گیزی هؽا نبؼقزبكذ نم گكبؼ ث ؾیؽ آة ضل ا ضل
ی اؼظنیؽ یکی ضاعم ضؽ ثی ث خی آة نیؽ هکا ه
کؿ ربؾ نع کهؼ ضؾیبى پؽ اؾ هؽظم آة قظ ؾیبى
اؼظنیؽ ظگؽ نبؼقزبى اؼهؿظ ک گؽظظ ؾ ثبظل خاى هؽظ پیؽ
چ ؼام اؼظنیؽقذ نؽی ظگؽ کؿ ثؽ قی پبؼـ کؽظم گػؼ
ی اؼظنیؽ نبؼقزبى ثؽکظگؽ پؽ اؾ ثبؽ پؽ گلهي آثگیؽ
ظ ثؽ ثم هیهبى ؼظ كؽاد پؽ اؾ چهو چبؼپبی جبد
اؼظنیؽ ک ضای قزبثبظ نب چي اؾ هي قطي ثهی یبظگیؽ
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I have [built] six cities in the world
[All with] pleasant weather and nice water
I named one of them Khurra-i Ardashīr
[Its] air is musk-scented, and the water in its streams is [like] milk
[A city] which revived the province of Khūz
[It is] abundant with people, water, profits, and losses
The other city is Ūrmazd-Ardashīr
Whose wind makes an old man young
R m-Ardashīr is another city [that I built]
Through which I passed on my way to P rs
Another city is Birka-yi Ardashīr
Abundant with orchards, rose gardens, and ponds
Two [cities I built] in Būm-i Mish n and by the Euphrates river
With many springs, animals, and plants
You call [these two] Sat b d of king Ardashīr
Learn, as you hear my words.148
Firdausī‘s detailed description of Ardashīr‘s prosperous cities indicate that he intended
not just to provide the names of the cities that Ardashīr built—as other medieval historians who
merely list the names and locations of Ardashīr‘s cities—but also to make a point about the
prosperity of Ardashīr‘s kingdom.149
3. Ghaz lī advises the ruler to treat the wealthy and the poor as equals at the court of
justice.150
As described in Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, when Ardashīr presided over
disputes, his own son and a lowly man were regarded as equals:
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دكزی ث ظاظ اعؼ آؾؼم کف چ کزؽ چ كؽؾع كؽیبظؼـ
At the [court] of justice, he (Ardashīr) did not seek the favour of anyone
Whether it be an underling or the son of the judge (that is, Ardashīr‘s own son).151
4. According to Ghaz lī, the ruler should provide peasants with food and supplies during
difficult times, especially at times of famine; otherwise, the peasants will emigrate and the
treasury will become empty.152
This concept is clearly expressed in Ardashīr‘s āy n as one of his
customs that was meant to increase the population of his subjects (وبى رب كؽااى نظ ؾیؽظقذ).153
5. On the importance of keeping secrets, Ghaz lī quotes an anonymous sage who said
one should keep his secrets in a way that if people knew about it, he would not mind ( قؽد ؼا چبى
.(ظاؼی ک اگؽ ضلن ثعاع ؼا ظاؼی154
In Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr advises his
son to never share secrets even with keepers of secrets (rāz-dār) because they would have close
companions, and the chain of close companions would spread the king‘s secret everywhere:
قطي یچ هكؽای ثب ؼاؾظاؼ ک ا ؼا ثظ یؿ وجبؾ یبؼ
قطي ؼا ر آگع ظای وی ؾ گیزی پؽاگع ضای وی
چ ؼاؾد ث نؽ آنکبؼا نظ هعاؼا نظ ظل ثطؽظد ثی
Never tell your secret to the keeper of secrets
As he too will have companions and friends
You think your words are kept secret
[But then] you will hear [those words] disseminated in the world
When your secret is revealed in the town
Your wise heart will lose its compassion.155
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Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‘rāż al-riyāsa
Ẓahīrī Samarqandī wrote his Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa sometime after 552/1157
(the death of the Saljūq sultan Sanjar) for his patron, Abū al-Mu affar Qilij Ṭamgh j Kh q n b.
Jal l al-Dīn (d. 600/1203–4).156
Starting with the ancient Persian mythical king Jamshīd as the
first king on earth, the author follows a chronological sequence of seventy-four prominent
figures in the history of Persia and its neighbouring states, devoting a chapter to each figure.
Each chapter starts with the aphorisms that the author attributes to his selected historical and
legendary figures. These aphorisms are cited in Arabic and followed by the author‘s Persian
translations. One or more anecdotes or historical accounts are also related in each chapter to
illustrate the point.
In the chapter devoted to Ardashīr, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī attributes to him six aphorisms, the
first one being the famous maxim of the ―circle of justice,‖ a variant of which was just noted
above in the discussion about Ghaz lī‘s Na at al-mul k. The version attributed to Ardashīr in
Aghrāż al-siyāsa reads:
هبل اال ثبلؼوبؼح ال ػوبؼح اال ثبلؼعل زكي الكیؽح، پبظنبی زاى ظانزي ال قلطبى اال ثبلؽخبل ال ؼخبل اال ثبلوبل ال
هگؽ ث لهکؽ، لهکؽ زاى کهیعى هگؽ ث هبل، هبل خوغ زاى کؽظى هگؽ ث آثبظای، ػوبؼد زاى کؽظى هگؽ ث
.ػعل ضلن یک ―There is no sultan without military men (rijāl), no military men without revenue
(māl), no revenue without agricultural development (‗imāra), and no agricultural development
without justice (‗adl) and proper conduct ( usn al-s ra).‖157
The author expounds on the meaning
of this maxim by stating that kingship requires revenue, and that is not acquired but through
justice and coercive force.
Ẓahīrī Samarqandī’s second aphorism attributed to Ardashīr also concerns the concept of
justice: ظاظ ظع ثزؽ اؾ اثؽ ثبؼع A just sultan is better than― قلطبى ػبظل ضیؽ هي هطؽ اثل، پبظنب
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torrential rain.‖158
To explain this maxim, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī states whereas rain is beneficial
only if it pours on fertile lands, as it is wasted when poured on arid lands, the sultan‘s justice
always benefits everyone and is never wasted. To further emphasize the importance of justice,
Ẓahīrī Samarqandī quotes another famous maxim in Arabic which indicates that justice is more
important than religion for the maintenance of kingship: الولک یجوی هغ الکلؽ ال یجوی هغ الدؼ
―Kingship lasts with infidelity, but not with oppression.‖159
Having clarified that justice is crucial for the maintenance of kingship, the author cites a
third aphorism by Ardashīr, which asserts it is better to have a tyrant king than constant revolts:
ؽ اقع زطم ضیؽ هي هلک ؿهم، هلک ؿهم ضیؽ هي كز رعم، نیؽ نکع ثزؽ اؾ پبظنب قزوکبؼ، پبظنب قزوکبؼ ثز
بء پیقز اؾ كز . ―A roaring lion is better than a tyrant king, and a tyrant king is better than
constant revolts.‖160
The problem of constant revolts is featured in the Ardashīr cycle in the
Shāhnāma. It may be recalled that Ardashīr sought the advice of an Indian sage to remedy this
problem, and was advised to reconcile with former enemies in order to have peace prevail in his
realm.161
The fourth wise saying that Ẓahīrī Samarqandī attributes to Ardashīr concerns the king‘s
coercive force. According to the author, the king‘s coercive force should be implemented in a
way that would stop his high officials from exploiting the innocent people:162
نؽ الكالیي هي ضبك
.ـ قیبقذ ا آهي ثبنعکبؼ اؾ ثؤ گب اؾ رؽقبى ثظ گب الجؽیء یؼزوع ػلی الدؽیء، ثعرؽیي پبظنببى آى اقذ ک ثی
―The worst king is one whom the innocent person is afraid of and from whose punishment the
wrongdoer is safe.‖163
As already noted above, the concept of inquiring about the performance of
high ranking officials and protecting people transgressors appears in most medieval Persian
mirror for princes and also in Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma.164
Ardashīr‘s fifth maxim cited in Aghrāż al-siyāsa is about the interdependence of kingship
and religion: د گیؽظ پبظنبی ث ظیي ثؽالعیي ثبلولک یوی الولک پبی هبع ثبلعیي یجوی، ظیي ث پبظنبی ه
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―Religion is strengthened by kingship and kingship is maintained by religion.”165
To elaborate on
this point, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī states that a king without religion (b -d n) is a king without
coercive force (b -siyāsat). As mentioned above this is an important concept featured in
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma, and is also included in Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat, Ni m
al-Mulk‘s Siyar al-mul k, and Ghaz lī‘s Na at al-mul k.166
Like the authors of the above-
mentioned works, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī interprets this maxim not to mean that the king needs the
support of the scholars of religion but to have knowledge of religion. As we shall see below a
different interpretation of this idea has been offered by another medieval writer.
Finally, the sixth aphorism attributed to Ardashīr in Aghrāż al-siyāsa, advises that, while
one should not rely on this world as it will not last forever, one should also remember that eternal
felicity cannot be achieved without it: ال رؽکا الی ػ العیب كبب الرجوی ػلی ازع ال رزؽکب كبى اآلضؽح ال
ثبهی وبع یؿ ا ؼا اؾ ظقذ هعیع ک آضؽد ثی ا ث ظقذ یبیع[ کف]ث ظیب هیل هکیع، ک ا ثؽ یچ . ربل اال ثب
―Do not rely on this world because it does not last for anyone, and do not abstain from it as the
hereafter will not be achieved without it.‖ 167
This aphorism is also attributed to Ardashīr by the
medieval historian Mas‗ūdī: رؼبلی، الرؽکا الی العیب كبب ال رعم ألزع، ال رزوا لب كلي یکى الی هب نبء هللا
Do not rely on the world because it does not last for― ال رؽكب هغ غلک كبى اآلضؽح ال ربل اال ثب
anyone, and do not worry about it, for whatever God wills will be; yet do not abandon it either,
because the hereafter will not be achieved but through it.‖168
According to Zoroastrian teachings,
the material world is a good creation of Ohrmazd; therefore, one should not let go of it
altogether, but at the same time, the pious man is advised not cling on to it.169
The idea of
remembering the transient nature of this world and yet striving for the best, which clearly comes
from ancient Persian traditions, is reflected throughout the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma and,
as we can see here, is also reflected in a later medieval Persian mirror for princes.
292
A number of the concepts found in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma appear in the
other chapters of Aghrāż al-siyāsa attributed to other historical or mythical figures. For example,
the idea that one should not strive for things that are not within his capacity, which is found in
Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma, also appears in Aghrāż al-siyāsa but is attributed to
D r b-i Aṣghar (D r , the junior): ال رطوغ كی کل هب ركوغ، وغ هعاؼ ک ؽ چ ثهی ثیبثی، یؼی چى رؽا
الل هوی جبنع، ظؼآى نؽع ض هپیع رب عف ریؽ هالهذ هبۀ بک ؿؽاهذ الیذ اقزؼعاظ نبیكزگی اقزو
Do not hope to achieve everything that you hear about, that is, if you do not have the― گؽظی
aptitude, capacity, competence, worth, and independence for something important, do not
attempt to do it or enter into it, so that you may not become the target of the arrow of reproach
and damage.‖170
The corresponding advice in Ardashīr‘s throne speech in the Shāhnāma reads:
ث پدن ث کبؼی ک کبؼ ر یكذ زبؾی ثعاى ک نکبؼ ر یكذ
Fifth, not to charge at a task that is not yours (not within your capacity)
[Not to charge at] what is not your game.171
Jāmi‘ al-‘ul m or Sittīnī
Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m (Compendium of sciences), which is also known as Sitt n (Of the sixty)
and adā‘iq al-anvār f aqāyiq al-asrār (The gardens of lights on the truths of secrets), is not a
mirror for princes, but it deserves our attention because two chapters of it reflect the perspective
of a medieval philosopher regarding the ideals of kingship.172
Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m is an encyclopaedia
of sixty sciences—hence, the title Sitt n —written by Fakhr al-Dīn R zī (d. 606/1209), a famous
philosopher, Sh fi‗ī jurist, and theologian of the Ash‗arī school. Fakhr al-Dīn R zī wrote this
work for the Khv razmsh h Al ‘ al-Dīn Tekesh during his stay in Kh
v razm, possibly between
570/1174 to 580/1185. Of the sixty chapters of the work, each describing a particular science of
the time, one chapter is devoted to the science of statecraft (‗ilm al-siyāsāt) and another to the
science of the proper conduct of kings (‗ilm-i ādāb al-mul k).173
Based largely on F r bī‘s
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theory of the ideal state and the ancient Persian model of a hierarchically structured society,
Fakhr al-Dīn R zī argues that man is by nature a civic being (al-insān madan bi-al-ṭab‗) and
divides society into four professional classes, whose cooperation is crucial for the maintenance
of order in society. Without a coercive force exercised by a ruler, states Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, there
would be no order in society, because people by nature tend to oppress each other.174
The effect
of the ruler‘s coercive force, according to Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, is of three types: external (visible),
internal (invisible), or both. If the ruler possesses knowledge of religion, the effect of his
coercive force is both external and internal, for he can rule over both bodies and minds of people.
Fakhr al-Dīn R zī asserts that this type of coercive force is specific to prophets. In his view, the
ideal kingship belongs to prophets because they possess both knowledge of religion and
kingship.175
Fakhr al-Dīn R zī further states that in the absence of a person who has the
qualifications of a prophet, the ruler must consult the scholars of religion in his ordering the
affairs of the world.176
To emphasize the importance of consultation with scholars of religion,
Fakhr al-Dīn R zī quotes the maxim ―kingship and religion are twin brothers‖ ( العیي الولک اضاى
.and attributes it to the prophet Muḥammad (رأهبى 177
As noted above, both Ni m al-Mulk and Ghaz lī cited the same maxim to stress that it is
of utmost importance for the king to have the right religion: یکرؽیي چیؿی ک پبظنب ؼا ثبیع ظیي ظؼقذ
The best thing that a king must have is the right religion― اقذ ؾیؽا ک پبظنبی ظیي وچى ظ ثؽاظؼع
because kingship and religion are like two brothers.‖ 178
Similarly, Ẓahīrī Samarqandī quotes the
maxim ―Religion is strengthened by kingship and kingship is maintained by religion,‖ which he
attributes to Ardashīr, to suggest that the king needs to have knowledge of religion.179
The
anonymous author of Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat, too, advises the ruler to protect his kingship by
means of religion.180
Although these authors urge the ruler to associate with scholars of religion,
they lay great emphasis on the king‘s own knowledge of religion and it is in this context that they
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refer to the brotherhood of kingship and religion. In other words, they maintain that an ideal king
is a leader in both political and religious realms. It may also be noted here that the Sufi master
Najm-i R zī (d. 644/1256), who expressed his political thoughts in Sufi terms, too, considered an
ideal kingship to be that in which the leaderships of both religious and secular realms are held by
the same person. In the fifth chapter of his Mir ād al-‗ibād (composed in 618/1221 or 620/1223),
devoted to the path to perfection for kings and courtiers, Najm-i R zī states that kings are of two
types, kings of the world and kings of the realm of religion, and adds that God bestows these
kingships to whoever He wills. He further states that ―the supreme felicity and greatest fortune is
that a man of high aspirations is bestowed both kingships of the world and religion‖ ( قؼبظد لیکي
کع کؽاهذ ظیب ظیي هولکذ قلطذ ؼا وزی يبزت ک اقذ ظؼاى کجؽی ظلذ ػظوی ).181
Although Najm-i
R zī‘s examples of this ideal kingship are limited to the prophets David, Adam, and Solomon, he
does not suggest that this ideal state is specific to prophets. Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, who has the same
view of an ideal kingship, however, maintains that only prophets can hold the leadership of these
two worlds. Thus, in his view, in the absence of prophets, religious and temporal powers are to
be dissociated.
The maxim concerning the brotherhood/union of religion and kingship appears in
Ardashīr‘s testament in the Shāhnāma, and, as I endeavoured to demonstrate in the third chapter
of this study, it has to do with the ancient Persian concept of the ideal state of the world.182
It is
remarkable that Fakhr al-Dīn R zī‘s exposition concerning ideal kingship corresponds with the
Zoroastrian notion of the ideal state of the world, in which kingship and religion are conjoined
and manifested in the person of the king, but his interpretation of the very maxim that was used
to convey this concept promotes the idea that in the absence of prophets, kingship and religious
leadership are to be held by two different persons.
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In his introduction to the chapter on the conduct of kings (‗ilm-i ādāb al-mul k), Fakhr
al-Dīn R zī states that since the king is the shadow of God (pādshāh sāya-i khudāst) and the
deputy of the prophet (nāyib-i payghambar), he should try as much as possible to be like a
prophet at all times.183
Then he briefly describes the qualities that the king must possess in order
to be like prophets. According to his list of qualifications, the king should be patient ( al m) and
benevolent (kar m), and should employ wisdom (and sha,‗aql) before making any decision.184
Also, the king should delay punishment and be forgiving, the prerequisite for which is the ability
to overcome anger.185
Surprisingly, justice comes only after the above-mentioned qualities. R zī
even states that it is ―religiously forbidden‖ ( arām) for people to curse an unjust king, because
the advantage of having a king outweighs the suffering that his injustice brings about.186
The
great advantage of having a king, according to R zī, is that he provides a safe and secure place
for people to live and worship God. Another important quality that a king must possess is to be
keen in meeting with religious scholars.187
Finally, the king should not be so fear-provoking that
experienced men would not dare to present their advice to him, nor should he be so tolerant that
anyone would dare say anything in front of him.188
Except for the advice to meet with religious
scholars, all other qualities that Fakhr al-Dīn R zī enumerates in his chapter on the proper
conduct of kings are found among Ardashīr‘s advices in the Shāhnāma. As already noted above,
justice is of great importance in Ardashīr‘s testament, and the concepts of patience (burdbār ),189
forgiveness,190
wisdom (khirad),191
overcoming anger (khishm),192
and accepting the advice of
the wise193
are all featured in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma.
Marzbān-nāma
Marzbān-nāma (composed between 617/1220–21 to 622/1225–26), is a mirror for princes
that contains numerous excerpts from Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma.194
As demonstrated earlier, Var vīnī
uses the Shāhnāma verses, sometimes with allusions to their original contexts, to convey
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effectively the main points of the stories he narrates. This particular use of the Shāhnāma by
Var vīnī already points to the similarity of the concepts presented in these two works, but since
the focus here is on the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, a few examples of the concepts shared
by Marzbān-nāma and the Ardashīr cycle will be pointed out.
1. In the second chapter of Marzbān-nāma, the narrator gives the account of a wise king
who summons his sons in order to share his experiences with them as he approaches the end of
his life.195
This scene is similar to the scene in the Ardashīr cycle, where at the end of his life,
Ardashīr gives advice to his son. Some of the advices given by the king in Marzbān-nāma and
Ardashīr in the Shāhnāma are the same. For example, the king in Marzbān-nāma admonishes
against excessive generosity ( ظقزی رجػیؽ اؾ خظ قطب ههوؽ ثبظ ―Do not consider lavish spending
and wastefulness to be open-handedness and generosity‖).196
This idea is clearly expressed in
Ardashīr‘s throne speech.197
The king also admonishes against telling lies: ظؼؽ هظۀ کلؽقذ
‖.Deception is [found] where infidelity lies; it provides for going astray― ویوۀ الل198
In his
advices to his son, Ardashīr warns about the consequences of telling lies:
ؽؼش پبظنب ریؽ ظاؼظ ظؼ ثلعیم ؽگؿ گیؽظ كؽؽ
Lies darken the face of the king
His highness will never shine with glory.199
The king in Marzbān-nāma advises his sons to be their own judges, so that they will not need to
be judged later, that is, on the Day of Judgement ( ثکبؼ یبیع ظاظ اؾ ضیهزي ثع رب ظاؼد ).200
This advice
also appears in Ardashīr‘s throne speech: ظگؽ ظاظ ظاظى ري ضیم ؼا ―the other [advice] is to judge
your own self‖.201
2. Ardashīr is the main character of the story narrated in the third chapter of Marzbān-
nāma.202
The narrative does not clearly specify that the Ardashīr of the story is the founder of the
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Sasanian dynasty, but it does introduce him as the foremost of ancient kings and great sultans in
justice and beneficence (‗adl va i sān).203
Furthermore, the portrayal of Ardashīr in this story
corresponds with Mas‗ūdī‘s report about him, where he states that Ardashīr abdicated from the
throne later in his life and adopted an ascetic life style.204
According to the story in Marzbān-
nāma, Ardashīr‘s son-in-law, who is an ascetic and a sage, reminds him of the transient nature of
this world and warns him about the repercussions of indulging oneself in temporal pleasures, and
about the benefits of abstaining from worldly pleasures.205
Taking to heart what he learns from
his son-in-law, Ardashīr sets his mind into following an ascetic life until he dies. Ardashīr‘s
turning into an ascetic at the end of his career might not exactly correspond with his
representation in the Shāhnāma and the medieval Persian mirrors for princes, but the idea that an
ideal king appreciates the transient nature of this world and has little regard for material gains is
highlighted in Ardashīr‘s customs and practice (āy n), throne speech (andarz) and testament
(‗ahd) in the Shāhnāma. In his throne speech, Ardashīr stresses that the only thing that remains
in the world is a good name, and that man should only seek refuge with God as this fickle world
is not reliable.206
Also, Ardashīr‘s maxim ―He who is contented becomes wealthy,‖207
and his
recurrent advice on avoiding greed in his āy n, andarz, and ‗ahd in the Shāhnāma represent him
as a king who advocates self-discipline and condemns indulgences.208
3. The theme of the fourth chapter of Marzbān-nāma is the importance of knowledge and
wisdom, a major topic in the Shāhnāma in general. Var vīnī borrows the following verses from
the Shāhnāma to express the point of this chapter:
ؽ آکف ک ظاؼظ ؼام ضؽظ قؽ هبیۀ کبؼب ثگؽظ
He whose soul is invested with wisdom
Looks into the depth of all tasks (to see their outcome at the beginning).209
گهبی ضؽظ ؼوبی ضؽظ ؼ ضؽظ ظقذ گیؽظ ث ؽ ظ قؽای
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Wisdom is the guide, wisdom opens the way
Wisdom holds [your] hand in both worlds.210
راب ثظ ؽک ظاب ثظ ؾ ظام ظل پیؽ ثؽب ثظ
He who is knowledgeable is powerful
The heart of an old man becomes young on account of knowledge.211
As demonstrated in the second and third chapters of this study, the Shāhnāma draws
attention to Ardashīr‘s wisdom and knowledge as keys to his success. It also represents Ardashīr
as a king who appreciated the value of knowledge and wisdom. According to his āy n in the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr elevated the rank of the military men who were wise:
ؾى اؾیهبى کكی ک ثعی ؼای ثؽاكؽاضزعی قؽل ؾ ادوي
[The rank of those military men] who had sound opinions
Was elevated [by Ardashīr].212
Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma also tells us that only those who were knowledgeable worked
for him:
ث ظیام کبؼآگبى ظانزی ظاهبى کبؼ گػانزی ث ثی
He had knowledgeable people [working] at his court
He did not assign posts to the uneducated.213
To highlight Ardashīr‘s attention to the education of children, the Shāhnāma describes his
custom of placing in schools the children of those who were bankrupted:
ؼا گ آى كؽگیبىوبى کظکم ؼا ث قپؽظی چ ثظی
He (Ardashīr) put the child [of the bankrupted man] in school
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If he (the child) had the aptitude and intelligence for it (learning).214
Ardashīr‘s advices in his throne speech in the Shāhnāma, too, stress the importance of education:
ؾیؽظقزی اگؽ نؽیبؼاگؽ ظگؽ آک ظام گیؽی ر ضاؼ
Do not take knowledge lightly
Whether you are an underling or a king.215
ؾهبی هیبقبی اؾ آهضزي اگؽ خبى وی ضای اكؽضزي
چ كؽؾع ثبنع ث كؽگ ظاؼ ؾهب ؾ ثبؾی ثؽ ا رگ ظاؼ
Never take a rest from learning
If you wish to enlighten your soul
If you have children, educate them
Limit their time to play.216
And finally, Ardashīr urges his son to learn and practise what he learns:
ثیبؼای ظل ؼا ث ظام ک اؼؾ ث ظام ثظ چى ثعای ثؼؾ
Adorn your heart with knowledge, as worth is by knowledge
When you have knowledge, practise [it].217
These citations from the Shāhnāma demonstrate how Firdausī‘s form of presentation of a
particular concept differs from that of another medieval author dealing with the same concept.
Whereas Var vīnī devotes one chapter of his work to the topic of knowledge and wisdom and
borrows a few lines from the Shāhnāma to clearly articulate his point, Firdausī presents this
concept through his portrayal of the figure of Ardashīr as a wise and knowledgeable king who
also cared about the education of his subjects.
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4. The fifth chapter of Marzbān-nāma imparts lessons to close companions of kings. The
story and anecdotes related in this chapter teach the courtiers to speak wisely and in a timely
manner and to remain silent when they are not knowledgeable about a particular subject. The
verses that Var vīnī selects from the Shāhnāma to express his point in this chapter are:
چ گئی ک ؽ ظام آهضزن ؾ ضظ ام ثی ظاهی رضزن
یکی ـؿ ثبؾی کع ؼؾگبؼ ک ثهبعد پیم آهؾگبؼ
[Just] when you say, ―I learned everything,‖
―[And] paid off my loan of being un-knowledgeable (that is, nothing is left to be taught to
me),‖
The Time will play a fine game
And seats you in front of a teacher.218
کكی ؼا ک هـؿل ثظ پؽ نزبة كؽااى قطي ثبنع ظیؽیبة
ؾ ظام چ خبى رؽا هبی یكذ ث اؾ ضبههی یچ پیؽای یكذ
A person whose mind is rash
Is loquacious and slow to learn.
If your soul is not endowed with knowledge
No ornament is better [for you] than silence.219
Addressing not his court members but his own son, we find similar precepts in Ardashīr‘s
testament in the Shāhnāma, where he admonishes Sh pūr against being loquacious and advises
him to listen carefully and learn, and to speak wisely in the company of the educated men:
قطي جبیع ک ثبنی كؽااى ث ؼی کكبى پبؼقبیی هکي
ثزؽیي یبظگیؽقطي ثه گؽ رب کعام آیعد ظلپػیؽ
قطي پیم كؽگیبى قطز گی ؼی ث ؽکف اؾع ربؾ
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You should not be loquacious
Do not pretend to be pious
Listen and learn the best [of what you hear]
See what you find pleasant
Speak measuredly in the company of the educated men.
Be compassionate and cheerful to everyone.220
5. The story in the seventh chapter of Marzbān-nāma teaches lessons on how to deal with
enemy prior to and during war. The wise king of the story forms a war council in order to seek
the opinions of his senior officials when he is informed that his kingdom is about to be attacked
by an enemy.221
The idea that a wise king consults his wise men when making important
decisions is presented in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma on more than one occasion.222
The
narrative in Marzbān-nāma provides the discussions that take place at the war council in order to
show the different possible ways of confronting the enemy. The final decision, which is made
based on the wisest opinion proposed, is to send an astute and eloquent representative to the
enemy for two purposes: 1) to stop war through negotiations, 2) to collect strategic information
about the enemy.223
Similarly, according to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, before sending his
troops to war, Ardashīr would send a wise secretary (dab r) along with a well-written and
flattering letter to his enemy in order to encourage him to surrender without fighting, and more
importantly, to collect information on the opponent:
چ لهکؽل ؼكزی ث خبیی ث خگ ضؽظ یبؼ کؽظی ؼای ظؼگ
یی ثؽگؿیعی ظثیؽ كؽقزبظ ضؽظهع ثبظام یبظگیؽ
آییي چؽة پیبهی ثعاظی ث ثعاى رب جبنع ث ثیعاظ زؽة
كؽقزبظ ؼكزی ثؽ ظنوم ک ثهبضزی ؼاؾ پیؽام
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When his army went on a battle somewhere
It would be accompanied by wisdom, sound judgement, and patience
He (Ardashīr) would select a messenger
Who was a wise, knowledgeable, and intelligent scribe
He (Ardashīr) would send a well-written and flattering message [to the enemy]
So that they would not fight unjustly
The messenger would go to the enemy
In order to learn about their secrets.224
6. In the course of the story narrated in the eighth chapter of Marzbān-nāma, an anecdote
is related to illustrate that if a wise man looks after the interests of his master, he should not
hesitate to take any action that would benefit his master, even if he would have to endanger his
own life. This concept is presented in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma through the account
about Ardashīr‘s minister, who puts his own life at risk in order to save the lives of Ardashīr‘s
queen, whom Ardashīr had ordered to be executed, and of the child she was pregnant with.225
Interestingly, the same story is related in Marzbān-nāma to illustrate this point, although no
reference is made to Ardashīr.226
The king in the story of Marzbān-nāma is named Khusrau and
the minister‘s name is Īr jasta. There is also a slight difference between the two stories: Whereas
in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr had clear evidence that his wife intended to poison him, Khusrau only
suspects that his wife may seek revenge for her father and brother, who were killed by him.227
What is remarkable about the story in Marzbān-nāma is that it includes the episode about the
king‘s emotional experience on the hunting field, which makes him regret having ordered the
execution of his wife and child.228
As noted above, this episode is related in the Kārnāmag-i
Ardash r but not in the Shāhnāma.229
303
It is noteworthy that before relating the anecdote about Khusrau and Īr jasta, Var vīnī
draws attention to the lesson that should be learned from it.230
He also explains the points of most
other anecdotes that he relates, and, at the end of most chapters, he briefly refers to the central
theme of the following chapter to prepare the reader for what is coming up. In other words, he
helps the reader to understand the message of the stories and anecdotes narrated. As mentioned
above, Firdausī begins each major tale with a preamble in order to prepare the reader for the
central theme of the tale, and he occasionally comments on the major events and accounts
related.231
But, he rarely tells the reader what is to be learned from each account. This is another
point of difference between the Shāhnāma and the medieval Persian mirrors for princes. The
Shāhnāma presents the same concepts that other medieval Persian mirrors present to kings and
courtiers, but it is not as straightforward as other mirrors. Did Firdausī expect a higher degree of
intelligence on the part of his reader? Did he simply follow his sources? Or, did he personally
prefer to leave it to his readers to contemplate the meanings of his tales?
Ᾱ āb al-ḥarb va al-shujā‘a
Ᾱdāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a (The manners of war and gallantry) was written by
Muḥammad b. Manṣūr b. Sa‗īd who earned the title ―Mub raksh h‖ and was also known as
Fakhr-i Mudabbir. Mub raksh h dedicated his work to Īltutmish, the first maml k (Turkish
slave) king of India, who reigned from 626/1229 to 633/1236.232
The author traces his own
genealogy to Abū Bakr, the first caliph, and claims that sultan Maḥmūd of Ghazna was his
maternal ancestor.233
He also states that his great grandfather, Abū al-Fa l Kh zin, was a close
companion of the Ghaznavid sultan Ibr hīm b. Mas‗ūd (r. 451/1059–492/1099). Judging by his
honorific titles and his own claims regarding his pedigree, we might assume that he belonged to
a noble family with special status at royal courts.
304
In the first few chapters of his work, Mub raksh h calls upon the ruler to be patient and
forgiving, maintain justice, have compassion for his subjects, be completely aware of the state of
affairs in his realm, and choose an efficient, pious, knowledgeable, and wise minister.234
These
are the same concepts that appear in the Ardashīr cycle and most medieval Persian mirrors for
princes. In fact, a number of anecdotes and aphorisms employed by the authors of the works
reviewed above also appear in this work. For example, like Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Mub raksh h
attributes the maxim of the ―circle of justice‖ to Ardashīr. It must be mentioned, however, that
while in Ẓahīrī Samarqandī‘s version of this maxim, the maintenance of kingship is ultimately
dependent on the justice and proper conduct ( usn-i khulq) of the ruler, according to
Mub raksh h, it is justice and coercive force (siyāsat), and not proper conduct, that maintains his
kingship: یؼی لي یوم الولک اال ثبلؽخبل ال الؽخبل اال ثبلوبل ال الوبل اال ثبلؽػیخ ال الؽػی اال ثبلؼعل الكیبقخ
هلک ؽگؿ هبین وبع هگؽ ثوؽظاى لهکؽ هؽظ هبین هظ هگؽ ثوبل هبل زبيل هظ هگؽ اؾ ؼػیذ ؼػیذ هؽك
.آقظ هظ هگؽ ثؼعل قیبقذ ―There is no kingship without military men, no military men without
revenue, no revenue without peasants, and no peasants without justice and coercive force.‖ 235
A
further example is an aphorism that is attributed to Ardashīr in Na at al-mul k concerning the
importance of a wise and conscientious minister for the king.236
The same maxim is cited by
Mub raksh h and attributed to Ardashīr: رؽ ثبنع پبظنب ؼا، اؼظنیؽ ثبثکبى ؼا پؽقیعع ک کعام یبؼ ثزؽ ثبیكز
آهع ضیم ظؼ ا ياة ضطبی آى پبظنب ؼا ثبؾ وبیع یک گلذ ظقزؼ یک ک ثب ی ؼای ؾع رعثیؽ هولکذ کع رب
.آهع ضیم اؾ ثعآهع پبظنب ظاع آهع پبظنب ثع ضل ―Ardashīr son of B bak was asked, ‗Which friend is the
best and most-needed for the king?‘ He said, ‗A good minister whom he can consult on issues
related to government, so that he would explain to the king where he is right or wrong; [a
minister] who recognizes whatever good happens to him is on account of whatever good happens
to the king, and whatever bad comes his way is due to whatever bad befalls the king.237
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The major focus of Ᾱdāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, however, is, as its title suggests, military
and war. In the introduction to his work, Mub raksh h states that since God has asked people to
be obedient to their prophets, kings, and local rulers, it is incumbent upon kings and local rulers
to protect their people and religion against enemies. He adds that protecting people and religion
is possible only by sword, army, and war.238
As such, his work primarily deals with topics related
to war. These include how to avoid war, how to prepare and maintain an efficient army, the
different methods of fighting, the different types of wars, the different arrangements of troops on
the battlefield, the duties of different divisions of the army, military techniques and stratagems,
the different types of weapons, the different types of horses as well as their qualities and
diseases, the wrongdoings of soldiers that require punishments, the games that prepare men for
the battlefield, and how to deal with prisoners and spoils of war. These topics share many
common points with Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma on military and war and also with other
parts of the Ardashīr cycle. The followings are a few examples:
1. Before starting his topics on war and the military, Mub raksh h advises the ruler to
avoid war and bloodshed as much as possible. He states that ―war is a bitter thing, and he who is
boastful and arrogant about it will be disgraced‖ ( ثعاک زؽة کؽظى ضظ نیئی رلطكذ ؽ ک اعؼاى ػدت
.( .آؼظ هی کع ضاؼ هبع239
In his throne speech in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr admonishes against
boasting about one‘s reputation and abilities in war, as these will lead to suffering and pain:
قعیگؽ بؾی ث گ جؽظ ک گ جؽظ آؼظ ؼح ظؼظ
Third, not to boast about reputation and [skills in] battle
As reputation and battles bring about suffering and pain.240
2. At the beginning of his chapter on the placement and duties of the different divisions
of the army on the battlefield, Mub raksh h states that the customs of the Persians are better than
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those of the Turks, Romans, and Indians.241
Then, he provides the details about the customs of
the Persians and includes a diagram showing where each division of the army would be located
in a Persian military encampment.242
Mub raksh h stresses that the troops should always
endeavour to protect the king‘s location (sarā-parda), which is at the centre (qalb) of the
army.243
To emphasize the importance of protecting the king, Mub raksh h quotes a saying,
which he attributes to the prophet Muḥammad, stating ―were it not for the [presence] of the
sultan, people would devour each other‖ ( اگؽ قلطبى جبنع ؽ آی . الكلطبى الکل البـ ثؼن ثؼب ل ال
.(هؽظهبى یکعیگؽ ؼا ثطؼع244
In other words, to protect themselves, they had to protect the king. To
further emphasize his point, Mub raksh h cites the famous maxim ―The sultan is the shadow of
God on earth,‖ which he again attributes to the prophet Muḥammad, and adds that the ―shadow‖
here refers to the security and justice in which every oppressed person seeks to take refuge.245
According to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, the centre of the army (qalb-gāh), that is, the
location of the commander-in-chief, had to be protected at all times, and the troops guarding the
centre of the army were not allowed to leave their position under any circumstances:
چ اقت اكگع لهکؽ اؾ ؽ ظ ؼی جبیع ک گؽظاى پؽضبندی
گؽ چع ثكیبؼ ثبنع قپب ثیبیع هبع ری هلجگب
چبى کي ک ثب هیو هكیؽ ثکنع خگبؼاى یکكؽ
هیكؽ هیووبى یؿ ثب ب و ثؽ ث ثکنع ظل
ثظ لهکؽ هلت ثؽ خبی ضیم کف اؾ هلجگ گكلع پبی پیم
When the cavalrymen advance from both sides
The valiant warriors should not
Come and leave the centre [of the army] empty,
Even if the army [of the enemy] is large.
Do [battle] in a way that
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[Only] the warriors of the right and left wings fight
And the warriors of the right and left wings
Also protect the tents, equipment, and supplies.
The troops of the centre should remain in their place
Nobody should move away from the centre.246
3. In a chapter on the topic of the vanguards (ṭalāya) and the spies who collect
information for the commander-in-chief, Mub raksh h advises that these should not go too far
from the army and suggests a distance of ―more or less one league‖ (farsang) for them to be
away (کن ثیم یک كؽقگ ثیم ؽظ).247
He also recommends that the ṭalāya should not go in
groups but should be dispersed (پؽاگع ثبیع ؼكذ).248
The same advice about the vanguards is given
in Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, where Ardashīr‘s representative advises the commander-in-
chief to spread out (parāganda) vanguards to a distance of four m ls, which is almost one
farsang (three m ls equal one farsang) (الی پؽاگع ثؽ چبؼ هیل).249
4. Mub raksh h devotes a chapter of his work to the topic of how and when to ambush
the enemy (shab kh n).250
He states that two groups of people are eligible for this task; those
who are knowledgeable about wars (dānā bi-kārzār) and are experienced (kār-d da va āzm da),
and those who are wise (khiradmand), alert (h shyār), and execute orders (farmān-burdār). He
also suggests that ambush must be made after midnight and before dawn.251
As narrated in the
Shāhnāma, Ardashīr, who was defeated in his first assault on the Kurds, prepared himself for a
second attack, which he decided to be a night raid.252
He selected the best of his cavalrymen and
archers, and waited for midnight to make the attack:
گؿیي کؽظ اؾ آى لهکؽ بهعاؼ ؾى ق ؿاؼ قاؼاى نوهیؽ
کوبعاؼ ثب ریؽ رؽکم ؿاؼ ؿاؼ ثیبؼظ ثب ضیهزي ق
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چ ضؼنیع نع ؾؼظ لهکؽ ثؽاع کكی ؼا ک بثؽظی ثع ثوبى
چ نت یو ثگػنذ ربؼیک نع خبعاؼ ثب کؽظ ؿظیک نع
He selected from that renowned army
Three thousand cavalrymen who fought with swords
He also brought three thousand archers
With a thousand arrows and quivers
As the sun turned yellow (sat), he deployed the troops
He left behind those who were not fit [for the task]
After midnight, when it was dark,
The king approached the Kurds.253
This description of Ardashīr‘s preparation for his assault on the Kurds indicates that night
ambush was not treated like a regular raid, and that specific types of soldiers and equipment were
to be selected for it. What Mub raksh h instructs, the Shāhnāma depicts in the actions of
Ardashīr.
5. In his discussion about preparing the army for battle, Mub raksh h advises that ―a few
courageous men should embolden the troops and make them eager to fight, so that they would
gain courage and not be afraid ( وبیع چع هؽظ ظلیؽ هؽظا ثبیع ک قپب ؼا ظلیؽ کع ثؽ خگ کؽظى زؽیی
.(لهکؽ ؼا ظل ظع رب ظلیؽ نع زؽقع254
According to Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma, Ardashīr‘s
representative advised the commander-in-chief to do the same.255
The corresponding verses in
the Shāhnāma were already mentioned above in the review of Qāb s-nāma, which contains this
same counsel.256
309
6. Mub raksh h advises that if someone from the enemy defects and seeks quarter, he
should be well received and treated with kindness ( اگؽ کكی ثؿیبؼ آیع ا ؼا اهبى ثبیع ظاظ یک
.(گبعانذ257
Exactly the same advice is given in Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma:
چ ضاع ؾ ظنوي کكی ؾیبؼ ظ ثبل کی هعاؼ ر ؾبؼ
If someone from the enemy seeks quarter
Give him quarter and do not take revenge on him.258
7. As stated by Mub raksh h, soldiers should be rewarded according to their deeds, so
that those who do not perform well will be encouraged to work harder for better rewards.259
As
already noted above, this counsel also appears in the Pand-nāma of Sebüktegin, the Qāb s-
nāma, and Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma.260
8. According to Mub raksh h, retreating enemies should not be pursued, even if they
withdraw to a far distance, as there might be a surprise comeback.261
As already mentioned
above, the same warning is given in Qāb s-nāma and Ardashīr‘s āy n in the Shāhnāma.262
9. Finally, in the last chapter of his work, Mub raksh h quotes an aphorism which he
attributes to Ardashīr, stating that ―the king and the commander-in-chief should have in their
service many vanguards and spies‖ ( ظنیؽ ثبثکبى گلزكذ ک پبظنب قؽلهکؽ ؼا الی خبقـ ثكیبؼ ثبیعاؼ
.(ظانذ263
The author highlights the importance of gathering intelligence by repeating this idea
throughout his work. As already noted above, Ardashīr‘s use of spies not just for military
purposes but at all levels of his government is an important point made throughout the Ardashīr
cycle in the Shāhnāma.
* * * *
The comparison of the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma with the medieval Persian
literature of advice for rulers and the reveals many areas of commonality among these works.
310
Whether the authors of such works were rulers themselves, like Sebüktegin and Kayk ‘ūs;
ministers, like Ni m al-Mulk; theologians, like Ghaz lī; philosophers, like Fakhr al-Dīn R zī;
court secretaries, like Ẓahīrī Samarqandī and Var vīnī; or notables, like Mub raksh h, many of
the ideas that they express in their works find parallels in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma.
The issue of the legitimacy of the king; the concept of the interdependence of kingship and
religion; the importance of justice and its effect on the maintenance of kingship; the notion of the
king‘s coercive capacity and his duty to punish transgressors; the required virtues of a king, such
as moderate generosity, patience, forgiveness, contentment, control over anger, and truthfulness;
and the efficient ways of organizing and administrating the state, are some of the major topics
that are shared by the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma and the mirrors for princes reviewed
above. Depending on the author‘s cultural background and social affiliation, the prevailing
political, religious, and social circumstances under which the work was written and presented,
and the literary tradition of the time and place, each author chose his own way of articulating
these ideas. This comparison was not concerned with the factors that contributed to the authors‘
different ways of articulating their ideas, but rather with the similarity of the ideas presented in
their works. Depending on their intentions, the authors also employed different styles and
applied various rhetorical techniques in their writings. These range from simple instructions (like
that of Kayk ‘ūs), to addressing problems and offering solutions (like that of Ni m al-Mulk), to
seeking promotion at court (like that of Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, who states that he wished to become
a member of the royal court).264
This comparison also demonstrates that, although in terms of content the Shāhnāma
compares to the medieval Persian literature of advice for rulers, it is very different in form. The
authors of medieval Persian mirrors for princes generally treat their topics separately, sometimes
under specific chapter headings, and they illustrate each notion by the use of didactic anecdotes
311
about exemplary or flawed rulers of the past. As demonstrated in the analysis of the Ardashīr
cycle in the Shāhnāma, Firdausi expresses the same ideas in a coherent and fully integrated
narrative about Ardashīr, including his āy n (customs and practice), andarz (throne speech), and
‗ahd (testament). This method of presenting lessons on kingship is not unique to Firdausi, as
dramatic coherence is in fact a characteristic feature of medieval Persian histories. The authors of
medieval Persian historical writings too created coherent narratives about the exemplary and
flawed rulers of the past in order to impart lessons on good governance. They also applied
stylistic and literary techniques to their texts in order to enhance their aesthetic effect and make
them more pleasant and persuasive.265
Thus, the Shāhnāma shares common features with
medieval Persian historical writing too, but it also differs from them considerably, as shown in
the second and third chapters of this study. A further point of difference between the Shāhnāma
and other historical writings is that, although medieval rulers and courtly élites were always
urged to study the history of the kings of bygone eras in order to learn from the events of the
past, it appears that it was mainly the Shāhnāma that served this purpose. The accounts about
reading the Shāhnāma at royal courts,266
the large number of surviving Shāhnāma manuscripts,
many of which were illustrated, and the depiction of Shāhnāma scenes on the walls of medieval
palaces and royal vessels, all suggest that it was the Shāhnāma that was the work of choice for
both entertainment and education of kings and courtly élites, and not, for example, Gardīzī‘s
general history, Zayn al-akhbār, or Bayhaqī‘s history of the Ghaznavids, both of which were
written in the mid-eleventh century.267
In his study of two verse chronicles from the Mongol period, namely Ḥamdull h
Mustaufī‘s afar-nāma (735/1335) and Shams al-Dīn K sh nī‘s Shāhnāma-i Ching z (ca.
705/1306), both markedly influenced by the Shāhnāma, Charles Melville notes that the
―transition from ‗history‘ to a ‗mirror for princes‘ is particularly obvious‖ in these two works.268
312
If our examination of historical works written on the model of the Shāhnāma leads us to assess
them as mirrors for princes, then why not assess the Shāhnāma, which was the source of these
works, as a mirror for princes? In point of fact, in the pre-Mongol era too we can see the
influence of the Shāhnāma as a book of wisdom and advice on works that intended to impart
lessons on kingship. The numerous citations from Firdausī‘s opus in the literature of advice for
rulers composed in the pre-Mongol era point to a strong connection between the Shāhnāma and
the literary genre of mirrors for princes. The ethico-political dimension of the heroic and
historical epics composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma is a further indication of the influence of
Firdausī‘s opus. Moreover, in the sphere of art history, too, the connection between the
Shāhnāma and the ideals of kingship manifests itself. As noted by scholars of medieval Persian
art, the artistic depiction of figures from the Shāhnāma functioned as visual representations of
proper conduct for kings and courtiers.269
When viewed from the perspective of medieval authors
who used the Shāhnāma as their source, and when seen through the eyes of artisans who created
artwork based on its narratives, Firdausi‘s oeuvre appears as a book of wisdom and advice for
kings and courtiers. If this is how the opus was viewed in medieval times, we ought to study it in
that light.
313
1 For more on the characteristics of the Persian advice literature in the earlier period, see de
Fouchécour, Moralia, 5–13.
2 For the significance of this work, see G. M. Wickens‘s introduction to his translation of it in
Naṣīr al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Ṭūsī, The Nasirean Ethics, trans. G. M. Wickens
(London: Allen and Unwin, 1964), 9–12. For a critical edition of the work, see Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī,
Akhlāq-i Nā ir , ed. Mujtab Mīnuvī and ‗Alī Ri Ḥaydarī, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Khv razmī,
1361/1982).
3 M. Nazim, ―The Pand-Nāmah of Subuktigīn,‖ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland 3 (1933): 605–28. Also see de Fouchécour, Moralia, 373–75. Nazim
discovered this text in a manuscript of Majma‗ al-ansāb, which is now edited and published. See
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Muḥammad Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, ed. Mīr-H shim Muḥaddis
(Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1363/1984), 36–41.
4 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 37.
5 See above, pp. 140–43.
6 See above, pp. 138–40.
7 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 39.
8 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 332–34.
9 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 40.
10 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, lines 313–14.
11 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 40.
12 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:169, lines 510–11.
13 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:229, lines 512–14.
14 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 40.
314
15
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 411.
16 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 40.
17 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 607.
18 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 40.
19 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, lines 467–69. For the correction made to line 467, see Kh liqī
Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt. 3, 187.
20 Shab nk raī, Majma‗ al-ansāb, 40.
21 See above, pp. 156, 211.
22 Charles Schefer, ed., Chrestomathie persane (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1883), 1:7 (notes and
commentary); de Fouchécour, Moralia, 376–77. For the text, see ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ in
Chrestomathie persane, ed. Charles Schefer, 10–28 (Persian text).
23 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 10 (Persian text).
24 The famous maxim ―he who is better is superior, not he who is superior is better; he who is not
better is not superior‖ (ث ه ه ث ؽک ه ث), which is often attributed to Anūshīrv n, is
cited in the text without any acknowledgement. See ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 21. Also, the
maxim ―a just king is better than heavy rainfall‖ (sulṭān ‗ādil khayr min maṭar wābil), which is
often attributed to Ardashīr, appears in the text without any acknowledgement. See ―Ādāb-i
salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 13.
25 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 12.
26 See above, p. 228.
27 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 11: چى ث كل زن رؼبلی یکی ثؽ ظیکؽاى پبظنب کهذ
28 See above, pp. 140–43.
29 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 12.
30 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 597.
315
31
―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 12.
32 See above, pp. 229–32; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:231–32, lines 553–59:
[نؽیبؼی ظیي ثؽاظؼ نظ چ ثؽ ظیي کع نؽیبؼ آكؽیي]
ثی ظیي ثظ نؽیبؼی ث خبی قذ ظیی ث پبی ثی رطذ نبی
ثؽآؼظ پیم ضؽظیبكز ثبكزظ ثي ربؼ یک ظؼ ظگؽ
ثی ظیي ثظ نب ؼا آكؽیي اؾ پبظنب ثی یبؾقذ ظیي
ر گیی ک ظؼ ؾیؽ یک چبظؼع چیي پبقجببى یکعیگؽع
قبؾ نبى یک ظ اجبؾ ظیعین آى ؾیي ایي ؾآى ثظ ثی یبؾ
ؽظظ گیزی وی هؽظ ظیی ث چ ثبنع ضعاع ؼای ضؽظ
ر ایي ؽ ظ ؼا خؿ ثؽاظؼ هطاى چى ظیي ؼا ثظ پبظنب پبقجبى
33 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:231, line 553.
34 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 559.
35 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 14.
36 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227–28, lines 494–96.
37 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 17.
38 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:233, lines 587–90.
39 ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖ 16–18.
40 For example, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158, lines 367–72; Firdausī, Shāhnāma 6:164, lines
451–54; Firdausī, Shāhnāma 6:178, lines 629–30; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma 6:181, lines 672–73.
41 This work has been translated into different languages including English, French, German,
Russian, Turkish, and Arabic. For the English translation, see ‗Unṣur al-Ma‗ lī Kayk ‘ūs b.
Iskandar b. Q būs, A Mirror for Princes: The Qāb s Nāma, trans. Reuben Levy (London:
Cresset, 1951). For bibliographical information on its translations into other languages, see
316
Kayk ‘ūs, Das Qābusnāme: Ein Denkmal persischer Lebensweisheit, trans. Seifeddin Najmabadi
in association with Wolfgang Knauth (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1988), 15.
42 On āy n-nāmas, see above, p. 203.
43 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 223; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 219.
44 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, line 360.
45 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 224; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 219.
46 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218–19, lines 362–64.
47 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 224; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 220.
48 See above, p. 261–62.
49 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, lines 309–10.
50 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 225; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 220.
51 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:219, lines 373–74.
52 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 225; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 221.
53 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:178, lines 635–39.
54 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 207; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 200.
55 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 317.
56 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 319.
57 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 227–28, 235; trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 222–23, 231.
58 de Fouchécour, Moralia, 381–89; and Clifford Edmund Bosworth, ―Mirrors for Princes,‖ in
Encyclopaedia of Arabic Literature, ed. Julie Scott Meisami and Paul Starkey (London:
Routledge, 1998), 2:528. As mentioned above, A. K. S. Lambton, does not consider the Siyar al-
mul k as a mirror for princes. See her ―The Dilemma of Government in Islamic Persia: The
Siyāsat-nāma of Ni m al-Mulk,‖ Iran 22 (1984): 55–56. In this relation, also see Marta
Simidchieva, ―Kingship and Legitimacy in Ni m al-Mulk‘s Siyāsatnāma, Fifth/Eleventh
317
Century,‖ in Writers and Rulers: Perspectives on Their Relationship from Abbasid to Safavid
Times, ed. Louise Marlow and Beatrice Gruendler (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2004), 97–131; and
Meisami, Persian Historiography, 161–62.
59 Alexey A. Khismatulin argues that Siyar al-mul k was actually written by Mu‗izzī, the
celebrated poet at the Saljūq royal court. He argues that Mu‗izzī ascribed his own work to Ni m
al-Mulk. See his ―To Forge a Book in the Medieval Ages: Nez m al-Molk‘s Siyar al-Moluk
(Siyāsat-Nāma),‖ Journal of Persianate Studies 1 (2008): 30–66.
60 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 237; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 189. On
Khudāynāmas and shāhnāmas, see above, pp. 132–34.
61 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 19; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 14.
62 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 411. For the relevant verse, see above, p. 262.
63 Nihāyat al-arab, 192; Tajārib al-umam, 189.
64 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 29; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 22.
65 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 325–31.
66 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:223, lines 418–19.
67 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 29–30, 79–80, and 168; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of
Government, 23, 63–64, 128–29.
68 See above, p. 211.
69 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 60.
70 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 74–75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 59–60.
71 See above, pp. 229–32; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:231–32, lines 553–59. For the verses, see
above, 315n32.
72 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 61.
73 Cf. ‗Ahd-i Ardash r, 71, sec. 23:
318
اة أهبم الولك ثغا كب الذ ػبهخ الؽػی أهبم کل اهؽیءطبز ػلی زبل ال هن ثطبز ػلی هثل غلک ززی ردزوغ ػلی ال
74 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 76; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 61.
75 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 120–24; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 94–98.
76 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:220–21, lines 381–95.
77 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 158; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 122.
78 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, lines 572–73.
79 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 601.
80 Zand-Ᾱkās h, 235, chap. 27.17–21; and Bundahish, 125, sec. 183–84.
81 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 8:21, line 248:
ؾ ظیاى وی آكؽیي یبكزی ثدبی ضؽظ ضهن کیي یبكزی
―You garnered anger and vengeance instead of wisdom
[Thus], you are praised by demons.‖
82 For more examples, see Shaul Shaked, ―A Facetious Recipe and the Two Wisdoms: Iranian
Themes in Muslim Garb,‖ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990): 24–33, repr. ed., in
Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam, chap. 9. Also see Zakeri, Persian Wisdom in Arabic
Garb, especially, 1:100–150.
83 See above, p. 265.
84 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 188; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 147–48.
85 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, lines 349–55.
86 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218–220, lines 359–80.
87 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 305; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 243.
88 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, lines 467–69. For the verses, see above, p. 263.
89 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 55 and 218; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 43–
44 and 173.
319
90 Cf. Im m Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Ghaz lī Ṭūsī, Na at al-mul k, ed. Jal l
al-Dīn Hum ‘ī (Tehran: Anjuman-i s r-i millī, 1351/1972), liii–lxxxiv; Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book
of Counsel for Kings (Na at al-mul k), trans. F. R. C. Bagley (London: Oxford University
Press, 1964), xxiv–xxvi; ‗Abd al-Ḥusayn Zarrīnkūb, Farār az madrasa: Darbāra-i zindig va
and sha-i Ab āmid Ghazāl (Tehran, 1353/1974), 254–61; Carole Hillenbrand, ―Islamic
Orthodoxy or Realpolitik? Al-Ghaz lī‘s Views on Government.‖ Iran 26 (1988): 91–92; and
Patricia Crone, ―Did al-Ghaz lī Write a Mirror for Princes? On the Authorship of Na at al-
mul k,‖ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987): 167–91. Also see an earlier study of
this work in Lambton, ―The Theory of Kingship in the Na at ul-Mul k of Ghaz lī,‖ The
Islamic Quarterly 1 (1954): 47–55, repr. ed., in Lambton, Theory and Practice, chap. 5.
91 For the two parts, see Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 1–79, 81–287; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s
Book of Counsel for Kings, 1–44, 45–173.
92 A number of older manuscripts of Na at al-mul k address the dedicatee of the work as the
―king of the east‖ (malik-i mashriq) which means that he was not a sultan. Other manuscripts
refer to its dedicatee with such titles as the ―sultan of the world‖ (sulṭān-i ‗ālam) and ―king of the
east and west‖ (malik-i mashriq va maghrib), which means that the work was dedicated to sultan
Muḥammad b. Maliksh h, who was in power at the time. If Ghaz lī dedicated his work to sultan
Sanjar, he must have done so when Sanjar was still a prince, because Ghaz lī died before Sanjar
became sultan. See Jal l al-Dīn Hum ‘ī‘s discussion in Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, cxix–cxxii.
93 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 2; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 4.
94 Qur‘an 14:24: وبءالن رؽکیق ؽة هللا هثال کلوخ یجخ کهدؽح یجخ ايلب ثبثذ كؽػب كی الك
95 See above, p. 58.
96 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 3; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 4.
320
97
Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 14–27; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 14–
19.
98 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:231, lines 546–47. The above-mentioned verses are followed by three
more, reiterating the same idea:
كزی آؼظد ثـن اعؼى ؾ ؼث ی نوـپچ اق گی ثطذ گؽظظ
ؾ كؽدگی قؽ ثؽاكؽاضز ی قبضز هبی یکی ثبؼؾ
یت عاؼظ رؽا نبظهبى ثی ثعاى ای پكؽ کیي قؽای كؽیت
99 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 27–35; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 19–
23.
100 See above, pp. 229–32 and 282–84.
101 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 36–39; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 23–
25.
102 See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227–28, lines 494–96.
103 See above, pp. 261, 265–66, and 273.
104 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 37; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 24.
105 Shaked, ―From Iran to Islam,‖ 35–36.
106 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 39; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 25.
107 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, lines 572–74; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, lines 606–7; Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 6:235, lines 597, 602, and 608; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:235, line 614.
108 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 40; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 25.
109 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 46; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 28–29.
110 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 575.
111 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 598.
112 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 47–48; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 29.
321
113
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 606.
114 Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 154:
ثظ ظؼ هوبد ظیبئی اؾ ثیهی ضللی جظ، اؾ ثؽ اگؽ زبخزوعی ؼا ثز زبخذ اكزع اؾ هوکبد، ک ظیي ؼا ظؼاى ؾیبی
ثبؾ هگؽظاى[ زبخذ]کن هبی ظیب ظل آى یبؾهع ثبؾ هؿى آى کف ؼا ثی هبی
Trans., Kayk ‘ūs, A Mirror for Princes, 142.
115 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 48; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 29.
116 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 473.
117 Shaked, ―Facetious Recipe,‖ 24–29.
118 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 49; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 30.
119 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 466.
120 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 50; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 30.
121 See above, pp. 211.
122 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:228–29, lines 505–24.
123 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 50–51; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 31.
124 For the aphorisms attributed to Ardashīr, see Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 158, 161, 165, 176,
177, 180, 238; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 95, 98, 106, 107, 109, 120,
144. For the aphorisms attributed to Anūshīrv n, see Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 125, 126, 138,
177, 182, 254–55, 255; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 72, 73, 82, 107,
110, 154.
125 For the anecdote about Ardashīr, see Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 159; trans., Ghaz lī,
Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 96. For the anecdotes about Anūshīrv n, see Ghaz lī,
Na at al-mul k, 99–100, 108–9, 110, 111, 112–14, 136, 137, 139–42, 205; trans., Ghaz lī,
Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 55–56, 61–65, 80–81, 83–84, 124–25.
322
126
For the aphorism, see Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of
Government, 61. For other references to Ardashīr, see Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 55, 76,
218, 219; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 43–44, 61, 173, 174.
127 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 41–52, 167, 235, 239–59; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of
Government, 32–42; 127, 187, 190–206.
128 For the aphorisms attributed to Buzurgmihr, see Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 129, 132, 151,
184, 222–23, 226, 227, 232, 234, 240, 241, 242, 255, 354, and 398; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s
Book of Counsel for Kings,75,77, 90, 111–12, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140–41, 142, 145, 154, 155.
129 Ni m al-Mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 218; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 173.
130 See above, pp. 166–67.
131 On this letter, see above, p. 181n49.
132 Ṭabarī, Ta‘r kh, 2:898; trans., Ṭabarī, History, 5:157; Bal‗amī, Tār kh-i Bal‗am , 680,
Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 606; Miskūya, Tajārib al-umam, 1:179–80; and Ibn al-Balkhī, Fārsnāma, 88.
133 de Fouchécour, Moralia, 99–100.
134 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:169, lines 1007–8; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:176, line 1066.
135 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 106; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 59.
136 See above, pp. 229–32.
137 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 230; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 139.
138 See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 473.
139 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 81–82; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 45–
46.
140 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 487.
141 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 489.
142 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, lines 490–92:
323
ؼا چى ري ضیم ضای ثوؽ ث كؽهبى ا ربؾ گؽظظد چؽ
ؼاى ؼا پیچی ؾ كؽهبى ای ایظلذ ثكز ظاؼی ث پیوبى
چ ثب ظاظ ثیی گجبى ضیم ثؽ هؽ ظاؼی چ ثؽ خبى ضیم
143 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 100; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 56.
144 For the attribution of this maxim to Ardashīr, see Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 163;
Tha‗ libī, Ghurar, 482; and Abū al-Ma‗ lī Naṣrull h Munshī, Tarjuma-i Kal la va Dimna, ed.
Mujtab Mīnuvī Ṭihr nī (Tehran: Intish r t-i D nishg h-i Ṭihr n, 1345/1966), 7. For a thorough
discussion of the concept of the ―circle of justice,‖ see Maria E. Subtelny, Le monde est un
jardin: Aspects de l‘histoire culturelle de l‘Iran medieval, Studia Iranica, Cahier 28 (Paris:
Association pour l‘Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2002).
145 I would like to thank Professor Maria Subtelny for bringing this fine point to my attention.
146 For two examples, see Kayk ‘ūs, Qāb s-nāma, 218; Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-
shujā‗a, 163.
147 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 99; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 55.
148 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:236–37, lines 634–41.
149 See above, pp. 238–39.
150 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 121; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 69.
151 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:222, line 412.
152 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 167; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 101.
153 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:221, lines 396–99; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:223, lines 415–19.
154 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 237; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 143.
155 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, lines 592–594.
156 See above, pp. 74–75.
157 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 163.
324
158
Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 164. Variants of this maxim are often attributed to
Ardashīr in medieval sources. See above, p. 228. It is also cited in ―Ādāb-i salṭanat va vizārat,‖
13, but without any attribution.
159 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 166.
160 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 164.
161 See above, pp. 170–71.
162 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 165–66.
163 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 166.
164 See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227–28, lines 494–96. Also see above, pp. 261, 265–66, and 273.
165 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 166.
166 See above, pp. 229–32, 265, 273, 284.
167 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 167.
168 Mas‗ūdī, Mur j, 1:290, sec. 587; trans., Mas‗ūdī, Prairies d‘or, 1:220, sec. 587.
169 Shaked, ―A Facetious Recipe,‖ 29–30.
170 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 102.
171 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 477.
172 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m: Sitt n , ed. Sayyid ‗Alī Āl-i D ‘ūd (Tehran: Buny d-i
mauqūf t-i duktur Maḥmūd Afsh r, 1382/2003).
173 See Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 464–69 and 486–91.
174 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 464–65. For a review of Fakhr al-Dīn R zī‘s theory of
kingship, see Ann K. S. Lambton, State and Government in Medieval Islam: An Introduction to
the Study of Islamic Political Theory; The Jurists (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 130–
37.
175 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 466.
325
176
Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 468.
177 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 489–90. This is yet again another example of attributing
ancient Persian maxims to Muslim religious figures, thereby granting them credibility.
178 Ni m al-mulk, Siyar al-mul k, 75; trans., Ni m al-Mulk, Book of Government, 60; Ghaz lī,
Na at al-mul k, 106; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 59. Ghaz lī further
adds that these two brothers are from the same womb ( but this part of the ,( اؾ یک نکن هبظؼ آهع
sentence does not appear in Bagley‘s translation of Na at al-mul k.
179 See above, pp. 290–91.
180 See above, p. 265.
181 Najm-i R zī, Mir ād al-‗ibād, 411–18; trans., Najm-i R zī, Path of God‘s Bondsmen, 395–
400.
182 See above, p. 229–32.
183 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 486.
184 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 486–87.
185 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 488.
186 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 488–89.
187 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 489–90.
188 Fakhr al-Dīn R zī, Jāmi‗ al-‗ul m, 490.
189 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 608.
190 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 607.
191 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:231, lines 551; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, line 597.
192 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, lines 572–74.
326
193
For some examples, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:155, lines 312–15, Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:158,
lines 367–73; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:164, lines 451–54; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:181, lines
673–74.
194 See above, pp. 65–73.
195 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 96–97; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 35–36.
196 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 98–99. This part of the text is not translated in the Tales of
Marzuban.
197 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, lines 467–69. For the verses, see above, p. 263.
198 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 100.
199 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, line 567.
200 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 98.
201 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, line 486.
202 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 179–209; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 67–75.
203 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 179; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 67.
204 Mas‗ūdī, Mur j, 1:288–89, sec. 584; trans., Mas‗ūdī, Prairies d‘or, 1:219, sec. 584.
205 According to another tale related in a twelfth-century Arabic work by an Arab scholar of
Sicily known as Ibn Ẓafar al-Siqillī, Ardashir‘s son B bak [sic], who is trained by a sage, tells
his father that he is not interested in the throne, and after a long discussion with his father about
the stage of ―self-denial‖ in the spiritual path to perfection, leaves the palace and disappears. See
Joseph A. Kechichian and R. Hrair Dekmejian, The Just Prince: A Manual of Leadership,
Including an Authoritative English Translation of the Sulwan al-Muta‗ fi ‗Udwan al-Atba‗
(Consolation for the Ruler During the Hostility of Subjects) by Muhammad ibn Zafar al-Siqilli
(London: Saqi Books, 2003), 304–35. For the possible connection between this type of account
and the vita of Buddha, see Louise Marlow, ―Advice Literature in Tenth and Early Eleventh-
327
Century Iran and Early Persian Prose Writing,‖ in Herzig and Stewart, Early Islamic Iran, 90–
91.
206 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:223–24, lines 428–35:
یبؾظ ث ظاظ زبؾظ ث هؽ قپؽ ثعایع کیي ریؿگؽظاى
ن اؼا قپبؼظ ث ضبک ژع ثلعؽ آى ؼا ک ضاع ثؽآؼظ
و ؼح ثب ا نظ ظؼ بى وبع خؿ اؾ بم ا ظؼ خبى
ؽ آکف ک ضاع قؽادبم یک ث گیزی هوبیع خؿ بم یک
ظ ظ ک ضهظی پبک رؽا ؼؾگبؼ اؼهؿظ آى ث یؿظاى ث
كؿای ک ظاؼع ایكذ یکی ث یؿظاى گؽای ث یؿظاى گهبی
ک ا ؼاقذ یک ثع ظقزگب ؾ ؽ ثع ث ظاظاؼ گیبى پب
ثطذ اكؽؾ پیؽؾ ؾیی ظل کع ثؽ ر آقبى و کبؼ قطذ
and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, lines 452–55:
هبؾیع ثب بؾل ا ث کف ظیع ؼا اقذ كؽیبظؼـ قزن
ؽاؾ اعؼآیع هیتک پیم ك جبیع بظى ظل اعؼ كؽیت
کدب آى ک ثظی نکبؼل ؿثؽ کدب آى ک ثؽقظ ربخم ث اثؽ
ضک آى ک خؿ رطن یکی کهذ بلی و ضبک ظاؼع ضهذ
207 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 473: راگؽ نظ ؽ ک ضؽقع گهذ
208 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:216, lines 325–27:
ثع نب گلزی ظؼم ضاؼ ظاؼ کهؼی کبؼظاؼچ ؼكزی قی
ک ثؽ کف وبع قؽای قپح جبیع ک هؽظم كؽنی ث گح
ؾ ر ظؼ ثبظ آؾ ظیاگی و ؼاقزی خی كؽؾاگی
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 474: ظگؽ ثهکی گؽظى آؾ ؼا; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, lines 562–
65:
طكزیي ؾ ثیعاظگؽ نؽیبؼ نببى ثپیچع ق کبؼقؽ رطذ
328
ؾ هؽظ ؽهع ثؽرؽ کهع قظ ؼا ثؽکهع ظگؽ آک ثی
ث ظیبؼ کنع ک ثیهی کع قعیگؽ ک ثب گح ضیهی کع
and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:232, lines 568–69:
ک هؽظم ؾ ظیبؼ یبؾظ ث ؼح گؽ رب جبنی گجبى گح
ري ؾیؽظقزبى ث ؼح آؼظ پبظنب آؾ گح آؼظاگؽ
209 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 268; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 5:323, line 383. The translations of the
verses are not provided in the Tales of Marzuban.
210 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 268; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:4, line 18.
211 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 273; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:4, line 14.
212 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 312.
213 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 316.
214 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:215, line 408.
215 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:225, line 460. For the correction made to the first hemistich of this
verse, see Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt. 3, 186–87.
216 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:227, lines 480–86.
217 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:235, line 613.
218 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 285; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:219, lines 1575–76. The first verse is
slightly different in the Shāhnāma, but the meaning is the same:
و ؽچ ثبیكزن آهضزن چ گیی ک كبم ضؽظ رضزن
Just as you say, ―I paid off the loan of wisdom‖
―[And] learned everything that I was supposed to learn.‖
219 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 293; Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:179, line 1094; and Firdausī,
Shāhnāma, 7:180, line 1104.
329
220
Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:234, lines 603–5. For the correction made to the second hemistich of
line 603, see Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt. 3, 189.
221 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 486–514; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 185–99.
222 For example, see Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:178, lines 629–30; and Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:181,
lines 673–74.
223 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 513–14; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 196–98.
224 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:217, lines 341–44.
225 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:194–98, lines 15–76.
226 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 622–32; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 244–48.
227 Cf. Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:195–96, lines 31–41; Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 622–26; trans.,
Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 244–45.
228 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 628–29; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 246–47.
229 For more on this episode, see above, p. 167. Also see my article, ―A Unique Episode from the
Kārnāmag Ardaš r Pābagān,‖ 203–16. I came across this episode in the Marzbān-nāma only
after my article was published.
230 Var vīnī, Marzbān-nāma, 622; trans., Var vīnī, Tales of Marzuban, 244.
231 See above, pp. 137–38.
232 For more on Īltutmish, see Encyclopaedia of Islam
2, s.v. ―Īltutmish, b. Ēl m Kh n.‖
233 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 15, 247.
234 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 26–139. Six more chapters of this work, which
describe the qualifications of high government officers, were later identified, edited, and
published. See Muḥammad Surūr Maul ‘ī, ed., Ā‘ n-i kishvar-dār : Shish bāb-i bāzyāfta az Ādāb
al- arb va al-shujā‗a (Tehran: Intish r t-i buny d-i farhang-i Īr n, 1354/1975).
330
235
Cf. Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 120; and Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa,
163. Also see Ghaz lī‘s version of this maxim cited above, pp. 285–86.
236 Ghaz lī, Na at al-mul k, 176; trans., Ghaz lī, Ghazāl ‘s Book of Counsel for Kings, 106.
237 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 135.
238 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 4–5, 19–23.
239 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 164.
240 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:226, line 475. For the correction made to the first hemistich, see
Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt. 3, 187.
241 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 282.
242 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 282–85. For the customs of other peoples, he only
provides diagrams.
243 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 283 and 340.
244 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 283.
245 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 283:
الكلطبى ظل هللا كی االؼ یبی الی کل هظلم یؼی قلطبى قبیۀ ضعاقذ هؼی قبی ایدب اهي ػعلكذ ظؼ ؼی
...ؾهیي ؽ ک هظلهكذ پب گؽیؿگب ضظ آدب قبؾظ
246 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:219, lines 365–69. For the correction made to the first hemistiches of
verses 367 and 368, see Kh liqī Muṭlaq, Yāddāsht-hā-yi Shāhnāma, pt. 3, 184.
247 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 292.
248 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 291.
249 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218, line 360.
250 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 298–302.
331
251
Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 298. In another chapter of the work, which is
about ambushing (kam n), Mub raksh h advises that the best time to raid is early morning in the
spring, and midday in the summer. See Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 306.
252 See above, p. 156.
253 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:168, lines 500–503.
254 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 330; and Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-
shujā‗a, 454: د ظل ثبیع ظاظ ثؽ خگ كؽهظى اؿؽا ثبیع کؽظ ظؼ خگ کؽظى هؽظاى هجبؼؾ کبؼی ؼا ه
255 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:218–19, lines 362–64.
256 See above, pp. 268–69.
257 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 344.
258 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 6:219, line 372.
259 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 452.
260 See above, pp. 261–62, 269.
261 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 453.
262 See above, pp. 269–70.
263 Mub raksh h, Ādāb al- arb va al-shujā‗a, 489.
264 Ẓahīrī Samarqandī, Aghrāż al-siyāsa, 11.
265 Julie Scott Meisami, ―History as Literature,‖ in Melville, Persian Historiography, 1–55;
Melville, ―Historian at Work,‖ 56–100; and Julie Scott Meisami, ―History as Literature,‖ Iranian
Studies 33, nos. 1–2 (2000): 15–30.
266 For example, see above, pp. 88–89.
267 On these two works, see Meisami, Persian Historiography, 66–79 and 79–108 respectively.
268 Melville, ―Between Firdausī and Rashīd al-Dīn,‖ 65.
332
269
For example, see Marianna Shreve Simpson, ―Narrative Allusion and Metaphor in the
Decoration of Medieval Islamic Objects,‖ in Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson,
ed., Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Washington, 1985), 138–43;
Assadullah Souren Melikian-Chirvani, ―Le Shāh-nāme, la gnose soufie et le pouvoir mongole,‖
Journal Asiatique 272, nos. 3–4 (1984): 296–317; Melikian-Chirvani ―Conscience du passé et
résistance culturelle dans l‘Iran mongol,‖ in L‘Iran face à la Domination Mongole, ed. D. Aigle
(Tehran, 1997), 158–68; Sylvia Auld, ―Characters Out of Context: The Case of a Bowl in the
Victoria and Albert Museum,‖ in Shahnama: The Visual Language of the Persian Book of Kings,
ed. Robert Hillenbrand (Hants, England: Ashgate, 2004), 106–11; and Tomoko Masuya,
―Ilkhanid Courtly Life,‖ in The Legacy of Genghis Khan: Courtly Art and Culture in Western
Asia, 1256-1353, ed. Linda Komaroff and Stefano Carboni (New York: Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 2002), 102–3.
333
Conclusion
In a section of his Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r, on the duties of kings‘ boon companions,
R vandī (d. after 603/1207) states that in the course of history, any expression that has been
made by man, from humorous (hazl) to serious (jidd), contains a wisdom, which can be revealed
when looked at closely. To illustrate his point, R vandī unravels the meaning of an implausible
statement that claimed some kind of medicinal herb growing in the mountains of India could
bring the dead back to life. He explains that the mountains refer to knowledgeable men (‗ulamā),
the herbs refer to wise words (sukhan), and the dead are the ignorant people who are revived by
the knowledge they gain.1 R vandī further mentions that different people have expressed their
ideas through different mediums, such as animal fables, love stories, and even games, such as
chess and backgammon. Therefore, states R vandī, the king‘s boon companions should be very
well-read and knowledgeable in all fields in order to be able to decipher for the king the meaning
of the exempla and dicta that are read to him, and in order to explain the points of the games that
they play with him.2 These remarks provide an answer to the question of whether or not the kings
for whom sophisticated literary works were written could ever grasp the ideas contained in them.
As may be inferred from R vandī‘s statements, the kings were not even expected to get the
message of these works; rather, it was the duty of their learned companions to interpret for them
what could be learned from the works read to them. We should therefore look at the response of
the learned medieval readers to the Shāhnāma in order to find out how Firdausī‘s opus was
perceived in medieval times.
As I endeavoured to demonstrate in this study, the Shāhnāma was understood primarily
as a book of wisdom and advice for kings and courtly élites. The most outstanding product of
334
this understanding of the Shāhnāma was the literary genre of ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (selections
from the Shāhnāma), the earliest example of which dates from 474/1081–82. These thematically
organized compilations of selected verses from the Shāhnāma shed considerable light on the
reception of Firdausī‘s opus as a book of wisdom and advice on kingship. A cursory review of
medieval Persian epics composed in imitation of the Shāhnāma demonstrates that the composers
of these works recognized the ethico-political dimension of the Shāhnāma and made sure to
include this important aspect of it in their own compositions. Further evidence pointing to the
attention of medieval writers to the ethcio-political dimension of the Shāhnāma are the frequent
citations from the work, with or without acknowledgement, in the medieval Persian prose
literature of advice for rulers. The insertion of selected verses from the Shāhnāma in these prose
texts did not just serve stylistic purposes, as these verses were intended to be taken seriously as
words of a well-known authority on the subject. This intention is quite obvious when the authors
attribute the cited verses to Firdausī. Some of these authors employed their selected verses in
contexts that echoed the original contexts of the verses in the Shāhnāma. In doing so, they made
associations between the characters and events of their own texts and those of the Shāhnāma,
thereby increasing the impact of their own words.
In contrast to the number of medieval authors who cited the Shāhnāma as a book of
wisdom and advice on kingship, the number of those who cited it for historical information is
very few. And when the Shāhnāma was cited as an historical source, the author recognized
Firdausī as a sage and admired his eloquence not his skill in writing history. Even the verse
chronicles composed on the model of the Shāhnāma show more affinity with the literary genre of
mirrors for princes than with history per se. Furthermore, Firdausī himself does not seem to have
expected his audience to understand his work as history, as he acknowledges the fantastic nature
of some of his accounts and stresses that their meanings should be understood through symbols.3
335
In contrast, medieval historians always make a point about the truthfulness of their own reports.
They tend to avoid legendary materials, and when they do include them, they hold their
informants or written sources responsible for their truth. If Firdausī considered his work to be a
record of history, he would not have asked his readers to decipher the symbolic meaning of the
accounts contained in it.
Appreciating ancient Persian traditional symbols and how they were presented in an
Islamic context is therefore crucial for a deeper understanding of Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma. As my
textual analysis of the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma demonstrates, it is in the context of
ancient Persian traditions that the symbolic meanings of the episodes in this tale are revealed,
and not in the context of the history of Ardashīr‘s reign. The accounts about the rise to power
and reign of Ardashīr, as narrated in Shāhnāma, reveal that Firdausī‘s work is more about ideas
and ideals than about historical characters and events. The idea of the union of kingship and
religion, for example, which has often been attributed to Ardashīr by medieval authors, and
which constitutes a major topic in later medieval Persian literature of advice for rulers, is dealt
with in the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma. It is only within the context of ancient Persian
traditions that this important concept can be understood and interpreted. And so is the case with
the enigmatic tale of Ardashīr‘s fight against the giant worm, which, I contend, aims to represent
Ardashīr as a Saviour of the Good Religion and an ideal king on the basis of Zoroastrian beliefs
concerning the ideal state of the world.
My close reading of the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma sheds light on a number of other
important concepts of kingship woven into its accounts, such as the criteria for a legitimate ruler,
the divine election of the king, the responsibilities of the king and his subjects toward each other,
the maintenance of kingship, the efficient ways of organizing the state, and dealing with revolts
and vengeance after the disintegration of a major power. These themes are reflected in later
336
medieval Persian mirrors for princes, which accord attention to the Shāhnāma. The examples I
provide from nine different medieval Persian mirrors for princes that share common points with
the Ardashīr cycle in the Shāhnāma, and the consistency of the portrayal of Ardashīr in these
works, support the argument that the Shāhnāma can be regarded as a mirror for princes.
The historical context of the original patronage of the Shāhnāma helps us understand the
purport of the work. Since it was eventually dedicated to the Ghaznavid sultan Maḥmūd, the
Shāhnāma is often associated with his reign, but we do not even know for certain whether the
work was ever presented to him. Firdausī‘s original patron is not well known, because he was
killed before his political aspirations could materialize. But, the available information about him
indicates that his cultural undertaking was closely linked to his political involvements. Both Abū
Manṣūr Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Razz q (d. 350/962), who commissioned the compilation of the
famous Abū Manṣūrī prose Shāhnāma, and his son Manṣūr (d. ca. 377/987), who sponsored
Firdausī‘s Shāhnāma in the first decade of its composition, challenged the Samanid rule in
Khur s n, but they were both killed before they could fulfill their ambitions. Their sponsorship
of the Shāhnāma in the context of their political struggles could be seen as their way of
promoting their political ideology and cultural values. In other words, they seem to have used the
Shāhnāma as a propaganda tool to further their political agenda. In his discussion about the use
of ideology and propaganda in Islamic history, Stephen Humphreys draws attention to the
―forceful, value-laden language‖ of ideology and the fact that it ―in particular, appeals to deep-
rooted cultural symbols to convey its message.‖ 4
This is exactly what Abū Manṣūr and his son
seem to have appealed to in their sponsorship of the prose and verse Shāhnāmas.
If the ethico-political ideas and ideals promoted in the Shāhnāma did not benefit its
original patron, they did benefit many others, especially the Turko-Mongolian rulers of Iran, who
not only commissioned magnificent illustrated copies of the work, but also had the walls of their
337
palaces, public buildings, and even vessels decorated with scenes from the Shāhnāma. No other
medieval Persian literary/historical work enjoyed such enduring popularity and recognition.
Certainly, all this recognition was not just due to Firdausī‘s eloquence in relating accounts about
ancient Persian kings and heroes. The forceful, value-laden language of the Shāhnāma promoting
ancient Persian ideals of kingship through deep-seated cultural symbols became a tool for alien
rulers of Iran who sought to assert their legitimacy by presenting themselves as adhering to the
values of their indigenous subjects. These rulers, who came from a tribal tradition of ruling, had
a different background, interest, and socio-political concept of rulership from those adhered to in
the lands they sought to rule. But, shortly after they had established themselves as dynasties in
the conquered lands of Persia, they began to conform to the Perso-Islamic concept of the state.
This conformity to a new idea of the state resulted from an inevitable change in the conquerors‘
life style, as they made the transition from nomadic to sedentary mode of existence.5 In order to
adopt the new ideas of rulership, and to legitimize their power, these rulers needed practical
advice on the components of an ideal government and the attributes of a legitimate ruler. The
proliferation of medieval Persian books of wisdom and advice for rulers during Turkic and
Turko-Mongolian rule in Iran were the response to such needs. Remarkably, it is in the Mongol
period that we have a profusion of Shāhnāma manuscripts, many of which were finely
illustrated. We might therefore presume that along with those books of advice for rulers, the
Shāhnāma, with its detailed description of royal ceremonies, rituals, and customs of Iranian
kings and heroes, provided practical advice to the nomadic warlords who wished to rule over an
urban and agrarian society. According to Ibn al-Athīr, Maḥmūd of Ghazna once chastised an
opponent for not having learned what he had read in the Shāhnāma, because he did not behave
properly in front of a victorious king.6 Whether this is a true account or not, it points to the use of
the Shāhnāma as a manual/guide book on proper behaviour for the royal élites.
338
Framed in a symbolic representation of ancient Persian history, the Shāhnāma not only
entertained rulers and taught them the proper ways of governance, but also provided the symbols
of identity and legitimacy for those who sought to assert themselves as true heirs to the ancient
Persian kings. Study of the Shāhnāma as book of wisdom and advice on kingship reveals the
characteristics of a legitimate ruler and ideal government based on ancient Persian paradigms
that were applicable to an Islamic context. It also sheds light on the socio-political environment
of the poet‘s lifetime—the way in which he perceived and depicted those ideals in his work. Last
but not least, it reveals the symbolic meaning of its accounts, such as those about Ardashīr.
339
1 According to the Shāhnāma, Anūshīrv n‘s physician Burzūya, who had read about the magical
life-giving herb in India, was sent to India in order to find and bring the herb to the king. When
Burzūya realized that the magical herb was in fact the book of Kal la va Dimna, tightly secured
in the royal treasury in India, he went through immense trouble to secretly copy the work for his
master. He eventually brought a copy of it to Anūshīrv n, who, on reading and understanding the
wisdom contained in it, proclaimed that he was revived by it, thereby confirming its magical
effect. See Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 7:361–71. The reference to the Kal la va Dimna as a magical
life-giving herb in India is also found in the introduction to the twelfth-century Persian
translation of the Kal la va Dimna. See Naṣrull h Munshī, Kal la va Dimna, 18–19. Also, a
modified version of the account given in the Shāhnāma is related in the Farā‘id al-sul k. See
Farā‘id al-sul k, 490–512. Also see François de Blois, Burzōy‘s Voyage to India and the Origin
of the Book of Kal lah wa Dimnah (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1990).
2 R vandī, Rā at al- ud r, 407.
3 Firdausī, Shāhnāma, 1:12, lines 114.
4 Stephen R. Humphreys, Islamic History: A Framework for Inquiry, rev. ed. (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1991), 149–52.
5 For example, see how the Timurids went through these transitions in Maria E. Subtelny,
Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Leiden:
Brill, 2007). Also see David Durand-Guédy, Iranian Elites and Turkish Rulers: A History of
I fahān in the Salj q Period (London: Routledge, 2010).
6 Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, 7:710.
340
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Appendix A (1)
Shāhnāma verses cited in R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r
(In the order in which they appear in Rā at al- ud r)
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Sulaym n al-R vandī. Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r. Edited by Muḥammad
Iqbál. (English title p.: Rá at-u - udúr wa Áyat-us-Surúr: Being a History of the Saljúqs by Mu ammad
ibn ‗Alí ibn Sulaymán ar-Ráwandí). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2. London: Luzac, 1921.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq (Djalal
Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6 edited by Jal l
Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1. New York: Bibliotheca
Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007.
Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shāh-
nāma
Vol.:P.
Shāh-
nāma
Line
Rā at
al- ud r
P.:Line
No.
قطي ؼا وی ضاؼ هبی هعاؼ 488 6:85
قطي هبع اؾیهبى وی یبغگبؼ
..................اؾر ................
5:66 1.
کچبى ظؼضذ آكؽیعى کهذ 776 5:280
....................کؿ ثبؼؼرؽ
ظؼضزی ثکهزن ثطؽم ثهذ
.......ث ثبؽ .................
29:6 2.
ثؽآیع ثکبشقؽ نبش قجؿل 6 0:0
ؾکبش...........................
.3 29:7 ثپبلیؿ چى ثؽکهػ قؽ نبش
.4 29:8 ثجبالی ا نبغ ثبنػ ظؼضذ ک ثیػل ثیب ظل یک ثطذ 2 0:0
.5 29:9 قؿغ گؽ گوبی ثؽغ ثؽ ق چیؿ کؿیي ق گؿنزی چ چیؿقذ یؿ 0 0:0
.6 29:63 ژاظقذ ثب گؽقذؽ ثب ق چیؿقذ ؽ ق ثجع اعؼقذ 4 0:0
.7 29:66 ؽ کی ثغ رب جبنػ گؽ ژاغ ثكی ظیػۀ ثی ؽ 5 0:0
.8 29:62 گؽ آک اؾ كؽ یؿظاى ثغ یبؼغ ثجػ ظقذ ثػ هغ 6 0:0
قؿغ کبیػ اؾ رطن پبکیؿ ثؽ 7 0:0
پبکی ث ثؽ....................
.9 29:60 ژاغ آک ثبنػ ؾ رطن پػؼ
.10 29:64 اؾیي ؽ ق گؽ ثغ هبی ظاؼ ک ؾیجب ثغ ضلوذ کؽظگبؼ 9 0:0
.11 29:65 چ ؽ ق ثیبثی ضؽغ ثبیػد نبقعۀ یک ثػ ثبیػد 63 0:4
ثؽ آقبیػ اؾ آؾ ؾ ؼح ؿن 66 0:4
....... اؾ ظؼظ .................
.12 29:66 چ ایي چبؼ ثب یکزي آیػ ثن
.13 29:67 کكی ؼا ک یؿظاى کػ پبغنب پبؼقب ثبؾظ ثػ هؽظم 29 7:467
ظلذ ؼا چؽا ثعی اعؼ كؽیت وی اؾ ثلعی جیی هیت 2209 2:054
.............ثكزی .............
08:6 14.
ؾ نت ؼنبیی جیػ کكی کدب ثؽ ظاؼغ ؾ ظام ثكی 2667 2:045
......دیع...................
08:2 15.
ک گیزی قپدكذ خبیػ یكذ كؽی ثؽرؽ اؾ كؽ خوهیػ یكذ 047 2:436
...................... ..............
08:0 16.
.17 08:4 قپؽ ثلعل ثپبی آؼیػ خبؽا خؿ ا کػضعای آؼیػ 048 2:436
ک ربج کوؽ ثؽ ظیگؽ کف اقذ 6265 6:563
ک ربج کوؽ ضظ وبع ث کف
ثف اقذؾ گیزی قزبیم ثوبػ
ث گیزی قزبیم ثوبعد ثف
46:69 18.
.19 42:2 جبیع کؿیي گؽظل ؼؾگبؼ رؽا ثؽ کیي آیػ کبؼؾاؼ 976 6:69
Appendix A (1) 392
............................هؽا
چ یبؾی ثؽح چ بؾی ثگح 6826 6:624
چ بؾی ث رطذ چ یبؾی ث گح
.20 42:0 وبی وی ظؼ قؽای قپح
آى ثؽ ک کبؼی وبى ثعؼیؽ 6857 6:626
................کهزی ........ وبى
عای ک چى پیم ظاؼ نی
.........................ظگؽ گلذ
42:4 21.
.22 42:5 و یکیی ثبیػ هؽظهی خاى هؽظی ضؼظى ضؽهی 6899 6:628
.23 42:6 خؿایذ جین وی ثؽۀی اگؽ کزؽ آیی اگؽ نؽۀی 6933 6:628
.24 42:7 پؽقزعۀ آؾ خیبی کیي ثگیزی ؾ کف هغ آكؽیي 5 4:0
.25 42:8 اگؽ ضغ ثوبی ثگیزی ظؼاؾ ؾ ؼح ري آیػ ثؽكزي یبؾ 63 4:4
ظؼ گح ؼاؾل عاؼغ کلیػ 66 4:4
......یبثع .................
یکی قجؿ ظؼیبقذ ثي بپعیػ
.....................ژؼف ...
42:9 26.
اؾ چع هبی كؿى ثبیػد وبى ضؼظ یکؽؾ ثگؿایػد 62 4:4
...............یبثی ...........
42:63 27.
ؾ آى ثؽ قؽد یؿ پیـبؼ یكذ 60 4:4
................یؿ ثؽ قؽد .......
ق چیؿد ثجبیػ کؿآى چبؼ یكذ
..............کؿ ....................
42:66 28.
ثػیي ق كؿزؽ گؽ گؽی 64 4:4
قؿظ گؽ ث ظیگؽ قطي گؽی
ضؼی یب ثپنی یب گكزؽی
......... گؽ........ گؽ........
42:62 29.
چ ظؼ آؾ پیچی چ اعؼ یبؾ 65 4:4
چ ؾیي ق گػنزی و ؼح آؾ
ؼح آؾ......................کؿیي
42:60 30.
آهؾگبؼ قؽد ؼا هجؽربة اؾ 6492 7:260
اؾ آهؾگبؼاى هجؽربة قؽ
چ ضای ک ؼح ر آیػ ثجبؼ
ث ثؽ..............................
46:67 31.
وبى ضیم ؿظیک پیع ؼا 6490 7:260
چ كزی ثظ ضیم پیع ؼا
.32 46:68 ظثیؽی ثیبهؾ كؽؾع ؼا
وبى ثؽظثبؼ قطي یبغگیؽ 6496 7:260
پبظنب بگؿیؽهیع ثؽ
.33 46:69 چ ثب آلذ ؼای ثبنػ ظثیؽ
وبى بقؿا ؼا قؿااؼ رطذ 6494 7:260
ثطذ..................... کع
ظثیؽی ؼقبػ خاؽا ث ثطذ
رطذ.............................
46:23 34.
ؾ هؽظ اكگع گؽظغ ثلع 6495 7:260
.........................کؿ
.35 47:6 ظثیؽیكذ اؾ پیهب اؼخوع
ؾثبى ضبهم ري ؾ ثػ پبؼقب 6536 7:260
......اؾ ثع ث ري ..............
.36 47:2 هیاؼ قبؾعۀ پبغنب
.37 47:0 نکیجب ثب ظام ؼاقذ گی كبظاؼ پبکیؿ ربؾ ؼی 6532 7:260
جبنػ هكزم خؿ پیهگب 6530 7:260
هگؽ پیم گب..................
.38 47:4 چ ثب ایي ؽب نغ ؿظ نب
.39 53:69 یکی ظاقزبى ؾغ خبى ظیػ کی ک هؽظ خاى چى ثغ یک پی 765 6:607
.40 53:23 ثعام آیعل بقگبلیػ هیم پلگ اؾ پف پهذ يیبظ پیم 766 6:607
اؾ آى پف یبیػ چبى ؼؾگبؼ 643 6:295
................یبثع ............
.41 53:26 چ کبل نغ هؽظ گبم کبؼ
ثػیي هؽکؿ ضهک پؽگبؼ رگ 473 6:07
.................هب ..............
وبى بم کنن ک هبػ گ
...............................وی
59:68 42.
.43 59:69 اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ ثؽ کكی پف کؿ بم ؾنزی ثوبػ ثكی 6620 4:76
ضل ؼؾ یبثی ث ضؽم ثهذ 6936 6:628
ضؽم ثهذ –ػلبهللا –یبثی
.44 59:23 اگؽ هبػ ایػؼ ؾ ر بم ؾنذ
ک ربج کوؽ ثؽ ظیگؽ کف اقذ 6265 6:563
ک ربج کوؽ ضظ وبع ث کف
ؾ گیزی قزبیم ثوبػ ثف اقذ
ث گیزی قزبیم ثوبعد ثف
59:26 45.
.46 59:22 رؽا بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ظؼاؾ وبی وی کبؼ چعیي هكبؾ 6994 0:226
.47 63:6 چیي گلذ هثػ ک هؽظى ثبم ث اؾ ؾع ظنوي ثػ نبغکبم 596 2:665
Appendix A (1) 393
گؽ ظل عاؼی ؾ ؿن ظؼظهع 045 0:20
ث گیزی ژع..................
.48 63:2 ک هبػ ثلع ؾ ر بم ثبیػ
یکی ثگػؼغ ظیگؽ آیػ ثدبی 66 6:049
خبى ؼا وبع ثی کعضعای
خبؽا وبع ثی کػضػای
یکی کن نظ ظیگؽ آیع ثدبی
66:6 49.
.50 66:7 چ ظای ک ایػؼ وبی ظؼاؾ ثزبؼک چؽا ثؽ ی ربج آؾ 0 2:469
اؾ ثؽ هب یکی چبغؼ اقذ 6268 6:252
............................اؾیي
.51 66:8 گؽ ایاى هب قؽ ثکیاى ثؽقذ
و خبی رؽقكذ ریوبؼ ثبک 6269 6:252
..................قذ ثین...........
ک پنػ ثؽ ؼی ثؽ قؽل ضبک
..................ک ثؽ ؼی پنع
66:9 52.
.53 66:63 گیؽغ رؽا ظقذ خؿ یکی گؽ اؾ پیؽ ظاب قطي ثهی 047 5:467
.54 66:66 ؽ آکف ک ؾایػ ثجبیػل هؽظ اگؽ نؽیبؼقذ اگؽ هؽظ ضؽظ 6769 6:623
.55 66:62 کدب نػ كؽیعى نگ خن ؾ ثبغ آهػ ثبؾگؽظغ ثعم 6420 5:466
.56 66:60 ثؽكزع هب ؼا قپؽظع خبی وبػ کف اعؼ قپدی قؽای 6425 5:466
قلؽ کؽظ وؽا هب هبع این ؾ کبؼ گػنز ثكی ضاع این 045 5:467
..............................گػؼ
66:64 57.
ثوؽظ ضؽغهع ثكیبؼ ل 044 5:467
ثكپبؼ گل................
ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی پكؽ ؼا هکل
..................ثؽؾی ...............
66:65 58.
.59 66:66 رؽا ظاظ كؽؾع ؼا ن ظػ ظؼضزی ک اؾ ثیص ر ثؽخػ 699 2:473
.60 65:5 ري ضیم ؼا نب ثیعاغگؽ خؿ اؾ گؼ لؽیي یبؼغ ثكؽ 6768 7:202
چبى ظاى ک گیزی ر آؼاقزی 6769 7:202
ثیبؼاقزی......................
.61 65:6 اگؽ پیه ظاؼغ ظلذ ؼاقزی
یبثی هكذخؿ اؾ ضبک ریؽ 500 6:203 .62 66:6 اگؽ نؽیبؼی گؽ ؾیؽظقذ
.63 66:7 کدب آى ثؿؼگبى ثب ربج رطذ کدب آى قاؼاى پیؽؾ ثطذ 504 6:203
کدب آى ثؿؼگبى خگی قؽاى 505 6:203
...............قؽاكؽاؾ .......
.64 66:8 کدب آى ضؽغهع گعآؼاى
.65 66:9 ضبک ظاؼع ثبلیي ضهذو ضک آک خؿ رطن یکی کهذ 506 6:203
ثعاغ هلک ظل ثجبیػ بغ 005 8:053
ؾ کیطكؽ آؿبؾ رب کیوجبظ
ثویؽظ ؽ آک ؾ هبظؼ ثؿاظ
...............کكی ک .......
66:63 66.
وی ثكزؽغ هؽگ ظیاب ثپبی آؼغ کبش ایاب 6260 6:563
.........................و
66:66 67.
.68 69:62 كؽیػى كؽش كؽنز جغ ؾ ههک ؾ ػجؽ قؽنز جغ 489 6:85
ثعاغ ظم یبكذ ایي كؽی ر ظاغ ظم کي كؽیػى ریی 493 6:85
آى یکیی....................
69:60 69.
خبى چى ثػ ثؽ وبع ای پكؽ ر یؿ آؾ هپؽقذ اع هطؼ 62 6:93
................ثؽ ثؽ .............
69:64 70.
.71 69:65 ؾ ثیعاغگؽ نب ثبیػ گؽیؿ کؿ ضیؿظ اعؼ خبى ؼقزطیؿ 4439 7:452
ثغ رطذ آثبغ ثطذ اؾ ر نبغ 4478 7:459
...........................گدذ...
.72 69:66 خبى ؼا چ آثبغ ظاؼی ثعاغ
چ ثب نیؽ خگ آؼل ضبقذ خگ 246 4:68
.................خگبؼل ......... ک
.73 93:66 ثؽ پلگ یکی ظاقزبى ؾغ ثؽیي
.74 93:67 ثبم اؼ ثؽیؿی ؾ هي گلذ ضى ث اؾ ؾعگبی ثگ اعؼى 247 4:68
اگؽ چع ضاػ رؽا نؽیبؼ 54 6:258
..........................گؽ
.75 93:68 ؾ ظنوي هکي ظقزی ضاقزبؼ
قؽ آیػ ثعقذ اگؽ پبی گیؽی 55 6:258
..............................گؽ
ظؼضزی ثغ قجؿ ثبؼل کجكذ
..................................
93:69 76.
.77 96:60 ثطاػ ثػى ثی گوبى ثغی کبع ثپؽیؿ اكؿظی 6535 2:036
Appendix A (1) 394
ثلؽخبم ن ضبک ظاؼظ ثكؽ 48 8:7
ؽهع ثب هؽظم ثی ؽ
...............گؽ ......
96:64 78.
ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی هؽل پؽقزبؼ ثبل پهوی پل 852 7:654
...............................ثعیي
96:65 79.
ک ؽ ک ثوؽگ کكی گهذ نبغ ؼا ؼاهم ؾعگبی هجبغ 850 7:654
.............پعؼ ......................
96:66 80.
هؽگ ضای ؿن هي هطؼاگؽ 949 7:660
.................ظای .............
.81 96:67 ؿایع خؿ اؾ هؽگ ؼا خبؼ
.82 96:68 اگؽ ضغ گػؼ یبثی اؾ ؼؾ ثػ ثوؽگ کكی نبغ ثبنی قؿغ 866 7:652
ک گؽ نبغی اؾ هؽگ هي ر هویؽ 766 7:647
.....ؽگؿ ...........................
یکی هؽظ پیؽچیي ظاقزبى ؾغ
..............................ثؽیي
96:69 83.
ؾ کكؽی اؾ آؿبؾ رب ل ؾاظ 839 7:656
.............ثیبؿبؾ ............
.84 96:23 ک خؿ هؽگ ؼا کف ؾ هبظؼ ؿاغ
ؼب یكذ اؾ چگ هوبؼ هؽگ 863 7:656
قؽ په پیل ثب هؼ کؽگ
................................پی
96:26 85.
.86 96:22 ؾهیي گؽ گهبغ کع ؼاؾ ضیم ثپیوبیػ اعاؾۀ کبؾ ضیم 866 7:656
کبؼل پؽ اؾ نؽیبؼاى ثغ ثؽل پؽ ؾ ضى قاؼاى ثغ 862 7:656
.....ربخعاؼاى .................
92:6 87.
پؽ اؾ ضى ؼش چبک پیؽام 860 7:656
ضة ؼش چبک پیؽام......
.88 92:2 پؽ اؾ هؽظ ظاب ثغ ظاهم
.89 92:0 چ اككؽ ی ثؽ قؽد ثؽ چ رؽگ ثؽ ثگػؼغ پؽ پیکبى هؽگ 864 7:656
.90 92:4 ظیگؽ ک اؾ هؽگ نببى ظاغ گیؽغ کكی یبغ خؿ ثػ ژاغ 867 7:652
ؾظى ؼای ثب هؽظ هیبؼ ظقذ 609 6:295
کقذثؽ کبؼ اعیه کؽظى
..........گبم خكزي .........
90:4 91.
اگؽ قبؾی اؼ خبؽا یکیكذ 2463 2:068
..........ظؼاؾقذ هب اؼهؿظد
.92 94:65 چ قبؾی چ چبؼ ثعقذ ر یكذ
پعیػ آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ 643 0:297
ث پیم آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ
.93 636:4 ک ظاػ ک چعیي هیت كؽاؾ
.94 636:5 رک ؼؾگبؼ اؾ ظؼاؾی ک كذ وی ثگػؼاػ قطب ؾ ظقذ 646 0:297
ؾ ثف ظؼظ قطزی اع ؼح 6357 0:086
ثکعین ظل ؾیي قؽای قپح
.....................ثکعم ظلن
636:6 95.
.96 636:7 قؿظ گؽ ثگین یکی ظاقزبى کجبنػ ضؽغهع وعاقزبى 0832 8:295
.97 636:8 هكبی ایچ ثب آؾ ثب کی ظقذ هؿل هکي خبیگب هكذؾ 0834 8:295
یکی نػ کي ظیگؽ آؼػ 0835 8:295
.......................ر گؽظی
.98 636:9 قؽای قپدكذ پؽ آی ؼ
ؾهبی ثوؿل چوػ یب چؽغ 0836 8:295
......گؽ......................
.99 636:63 یکی اعؼ آیػ ظگؽ ثگػؼغ
اؾیي ظقذ ثكزػ ثعیگؽ ثعاغ 695 2:469
..........................ؾیک
.100 636:66 خبؽا چیي اقذ قبؾ بغ
چ ظنوي ک ظاب ثغ ث ؾ ظقذ اثب ظنوي ظقذ ظام کقذ 6048 5:232
.....................................ک
636:26 101.
هبػ ثوهذري ک ؼا قگ 957 0:85
.............ضبک ............
اگؽ ظ ثؽاظؼ ػ پهذ پهذ
..............................ک گؽ
632:65 102.
.103 632:66 ظلی ک ؾ ظؼظ ثؽاغؼ نطغ ػالج پژنکبى عاؼغل قغ 6408 4:96
چ ثبنػ ثؽ پبغن بگؿیؽ 6533 7:260
وبى ثؽظثبؼ قطي یبظگیؽ
.104 639:66 ثبنػ ظثیؽ ضؽغهع ثبیػ ک
.105 639:62 ثالؿذ چ ثب ض گؽظ آیػل ثبعیه هؼی ثیلؿایعل 6498 7:260
Appendix A (1) 395
.................ثؽ اعیه
ث پیم هبى اؼخوع آى ثغ ک ثب ا لت نب ضعاى ثغ 6547 7:267
..................وبى ظؼ خبى
639:60 106.
كؽاؾل ثلعقذ پكزم هیت 533 8:450
......نیجم ......................
.107 662:60 چیي اقذ ؼقن قؽای كؽیت
ک بگ ثگل آیػ آای کـ 530 8:454
..........................ؿهبى..
.108 662:64 چ ثعی ظل اعؼ قؽای ككـ
ضؽنی ثؽآؼ ک ثؽ ثع ؼضذ جیی خؿ اؾ رطزۀ گؼ رطذ 534 8:454
..................... ثؽآیع...........
662:65 109.
ثکف ثؽ وبػ خبى خبغاى ثؽ ربج ظاؼ ثؽ هثػاى 02 6:265
......................ک ثؽ کف
662:66 110.
ربثد یكذ رؽا خبی خؿ رگ 08 6:266
............................هین ر
ؼاذ گؽ اؾ آؾ كؽرد یكذ
662:67 111.
.112 662:68 ؾ لزبغ ثؽ گػؼغ ثف کكی ؾ ظؼاى چؽش آؾهغم ثكی 85 4:675
.113 660:6 گؽ ثگػؼظ آى و ثزؽیكذ ثؽ آى ؾعگبی ثجبیػ گؽیكذ 86 4:675
ضؽغ پیم چهن ر خني کبغ 2697 8:668
.................خبى ............
.114 660:2 ؼاى ر ظاؼع ؼني کبغ
کیكذ گ پؽ ؾ هؽگی پؽ ؾ 2685 0:208
گی خگ کیي گی نع هؽ
.115 668:63 چیي ثغ رب ثغ گؽظاى قپؽ
کچى ظقذ یبثع ثعؼغد پقذ 89 6:263
.............................کدب
.116 668:66 ر گؽ ثبهی ههوؽ ا ؼا ثعقذ
وبى پؽظۀ ؼاؾب ثؽظؼغ 2053 4:026
ثؽظؼیع............... کى
قپؽ ثلع اؼ كؽااى کهػ
کهیع........................
668:62 117.
خبى رب رای ثهبغی گػاؼ گ کي ثػیي گؽظل ؼؾگبؼ 6273 0:096
...............ر ثب ا خبى ؼا
668:60 118.
ؾ ریوبؼ ظؼظل کػ ثی گؿع 6276 0:096
...............ؼدم ............
.119 668:64 ثؽآؼغ ثچؽش ثلعیکی ؼا
ؾ آدبل گؽظاى ثؽغ قی ضبک و خبی رؽقكذ ریوبؼ ثبک 6272 0:097
.......ؾیؽ .............................
668:65 120.
ثیلگع ضیؽ ثچب ظؼاؾ 6270 0:097
یبؾ.....................
.121 668:66 ن آى ؼا ک پؽؼظ ثؽ ثؽثبؾ
.122 668:67 یکی ؼا ؾ چب آؼظ قی گب ػ ثؽ قؽل پؽ ؾ گؽ کال 6274 0:097
ػ ثؽ قؽل پؽ ؾ گؽ کال 2246 2:054
یکی ثب کل ثؽهبع ث گب
یکی ؼا ؾ چب آؼغ قی گب
یکی ؼا ث چب اكگع ثی گب
668:67 123.
ؾ ربؼک ثچگ هـبک اعؼع 2247 2:054
.........................اؾ اضزؽ
.124 668:68 قؽدبم ؽ ظ ثطبک اعؼع
.125 623:66 ؽ آکف ک ثكیبؼ گیػ ظؼؽ ثؿظیک نببى گیؽغ كؽؽ 6542 7:267
6 .126 623:62 قطي کبى اعؼ ضؼغ ثب ضؽغ ثکنػ ک ثؽ پبغن هوؽغ 6540 7:267
ث ثكیبؼ گلزي هدی آثؽی 6544 7:267
.........هجؽ .................
.127 623:60 گؽ پؽقػد ؽچ ظای ثگی
ؽ آکف ک ؾایػ ثجبیػل هؽظ 6769 6:623
اگؽ نؽیبؼقذ اگؽ هؽظ ضؽظ
اگؽ نؽیبؼاقذ اگؽ هؽظ ضؽظ
ؽ آکف ک ؾایع ثجبیعل هؽظ
622:0 128.
.129 622:4 ثگؽظ خبىگؽ رب ک ثیی ک ا یكذ اؾ هؽگ ضكز ؼاى 1800 6:122
اگؽ ظیي پؽقزی گؽ اؽهی 268 5:466
..........ؼ...................
.130 622:5 ثؽیؿی ثطبک اؼ و ؾآی
.131 622:6 ؾ ضبکین ن ضبک ؼا ؾاظ این ثجیچبؼگی ظل ثػ ظاغ این 04 5:502
Appendix A (1) 396
ثؽكزي ضؽغ ثبغهبى هؽهبى 770 2:679
ث گیزی وبع کكی خبظاى
.132 622:7 هؽگ ؼااین پیؽ خاىو
هگؽ هؽگ کبؽا ظؼی ظیگؽقذ 6200 5:096
................ ؼا کبى ..............
و کبؼب ؼا ثگیزی ظؼقذ
........کبؼبی خبى ؼا .....
622:8 133.
.134 626:22 چبى ظاى ک اعؼ قؽای قپح کكی ک ػ گح ثبظقذ ؼح 70 8:466
گ کي ثػیي گؽظ گؽظاى قپؽ 68 8:465
ثعاؼ ثپل ثیبؼای هؽ
..............ث ظاظ ث پؾل
627:6 135.
.136 627:2 ثکنیػ ثطهع ثبنیػ یؿ ؾ ضؼظى ثلؽظا هوبیػ چیؿ 78 8:466
.137 627:0 ثؽدػ یکی ظیگؽی ثؽضؼغ ثعاغ ثجطهم کكی گؽغ 94 8:468
.138 627:4 ظ چهن ر اعؼ قؽای قپح ربج گح چیي ضیؽ گهذ اؾ پی 688 8:426
یؽؾغ ر ؾ ظل چعاؼی ثعؼظ 693 8:426
...............ظل ؾ ........
.139 627:5 خبی کدب نؽثزی آة قؽظ
پیػا ثغ ؼدم اؾ ضهن هؽ 668 8:467
ؼح ضهوم ؾ هؽ............
.140 627:6 گؽظاى قپؽ ضؽغ یكذ ثب گؽظ
ثیبؼای ظل ؼا ثلؽظا هپبی 706 8:470
......ظل ؼا ث كؽظا ........
اگؽ یچ گدكذ ای یک ؼای
.................................گؽد
627:7 141.
اگؽ ضغ ثوبی ظػد آک ظاغ 708 8:470
ظؼ ضؼظذ زیؽ کي ثؽ بغ
..............ظؼ ضؼظذ چیؽ
627:8 142.
ثؽ خبى رب جبنی ثعؼظؾ 6278 0:097
ثی آؾاؼرؽ ثزؽ ظل ؾاظهؽظ
هیبؾاؼ ؽگؿ ظل ؼاغهؽظ
ؾ ثؽ ظؼم رب جبنی ث ظؼظ
628:66 143.
.144 628:62 خبى ؼا وبیم چ کؽظاؼ یكذ ثػ ظل قپؽظى قؿااؼ یكذ 820 4:50
ثیکكبى گؽظغ قپؽ ثلع گی نبغ ظاؼغ گی هكزوع 6663 2:063
............قذ ؼای چیي
628:60 145.
گی اعؼ آؼغ ؾ ضؼنیػ قؽ 6400 4:96
.........................و
.146 628:64 گی ثؽکهػ رب ثطؼنیػ ثؽ
.147 130:5 اگؽنب ثب ظاغ ثطهبیم اقذ خبى پؽ ؾضثی آؼایم اقذ 46 7:93
.148 130:6 گؽ کژی آؼغ ثعاغ اعؼى کجكزم ثغ ضؼظى آة ضى 42 7:93
.149 603:7 ثؽ کبؼ ثب ؽکكی ظاغ کي ؾ یؿظاى یکی ظم یبغ کي 600 4:66
گؽ کبم ظل یبكزی بم خی 2403 4:026
..............................اگؽ
ثزبؾ ثبؾ و کبم خی
.............................ثجبؾ
603:8 150.
.151 603:9 ثبنػ اؾ کؽظگبؼکدب ثغی یبیػل یؿ اؾ کف آهؾگبؼ 6426 4:93
.152 603:63 نگلزی رؽ آک اؾ پی آؾ هؽظ ویه ظل ضیم ظاؼغ ثعؼظ 6473 4:90
گ کي ک رب ربج ثب قؽ چگلذ ک ثب هـؿد ای قؽ ضؽغ ثبغ خلذ 2075 4:020
.....................ضظ .............
603:66 153.
.154 603:62 ضای ک ربج ر هبػ ثدبیچ هجبغی خؿ آكز پبک ؼای 2074 4:020
هکي ثػ چ ظای ک اؾ کبؼ ثػ ثلؽخبم ثؽ ثعکم ثػ ؼقػ 2073 4:020
................چ خیی ثعای
603:60 155.
.156 603:64 ؾ کؽظاؼ ثػ ثؽ رم ثػ ؼقیػ هدی ای پكؽ ثع ثػ ؼا کلیػ 2069 4:022
وبى پیم یؿظاى قؽدبم ثػ 2456 4:028
ک هبػ ؾ ر بم ثػجبیػ
ث گیزی ثوبع ؾ هي بم ثع
603:65 157.
ثعاػ ک ایي یک ثػ ثگػؼغ 2796 4:049
....................ثعایع کیي
ؽ آکف ک ظاؼغ ؼام ضؽغ
.....ظاؼیع ؼای ................
603:66 158.
چؽا ثبیعد ظؼظ اع ؼح 2792 4:049
........................ثبیع ایي...
و ؼكزی این گیزی قپح
603:67 159.
ؾ ؽظقذ چثی كؽاؾ آؼین ثعنوي ثوبین ضظ ثگػؼین 2790 4:049
..............چیؿی .............
603:68 160.
.161 603:69 نگ ؼ رب ثکبـ نبؾ ک ثظػ ثب رطذ كؽ کال 2797 4:049
Appendix A (1) 397
........كؽ رطذ .............
.162 603:23 خؿ اؾ بم اؾیهبى ثگیزی وبع کكی بهۀ ؼكزگبى ثؽ طاع 2798 4:049
قؿظ گؽ هیع ثؽ خبی پیؽ 043 6:267
خابى ظاب ظام پػیؽ
.............ظابی .........
604:68 163.
ثكیبؼ گهی هکير ثؽ نب اگؽ چ پؽقزع ثبنی کي 6548 7:267
.............چ ثاؾظد نب
604:23 164.
.165 605:6 ک ؽچع گؽظغ پؽقزم ظؼاؾ چبى ظاى ک كذ ا ؾ ر ثی یبؾ 6549 7:267
گؽ ثب ر گؽظغ ؾ چیؿی ظژم ثپؾل گؽای هؿى یچ ظم 6553 7:267
..............................اگؽ
605:2 166.
اگؽ یكذ آگبیذ ؾآى گب ؼا ثجؽ ؿظ نبثؽ ظلذ 6552 7:267
..........گؽ یكزذ آگی
605:0 167.
ؾ کكبی ن پیم ا ثػ هگی ک کوزؽ کی ؿظ ا آثؽی 6546 7:266
......................ا .............
605:4 168.
.169 609:60 قؿظ گؽ ثگین یکی ظاقزبى کجبنػ ضؽغهع وعاقزبى 0832 8:295
.170 609:64 هكبی ایچ ثب آؾ ثب کی ظقذ ؾ هؿل هکي خبیگب هكذ 0834 8:295
یکی نػ کي ظیگؽ آؼػ 0835 8:295
.......................ر گؽظی
.171 609:65 قؽای قپح اقذ پؽ آی ؼ
ؾهبی ثوؿل چوػ یب چؽغ 0836 8:295
....گؽ......................
.172 609:66 ظگؽ ثگػؼغیکی اعؼ آیػ
اؾیي ظقذ ثكزػ ثعیگؽ ثعاغ 695 2:469
..........................ؾیک
.173 643:6 خبؽا چیكذ قبؾ بغ
ر گبم نبغی ظؼضزی هکبؼ ک ؾؽ آؼغ ثبؼ ا ؼؾگبؼ 2696 2:056
................................ث
643:2 174.
ثؽگم کجكذک ثبؼل ثغ ؾؽ 6490 2:033
.......ثیطم ..........................
ظؼضزی ثظ ایي هبع ثعقذ
چؽا کهذ ثبیع ظؼضزی ث ظقذ
643:0 175.
ثپیم ثال ظاقزبب ؾظى 2325 2:008
................... پیم
ثپبی اعؼ آرم هبیػ نػى
......جبیع ..................
643:4 176.
اع کؽم ركذؿن ؼح 2698 2:056
قذ پهیوبی خبى ؼح ري
نزبثعگی کبؼ اؽهكذ
قذ نزبة ثعی کبؼ آؽهي
642:7 177.
پعیػ آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ 643 0:297
ث پیم آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ
.178 642:67 ک ظاػ ک چعیي هیت كؽاؾ
ثؽآیػ ثؽ ؼؾگبؼی ظؼاؾ 6982 4:627
ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ.............
یکی ؼا ثعاؼغ ثجؽ ثؽ ثبؾ
کكی ؼا کدب پؽؼاع ث بؾ
642:69 179.
ثػاى ق ک ضاػ ثزبثػل ؼ 6980 4:627
................................ ثؽآى
نجیطى کػ گب نبغی ثؽ
642:23 180.
.181 642:26 ؾ ثبغ اعؼآؼغ ظػهبى ثعم وی ظاغ ضاین پیػا قزن 6984 4:627
.182 644:2 چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ثلع ظل اعؼ قؽای قپدی هجع 6898 7:626
.183 644:0 یکی ؼا وی ربج نبی ظػ یکی ؼا ثعؼیب ثوبی ظػ 6923 7:628
آؼام ضؼظ خبی لذ 6926 7:628
....................ضاة...........
.184 644:4 یکی ؼا ثؽ قؽ پبی قلذ
.185 644:5 یکی ؼا ظػ ن نع نیؽ ثپنػ ثعیجب ضؿ زؽیؽ 6922 7:628
ثزبؼک ثعام الک اعؼع 6920 7:629
ظام الک اعؼع ث ربؼیک
.186 644:6 قؽدبم ؽ ظ ثطبک اعؼع
جغی ؼا بم گ جؽظ 6924 7:629
عیعی ؾ گیزی وی گؽم قؽظ
.187 644:7 اگؽ ضغ ؿاظی ضؽغهع هؽظ
.188 644:8 عیػی خبى اؾ ث ث ثػی اگؽ ک ثػی هؽظ اگؽ ه ثػی 6925 7:629
.189 644:9 اگؽ هبی ایكذ قغل هدی ک خكزي ثكی ؼدذ آؼغ ثؽی 649 8:56
Appendix A (1) 398
........آیع ........ ظؼ خكزم ...
ک ایكذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ظاى 6694 8:96
ؼاى...........................
ریؽ ؼاى هجبل اؾثػ چؽش
............. اعؼیي ثم .......
644:63 190.
گی ثب ؾیبین گ قغهع 6695 8:92
.............................
.191 644:66 ک گبی پبكذ گبی گؿع
ضؽغهع اؾ یؿ پؽضبل ضؽ 604 6:033
ضؽظهع اگؽ هؽظ پؽضبنطؽ
ثوؽظی ظام یبثػ گػؼ
646:65 192.
.193 646:66 ثجبنػ و ثغی ثی گوبى زبثین ثب گؽظل آقوبى 605 6:033
ر ظل ؼا ثگكزبضی ا هجع 6609 7:563
....اعؼ.......................
چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ثلع
............ظؼؽ آؾهبیكذ
646:67 194.
ظؼؽ آؾهبییكذ چؽش ثلع گی نبغ ظاؼغ گی هكزوع 2660 2:044
قذ کبؼ قپؽ ثلع چیي
646:68 195.
گی نبغهبى گی ثب یت 636 4:263
................نبظ ایوي ....
گی ثؽ كؽاؾ گی ظؼ هیت
.......كؽاؾین گ ثؽ .........
646:69 196.
کؿیي گ ثؽگهذ ثؽ هب ثوؽ 62 8:465
قذ ثب هب قپؽ ک خؿگ گهز
.197 646:23 قپؽعاػ کكی ؼاؾ گؽظاى
ؽگؿ وبیػ ثوب یؿ چؽ 6607 7:563
ؼني کػ اؾ ثؽ هب قپؽ
عاع کكی ؼاؾ گؽظاى قپؽ
646:26 198.
ؾهبی كؽاؾ ؾهبی هیت 696 2:469
اؾ نبغهبین ؾ ثب یت
ث ظؼظین اؾیي ؼكزي اعؼ ؼیت
647:6 199.
عاػوی لهکؽ اؾ نؽیبؼ 2523 4:002
...............کزؽ...........
چیي آهػ ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼ
................ثعایع کیي
648:65 200.
اؾ ظاغ ثیین ن ؾ قزن 2526 4:002
..... ؾن ...............
وی ثعؼغ پیؽ ثؽب ثن
648:66 201.
گی نبغهبی گی پؽ ؾ ضهن 78 4:674
گبی ث ضهن ................
.202 648:67 ایب آؾهى ؼا بغ ظ چهن
.203 648:68 چیي ثغ رب ثغ ظؼ ؾهبى ثیی ر اعؼ نگلزی هوبى 83 4:675
.204 648:69 نگلذ اعؼیي گجػ ریؿ گؽظ ثوبعی چیي ظل پؽ اؾ ظاؽ ظؼظ 79 4:675
آقبی بؾ رطذ ثلع ري 86 4:675
....ثطذ .....................
.205 649:6 یکی ؼا و ثؽ نعقذ هع
گی ثؽ كؽاؾ گی ظؼ هیت 82 4:675
......گ اعؼ .......... گ اعؼ
.206 649:2 یکی ؼا و ؼكزي اعؼ ؼیت
.207 649:0 چیي پؽؼاػ وی ؼؾگبؼ كؿى آهػ اؾ ؼگ گل ؼح ضبؼ 80 4:675
ظاهي ظام ضؼنیػ هب ثؽ 88 4:675 .208 649:4 یبثین ثؽ چؽش گؽظع ؼا
یبؾغ ثکیي ثبؾظ ثگح 89 4:675
.......................ثیبؾظ
.209 649:5 خبعاؼ اگؽ چع کنػ ثؽح
و کنم هبع ثبیػ ثدبی 93 4:675
ثوبع و کنم ایعؼ ث خبی
.210 649:6 وم ؼكذ ثبیػ ثعیگؽ قؽای
.211 649:7 چیكذ ؼقن قؽای قپح ثػاى کل رب ظؼ هبی ؾ ؼح 94 4:676
چ ضاػ ضػاع ضغ ؼا وبل 8 7:02
ضظ ؼا وبل، ک ضاع وی نب
ؽآکف ک ثػ ثبنػ ثػ قگبل
ؽآکف کدب ثبنع ا ثع قگبل
650:26 212.
چ پػیؽغ اؾ ضم اككؽ کیػ 9 7:02
کن................................
طكزیي ثپعل رگؽ کیػ
راگؽ کن..................
650:22 213.
عای ک ظاب چ گیػ وی ظلذ ؼا ؾ کژی ثهیػ وی 609 6:043
...........................جیی
654:0 214.
.215 654:4 ک ؽ نب ک ؼا قزبیم ثغ و کبؼل اعؼ كؿایم ثغ 643 6:043
.216 654:5 کیػ ثبنػ خلب پیه هؽظ ظؼ آؾظاؼاى هگؽظثگؽظ 646 6:043
Appendix A (1) 399
گؽ اؾ گؽ اؾ ژاغ آكؽیػ 280 8:24
ظگؽ اؾ ؽ ؾ ژاظ آكؽیع
.217 655:0 خبعاؼ نبی ؾ ظاغ آكؽیػ
.218 655:4 ثػاکف ظػ ک قؿااؼرؽ ضؽغظاؼرؽ ن ثی آؾاؼرؽ 284 8:24
.219 655:5 ضؽغ چى یکی ضلؼذ ایؿظیكذ اؾ اعیه ظؼ اقذ ظؼ اؾ ثعیكذ 2500 7:294
.220 655:6 ایب هؽظ ثػ ثطذ ثیعاغگؽ ثبثغیب گوبی هجؽ 255 8:26
.221 655:7 ک ضؽچگ ؼا یكذ پؽ ػوبة پؽظ ػوبة اؾ ثؽ آكزبة 256 8:26
چؽا ظل ثکژی ثیبؼاقزی 078 8:06
ث کژی چؽا ظل ثیبؼاقزی
.222 655:8 ک گیػ ک کژی ث اؾ ؼاقزی
ثکنن وی رب نی ري ظؼقذ 096 8:02
....................ثگیین رب ر
ر ثیوبؼی پع ظاؼی ركذ
655:9 223.
پؿنک ر پعقذ ظاؼ ضؽغ هگؽ آؾ ربج اؾ ظلذ ثكزؽغ 090 8:02
...............ثعقذ ............
655:63 224.
ظلی ؼاغ ظاؼغ ری پبؼقب 6832 4:286
......ظلی ......... کلی
.225 655:66 ضک آکكی ک ثغ پبغنب
ضؽغ گؽظغ ثگؽظ ظؼ ثی 6830 4:286 ثعاػ ک گیزی ثػ ثگػؼغ
........ثؽ.................
655:62 226.
گهبغ کػ ؼؾ ن ؼاؾ ر 6760 7:206
.........نظ ؾ و......
اگؽ چع ؽهكذ آاؾ ر
.........................گؽ
657:66 227.
ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی هؽل ک ظیاؼ ظاؼغ ثگلزبؼ گل 22 6:256
چ گلذ آى قطي گی پبقص یل
657:69 228.
ک ا ؼا ثغ یؿ اجبؾ یبؼ 592 6:204
.......وجبؾ....................
.229 659:7 قطي یچ هكؽای ثب ؼاؾظاؼ
ظؼؽ آؼظ کبقزیكؽؽ 6992 2:006 .230 666:6 ؽآدب ک ؼني نغ ؼاقزی
گؽ آاؼ اؾ ضب ثؽگهز ث 005 2:436
...........خگ ..............
.231 666:2 چ ثػضا پیم آیػد کهز ث
ک ثب اضزؽ ثػ ثوؽظی هکل 2668 2:049
چگلذ آى ؽهع ثكیبؼ ل
...............ضؽظهع ...........
666:0 232.
.233 666:4 ظیگؽ ثدبیی ک گؽظاى قپؽ نغ رع چیي اعؼ آؼظ ثچؽ 6997 2:006
ک اؾ چجؽل قؽ خبػ ثؽى 6998 2:006
.......آؼظ .... چجؽ ا .......
.234 666:5 ضؽغهع ؼا کؽظ ثبیػ ككى
ک ا ضغ قء هب بغقذ ؼی 2240 4:645
....................قی ............
.235 662:9 ر چعیي ثگؽظ ؾهب هپی
.236 662:63 چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ گؽظاى قپؽ ثجؽغ ؾ پؽؼظۀ ضیم هؽ 2032 4:649
گؽ پبی خیی قؽل پیم ركذ 2030 4:649
......قی...........................
.237 662:66 چ قؽ خییم پبی یبثی طكذ
ضیؽ ظؼ کبؼ ا ثوبػ وی 2423 4:658 .238 662:62 ضؽغهع ؼا ظل ؾ کؽظاؼ ا
.239 669:65 ثزطذ هی ثؽ ؽ آکف ک ظاغ کع ظؼ ظل ا ثبنػ اؾ ظاغ نبغ 22 7:89
ثغ رطذ نبی ثػ پبیعاؼ 6072 7:230
.......ثؽ.............. نظ
.240 669:66 کػ آكؽیي ربج ثؽ نؽیبؼ
نبغ ثطذثػ اعیم هیػ اؾ 6070 7:230
هیع گؽظظ ؾ ثطذ.........
.241 669:67 ثبؾغ ثػ ربج نبی رطذ
.242 673:6 چ ثؽگؽظغ ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼ اؾ بم یکی ثغ یبغگبؼ 6074 7:230
ثویؽغ رم بم ؽگؿ وؽظ 23 7:52
کكی ؼا ک ظام ثغ رن ثؽظ
.................وبى ؼا ک ثطهم
673:2 243.
خبى خبؽا ثجػ هكپؽیػ 26 7:50
كپؽیع....................
و ري ثزي ظقذ یکی ثؽیػ
....................و قؽ ث قؽ
673:0 244.
.245 673:4 ؽآکف ک اعیه ثػ کػ ثلؽخبم ثػ ثب ري ضغ کػ 20 7:89
Appendix A (1) 400
ثػیي پؽظ ظؼ ضلن ؼا ؼا یكذ 25 7:89
...........ظل اعؼ هؽا ث رگی
.246 673:5 اؾ اعیهۀ ظل کف آگب یكذ
کػ ثی گوبى ؽ کف اؾ ظاغ یبغ 26 7:89
نبظ.............................. ثظ
.247 673:6 اگؽپبغن ؼا ثغ پیه ظاغ
ثػاگ ک یبثی رذ ؾؼهع ؾ ثیوبؼی اعیم ظؼظ گؿع 29 7:89
..........ري ....................
676:26 248.
.249 670:8 ک ظاب ؾغ ایي ظاقزبى ثؿؼگ ک نیؽی ک ثگؽیؿغ اؾ خگ گؽگ 2276 4:648
ک اؾ ثطذ ثػ ایي چیب قؿغ 2277 4:648
ک ا ؼا وبى ثطذ ثع ضظ کهع
جبیع ک گؽگ اؾ پكم ظؼؼقػ
ظؼ کهع............................
670:9 250.
.251 670:63 اژظبی ظژمک ثطذ ثػقذ ثعام آؼغ نیؽ نؽؾ ثعم 2096 4:656
چ ثؽ کف وبػ وی ؼؾ ثطذ گح ظیین نبی رطذ 69 8:463
...... .......................... ک
670:66 252.
.253 670:62 وی بم خبیػ ثبیػ کبم ثیعاؾ کبم ثؽاكؽاؾ بم 23 8:466
.254 675:4 ظوبى قپبهؽا گح ظاغقذ طان ثعیبؼ کؽظى گب 657 7:99
ک گؽظغ ثلؽیي ؼاى کبقز 668 7:633
ک هب ثی یبؾین اؾ آى ضاقز
.........اؾیي ......................
675:5 255.
کؽا گنذ ظؼیم ثبنػ ضؼل ؾ چؽهم ثغ ثی گوبى پؽؼل 669 7:633
..................................گؽ اؾ
675:6 256.
.257 675:7 ثگیزی جبیػ ک اؾ نؽیبؼ ثوبػ خؿ اؾ ؼاقزی یبغگبؼ 200 7:635
چؽا ثبیػ ایي گح ایي ظؼظ ؼح ؼاى ثكزي اعؼ قؽای قپح 204 7:635
........آؾ ..............................
675:8 258.
.259 675:9 چ ایعؼ طای وی آؼهیػ ثجبیػ چؽیػ ثجبیػ چویػ 205 7:635
.260 675:63 ؿی ثبعاؾۀ گح کي ظل اؾ ثیهی گح ثی ؼح کي 0939 7:437
ثؽ آى نب کآثبغ نػ ؾ ؾهیي 676 7:633
ظاؼظ ؾهیي ..................
ک خبیػ ؽ کف کػ آكؽیي
.......کع .....................
675:66 261.
ر ثب ؼای ا قطذ ثلهبؼ پبی 269 6:082
هلؿای ثبی یچ................
.262 676:62 قپؽ ؼاى ؼا چیي اقذ ؼای
.263 676:60 ظلی ؼا پؽ اؾ هؽ ظاؼغ قپؽ ظلی پؽ ؾ کیي پؽ آژگ چؽ 273 6:082
چبى چى چوبػ ثجبیػ چویػ 276 6:082
....................ک ......
.264 676:64 خبعاؼ گیزی چیي آكؽیػ
ظقذ هؽثیک ظقذ نوهیؽ یک 743 7:645
ثػیي قبى ؼظ آكزبة قپؽ
..........................ثؽیي
676:65 265.
.266 676:66 ثطهبیم آؼغ ثگبم ضهن ضهن آیػل ؼؾ ثطهم ثچهن 746 7:645
ؼني ؾهب ثؽیكذ ثف 855 7:655
قذ ثف ؼني ؾهب ثؽیي
آقبیء ظیع ثی ؼح کف
677:6 267.
.268 677:2 وبػ ثؽیي ضبک خبیػ کف ثػ ثیؿظاى پبیػ ثفؾ ؽ 66 7:66
خبى پؽ ؾ کؽم رجبی کػ 2968 7:024
..............گؽم ..............
چ ثیعاغگؽ پبغنبی کػ
..........................ک
677:63 269.
کدب ظاقزبى ؾظ ؾ گلزبؼ ـؿ 86 6:94
ـؿث پیع ..................
.270 678:7 چگلذ آى ضؽظهع پبکیؿ هـؿ
وبب ک ظیگؽ جبنع چیؿ 77 6:94
چیؿی جبنع ثیؿ..........
.271 678:8 ک نیؽیي رؽ اؾ خبى كؽؾع چیؿ
6:009 n. 11 و ؼض ظؼ ظاغ ظیي آؼغ
گؽ اؾ کف ظل نب کیي آؼغ
.....................اگؽ ؾ
678:60 272.
هگؽ هؽظم یک یؿظاى پؽقذ 629 6:009
..................پبک .............
.273 678:64 گ گبؼ ثبنػ ري ؾیؽظقذ
.274 679:63 ر گؽ ثؽگؿیی ثگیزی ا ثوبی ثچگ ا ثی ا 62 6:356
Appendix A (1) 401
....ؾگیزی ........... گؽ
اؾ آى ث ک ثیعاغ خگ اكگی 66 6:056
گح آگینثی ظاظ ...............
چ اعؼ خبى ظاغ ثپؽاگی
ثپؽاگین................. گؽ
679:66 275.
یکی گح ثبنػ پؽ اؾ ضاقز 854 2:258
.................گؽظظ...........
.276 679:62 ظلی کؿ ضؽغ گؽظغ آؼاقز
.277 679:60 ثػیب ثجؽ اؾ هبى ثگػؼغ قؽ هؽظ ثبیػ ک ظاؼغ ضؽغ 268 6:082
چبین ثب هؽگ چى ثبغ ثؽگ 2588 6:664
ن ایعؼ رؽا قبضزي یكذ ثؽگ
ثزؽقػ وی قگ آي ؾ هؽگ
...........................ظل .........
684:6 278.
ثجبیػد ؼكزي ؾ خبی قپح 25 7:5
اگؽ قػ ثوبی اگؽ ثیكذ پح
...............گؽ................
684:7 279.
طای وی پبیعاؼقؿظ گؽ 26 7:5
.......ؼا .....................
.280 684:8 ؽ آى چیؿ کآیػ وی ظؼ نوبؼ
ري آقبی بم ثبیػ گؿیػ 09 7:04
...................نکیجبیی
ؿن هؽگ ؽکف ثطاػ چهیػ
..........................ک ایي ظؼظ
684:9 281.
یکی ظاغ ضاػل ظیگؽ قزن 43 7:04
................................
.282 684:63 ؾ ثبغ آهػ ثبؾ گؽظغ ثعم
ثلزبغ نػ قبلیبى هجبغ جػ ؼؾ پیؽی ن اؾ هؽگ نبغ 068 7:82
..................ث هزبظ
684:66 283.
و ؼح آقبیم نػ بى 069 7:82
نع آى گح آقبی ؼگ ثی
ثوؽظ ا نػ هؽظؼی ؾ خبى
ظؼی هبع اؾی هؽ ثوؽظ خبى
684:62 284.
ک هب هؽگ ؼا وچ ثبغین ثؽگ 03 7:89
چبین ثب هؽگ چى ثبظ ثؽگ
پف اؾ ؾعگی یبغ کي ؼؾ هؽگ
......................پف ؾعگی
684:60 285.
عاػ وی لهکؽ اؾ نؽیبؼ 2520 4:332
...............کزؽ...........
ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼچیي آهػ
................ثعایع کیي
234:8 286.
اؾ ظاغ ثیین ن ؾ قزن 2526 4:002
..... ؾن ...............
و ثعؼغ پیؽ ثؽب ثن
.................ثعؼظ وی
234:9 287.
.288 234:63 خبؽا چیي اقذ آییي ظیي وبعقذ واؼ ظؼ ث گؿیي 0394 4:076
.289 234:66 یکی ؼا ؾ ضبک قی ثؽ کهػ یکی ؼا ؾ رطذ کیبى ظؼ کهػ 0395 4:076
چیي اقذ ؼقن قؽای گؿع 0396 4:076
ؾیي نبغ ثبنػ ؾآى هكزوع
ؾیي ظؼظهع ........... ؾآى...
234:62 290.
ثگؽظغ وی ؾاى ثػیي ؾیي ثػاى 0607 4:074
..........ثؽیي ....................
.291 234:60 خبى ؼا چیي اقذ آییي قبى
چیي ظاى ک یکكؽ ثؽیكذ ثف ثلعی پكزی وبػ ثکف 6750 7:204
.......كؽیجكذ ................ چبى
234:64 292.
ع ثؽ کق ظقذ خبى ؼا ثؽؾم 2404 7:287
................ضیم .............
.293 234:65 اگؽ هؽظ ثؽضیؿظ اؾ رطذ ثؿم
نغ آهي اؾ ؼح اؽهبى 2405 7:287
....................ایوي.....
.294 234:66 ؾهیي ؼا ثپؽظاؾظ اؾ ظنوبى
.295 234:67 نغ پبغنب ثؽ خبى قؽثكؽ ثیبثػ قطب و ظؼ ثعؼ 2406 7:287
نغ کبؼگؽ ظقذ یبثػ كؽاش کػ گلهي ثبؽ هیعاى کبش 2407 7:287
كؽاش نظ ظقزگبم چ ضاع
234:68 296.
.297 234:69 ػ گح كؽؾع گؽظ آؼغ ثكی ؼؾ ثؽ آؼؾ ثهوؽغ 2408 7:287
.298 234:23 نغ ضبک ثی ثؽ نغ ؼح ا ثعنوي ثوبػ و گح ا 2442 7:287
.299 234:26 كؽؾع هبع رطذ کال ایاى نبی گح قپب 2440 7:287
ؼای قپبضؽغ ثبیػل گح 2967 7:024
.......ثبیع ؼای گح .....
.300 225:60 کكی ک ثدیػ وی ربج گب
.301 225:64 ؽ آکف ک ثؽ رطذ نبی هكذ هیبى ثكز ثبیػ گهبغ ظ ظقذ 2925 7:025
Appendix A (1) 402
ثعام قپؽظى ؼ ایؿظی 2926 7:025
ثطؽظی.....................
.302 225:65 گ ظانزي خبى پبک اؾ ثػی
ؾ ظاغ ؾ ثیعاغ نؽ قپب ثپؽقػ ضػاع ضؼنیػ هب 2928 7:025
.................. ..............
225:66 303.
.304 225:67 اگؽ په اؾ نب یبثػ قزن ؼام ثوبػ ثعؾش ظژم 2929 7:025
.305 226:6 ک گیزی قپدكذ پؽ آی ؼ کي نػ یکی ظیگؽ آؼع 6563 6:274
یکی ظاى وی آنکبؼ بى 6576 6:274
ثبیػد آنکبؼ بى.....
.306 226:2 چبى ظاى ک ثؽ کف وبػ خبى
ثدؿ ثؽ ؼ ؼاقذ هكپؽ ؾهیي 6572 6:274
ثؽیي ثع ثؽ ثبل هگؽیؿ اؾیي
......هگػؼ ......... پع هي ......
226:0 307.
رطذ نبی كككذ ثبغ ک ایي ثؽ خبغاى ظل جبیػ بغ 6588 6:278
.......ككقذ........................
226:4 308.
.309 226:5 هبی ک هبػ وی اؾ ر ثبؾ ثؽ آیػ ثؽ ؼؾگبؼی ظؼاؾ 6599 6:286
.310 226:6 جبیػ ک ثبنػ خؿاؾ آكؽیي ک پبکی ژاظ آؼغ پبک ظیي 6633 6:286
ک یکی اؾیكذ ن ؾ ثػی 6632 6:286
هگػاؼ ؽگؿ ؼ ایؿظیر
............ر ؽگؿ هگؽظ اؾ
226:7 311.
.312 227:7 گؽاهی رؽ اؾ ظیػ آى ؼا نبـ ک ظیػ ثعیعم ظاؼغ قپبـ 83 6:94
ظگؽ چبغؼ آؾهعی هپل 408 6:065
.........................و
.313 228:6 ایب ظاهی هؽظ ثكیبؼ ل
نیػاؾیي ظاقزبى چع ضای 409 6:065
.............................چیي
.314 228:7 ک رطذ کل چى ر ثكیبؼ ظیػ
قؽآهػ هؽاظ آؼؾ یبكزی 443 6:065
..............کؿ ........
ؼقیػی ثدبیی ک ثهزبكزی
228:8 315.
خبعاؼ اؾیي کبؼ پؽظاضزكذ 557 2:660
..........................خبجبى
قبؾی ک ضغ قبضزكذر گیزی چ 228:9 316.
ک خؿ هؽگ ؼا کف ؾ هبظؼ ؿاظ 87 6:63
ر ای پیؽ پؽظضذ کي قؽ ؾ ثبغ
................ثع گلذ پؽظضز
228:63 317.
.318 228:66 خبعاؼ پیم اؾ ر ثكیبؼ ثغ ک رطذ هی ؼا قؿااؼ ثغ 88 6:66
نبغهبی نوؽظكؽااى ؿن ثؽكذ خبى ظیگؽیؽا قپؽظ 89 6:66 228:62 319.
.320 228:60 اگؽ ثبؼۀ آیی ثپبی قپؽد ثكبیػ وبی ثدبی 93 6:66
ضؼغ گح ر بقؿااؼ کف 665 6:253
......................ؼح.......
رؽا رگ ربثد ثؽقذ ثف
228:64 321.
.322 228:65 گیؽغ ؾ ر یبغ كؽؾع ر ؿظیک ضیهبى پیع ر 666 6:253
.323 228:66 ؾ هیؽاس ظنبم یبثی ر ثؽ و ؾؽ نػ پبقص پبی ؾؽ 667 6:253
ثبعیه ؼد چ ظاؼی ؼاى 06 6:266
چیي ثغ رب ثغ چؽش ظاى
ؼاى..........................
228:67 324.
.325 229:68 ؾهب ؾ هب یكذ چى ثگؽی عاؼغ کكی آلذ ظاؼی 5 8:439
اؾ اعاؾ ثؽرؽ جبیػ ثؽیػ 876 5:657
.....ثجبیع .................
.326 203:6 ؼی کؿ ضعاع قؽ ثؽکهیػ
ک هبی عاؼغ ؾ ظام ثكی 699 5:95
چ بضل ثظ ظقزی ثب کكی
..................................ک
203:2 327.
ثػ آیػ ثػاعیم ؼا کبؼ پیم 6695 4:279
..........ثع آیع ؾثع کؽظم
.328 203:0 ؽ آکف ک ا گن کػ ؼا ضیم
.329 203:4 كب چى ظؼضزی ثغ هی ظاؼ کدب ؽ ؾهبی آیػ ثجبؼ 2666 4:035
.330 203:66 چ کبؼی ک اهؽؾ ثبیػد کؽظ ثلؽظا ؼقػ ؾ ثؽآؼع گؽظ 638 8:462
.331 203:62 گلكزبى ک اهؽؾ ثبنػ ثجبؼ ر كؽظا چی گل یبیػ ثکبؼ 28 7:89
.332 203:60 ؽ آکف ک ثب ر گیػ ظؼقذ چبى ظاى ک ا ظنوي خبى ركذ 620 8:460
Appendix A (1) 403
ؾ ظاب ر هیػی آى ظاقزبى ک ثؽگیػ اؾ گلزۀ ثبقزبى 956 0:85
.......ایي .....................
206:7 333.
طكزم ثجبیػ ثطى ظقذ نكذ 6694 0:99
..............ؾ ضظ ..... طكزیي
ػبى ثؿؼگی ؽ آکف ک خكذ
206:8 334.
.335 205:67 ثعاى ای ثؽاغؼ ک اؾ نؽیبؼ ثدیػ ضؽغهع ؽ گ کبؼ 642 6:043
.336 205:68 یکی آک پیؽؾگؽ ثبنػ ای ؾ ظنوي زبثػ گ خگ ؼی 640 6:043
وبى ثب کي ظؼپؽقزبى ضیم 647 6:043
.....................گؽ..........
ظگؽ آک ثب ؾیؽظقزبى ضیم
........................چبؼم ک
205:69 337.
.338 206:6 عاؼغ ظؼ گح ؼا ثكز قطذ وی ثبؼظ اؾ نبش ثبؼ ظؼضذ 648 6:043
.339 206:4 اؾ اكؽاؾ چى کژ گؽظغ قپؽ رعی ثکبؼ آیػ اؾ ثي هؽ 639 0:04
ثقزبى رطن رعی هکبؼر ظؼ 563 0:59 ؾ رعی پهیوبی آؼغد ثبؼ
....آیعد .....................
206:6 340.
ؽ ثب ضؽغ ظؼ ظل هؽظ رع چ ریـی ک گؽظغ ؾ ؾگبؼ کع 566 0:59
........................ثی ....
206:7 341.
چ کبؼی رؽا ثؽ ظػ ؼؾگبؼ 6205 7:568
...................ثؽد ............
ر رطن ثػی رب رای هکبؼ
............................ک
209:5 342.
.343 209:6 کكی ؼا کدب کؼ ثػ ؼوى ثوبػ ثؽا ظؼاؾ اعؼى 946 8:70
.344 209:7 کكی ؼا ک ضى ؼیطزي پیه گهذ ظل ظنوي اؾ ی پؽ اعیه گهذ 6648 7:566
ثؽیؿع ضم ثػاى وهبى قؽ قؽکهبىک ا ؼیطذ ضى 6649 7:566
.........ثؽ آى ................
209:8 345.
خبى ؾ نغ پبک ؾیؽ ؾثؽ 604 6:009
ؽآى نب ک گهذ ثیعاغگؽ
.........چ نع نب ن چیي
246:66 346.
.347 246:62 ثؽ ثؽ پف اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ وبى بم ا نب ثی ظیي ثغ 605 6:009
ؽ آى پبغن ک ثجػ ؼا خكذ ؾیکیم ثبیػ ظل ظقذ نكذ 607 6:043
............پبظنب کخؿیي ........
246:60 348.
.349 246:64 ؾ کهؼل ثپؽاگػ ؾیؽظقذ وبى اؾ ظؼل هؽظ ضكؽ پؽقذ 608 6:043
ثگلزبؼ گؽظغ ؾثبم ظؼاؾ 267 8:69
ؾثبم ث گلزبؼ گؽظظ ظؼاؾ
ؽ آى ظی کآیػ ؾهبم كؽاؾ
ظؼاؾ............................
242:66 350.
ؾ خبى ظلم ؼنبیی ثجؽظ 253 8:26
.................ظلذ ...........
چؽاؽ ضؽغ پیم چهوم ثوؽظ
......چهوذ ....................
242:67 351.
ثهبضی وی یبؾغ اهؽؾ ظقذ ک ثؽگم ثغ ؾؽ ثبؼل کجكذ 252 8:26
...............یبؾی ..............
242:68 352.
.353 242:69 طاػ وی هبع ایػؼکكی ثطاع اگؽ چ ثوبػ ثكی 257 2:23
ؾ ؽ کف ثیبثی ثعاغ آكؽیي 626 2:45
......یبثی ثدؿ ............
.354 242:23 اگؽ ظاظگؽ ثبنی پبک ظیي
گؽ ثػگوبى ثبنی ثػ کم ؾ چؽش ثلع آیػد قؽؾم 622 2:45
...................ثعبى .....
242:26 355.
ؿن کبم ظل ثی گوبى ثگػؼغ ؾهب ظم هب وی ثهوؽغ 0805 8:298
........ ک یک ثع اعؼ خبى
240:6 356.
.357 240:2 یکی گح اؾیكبى وی پؽؼغ کكی ظیگؽ آیػ کؿ ثؽضؼغ 2285 0:244
.358 240:0 ؼقزی اؾ خبى ري ثیک ظم ؾغى وی ثف ثؿؼگ آیػد ضیهزي 9 0:288
.359 244:18 چ ثؽضیؿغ اؾ ضاة نب اؾ طكذ ؾ ظنوي ثغ ایوي ري ظؼقذ 09 7:93
.360 244:19 ضؽغهع اؾ ضؼظی ثی یبؾ كؿی ثؽیي ظؼظ ؼدكذ آؾ 43 7:93
ثؽ کبؼب ربؾ ظاؼغ قپؽ 628 6:009
..................کبم ب ......
گؽایػ ثوؽظل پبغن چى
......................پبظنب ....
245:63 361.
ضک نب ثب ظاغ یؿظاى پؽقذ کؿ نبغ ثبنػ ظل ؾیؽظقذ 626 6:008
................ظاظ ..............
245:66 362.
Appendix A (1) 404
.363 245:62 ثجبیػ ضؽغ نب ؼا بگؿیؽ ن آهؾل هؽظ ثؽب پیؽ 627 6:009
.364 256:8 و کبؼ گؽظع چؽش ایي ثغ ضیم پؽ کیي ثغؾ پؽؼظ 66 8:433
.365 256:9 قزبػ ؾ ر ظیگؽی ؼا ظػ خبى ضایم ثی گوبى ثؽخػ 60 8:435
.366 256:63 چیكذ کؽظاؼ گؽظع ظؽ گ کي کؿ چع یبثی ر ثؽ 66 8:435
.367 256:66 ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی ثلؽظا هپبی ک كؽظا هگؽ ظیگؽل آیػل ؼای 62 8:435
گلم ؾؽ بثكذ ضیؽ هجی 459 5:565
ک ا ؾظ پیچع ؾ خیع ؼی
ر ؼاؾ خبى رب رای هدی
256:62 368.
گلم ؾؽ بثكذ ضیؽ هجی 975 7:665
ظاؼظ ث قیؽی هجی............
ر ؼاؾ خبى رب رای هدی
.........گػؼ خی چعیي خبى ؼا
256:62 369.
ؾؽل كؿى آهػ اؾ پبی ؾؽ ک 0830 8:295
......ک اؾ پبی ؾؽل كؿكذ
جبیػ ک گكزبش ثبنی ثعؽ
..........................هجبظا
256:60 370.
.371 256:64 چییكذ ؼقن قؽای خلب یبیػ کؿ چهن ظاؼی كب 4637 8:069
.372 256:65 چ ثؽضیؿغ آای جل ؼزیل ثطبک اعؼ آیػ قؽ نیؽ پیل 0837 8:296
چ ظاب نػی پبقص آؼ ظؼقذ 63 7:52
........آیع ....... نظ .........
قطي ؼا ثجبیػ نیػ اؾ طكذ
... .....نیعى ...............
263:8 373.
ی ظام ا یبیػ ثكؽ 66 7:52
ث ثؽ.....................
.374 263:9 چ ظاع هؽظم ثغ آؾؼ
.375 263:65 ثعاى ای پكؽ کیي خبى ثی كبقذ ؼح ریوبؼ ظؼظ ثالقذپؽ اؾ 4457 7:457
.376 263:66 ؽ آگ ک ثبنی ثػ نبغرؽ ؾ ؼح ؾهب ظل آؾاغرؽ 4458 7:457
وبى نبغهبی وبػ ثدبی ثجبیػ نػى ؾیي قپدی قؽای 4459 7:457
......ثوبی ......... و
263:67 377.
.378 263:68 ای ر اؾ آكؽیعى كؿى رؽ ای اككؽ چ پؽیؿ ثب رطذ 66 8:463
قؿظ گؽ خبؽا ثجػ كپؽین 584 6:466
یکبیک ثثذ وی ثگػؼین
.........و .................
263:69 379.
چ ثب ؾیؽظقذ چ ثب نؽیبؼ 67 7:4
پؽؼظ ظاع پؽؼظگبؼ
چیي آهػ ایي چؽش بپبیػاؼ
................کیي گلذ .....
263:23 380.
نکبؼی ک پیم آیػل ثهکؽغ 68 7:4
.........ثبیع وی ..............
.381 266:6 ثزبج گؽاوبیگبى گؽغ
یبؾم ثؽح بؾم ثگح 586 6:466
بؾم ث ربج یبؾم ث گح
.382 266:2 جعم ظل اعؼ قؽای قپح
چ ضؽیؿ گؽظغ قؽ قؽكؽاؾ ثزطذ کیی ثؽ وبػ ظؼاؾ 2228 4:060
........... ظل ......................
266:62 383.
ثوبػ وی ظؼ قؽای قپح 478 8:062
.........................وبی
اگؽ گح ظاؼی اگؽ ظؼظ ؼح
یبثی گؽ گؽم ؼح ......
266:60 384.
ظالؼ گ خبى ؼا هعاى خؿ ثطبیع ثععاى چ گیؽغ ثچگ 496 8:060
...................هطاى .........
266:64 385.
.386 266:65 چیكذ آییي چؽش ؼاى راب ث ؽ کبؼ هب براى 20 8:096
ر ؼدیػۀ ثؽ ظنوي ه 64 8:435
یی ثؽ ظنوي ه ؼدیع...
.387 262:7 ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی كؿی ثع
.388 262:8 آگ ک ؼؾ ر اعؼ گػنذؽ بغ و ثبغ گؽظغ ثعنذ 65 8:435
کكی ظیگؽ آیػ کؿ ثؽضؼغ 469 6:07
ثیک ثجػ ؼؾ ر ثگػؼغ
........ثوبع ویي ؼؾ هب
262:9 389.
ثجطهبی ثؽ ی ثگب یبؾ 6464 4:263
ثؽثؽ ثجطهبی ؼؾ یبؾ
کكی ک جیػ ثدؿ کبم بؾ
............قذ خؿ کكی ک عیع
260:66 390.
وبػ ثکف ظؼ ؾهب ظؼاؾ 4 8:439
....وی ثؽکكی ثؽ ......
.391 260:62 ؼؾ ثؿؼگی ؼؾ یبؾ
.392 260:60 خؿ اؾ یک بهی جبیػ گؿیػ ثجبیػ چؽیػ ثجبیػ چویػ 2252 4:065
Appendix A (1) 405
ؾ گؽظى یبیػ كؿى ؾیي ؽ 2635 7:299
.................یبثی ...........
ظاغگؽخبى ؼني پبغن
........پبظنب ..................
260:65 393.
.394 260:66 چ ثب ظاغ ثگهبیػ اؾ گح ثع ثوبػ پف اؾ هؽگ بهم ثلع 6093 7:234
.395 260:67 ثگیزی ثی ثزؽ اؾ گب یكذ ثػی ثػرؽ اؾ ػوؽ کرب یكذ 664 8:070
ؼاوبى ثػاى قؽ گؽاهی ثغ 6266 6:252
........................ؼاى ب
.396 260:68 اگؽ رن هبى یک بهی ثغ
اگؽ آؾ ؼؾین پیچبى نین پعیػ آیػ آگ ک ثی خبى نین 6267 6:252
............. .......... گؽ
260:69 397.
قزغ جبنػ ظل ثبغقبؼ ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی نیبؼ 6969 2:002
........قؽ ...................
264:64 398.
هگؽ یبكزی چؽ ظقذ پبی 6967 2:002
.........پؽ .......................
ک گؽ ثبغ ضیؽ دكزی ؾ خبی
..............................اگؽ
264:65 399.
.400 264:66 قجکكبؼ هؽظم اال ثغ گؽ چ گی قؽ ثبال ثغ 6923 2:002
گیزی قپدكذ ثؽ ثبغ ظمک 2245 2:054
هکي ضیؽ ثؽ ضیهزي ثؽ قزن
....هکي ثی گ ثؽ ري هي
264:67 401.
.402 265:5 ثعاى ای پكؽ کیي قؽای كؽیت عاؼغ رؽا نبغهبى ثی یت 553 6:206
چ یبؾی ثبم چ ربؾی ثؽح 664 6:253
..........................بؾی ...
.403 265:6 قپحچ قبؾی وی ؾیي قؽای
چ ربؾی ثکیي چ بؾی ثگح 06 6:056
.............................یبؾی...
هزبؾ هبؾ هیبؾ هؽح
.........هیبؾ هزبؾ هبؾ
265:7 404.
رؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ریؽ کی ؽ خی ؼاؾ خبى ؼا هدی 02 6:056
گی.................... ک ثؽ ر
265:8 405.
.406 265:9 ک گؽ ثبؾ یبثی ثپیچی ؾ ظؼظ پژم هکي گؽظ ؼاؾل هگؽظ 00 6:056
گ کي ک ظابی پیهیي چ گلذ ثػاگ ک ثگهبغ ؼاؾ اؾ لذ 6047 5:232
..........ایؽاى .....................
266:66 407.
.408 266:62 ؾ ظقذ ک ظنوي ک ظاب ثغ ث اثب ظنوي ظقذ ظام کقذ 6048 5:232
.409 266:60 ثؽاعیهػ آکف ک ظاب ثغ ؾ کبؼی ک ثؽ ی راب ثغ 6049 5:232
ثدكزم ضكز عاؼغ ؼاى 6053 5:230
..............ؼد ..........
.410 266:64 ؾ چیؿی ک ثبنػ ثؽ براى
.411 266:65 ؽآکف ک ظاؼغ ؼام ضؽغ قؽهبی کبؼب ثگؽغ 080 5:020
و کیي لؽیي ظؼظقذ ؼح 22 5:5
وی کیي لؽیي ؼح یبیع
.412 268:2 هبى ؾیي قؽای قپح هگؽ ثؽ
.413 268:0 ثدؿ ؼح قطزی جین ؾ ظؽ پؽاگع ثؽ خبی رؽیبک ؾؽ 569 5:40
ثزعی گؽایػ خبى یب ثوؽ 457 5:04
....گؽ......................
قؽم ثؽ قپؽکزب چى ؼغ ثؽ
ک رب چى نظ ثؽ قؽهب قپؽ
268:4 414.
.415 268:5 چیكذ گیبى بپبیعاؼ ظؼ رطن ثػ رب رای هکبؼ 910 5:71
طاػ گهبغى وی لت ثؽاؾ 2400 7:287
......وی لت گهبظى ........
.416 268:6 ثعیػم ک ایي گجػ ظیؽقبؾ
.417 274:64 چؽش گؽظاى هکي ظقزیر ثب ک گ هـؿ ایی گ پقزی 856 7:655
.418 274:65 ثعاگ ثغ ثین ؼح گؿع ک گؽظى گؽظاى ثؽ آؼغ ثلع 858 7:655
ؾ ؽ ثػ گؽ ظل عاؼی ثؽح ک ایكذ ؼقن قؽای قپح 947 7:662
.........................ر اؾ هي
274:66 419.
ظلن چى ثغ نبغ گیزی كؽؾ 948 7:660
......................ثعی..........
هؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ریؽ ؼؾ
..................ایي ثظ ...........
274:67 420.
.421 278:6 عاػ کكی آؼؾی خبى طاػ گهبغى ثوب ثؽ بى 703 5:279
.422 278:7 چ ثعی ظل اعؼ قؽای قپح چ ظای ک ایػؼ وبی هؽح 663 5:270
ظام یبثػ ؼب ثوؽظی 72 5:298 .423 278:8 اؾیي ثؽ نػ ریؿ چگ اژظب
Appendix A (1) 406
ک یبثع ؼب.................
آؼ ریؿچگ وبى نیؽ خگ 653 5:453 .424 278:9 ثعؼیب گ ثبهى پلگ
ظاغقذ پیػا ضان قزن 6897 6:628
پیعا قزن.................
.425 278:63 ؾ ثبغ اعؼآؼغ ثؽغ قی ظم
کزؽ ثػیي ظقذ گیؽغ نب 6898 6:628
.......یبثع ...... ثؽیي .........
.426 278:66 یبثی ثچى چؽا یؿ ؼا
.427 278:62 اگؽ ؾآی چؽش ثگعاؾغد چ گهزی کي یؿ اؾغد 529 6:203
گی کی پیم آؼغد گب هؽ 659 5:270
گی ل یبثین اؾ گب ؾؽ
گؽظاى قپؽچیكذ کؽظاؼ
گؽظع ظؽ..................
278:60 428.
.429 284:64 قطي ؽچ ثؽ گلزم ؼی یكذ ظؼضزی ثغ کم ثؽ ثی یكذ 088 5:024
ؼا ؾثبؽا چ ریؽ کوبعاؼ ظل ر ایي ظاقزبى هي آقبى هگیؽ 76 6:259
کوبى ظاؼ ظل ؼا ؾثبذ چ ریؽ
284:65 430.
گهبغد ثؿ ثبیػ ظقذ ؼاقذ کذ اقذهب ث ؾاى هبى 72 6:259
گهبظ ثؽد ثبنع ظقذ ؼاقذ
285:6 431.
وی ؼاى اؾآى قبى قطي کذ اقذ 70 6:259
ک ضای قطي........................
ؾثبى ظلذ ثب ضؽغ ظاؼ ؼاقذ
ؼاقذ کي .......................
285:2 432.
.433 285:9 ضغ ثوبی ثگیزی ظؼاؾاگؽ ؾ ؼح ري آیػ ثؽكزي یبؾ 63 4:4
ظؼ گح ؼاؾل عاؼغ کلیػ 66 4:4
......یبثع .................
یکی قجؿ ظؼیبقذ ثي بپعیػ
.....................ژؼف ...
285:63 434.
.435 285:65 گ کي ثػیي کبؼ گؽظع ظؽ ؽ آى ؼا ک اؾ ضیهزي کؽظ ثؽ 6468 4:90
ثطذ ثیػاؼ ههکنغ ضبک ثب 6469 4:90 .436 285:66 ثؽآؼغ گل ربؾ اؾ ضبؼ ضهک
.437 285:67 ثطاػ ثػى ثی گوبى ثغی کبع ثپؽیؿ اكؿظی 6535 2:036
ثجیچبؼ ري هؽگ ؼا ظاغ این 2566 8:692
و یک ثػ ضبک ؼا ؾاغ این
....................ک هزؽاى
292:63 438.
.439 292:66 اگؽ رطذ یبثی اگؽ ربج گح ثبنی ثؽحگؽ چع پیع 0806 8:298
خؿ اؾ بم یکی جبیػد کهذ 0807 8:298
......................رطن .......
.440 292:62 قؽدبم خبی ر ضبکكذ ضهذ
چ هؽگ آهػ یک ثػ ؼا ظؼغ 4343 7:468
چجبنػ و یکیب قزغ
......چ ثبیع وی یکی ؼا
292:60 441.
عان چگكذ ظیگؽ قؽای 2560 7:296
..............چ گین ؾ .....
یویكذ هب ؼا ک ضبکكذ خبی
قذ خبی هگؽ آک گلزع ضبک
292:64 442.
.443 292:65 ؿایػ خؿ اؾ هؽگ ؼا خبؼ قؽای قپدكذ هب ثؽ گػؼ 4608 7:428
جبنػ ؼبیی ؾ چگبل هؽگ 4609 7:428
هؽگؼبیی یبثین اؾ چگ
اگؽ ربج قبیین اگؽ ضغ رؽگ
...............گؽ...................
292:66
444.
.445 292:67 هبی عاؼین اؾ آى ؼكزگبى ک ثیػاؼ نبغع اگؽ ضلزگبى 4068 7:445
.446 292:68 ثعاى گیزی اؼ چعنبى ثؽگ یكذ وبى ث ک آیؿل هؽگ یكذ 4069 7:445
یبغ آهػ اؾ ظؼظ ؼحیکی نػ چ 4023 7:445
آیع اؾ ؼؾ ؼح..................
اگؽ قبل يػ ثبنػ اؼ قی پح
اگؽ يع ثظ قبل اگؽ ثیكذ پح
292:69 447.
6:009 n. 11 و ؼض ظؼ ظاغ ظیي آؼغ
گؽ اؾ کف ظل نب کیي آؼغ
.....................اگؽ ؾ
290:7 448.
یؿظاى پؽقذهگؽ هؽظم یک 629 6:009
..................پبک .............
.449 290:8 گ گبؼ ثبنػ ري ؾیؽظقذ
.450 290:9 کكی ثبنػ اؾ ثطذ پیؽؾ نبغ ک ثبنػ ویه ظلم پؽ ؾ ظاغ 6366 5:077
قزغ جبنع ثؽ ادوي 6663 5:085
جبنع ث ؽ ادوي.......
.451 290:63 عای ک هؽظاى پیوبى نکي
.452 290:66 ثؿؼگ آکكی ک ثگلزبؼ ؼاقذ ؾثبؽا ثیبؼاقذ کژی طاقذ 5 7:56
.453 290:62 ػ رطذ ضهغی اعؼ خبى ثیبثػ ثعاغ آكؽیي اؾ هبى 7 7:56
Appendix A (1) 407
ث ظاظ آكؽیي هبى.....
ثیژ کكی ک ثغ پبؼقب 62 7:02
هجبنیػ گكزبش ثؽ پبغنب
.......ثب .................
294:65 454.
.455 294:66 ک ا گب ؾؽقذ گ پبی ؾؽ هدییع اؾ ؾؽ رؽیبک ثؽ 60 7:02
.456 294:67 ؾ گیزی ر ضهغی نب خی هه پیم رطزم هگؽ ربؾ ؼی 64 7:02
.457 294:68 چ ضهن آؼظ نب پؾل گؿیي وی ضاى ثجیعاغ ظاغ آكؽیي 65 7:02
پع هؽا اگؽ کبؼ ثعیػ قطي گلزي قغهع هؽا 68 7:02
.....................گؽ
295:6 458.
.459 295:2 ؾ نببى ظاع یبثیػ گح کكی ؼا عیػم ؾ ظام ثؽح 69 7:02
ظگؽ آلذ ري ؼا خني اع 603 6:009
اع قپب ري ..............
ظل هـؿ هؽظم ظ هیؽ ري اع
........نب .......................
295:67 460.
ثهیػی آى ؼای پبلغ نػ 606 6:009
گهذ............................
چ هـؿ ظل هؽظم آلغ نػ
گهذ.............................
295:68 461.
قپ چى ثغ نبغ ثی پلاى 602 6:009
..................ؾیع ...........
ثػاى ري ظؼ آلغ گؽظغ ؼاى
.............آقیو ..............
295:69 462.
ري ثی ؼاى ؼا ثطبک اكگػ 600 6:009
اكگع...........................
چ ؼني جبنػل ثپؽاگػ
جبنع ثپؽاگع..............
295:23 463.
قپجع کی آؼغ خبؽا ثؿیؽ جبیػ ک ثبنػ ثیؿظاى ظلیؽ 2364 7:255
اگؽ ثعکم ؾؼ ظاؼظ چ نیؽ
296:20 464.
ثؽكزي گیؽغ کكی یبغ ا 2444 7:288
..................... ث گیزی
.465 296:26 چ ثهیػ آى خكزي ثبغ ا
چ ایوي نی ظؼ ثبل اؾ گؿع 933 7:543
...................................چي
گؽ رب بؾی ثجطذ ثلع
...ث رطذ ..............
297:6 466.
.467 297:2 ک ایي ؼؾگبؼ ضنی ثگػؼغ ؼا وی ثهوؽغ ؾهب لف 640 7:476
.468 297:0 چیكذ گیبى پؽ اؾ ظؼظ ؼح چ بؾی ثزبج چ یبؾی ثگح 642 7:476
ؾ ر بم یک ثغ یبغگبؼ 2445 7:288
.............اؾ بم یکی
کچى ثگػؼغ ثؽ قؽد ؼؾگبؼ
..........ثعیي کبؼ چى ثگػؼظ
297:4 469.
.470 297:5 چ پیچی وی ضیؽ ظؼ ثع آؾ چ ظای ک ایػؼ وبی ظؼاؾ 974 7:665
.471 297:6 ؽ خی ریوبؼ ثیهی هطؼ ک گیزی قپدكذ هب ثؽ گػؼ 6396 7:679
.472 004:26 قزى ثؿؼگیكذ آكزگی وبى ثطهم ظاغ نبیكزگی 20 7:467
چ یکرؽ اؾ هؽظ ثؽب پیؽ 008 6:267
ظاب ظثیؽ.......................
ضک هؽظ ثبظام یبغگیؽ
..........................هگؽ
004:22 473.
عاؼی و ؼدذ آیػ ؾیبى 697 2:469
وبی وی ؼدذ ایعؼ هوبى
.474 005:6 اگؽ ظل راى ظانزي نبغهبى
گػؼ رؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ؼ 463 2:463
ثطؼثدی ثیبة ثپل
...........ثپی ثپل ثبؾ
005:2 475.
رؽا ثؽ کیي آیػ کبؼؾاؼ 976 6:69
هؽا
.476 005:69 جبیع کؿیي گؽظل ؼؾگبؼ
ؽ آى ثؽ ک کبؼی وبى ثعؼی 6857 6:626
................کهزی ........ وبى
عای ک چى پیم ظاؼ نی
..........................ظگؽ گلذ
005:23 477.
ثجیی ثیژ ثؽل ثؽ کبؼ 992 6:656
ثؽل ؼا کى ظؼ کبؼ......
ظؼضزی ک کبؼی چ آیػ ثجبؼ
....پؽؼظی آهع .............
005:26 478.
.479 005:22 گؽل ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضغ کهزۀ گؽ پؽیبكذ ضغ ؼنزۀ 990 6:656
هگؽ گػؼغاؾ اعیه گؽظى ؾ ؼح ر ظیگؽ کكی ثؽضؼغ 6685 4:246
ثگػؼظ...............................
006:6 480.
.481 006:23 ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی ؼوى ک هؽی كؿى یكذ اؾ هؽ ضى 557 2:209
.482 006:26 چ كؽؾع نبیكز آهػ پعیػ ؾ هؽ ؾبى ظل ثجبیػ ثؽیػ 558 2:209
Appendix A (1) 408
.483 006:22 ؾى ثکبؼی هکي یؿ كؽهبى ک ؽگؿ جیی ؾی ؼای ؾى 43 5:295
ثپیم ؾبى ؼاؾ ؽگؿ هگی چ گیی قطي ثبؾیبثی ثکی 09 5:295
.............................ک پیم
006:20 484.
.485 007:6 کكی ک ثغ هزؽ ادوي کلي ثزؽ ا ؼا ؾ كؽهبى ؾى 47 2:082
.486 007:2 کؽا اؾ پف پؽظ ظضزؽ ثغ اگؽ ربج ظاؼغ ثػاضزؽ ثغ 206 0:022
ؽآکثغ هؽظم قؽكؽاؾ ؿیجػ ک ثب ؾى هیػ ثؽاؾ 465 5:003
ثع گلذ کؿ هؽظم قؽكؽاؾ
007:0 487.
.488 007:4 گؽ کغکبى ؼا ثکبؼی ثؿؼگ كؽقزی جبنی ظلیؽ قزؽگ 466 5:003
ثؽ آى ؾعگبی ثجبیػ گؽیكذ 486 6:623
............ثؽرؽی ثؽ......
ثؿؼگی ک كؽخبم ا کزؽی اقذ
.....ثزؽیكذ ..........................
007:5 489.
.490 009:4 اؾ اهؽؾ کبؼی ثلؽظا هوبى ک ظاػ ک كؽظا چ گؽظغ ؾهبى 27 7:89
ؾ ؼا هب ن یبثػ ؼب 605 6:629
......................ظام ...
.491 043:64 ؿثؽ خبكؾ ؽ اژظب
.492 043:65 ظالؼ ک عیهػ اؾ پیل نیؽ ر ظیا ضام هطام ظلیؽ 252 6:635
ؾ ام ضؽغ گؽظى آؾاظ کي 486 4:02
........................ؾ كبم
یکی ظاقزبى کیبى یبغ کي
..............اؾ..............
043:67 493.
ؼ ثبؾگهزي ثجبیػل خكذ 487 4:00
........جبیعل ...............
طكذ ک ؽ ک ثدگ اعؼ آیػ
.........آهع............................
043:68 494.
.495 046:6 ثپیؽؾی اعؼ ثزؽـ اؾ گؿع ک یکكبى گؽظغ قپؽ ثلع 539 4:04
ثعؼغ ؾ آاؾ ا چؽم نیؽ 629 6:236
.....…………اؾ .. …
قبى اؼ ثععاى طبیػ ظلیؽ
.....ثطبیع ...................
046:2 496.
گؽ وچ قعام ظعاى ثغ 603 6:236
......چع ظعام قعاى .....
گؽكزبؼكؽهبى یؿظاى ثغ
046:0 497.
گؽیؿ ثگبم ثب قؽ ثدبی ث اؾ ؼؾم خكزي ثبم ثؽای 2387 0:202
.......................گؽیؿی
042:7 498.
جؽظؽآک ثجیعاغ خیػ خگؽ ضكز ثبؾآیػ ؼی ؾؼظ 2706 0:274
...................ک ؽ ک
042:8 499.
خاى گؽ چ ظاب ثغ بهؼ اثی آؾهبیم گیؽغ ؽ 78 0:039
ثب گؽ..........................
042:9 500.
ثػ یک ؽ گ ثبیػ نیػ ؾ ؽ نؼ رلطی ثجبیػ چهیػ 79 0:039
کهیع.............................
042:63 501.
جیػ ثدؿ نبغی اؾ ؼؾگبؼ 2530 7:292
......................خؿ اؾ.....
ویه ضؽغهع اهیػاؼ
................ ..........
042:66 502.
ؼ ریؽ گیؽغ ؼا کوبى 2534 7:292
........گیؽظ ..............
یعیهػ اؾ ؼا ثػ یک ؾهبى
...............کبؼ .............
042:62 503.
ک ثؽ هب ظؼاؾ اقذ ظقذ ؾهبى 1474 3:194
...........................ر .......
.504 042:64 ثوؽظی جبیػ نػى ظؼ گوبى
.505 042:65 کف اؾ گؽظل آقوبى گػؼغ گؽ ثؽ ؾهیي پیل ؼا ثهکؽغ 6494 0:696
چ گلذ آى ؽهع پؽیؿگبؼ 696 6:600
بثؽظثبؼخبدی .............
نیػم و پؾل ؼؾگبؼ
نیعم ویي پؾل بثکبؼ
042:66 506.
ضل ؼؾ یبثػ ضؽم ثهذ 697 6:600
...............ثیع .................
.507 042:67 ک ؽ کف ک رطن خلب ؼا ثکهذ
.508 042:68 ؽ آکف ک ظاؼغ ؼام ضؽغ گب آى قگبلػ ک پؾل ثؽغ 699 6:600
چ کبل نغ هؽظ گبم کبؼ اؾ قیؽ گؽظغ ظل ؼؾگبؼ 6466 7:236
ثظ هؽظ ثؽب ث کبؼ...........
047:60 509.
وبػ وی ري ظؼقذ خاى هجبغل راى هجبغل ؼاى 6462 7:236
وبع ؾ برعؼقزی خاى
047:64 510.
Appendix A (1) 409
گؽ ظل عاؼی ؾ ؿن هكزوع 045 0:20
گیزی ژعث ..................
.511 047:65 ؾ ر بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ثلع
اگؽ ثطهم ؼؾگبؼ ثلع چبكذ کآیػ ثوب ثؽ گؿع 828 0:657
.....کؽظگبؼ...............
047:66 512.
.513 047:67 ثپؽیؿ اعیهۀ بثکبؼ ثؽگؽظغ اؾ هب ثػ ؼؾگبؼ 829 0:657
ثؽ ریؽگی ن وبػ ظؼاؾ 6366 6:207
ثبنػ نجی ظیؽ ثبؾاگؽ چع
..........نت ..................
048:62 514.
.515 048:60 نغ ؼؾ چى چهو ؼضهبى نغ ؾهیي چى گیي ثعضهبى نغ 6367 6:207
اگؽ ظؼ ثجبؼغ ثسع ـؿ یكذ 452 4:03
............. ظؼ ثبؼظ وبى...
.516 049:62 ؾثبی ک اعؼ قؽل هـؿ یكذ
یكزم ثب ؾثبى ؼاقذ ظلکدب 264 4:69 ظلذ ؼا ؾ هؽ کكی ثؽ گكل
..........................ک ظل ؼا
049:60 517.
.518 049:64 کكی ک ثغ قظۀ ؼؾگبؼ جبیػ ثؽ کبؼل آهؾگبؼ 090 4:27
ک آکف ک ثػ کؽظ کیلؽ ثؽغ 602 6:629
.......................ؽکف...
.519 049:65 چگلزع ظاعگبى ضؽظ
ک ریؽ کػ ثبؼ ثؽ ربج رطذ 6543 7:266
......................پؽاگع ...
کیػ ثبنػ ظل آى ظؼضذ
............گل .................
053:69 520.
.521 053:23 پهیوبی آگ عاؼغد قغ ک ریؾ ؾهب قؽد ؼا ظؼغ 238 4:66
.522 052:2 کكی ؼا ک ضى ؼیطزي پیه گهذ ظل ظنوي اؾ ی پؽ اعیه گهذ 6648 7:566
ثؽیؿع ضم ثػاى وهبى ک ا ؼیطذ ضى قؽ قؽکهبى 6649 7:566
.........ثؽ آى ................
052:0 523.
.524 052:4 هیبؾاؼ کف ؼا ک آؾاغ هؽظ قؽ اعؼ یبؼغ ثآؾاؼ ظؼظ 939 5:068
گیػ ثکف خبى ثػ قگبلػ جبنػ ثؽ کبؼ كؽیبغ ؼـ 297 2:642
چیي ثبظ کبعؼ خبى خؿ ر کف
052:9 525.
هکي اؾ پی ایي هعؼ ظاؼی 2499 6:637
ک گیزی ق ؼؾقذ چى ثگؽی
چ گیزی ق ؼؾقذ چى ثگؽی
ثع گلذ کرب نع ظاؼی
052:5 526.
جبنن اؾ اعیه اهؽؾ کؾ 2533 6:637
...........................جبنین
كؽظا یبهع ؾک ظی ؼكذ
................... ......... چ
052:6 527.
اؾ اهؽؾ نبغی رؽا هبی ثف ثلؽظا گیػ ضؽغهع کف 058 0:24
.......................وی گلذ
052:7 528.
.529 052:8 رؽا بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ظؼاؾ وبی وی کبؼ چعیي هكبؾ 6994 0:226
ؼـ جبنػ ثؽ کبؼ كؽیبغ 646 7:40
خبى ثع قگبلع گیع ث کف
خبى ثػ قگبلػ گیػ ثکف
چیي گلذ کبیي ایؿظی ثظ ثف
052:9 530.
.531 058:6 ک هبؾعؼاى نب ؼا یبغ ثبغ ویه ثؽ ثهم آثبغ ثبغ 25 2:4
ؾهیم پؽ اؾ الل قجل اقذ 26 2:4
....................ث ک اعؼل
.532 058:2 ک ظؼ ثقزبم ویه گل اقذ
قؽظ گؽم ویه ثبؼ 27 2:4
..............ث گؽم ث قؽظل
.533 058:0 ا ضل گاؼ ؾهیي پؽگبؼ
.534 058:4 اؾع ثلجل ثجبؽ اعؼى گؽاؾع آ ثؽاؽ اعؼى 28 2:4
ویه یبقبیػ اؾ خكذ خی و قبل ؽ خبی ؼگكذ ثی 29 2:5
خلذ خی .....................
058:5 535.
وی نبغ گؽظغ ثجیم ؼاى 03 2:5
......ؾثیم .................
گالثكذ گیی ثدیم ؼاى
058:6 536.
ظی ثوي آغؼ كؽظیي ویه پؽ اؾ الل ثیی ؾهیي 06 2:5
كؼظیي.........................
058:7 537.
نکبؼی ثکبؼ ثؽخبی ثبؾ 02 2:5
.................... و قبل
.538 058:8 و قبل ضعاى لت خیجبؼ
Appendix A (1) 410
کػ بؾ ؾ ر ثپنػ قطي 438 2:463
...............ؼاؾ ثؽر....
.539 062:67 چ ظل ثؽ ی ثؽ قؽای کي
ثلؽهبى ا ثعؼظ ؽچ کهذ 6600 2:066
......چ ثؽظع ؽ...........
.540 062:68 چؽش چیي جهذخبعاؼ ثؽ
.541 062:69 چ ثعی ظل اعؼ قؽای قپح چ یبؾی ثؽح چ بؾی ثگح 6605 2:066
ضؽغهع ظنوي چؽا پؽؼظ 6606 2:066
.....................خبعاؼ
کذ اؾ گح ظیگؽ کكی ثؽ ضؼغ
.........................کؿ آى ؼح
062:23 542.
اؼ خبؽا یکیكذاگؽ قبؾی 2463 2:068
ظؼاؾقذ هب اؼهؿظد یکیكذ
.543 062:26 چ قبؾی چ چبؼ ثعقذ ر یكذ
چ هذ گػنزي ثغ ثگػؼین 6604 2:066
......................گب ....
.544 060:6 ثیب رب ثهبغی ظین ضؼین
.545 060:2 چؽا کهذ ثبیػ ظؼضزی ثعقذ ک ثبؼل ثغ ؾؽ ثیطم کجكذ 6490 2:033
.546 060:0 چ ثب ؼح ثبنی چ ثب ربج رطذ ثجبیػد ثكزي ثلؽخبم ؼضذ 528 6:203
ثعیاگی هبػ آى ظاؼی 6406 0:692
چ چهو ثؽ قجؿ ظؼیب ثؽی
...........ژؼف ..............
065:64 547.
.548 065:65 ثکؽظاؼ ظؼیب ثغ کبؼ نب ثلؽهبى ا ربثػ اؾ چؽش هب 6560 7:268
یکی ظؼ گؽ هیبى يعف 6564 7:268
ظگؽ ظؼ یبثع هیبى يعف
.549 065:66 ؾ ظؼیب یکی ؼیگ ظاؼغ ثکق
و ثػکم ؼا ثػ آیػ ثكؽ 6873 7:244
........................وبى
.550 067:6 چیكذ ثبغاكؽ ظاغگؽ
.551 067:7 اگؽ ثػکم ؾؼ ظاؼغ چنیؽ جبیػ کجبنػ ثیؿظاى ظلیؽ 2364 7:255
عاؼغ وی ؼاؾ هؽظم خبى وبى ث ک یکی کی ظؼ بى 6764 7:206
....................گ ........
067:8 552.
اؾآى ثؽ یبثی ثؽ ظ قؽای 6765 7:206
..............................اؾ
.553 067:9 چ ثی ؼح ثبنی پبکیؿ ؼای
قؽدبم ضبکكذ ثبلیي ر 487 6:623
قذ ثبلیي ر ضهذقؽادبم
اگؽچؽش گؽظاى کهػ ؾیي ر
.........قپؽ ثلع اؼ کهع
067:63 554.
ؼاؽا ؽاػ ثؽا ا 2464 7:289
..........عاؼظ ........
.555 067:60 کكی ک ثغ ثؽ ضؽغ پبغنب
چیي گلذ ظاب ک هؽظى ثبم ث اؾ ؾع ظنوي ثػ نبغکبم 596 2:665
................هثع ...........
067:67 556.
.557 067:68 ر ثب ظنوذ ؼش پؽ آژگ ظاؼ ثػ اعیم ؼا چؽ ثی ؼگ ظاؼ 83 6:263
چ ریؿی کی ري ثطاؼی ثغ 9 6:273
...................کع، ...........
.558 068:6 قؽ هؽظهی ثؽظثبؼی ثغ
ثپؽیؿ ثیهی گؽظغ ؾهبى 066 0:625
...... گیؽظ................
.559 068:2 اگؽ ثػ ثغ گؽظل آقوبى
اگؽ پبغن ک آرم ثػی پؽقزع ؼا ؾیكزي ضل ثػی 6563 7:268
.................پبظنب ....
068:0 560.
ک آرم ک ثب ضهن قؾاى ثغ چ ضهغ ثبنػ كؽؾاى ثغ 6566 7:268
ضهن ..............چي آرم گ
068:4 561.
.562 068:5 اؾ یک ؾهبى نیؽ نعقذ ثؽ ؾهبى چى گؿایع ؾؽثعیگؽ 6562 7:268
گهزی قپؽ ثؽیي اؾ ثؽم 846 0:657
.........ثلع ................
ؿاظی هؽا کبنکی هبغؼم
........ کبخکی ............
076:5 563.
ؿن کهزي کؽم ظنذ جؽظ 442 0:600
......................کهز ....
.564 076:6 جغی هؽا ؼح ریوبؼ ظؼظ
.565 076:7 اگؽ ضغ ؿاغی ضؽغهع هؽظ عیػی ثگیزی چیي گؽم قؽظ 479 0:56
.566 076:8 ثؿاغ ثکؼی بکبم ؾیكذ ثؽیي ؾیكزي ؾاؼ ثبیػ گؽیكذ 483 0:56
Appendix A (1) 411
ظؼیؾ آى ظل ؼا آییي ا 486 0:57
............ؼای .................
ضهزكذ ثبلیي اقؽدبم
..........ضبکكذ ..........
076:9 567.
.568 075:65 ظلیؽی ؾ هیبؼ ثغى ثغ ظالؼ ثدبی قزغى ثغ 9 6:286
ن آاؾ ثب ثػظلی کبلیكذ 66 6:286
وبى کبلی ر اؾ ثػ ظلیكذ
...............هؽظم ............
075:66 569.
.570 075:67 وبى یكذ ثب هؽظ ثػضا ؼای اگؽ پع گیؽی ثیکی گؽای 8 6:285
.571 075:68 ثػ یک ثؽ هب وی ثگػؼغ چیي ظاػ آکف ک ظاؼغ ضؽغ 209 5:062
.572 076:5 گؽاهی رؽ اؾ ضى ظل چیؿ یكذ ضؽغهع كؽؾع ثب ظل یکیكذ 2385 7:263
چیي گلذ هؽ ثچ ؼا ؽ نیؽ ک كؽؾع هب گؽ جبنػ ظلیؽ 089 4:27
....خلذ ؼا ؽ ...............
076:6 573.
.574 076:7 ثجؽین اؾ هؽ پیع پبک پػؼل آة ظؼیب ثغ هبم ضبک 093 4:27
.575 076:8 ثلؽؾع ثبنػ پػؼ نبغ ظل ؾ ؿوب ثػ ظاؼغ آؾاغ ظل 4433 7:452
.576 076:9 اگؽ هؽثبى ثبنػ ا ثؽ پػؼ ثییکی گؽایع ظاغگؽ 4436 7:452
کػ کبؼ ثؽ پعبی پػؼ 4475 7:458
و پعب یبظگیؽ اؾ پعؼ
و پبک پنػ و پبک ضؼ
.................پل .........
076:63 577.
هکي ؼؾ ؼا ثؽ ظل ضیم ؼضم 698 2:473
..................... پیم ............
ر ضؼظى ثیبؼای ثیهی ثجطم
............................ ث ضنی
076:66 578.
گػؼ رؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ؼ 463 2:463
ثدی ثیبة ثپل ثطؼ
...........ثپی ثپل ثبؾ
076:62 579.
.580 076:60 رؽا ظاظ كؽؾع ؼا ن ظػ ظؼضزی ک اؾ ثیص ر ثؽخػ 699 2:473
ظؼظ اع هطؼ كؿی ثطؼ 736 2:473
یبثی ر اع هطؼ........
.581 076:64 کوی یكذ ظؼ ثطهم ظاغگؽ
خبى ؾ نغ پبک ؾیؽ ؾثؽ 604 6:009
ؽ آى پبغن کقذ ثیعاغگؽ
.........چ نع نب ن چیي
077:7 582.
.583 077:8 ثؽ ثؽ پف اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ وبى بم ا نب ثی ظیي ثغ 605 6:009
ؽ آى پبغن ک ثجػ ؼا خكذ ؾیکیم ثبیػ ظل ظقذ نكذ 607 6:043
............پبظنب کخؿیي ........
077:9 584.
.585 077:63 ؾ کهؼل ثپؽاگػ ؾیؽظقذ وبى اؾ ظؼل هؽظ ضكؽ پؽقذ 608 6:043
.586 077:69 کدب پبغنبیكذ ثی خگ یكذ گؽ چع ؼی ؾهیي رگ یكذ 645 6:055
.587 077:23 اگؽ پیل ثب په کیي آؼغ و ؼض ظؼ ظاغ ظیي آؼغ 660 6:056
چ اعؼ خبى کبم ظل یبكزی ؼقیػی ثدبی ک ثهزبكزی 53 7:469
،.............................چي
078:6 588.
.589 078:2 هکي آؾ ؼا ثؽ ضؽغ پبغنب ک ظاب طاػ رؽا پبؼقب 6667 7:634
ضؼنیػ هبزبثػ ثجبیكذ 706 6:470
ؾ گؽظى زبثع ث ثبیكذ هب
.590 078:9 چ ثیعاغگؽ نػ خبعاؼ نب
ک گیزی وبػ ویه ثکف 6645 6:509
ثی آؾاؼی ظاظ خییع ثف
و ضثی ظاغ خییػ ثف
ک گیزی پبیع هبع ث کف
078:63 591.
وبع وبع خبیػ کف رؽا رنۀ ؼاقزی ثبغ ثف 606 7:26
.............وبع ثؽیي ضبک
078:66 592.
.593 078:67 اگؽ خبى ر ثكپؽغ ؼا آؾ نغ ؼا ثی قغ ثؽ ر ظؼاؾ 089 5:024
ثهت ؾیؽ آرم کػ ؽ ظ ظقذ 464 7:622
................................ک نت
پهیوبی اكؿى ضؼی ؾآک هكذ
پهیوبی آگ ضؼظ هؽظ هكذ
078:68 594.
ثجعین بکبم ؽ گ ؼضذ 0592 7:083
ؽ ظ ث بکبم ؼضذ.............
چ هبى گح رطذ چ هبى ؼح قطذ
.............چ ثب گح رطزی چ ثب
078:69 595.
قؽ آیػ و یک ثػ ثی گوبى 0590 7:083
......................وی ........
.596 078:23 ایي پبیعاؼغ ثگؽظل آى
.597 079:6 چ ر ثگػؼی ؾیي قپدی قؽای خبؽا ثجبیػ یکی کػضػای 4047 7:447
Appendix A (1) 412
.......................هي ثگػؼم ....
ثگؽظ وغ رب رای هگؽظ 63 6:053
ث گؽظ ظؼ آؾ ؽگؿ هگؽظ
ظل هؽظ بهغ ثغ پؽ ؾ ظؼظ
ظل آؾؼهؽظ ثبنع ث ظؼظ
380:9 598.
پیمثکل ثپل ه آؾ 45 6:244 .599 083:63 کؽا آؼؾ ثیم ریوبؼ ثیم
.600 083:66 ثچیؿی عاؼغ ضؽغهع چهن کؿ ثبؾهبػ ثپیچػ ؾ ضهن 6449 7:239
ثػاعیم ثػظل ثغ ؼؾ کبؼ 57 6:258
کع ؼؾگبؼ................
.601 083:62 ثعل یؿ اعیهۀ ثػ هعاؼ
اگؽ چع ضاػ رؽا نؽیبؼ 54 6:258
..........................گؽ
.602 083:68 ؾ ظنوي هکي ظقزی ضاقزبؼ
اگؽ پبی گیؽی قؽ آیػ ثعقذ 55 6:258
..............................گؽ
ظؼضزی ثغ قجؿ ثبؼل کجكذ
..................................
083:69 603.
.604 086:4 آیػ ؾهبىهؽا گؽ ثؽؾم اعؼ ویؽم ثجؿم اعؼى ثی گوبى 6990 0:226
.605 082:6 ثؽ کبؼ كؽهبى هکي خؿ ثعاغ ک اؾ ظاغ ثبنػ ؼاى ر نبغ 0886 7:436
اگؽ ؾیؽظقزی نغ گح ظاؼ ر ا ؼا اؾ آى گح ثی ؼح ظاؼ 0888 7:436
..........ثغ ............ گؽ
082:7 606.
ؼـؽ آگ کذ آیػ ثجػ ظقذ ؾ یؿظاى ثزؽـ هکي ثػ ثکف 502 6:026 082:8 607.
.608 082:9 ک ربج کوؽ چى ر ثیػ ثكی طاػ نػى ؼام ثب ؽ کكی 500 6:026
ثکثػ جبنػ ثؽكزي ژع 258 2:23
گػاؼظ ث ؼكزي جبنع ژع
ؽآک خبؽا ثبم ثلع
...................کكی ک
082:63 609.
گهبغ کػ ؼؾ ن ؼاؾ ر 6760 7:206
.........ونظ ؾ ......
اگؽ چع ؽهكذ آاؾ ر
.........................گؽ
082:67 610.
ک رب ثػ چیي ثغ چؽش ثلع 256 6:032
گؽ رب عاؼی ظلذ هكزوع
.........نوب ظل هعاؼیع ثف
080:7 611.
یکی ثب کال کیی نبغهبى 257 6:032
........هی ..............
ؾهبىیکی ؼا ثدگ اعؼ آیػ
......آؼظ .......................
080:8 612.
ؾهبی پػ ثبؾل آقبى ثغ 258 6:032
پع یکؿهبى ثبؾل آقبى نظ
ري هؽظ ثب کهز یکكبى ثغ
نظ.............................
080:9 613.
.614 080:63 یؽؾغ وی ؾعگبی ثوؽگ ظؼضزی ک ؾؽ آؼغ ثبؼ ثؽگ 6595 6:283
چ ظؼیب ثوج اعؼآیػ ؾخبی عاؼغ ظم آرم ریؿ پبی 589 2:665
.................ظؼیبی قجؿ ....
080:69 615.
ک ضؼنیػ ؼضهع پبى ثغ 699 4:45
.............ربثع ..............
ظؼضهیػى هب چعاى ثغ
.................ظؼكهیعى
080:23 616.
.617 080:26 قؽ ریؽگی اعؼ آیػ ثطاة کهػ آكزبةچ ریؾ اؾ هیبى ثؽ 593 2:665
ک یکكؽ نگلزكذ کبؼ قپؽ 2607 7:032
چیي گلذ ظابی ثب ظاغ هؽ
ثب نب ثؾؼخوؽ.............
084:23 618.
.619 084:26 یکی هؽظ ثیین ثب ظقزگب کالم ؼقیػ ثبثؽ قیب 2608 7:032
ثجطهم كؿی عاػ ؾ کبقذ 2609 7:032
........ ............. ؾثطهم
.620 084:22 ک ا ظقذ چپ ؼا عاػ ؾ ؼاقذ
.621 084:20 یکی گؽظل آقوبى ثلع قزبؼ ثگیػ ک چكذ چػ 2643 7:032
و ثطم ا نؼثطزی ثغ 2646 7:032
.....................ثؽ .....
.622 084:24 كلک ؼوم ثكطزی ثغ
ظاب ؾغ اؾ گلزۀ ثبقزبىک 6563 5:420
.................یبظ آؼظ ...
ؾ ظاب ر هیػی آى ظاقزبى
.........آى............. ؾ ظوبى
085:68 623.
ک گؽ ثؽ ثؽد ثچۀ ؽ نیؽ نغ ریؿ ظعاى گؽظغ ظلیؽ 6566 5:424
...............پؽؼی .......
085:69 624.
پؽؼظگبؼطكذ اعؼ آیػ ؾ 6562 5:424
.............ث..................
.625 085:23 چ قؽ ثؽکهػ ؾغ خیػ نکبؼ
Appendix A (1) 413
ثػیي هؽکؿ ضهک پؽگبؼ رگ 473 6:07
..................هب ..............
ؾ ر بم ثبیػ ک هبػ گ
...................وی بم کنن
086:66 626.
ثؽضؼغ ؾ ؼح ر ظیگؽ کكی 6685 4:246 اؾ اعیه گؽظى هگؽ گػؼغ
ثگػؼظ...............................
086:67 627.
چیي ظاػ آکف ک ظاؼغ ضؽغ 209 5:062
ؽ آکف ک ثػ کؽظ کیلؽ ثؽغ
ثع یک ثؽ هب وی ثگػؼظ
088:6 628.
ثجیی ثیژ ثؽل ثؽ کبؼ 992 6:656
ثجیی ثؽل ؼا کى ظؼ کبؼ
پؽؼظی آیػ ثجبؼظؼضزی ک
.....آهع .............
088:2 629.
.630 088:0 گؽل ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضغ کهزۀ گؽ پؽیبكذ ضغ ؼنزۀ 990 6:656
ؾ ثیعاغی پبغن ظؼ خبى و یکیب نغ ظؼ بى 778 2:250
.....ؾ ثیعاظی نؽیبؼ
088:65 631.
قطي ؽچ گیی وبى ثهی 67 2:232
.......................ؽچ .....
.632 088:66 گؽ رب چ کبؼی وبى ثعؼی
گ کي ک ثب ؼح بؾقذ گح 6506 7:266
..............بم......................
.633 096:69 پؽقزع گؽ یبثػ اؾ نب ؼح
چ اؾ ؼوزم ثؽ یبثی ثکل کی ظاؼی ویه ثلؽهبم گل 6528 7:265
......................ثطهم .......
096:23 634.
جبیػ کی گؽظغ ظل نب رگ 6569 7:265
................ثبنع ..... ....
.635 096:26 ثلؽهبى نببى جبیػ ظؼگ
چ هزؽ نػی ثعگی ؼا ثکل 72 6:45
..........................ک ضكؽ
چگلذ آى ؽخی ثب رؽـ ل
................... قطگی ...........
096:22 636.
.637 090:5 ظي گؽ ثوبػ ؾ ضؼظى ری اؾ آى ث ک بقبؾ ضای ی 6306 5:675
ثعیاگی هبػ آى ظاؼی 65 7:52
........ایي .................
.638 090:6 چ ظؼیم بظاى کػ هزؽی
.639 090:7 راگؽ کدب قطذ ثبنػ ثچیؿ كؽهبی رؽ نػ ؾ ظؼیم یؿ 64 7:52
.640 090:8 چ ضؽقع ثبنی ثعاغ ضعای راگؽ نػی یک ظل پبک ؼای 68 7:52
کكی ک ثؽح ظؼم گؽغ و ؼؾ ا ثؽ ضنی ثگػؼغ 2536 7:292
............ث گح ..........
090:9 641.
ک ثی چیؿ ؼا کف عاؼغ ثبؼؾ 62 6:273
عاؼع اؼؾ کف ؼا............
.642 098:5 اگؽ یكزذ چیؿ لطزی ثؼؾ
ظؼم گؽظ کؽظى ثعل یبغ ظانذ 66 6:273
.......ث ظل ثبظ .................
راگؽ ثغ آک ظل ؼاغ ظانذ
............راگؽرؽ آى ک ظلی
098:6 643.
.644 098:7 وی ضؼظ ثبیػ کكی ؼا ک كذ هن رگ ظل رب نػم رگ ظقذ 478 0:56
ثجطم ثیبؼای كؽظا هگی ک كؽظا هگؽ رگی آؼغ ثؽی 046 0:20
.................ث ثطهم ثیبؼای
098:8 645.
414
Appendix A (2)
Shāhnāma verses cited in R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r
(In the order in which they appear in the Shāhnāma)
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Sulaym n al-R vandī. Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r. Edited by Muḥammad
Iqbál. (English title p.: Rá at-u - udúr wa Áyat-us-Surúr: Being a History of the Saljúqs by Mu ammad
ibn ‗Alí ibn Sulaymán ar-Ráwandí). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2. London: Luzac, 1921.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq (Djalal
Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6 edited by Jal l
Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1. New York: Bibliotheca
Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007.
Paginations are the same in both editions.
Shāh-
nāma
Vol.:P.
Shāh-
nāma
Line
Rā at
al- ud r
P.:Line
No.
چ هزؽ نػی ثعگی ؼا ثکل 72 6:45
..........................ک ضكؽ
چگلذ آى ؽخی ثب رؽـ ل
................... قطگی ...........
096:22 1.
ک خؿ هؽگ ؼا کف ؾ هبظؼ ؿاظ 87 6:63
ر ای پیؽ پؽظضذ کي قؽ ؾ ثبغ
................پؽظضز ثع گلذ
228:63 2.
.3 228:66 خبعاؼ پیم اؾ ر ثكیبؼ ثغ ک رطذ هی ؼا قؿااؼ ثغ 88 6:66
.4 228:62 كؽااى ؿن نبغهبی نوؽظ ثؽكذ خبى ظیگؽیؽا قپؽظ 89 6:66
.5 228:60 اگؽ ثبؼۀ آیی ثپبی قپؽد ثكبیػ وبی ثدبی 93 6:66
ضاؼ هبی هعاؼقطي ؼا وی 488 6:85
قطي هبع اؾیهبى وی یبغگبؼ
..................اؾر ................
5:66 6.
.7 69:62 كؽیػى كؽش كؽنز جغ ؾ ههک ؾ ػجؽ قؽنز جغ 489 6:85
ثعاغ ظم یبكذ ایي كؽی ر ظاغ ظم کي كؽیػى ریی 493 6:85
آى یکیی....................
69:60 8.
خبى چى ثػ ثؽ وبع ای پكؽ ر یؿ آؾ هپؽقذ اع هطؼ 62 6:93
................ثؽ ثؽ .............
69:64 9.
وبب ک ظیگؽ جبنع چیؿ 77 6:94
چیؿی جبنع ثیؿ..........
.10 678:8 ک نیؽیي رؽ اؾ خبى كؽؾع چیؿ
.11 227:7 گؽاهی رؽ اؾ ظیػ آى ؼا نبـ ک ظیػ ثعیعم ظاؼغ قپبـ 83 6:94
کدب ظاقزبى ؾظ ؾ گلزبؼ ـؿ 86 6:94
ث پیع ـؿ..................
.12 678:7 چگلذ آى ضؽظهع پبکیؿ هـؿ
.13 043:65 ظالؼ ک عیهػ اؾ پیل نیؽ ر ظیا ضام هطام ظلیؽ 252 6:635
ثؽ آى ؾعگبی ثجبیػ گؽیكذ 486 6:623
............ثؽرؽی ثؽ......
ثؿؼگی ک كؽخبم ا کزؽی اقذ
.....ثزؽیكذ ..........................
007:5 14.
قؽدبم ضبکكذ ثبلیي ر 487 6:623
قذ ثبلیي ر قؽادبم ضهذ
اگؽچؽش گؽظاى کهػ ؾیي ر
.........قپؽ ثلع اؼ کهع
067:63 15.
ثؽغک آکف ک ثػ کؽظ کیلؽ 602 6:629
.......................ؽکف...
.16 049:65 چگلزع ظاعگبى ضؽظ
.17 043:64 ؿثؽ خبكؾ ؽ اژظب ؾ ؼا هب ن یبثػ ؼب 605 6:629
Appendix A (2) 415
......................ظام ...
چ گلذ آى ؽهع پؽیؿگبؼ 696 6:600
خبدی بثؽظثبؼ.............
نیػم و پؾل ؼؾگبؼ
نیعم ویي پؾل بثکبؼ
042:66 18.
ضل ؼؾ یبثػ ضؽم ثهذ 697 6:600
...............ثیع .................
.19 042:67 ک ؽ کف ک رطن خلب ؼا ثکهذ
.20 042:68 ؽ آکف ک ظاؼغ ؼام ضؽغ گب آى قگبلػ ک پؾل ثؽغ 699 6:600
پیک هؽظ خاى چى ثغ یک 765 6:607 .21 53:69 یکی ظاقزبى ؾغ خبى ظیػ کی
.22 53:23 ثعام آیعل بقگبلیػ هیم پلگ اؾ پف پهذ يیبظ پیم 766 6:607
ثجیی ثیژ ثؽل ثؽ کبؼ 992 6:656
ثجیی ثؽل ؼا کى ظؼ کبؼ
ظؼضزی ک پؽؼظی آیػ ثجبؼ
....آهع .........................
088:2 23.
ثیژ ثؽل ثؽ کبؼثجیی 992 6:656
ثجیی ثؽل ؼا کى ظؼ کبؼ
ظؼضزی ک کبؼی چ آیػ ثجبؼ
....پؽؼظی آهع .............
005:26 24.
.25 005:22 گؽل ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضغ کهزۀ گؽ پؽیبكذ ضغ ؼنزۀ 990 6:656
.26 088:0 گؽل ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضغ کهزۀ گؽ پؽیبكذ ضغ ؼنزۀ 990 6:656
ؾ آاؾ ا چؽم نیؽ ثعؼغ 629 6:236
.....…………اؾ .. …
قبى اؼ ثععاى طبیػ ظلیؽ
.....ثطبیع ...................
046:2 27.
گؽ وچ قعام ظعاى ثغ 603 6:236
......چع ظعام قعاى .....
گؽكزبؼكؽهبى یؿظاى ثغ
046:0 28.
ثؽ ریؽگی ن وبػ ظؼاؾ 6366 6:207
ثبنػ نجی ظیؽ ثبؾاگؽ چع
..........نت ..................
048:62 29.
.30 048:60 نغ ؼؾ چى چهو ؼضهبى نغ ؾهیي چى گیي ثعضهبى نغ 6367 6:207
ؼاوبى ثػاى قؽ گؽاهی ثغ 6266 6:252
........................ؼاى ب
.31 260:68 اگؽ رن هبى یک بهی ثغ
آیػ آگ ک ثی خبى نینپعیػ 6267 6:252 اگؽ آؾ ؼؾین پیچبى نین
............. ........... گؽ
260:69 32.
اؾ ثؽ هب یکی چبغؼ اقذ 6268 6:252
............................اؾیي
.33 66:8 گؽ ایاى هب قؽ ثکیاى ثؽقذ
و خبی رؽقكذ ریوبؼ ثبک 6269 6:252
..................قذ ثین...........
ک پنػ ثؽ ؼی ثؽ قؽل ضبک
..................ک ثؽ ؼی پنع
66:9 34.
.35 226:6 ک گیزی قپدكذ پؽ آی ؼ کي نػ یکی ظیگؽ آؼع 6563 6:274
یکی ظاى وی آنکبؼ بى 6576 6:274
ثبیػد آنکبؼ بى.....
.36 226:2 چبى ظاى ک ثؽ کف وبػ خبى
ثدؿ ثؽ ؼ ؼاقذ هكپؽ ؾهیي 6572 6:274
ثؽیي ثع ثؽ ثبل هگؽیؿ اؾیي
......هگػؼ ......... پع هي ......
226:0 37.
ک ایي رطذ نبی كككذ ثبغ ثؽ خبغاى ظل جبیػ بغ 6588 6:278
.......ككقذ........................
226:4 38.
ؾؽ آؼغ ثبؼ ثؽگظؼضزی ک 6595 6:283 .39 080:63 یؽؾغ وی ؾعگبی ثوؽگ
.40 226:5 هبی ک هبػ وی اؾ ر ثبؾ ثؽ آیػ ثؽ ؼؾگبؼی ظؼاؾ 6599 6:286
.41 226:6 جبیػ ک ثبنػ خؿاؾ آكؽیي ک پبکی ژاظ آؼغ پبک ظیي 6633 6:286
ک یکی اؾیكذ ن ؾ ثػی 6632 6:286
ایؿظیر هگػاؼ ؽگؿ ؼ
............ر ؽگؿ هگؽظ اؾ
226:7 42.
ؾظى ؼای ثب هؽظ هیبؼ ظقذ 609 6:295
ثؽ کبؼ اعیه کؽظى کقذ
..........گبم خكزي .........
90:4 43.
اؾ آى پف یبیػ چبى ؼؾگبؼ 643 6:295
................یبثع ............
.44 53:26 چ کبل نغ هؽظ گبم کبؼ
ک رب ثػ چیي ثغ چؽش ثلع 256 6:032
گؽ رب عاؼی ظلذ هكزوع
.........نوب ظل هعاؼیع ثف
080:7 45.
Appendix A (2) 416
یکی ثب کال کیی نبغهبى 257 6:032
........هی ..............
یکی ؼا ثدگ اعؼ آیػ ؾهبى
......آؼظ .......................
080:8 46.
آقبى ثغؾهبی پػ ثبؾل 258 6:032
پع یکؿهبى ثبؾل آقبى نظ
ري هؽظ ثب کهز یکكبى ثغ
نظ.............................
080:9 47.
ظگؽ چبغؼ آؾهعی هپل 408 6:065
.........................و
.48 228:6 ایب ظاهی هؽظ ثكیبؼ ل
اؾیي ظاقزبى چع ضای نیػ 409 6:065
.............................چیي
.49 228:7 ک رطذ کل چى ر ثكیبؼ ظیػ
قؽآهػ هؽاظ آؼؾ یبكزی 443 6:065
..............کؿ ........
ؼقیػی ثدبیی ک ثهزبكزی
228:8 50.
.51 082:8 ؽ آگ کذ آیػ ثجػ ظقذ ؼـ ؾ یؿظاى ثزؽـ هکي ثػ ثکف 502 6:026
ؼام ثب ؽ کكیطاػ نػى 500 6:026 .52 082:9 ک ربج کوؽ چى ر ثیػ ثكی
یکی ثگػؼغ ظیگؽ آیػ ثدبی 66 6:049
خبى ؼا وبع ثی کعضعای
خبؽا وبع ثی کػضػای
یکی کن نظ ظیگؽ آیع ثدبی
66:6 53.
.54 077:69 کدب پبغنبیكذ ثی خگ یكذ گؽ چع ؼی ؾهیي رگ یكذ 645 6:055
ؼض ظؼ ظاغ ظیي آؼغو 660 6:056 .55 077:23 اگؽ پیل ثب په کیي آؼغ
.56 058:6 ک هبؾعؼاى نب ؼا یبغ ثبغ ویه ثؽ ثهم آثبغ ثبغ 25 2:4
ؾهیم پؽ اؾ الل قجل اقذ 26 2:4
....................ث ک اعؼل
.57 058:2 ک ظؼ ثقزبم ویه گل اقذ
ویه ثبؼ قؽظ گؽم 27 2:4
..............ث گؽم ث قؽظل
.58 058:0 ا ضنگاؼ ؾهیي پؽگبؼ
.59 058:4 اؾع ثلجل ثجبؽ اعؼى گؽاؾع آ ثؽاؽ اعؼى 28 2:4
ویه یبقبیػ اؾ خكذ خی و قبل ؽ خبی ؼگكذ ثی 29 2:5
خلذ خی .....................
058:5 60.
وی نبغ گؽظغ ثجیم ؼاى 03 2:5
......ؾثیم .................
گالثكذ گیی ثدیم ؼاى
058:6 61.
ظی ثوي آغؼ كؽظیي ویه پؽ اؾ الل ثیی ؾهیي 06 2:5
كؼظیي.........................
058:7 62.
ثؽخبی ثبؾ نکبؼی ثکبؼ 02 2:5
.................... و قبل
قبل ضعاى لت خیجبؼو 058:8 63.
.64 242:69 طاػ وی هبع ایػؼکكی ثطاع اگؽ چ ثوبػ ثكی 257 2:23
ثکثػ جبنػ ثؽكزي ژع 258 2:23
گػاؼظ، ث ؼكزي جبنع ژع
ؽآک خبؽا ثبم ثلع
...................کكی ک
082:63 65.
ؾ ؽ کف ثیبثی ثعاغ آكؽیي 626 2:45
......یبثی ثدؿ ............
.66 242:23 اگؽ ظاظگؽ ثبنی پبک ظیي
گؽ ثػگوبى ثبنی ثػ کم ؾ چؽش ثلع آیػد قؽؾم 622 2:45
...................ثعبى .....
242:26 67.
خبى ثػ قگبلػ گیػ ثکف جبنػ ثؽ کبؼ كؽیبغ ؼـ 297 2:642
چیي ثبظ کبعؼ خبى خؿ ر کف
052:9 68.
خبعاؼ اؾیي کبؼ پؽظاضزكذ 557 2:660
..........................خبجبى
.69 228:9 ر گیزی چ قبؾی ک ضغ قبضزكذ
چ ظؼیب ثوج اعؼآیػ ؾخبی عاؼغ ظم آرم ریؿ پبی 589 2:665
.................ظؼیبی قجؿ ....
080:69 70.
.71 080:26 قؽ ریؽگی اعؼ آیػ ثطاة چ ریؾ اؾ هیبى ثؽ کهػ آكزبة 593 2:665
.72 63:6 چیي گلذ هثػ ک هؽظى ثبم ث اؾ ؾع ظنوي ثػ نبغکبم 596 2:665
چیي گلذ ظاب ک هؽظى ثبم ث اؾ ؾع ظنوي ثػ نبغکبم 596 2:665
................هثع ...........
067:67 73.
Appendix A (2) 417
ثؽكزي ضؽغ ثبغهبى هؽهبى 770 2:679
وبع کكی خبظاىث گیزی
.74 622:7 و هؽگ ؼااین پیؽ خاى
قطي ؽچ گیی وبى ثهی 67 2:232
.......................ؽچ .....
.75 088:66 گؽ رب چ کبؼی وبى ثعؼی
.76 006:23 ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی ؼوى ک هؽی كؿى یكذ اؾ هؽ ضى 557 2:209
ثجبیػ ثؽیػؾ هؽ ؾبى ظل 558 2:209 .77 006:26 چ كؽؾع نبیكز آهػ پعیػ
ؾ ثیعاغی پبغن ظؼ خبى و یکیب نغ ظؼ بى 778 2:250
.....ؾ ثیعاظی نؽیبؼ
088:65 78.
یکی گح ثبنػ پؽ اؾ ضاقز 854 2:258
.................گؽظظ...........
.79 679:62 ظلی کؿ ضؽغ گؽظغ آؼاقز
ثبؼل ثغ ؾؽ ثؽگم کجكذک 6490 2:033
.......ثیطم ..........................
ظؼضزی ثظ ایي هبع ثعقذ
چؽا کهذ ثبیع ظؼضزی ث ظقذ
643:0 80.
.81 060:2 چؽا کهذ ثبیػ ظؼضزی ثعقذ ک ثبؼل ثغ ؾؽ ثیطم کجكذ 6490 2:033
.82 96:60 ثطاػ ثػى ثی گوبى ثغی کبع ثپؽیؿ اكؿظی 6535 2:036
.83 285:67 ثطاػ ثػى ثی گوبى ثغی کبع ثپؽیؿ اكؿظی 6535 2:036
ثیکكبى گؽظغ قپؽ ثلع گی نبغ ظاؼغ گی هكزوع 6663 2:063
............قذ ؼای چیي
628:60 84.
ثلؽهبى ا ثعؼظ ؽچ کهذ 6600 2:066
......چ ثؽظع ؽ...........
.85 062:68 جهذ خبعاؼ ثؽ چؽش چیي
چ هذ گػنزي ثغ ثگػؼین 6604 2:066
......................گب ....
.86 060:6 ثیب رب ثهبغی ظین ضؼین
.87 062:69 چ ثعی ظل اعؼ قؽای قپح چ یبؾی ثؽح چ بؾی ثگح 6605 2:066
ضؽغهع ظنوي چؽا پؽؼظ 6606 2:066
.....................خبعاؼ
کذ اؾ گح ظیگؽ کكی ثؽ ضؼغ
.........................کؿ آى ؼح
062:23 88.
هگؽ یبكزی چؽ ظقذ پبی 6967 2:002
.........پؽ .......................
ک گؽ ثبغ ضیؽ دكزی ؾ خبی
..............................اگؽ
264:65 89.
نیبؼثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی 6969 2:002 قزغ جبنػ ظل ثبغقبؼ
........قؽ ...................
264:64 90.
.91 264:66 قجکكبؼ هؽظم اال ثغ گؽ چ گی قؽ ثبال ثغ 6923 2:002
.92 666:6 ؽآدب ک ؼني نغ ؼاقزی كؽؽ ظؼؽ آؼظ کبقزی 6992 2:006
.93 666:4 ثدبیی ک گؽظاى قپؽ ظیگؽ نغ رع چیي اعؼ آؼظ ثچؽ 6997 2:006
ک اؾ چجؽل قؽ خبػ ثؽى 6998 2:006
.......آؼظ .... چجؽ ا .......
.94 666:5 ضؽغهع ؼا کؽظ ثبیػ ككى
ثپیم ثال ظاقزبب ؾظى 2325 2:008
................... پیم
ثپبی اعؼ آرم هبیػ نػى
......جبیع ..................
643:4 95.
ظؼؽ آؾهبییكذ چؽش ثلع گی نبغ ظاؼغ گی هكزوع 2660 2:044
قذ کبؼ قپؽ ثلع چیي
646:68 96.
ؾ نت ؼنبیی جیػ کكی کدب ثؽ ظاؼغ ؾ ظام ثكی 2667 2:045
......دیع...................
08:2 97.
ک ثب اضزؽ ثػ ثوؽظی هکل 2668 2:049
چگلذ آى ؽهع ثكیبؼ ل
...............ضؽظهع ...........
666:0 98.
ر گبم نبغی ظؼضزی هکبؼ ک ؾؽ آؼغ ثبؼ ا ؼؾگبؼ 2696 2:056
................................ث
643:2 99.
ؿن ؼح اع کؽم ركذ 2698 2:056
قذ پهیوبی خبى ؼح ري
نزبثعگی کبؼ اؽهكذ
قذ آؽهينزبة ثعی کبؼ
642:7 100.
ظلذ ؼا چؽا ثعی اعؼ كؽیت وی اؾ ثلعی جیی هیت 2209 2:054
.............ثكزی .............
08:6 101.
Appendix A (2) 418
ک گیزی قپدكذ ثؽ ثبغ ظم 2245 2:054
هکي ضیؽ ثؽ ضیهزي ثؽ قزن
....هکي ثی گ ثؽ ري هي
264:67 102.
کالػ ثؽ قؽل پؽ ؾ گؽ 2246 2:054
یکی ثب کل ثؽهبع ث گب
یکی ؼا ؾ چب آؼغ قی گب
یکی ؼا ث چب اكگع ثی گب
668:67 103.
ؾ ربؼک ثچگ هـبک اعؼع 2247 2:054
.........................اؾ اضزؽ
.104 668:68 قؽدبم ؽ ظ ثطبک اعؼع
اگؽ قبؾی اؼ خبؽا یکیكذ 2463 2:068
اؼهؿظد یکیكذظؼاؾقذ هب،
.105 94:65 چ قبؾی چ چبؼ ثعقذ ر یكذ
اگؽ قبؾی اؼ خبؽا یکیكذ 2463 2:068
ظؼاؾقذ هب، اؼهؿظد یکیكذ
.106 062:26 چ قبؾی چ چبؼ ثعقذ ر یكذ
.107 007:6 کكی ک ثغ هزؽ ادوي کلي ثزؽ ا ؼا ؾ كؽهبى ؾى 47 2:082
ثگؽ آاؼ اؾ ضب ثؽگهز 005 2:436
...........خگ ..............
.108 666:2 چ ثػضا پیم آیػد کهز ث
ک گیزی قپدكذ خبیػ یكذ كؽی ثؽرؽ اؾ كؽ خوهیػ یكذ 047 2:436
...................... ..............
08:0 109.
.110 08:4 قپؽ ثلعل ثپبی آؼیػ خبؽا خؿ ا کػضعای آؼیػ 048 2:436
کػ بؾ ؾ ر ثپنػ قطي 438 2:463
...............ؼاؾ ثؽر....
.111 062:67 چ ظل ثؽ ی ثؽ قؽای کي
گػؼ رؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ؼ 463 2:463
ثدی ثیبة ثپل ثطؼ
...........ثپی ثپل ثبؾ
005:2 112.
گػؼ رؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ؼ 463 2:463
ثطؼثدی ثیبة ثپل
...........ثپی ثپل ثبؾ
076:62 113.
.114 66:7 چ ظای ک ایػؼ وبی ظؼاؾ ثزبؼک چؽا ثؽ ی ربج آؾ 0 2:469
اؾیي ظقذ ثكزػ ثعیگؽ ثعاغ 695 2:469
..........................ؾیک
.115 636:66 خبؽا چیي اقذ قبؾ بغ
اؾیي ظقذ ثكزػ ثعیگؽ ثعاغ 695 2:469
..........................ؾیک
.116 643:6 خبؽا چیكذ قبؾ بغ
ؾهبی كؽاؾ ؾهبی هیت 696 2:469
اؾ نبغهبین ؾ ثب یت
ث ظؼظین اؾیي ؼكزي اعؼ ؼیت
647:6 117.
عاؼی و ؼدذ آیػ ؾیبى 697 2:469
وبی وی، ؼدذ ایعؼ هوبى
.118 005:6 اگؽ ظل راى ظانزي نبغهبى
هکي ؼؾ ؼا ثؽ ظل ضیم ؼضم 698 2:473
..................... پیم ............
ر ضؼظى ثیبؼای ثیهی ثجطم
............................ ث ضنی
076:66 119.
.120 66:66 رؽا ظاظ كؽؾع ؼا ن ظػ ظؼضزی ک اؾ ثیص ر ثؽخػ 699 2:473
اؾ ثیص ر ثؽخػظؼضزی ک 699 2:473 .121 076:60 رؽا ظاظ كؽؾع ؼا ن ظػ
كؿی ثطؼ ظؼظ اع هطؼ 736 2:473
یبثی ر، اع هطؼ........
.122 076:64 کوی یكذ ظؼ ثطهم ظاغگؽ
قؽ نبش قجؿل ثؽآیع ثکبش 6 0:0
ؾکبش...........................
.123 29:7 ثپبلیؿ چى ثؽکهػ قؽ نبش
ثیػل ثیب ظل یک ثطذک 2 0:0 .124 29:8 ثجبالی ا نبغ ثبنػ ظؼضذ
.125 29:9 قؿغ گؽ گوبی ثؽغ ثؽ ق چیؿ کؿیي ق گؿنزی چ چیؿقذ یؿ 0 0:0
.126 29:63 ؽ ثب ژاظقذ ثب گؽقذ ق چیؿقذ ؽ ق ثجع اعؼقذ 4 0:0
.127 29:66 ؽ کی ثغ رب جبنػ گؽ ژاغ ثكی ظیػۀ ثی ؽ 5 0:0
.128 29:62 گؽ آک اؾ كؽ یؿظاى ثغ یبؼغ ثجػ ظقذ ثػ هغ 6 0:0
قؿغ کبیػ اؾ رطن پبکیؿ ثؽ 7 0:0
پبکی ث ثؽ....................
.129 29:60 ژاغ آک ثبنػ ؾ رطن پػؼ
Appendix A (2) 419
.130 29:64 اؾیي ؽ ق گؽ ثغ هبی ظاؼ ک ؾیجب ثغ ضلوذ کؽظگبؼ 9 0:0
ثبیػدنبقعۀ یک ثػ 63 0:4 .131 29:65 چ ؽ ق ثیبثی ضؽغ ثبیػد
ثؽ آقبیػ اؾ آؾ ؾ ؼح ؿن 66 0:4
....... اؾ ظؼظ .................
.132 29:66 چ ایي چبؼ ثب یکزي آیػ ثن
ثجطم ثیبؼای كؽظا هگی ک كؽظا هگؽ رگی آؼغ ثؽی 046 0:20
.................ث ثطهم ثیبؼای
098:8 133.
گؽ ظل عاؼی ؾ ؿن ظؼظهع 045 0:20
ث گیزی ژع..................
.134 63:2 ؾ ر بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ثلع
گؽ ظل عاؼی ؾ ؿن هكزوع 045 0:20
ث گیزی ژع..................
.135 047:65 ؾ ر بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ثلع
اؾ اهؽؾ نبغی رؽا هبی ثف ثلؽظا گیػ ضؽغهع کف 058 0:24
........................وی گلذ
052:7 136.
.137 206:4 اؾ اكؽاؾ چى کژ گؽظغ قپؽ رعی ثکبؼ آیػ اؾ ثي هؽ 639 0:04
.138 098:7 وی ضؼظ ثبیػ کكی ؼا ک كذ هن رگ ظل رب نػم رگ ظقذ 478 0:56
.139 076:7 اگؽ ضغ ؿاغی ضؽغهع هؽظ عیػی ثگیزی چیي گؽم قؽظ 479 0:56
.140 076:8 ثؿاغ ثکؼی بکبم ؾیكذ ثؽیي ؾیكزي ؾاؼ ثبیػ گؽیكذ 483 0:56
ظؼیؾ آى ظل ؼا آییي ا 486 0:57
............ؼای .................
قؽدبم ضهزكذ ثبلیي ا
..........ضبکكذ ..........
076:9 141.
آؼغد ثبؼؾ رعی پهیوبی ر ظؼ ثقزبى رطن رعی هکبؼ 563 0:59
....آیعد .....................
206:6 142.
ؽ ثب ضؽغ ظؼ ظل هؽظ رع چ ریـی ک گؽظغ ؾ ؾگبؼ کع 566 0:59
........................ثی ....
206:7 143.
ؾ ظاب ر هیػی آى ظاقزبى ک ثؽگیػ اؾ گلزۀ ثبقزبى 956 0:85
.......ایي .....................
206:7 144.
ري ک ؼا قگ هبػ ثوهذ 957 0:85
.............ضبک ............
اگؽ ظ ثؽاظؼ ػ پهذ پهذ
..............................ک گؽ
632:65 145.
طكزم ثجبیػ ثطى ظقذ نكذ 6694 0:99
..............ؾ ضظ ..... طكزیي
ػبى ثؿؼگی ؽ آکف ک خكذ
206:8 146.
ثپؽیؿ ثیهی گؽظغ ؾهبى 066 0:625
......گیؽظ ................
.147 068:2 اگؽ ثػ ثغ گؽظل آقوبى
ؿن کهزي کؽم ظنذ جؽظ 442 0:600
......................کهز ....
.148 076:6 جغی هؽا ؼح ریوبؼ ظؼظ
اگؽ ثطهم ؼؾگبؼ ثلع چبكذ کآیػ ثوب ثؽ گؿع 828 0:657
.....کؽظگبؼ...............
047:66 149.
.150 047:67 ثپؽیؿ اعیهۀ بثکبؼ ثؽگؽظغ اؾ هب ثػ ؼؾگبؼ 829 0:657
گهزی قپؽ ثؽیي اؾ ثؽم 846 0:657
.........ثلع ................
ؿاظی هؽا کبنکی هبغؼم
........ کبخکی ............
076:5 151.
آى ظاؼی ثعیاگی هبػ 6406 0:692
چ چهو ثؽ قجؿ ظؼیب ثؽی
...........ژؼف ..............
065:64 152.
ک ثؽ هب ظؼاؾ اقذ ظقذ ؾهبى 1474 3:194
...........................ر .......
.153 042:64 ثوؽظی جبیػ نػى ظؼ گوبى
.154 042:65 کف اؾ گؽظل آقوبى گػؼغ گؽ ثؽ ؾهیي پیل ؼا ثهکؽغ 6494 0:696
.155 086:4 هؽا گؽ ثؽؾم اعؼ آیػ ؾهبى ویؽم ثجؿم اعؼى ثی گوبى 6990 0:226
.156 59:22 رؽا بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ظؼاؾ وبی وی کبؼ چعیي هكبؾ 6994 0:226
.157 052:8 رؽا بم ثبیػ ک هبػ ظؼاؾ وبی وی کبؼ چعیي هكبؾ 6994 0:226
گؽیؿ ثگبم ثب قؽ ثدبی ث اؾ ؼؾم خكزي ثبم ثؽای 2387 0:202
.......................گؽیؿی
042:7 158.
Appendix A (2) 420
گی پؽ ؾ کیكذ گ پؽ ؾ هؽ 2685 0:208
گی خگ کیي گی نع هؽ
.159 668:63 چیي ثغ رب ثغ گؽظاى قپؽ
.160 240:2 یکی گح اؾیكبى وی پؽؼغ کكی ظیگؽ آیػ کؿ ثؽضؼغ 2285 0:244
ؽآک ثجیعاغ خیػ جؽظ ثبؾآیػ ؼی ؾؼظخگؽ ضكز 2706 0:274
...................ک ؽ ک
042:8 161.
.162 240:0 ثیک ظم ؾغى ؼقزی اؾ خبى ري وی ثف ثؿؼگ آیػد ضیهزي 9 0:288
پعیػ آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ 643 0:297
ث پیم آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ
.163 636:4 ک ظاػ ک چعیي هیت كؽاؾ
پعیػ آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ 643 0:297
ث پیم آؼظ ایي ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ
.164 642:67 ک ظاػ ک چعیي هیت كؽاؾ
.165 636:5 رک ؼؾگبؼ اؾ ظؼاؾی ک كذ وی ثگػؼاػ قطب ؾ ظقذ 646 0:297
خاى گؽ چ ظاب ثغ بهؼ اثی آؾهبیم گیؽغ ؽ 78 0:039
ثب گؽ..........................
042:9 166.
ثػ یک ؽ گ ثبیػ نیػ ؾ ؽ نؼ رلطی ثجبیػ چهیػ 79 0:039
کهیع.............................
042:63 167.
.168 007:2 کؽا اؾ پف پؽظ ظضزؽ ثغ اگؽ ربج ظاؼغ ثػاضزؽ ثغ 206 0:022
ؾ ثف ظؼظ قطزی اع ؼح 6357 0:086
ثکعین ظل ؾیي قؽای قپح
.....................ثکعم ظلن
636:6 169.
خبى رب رای ثهبغی گػاؼ گ کي ثػیي گؽظل ؼؾگبؼ 6273 0:096
...............ر ثب ا خبى ؼا
668:60 170.
ؾ ریوبؼ ظؼظل کػ ثی گؿع 6276 0:096
...............ؼدم ............
.171 668:64 یکی ؼا ثؽآؼغ ثچؽش ثلع
ؾ آدبل گؽظاى ثؽغ قی ضبک و خبی رؽقكذ ریوبؼ ثبک 6272 0:097
.......ؾیؽ .............................
668:65 172.
ثیلگع ضیؽ ثچب ظؼاؾ 6270 0:097
یبؾ.....................
.173 668:66 ن آى ؼا ک پؽؼظ ثؽ ثؽثبؾ
.174 668:67 ؼا ؾ چب آؼظ قی گبیکی ػ ثؽ قؽل پؽ ؾ گؽ کال 6274 0:097
ؾ ثؽ خبى رب جبنی ثعؼظ 6278 0:097
ثی آؾاؼرؽ ثزؽ ظل ؾاظهؽظ
هیبؾاؼ ؽگؿ ظل ؼاغهؽظ
ؾ ثؽ ظؼم رب جبنی ث ظؼظ
628:66 175.
.176 42:7 پؽقزعۀ آؾ خیبی کیي ثگیزی ؾ کف هغ آكؽیي 5 4:0
.177 42:8 ثگیزی ظؼاؾاگؽ ضغ ثوبی ؾ ؼح ري آیػ ثؽكزي یبؾ 63 4:4
.178 285:9 اگؽ ضغ ثوبی ثگیزی ظؼاؾ ؾ ؼح ري آیػ ثؽكزي یبؾ 63 4:4
ظؼ گح ؼاؾل عاؼغ کلیػ 66 4:4
......یبثع .................
یکی قجؿ ظؼیبقذ ثي بپعیػ
.....................ژؼف ...
42:9 179.
ظؼ گح ؼاؾل عاؼغ کلیػ 66 4:4
......یبثع .................
یکی قجؿ ظؼیبقذ ثي بپعیػ
.....................ژؼف ...
285:63 180.
اؾ چع هبی كؿى ثبیػد وبى ضؼظ یکؽؾ ثگؿایػد 62 4:4
...............یبثی، ...........
42:63 181.
ؾ آى ثؽ قؽد یؿ پیـبؼ یكذ 60 4:4
................یؿ ثؽ قؽد .......
چیؿد ثجبیػ کؿآى چبؼ یكذق
..............کؿ ....................
42:66 182.
ثػیي ق كؿزؽ گؽ گؽی 64 4:4
قؿظ گؽ ث ظیگؽ قطي گؽی
ضؼی یب ثپنی یب گكزؽی
......... گؽ........ گؽ........
42:62 183.
چ ظؼ آؾ پیچی چ اعؼ یبؾ 65 4:4
و ؼح آؾچ ؾیي ق گػنزی
ؼح آؾ......................کؿیي
42:60 184.
.185 603:7 ثؽ کبؼ ثب ؽکكی ظاغ کي ؾ یؿظاى یکی ظم یبغ کي 600 4:66
.186 053:23 پهیوبی آگ عاؼغد قغ ک ریؾ ؾهب قؽد ؼا ظؼغ 238 4:66
.187 93:66 ثؽ پلگ یکی ظاقزبى ؾغ ثؽیي چ ثب نیؽ خگ آؼل ضبقذ خگ 246 4:68
Appendix A (2) 421
.................خگبؼل ......... ک
.188 93:67 ثبم اؼ ثؽیؿی ؾ هي گلذ ضى ث اؾ ؾعگبی ثگ اعؼى 247 4:68
ظلذ ؼا ؾ هؽ کكی ثؽ گكل کدب یكزم ثب ؾثبى ؼاقذ ظل 264 4:69
..........................ک ظل ؼا
049:60 189.
چیي گلذ هؽ ثچ ؼا ؽ نیؽ جبنػ ظلیؽک كؽؾع هب گؽ 089 4:27
....خلذ ؼا ؽ ...............
076:6 190.
.191 076:7 ثجؽین اؾ هؽ پیع پبک پػؼل آة ظؼیب ثغ هبم ضبک 093 4:27
.192 049:64 کكی ک ثغ قظۀ ؼؾگبؼ جبیػ ثؽ کبؼل آهؾگبؼ 090 4:27
اگؽ ظؼ ثجبؼغ ثسع ـؿ یكذ 452 4:03
............. ظؼ ثبؼظ وبى...
.193 049:62 ؾثبی ک اعؼ قؽل هـؿ یكذ
ؾ ام ضؽغ گؽظى آؾاظ کي 486 4:02
........................ؾ كبم
یکی ظاقزبى کیبى یبغ کي
..............اؾ..............
043:67 194.
ؼ ثبؾگهزي ثجبیػل خكذ 487 4:00
........جبیعل ...............
ک ؽ ک ثدگ اعؼ آیػ طكذ
.........آهع............................
043:68 195.
.196 046:6 ثپیؽؾی اعؼ ثزؽـ اؾ گؿع ک یکكبى گؽظغ قپؽ ثلع 539 4:04
ک ضؼنیػ ؼضهع پبى ثغ 699 4:45
.............ربثع ..............
ظؼضهیػى هب چعاى ثغ
.................ظؼكهیعى
080:23 197.
.198 628:62 خبى ؼا وبیم چ کؽظاؼ یكذ ثػ ظل قپؽظى قؿااؼ یكذ 820 4:50
.199 59:69 پف اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ ثؽ کكی کؿ بم ؾنزی ثوبػ ثكی 6620 4:76
.200 603:9 کدب ثغی ثبنػ اؾ کؽظگبؼ یبیػل یؿ اؾ کف آهؾگبؼ 6426 4:93
گی اعؼ آؼغ ؾ ضؼنیػ قؽ 6400 4:96
.........................و
.201 628:64 گی ثؽکهػ رب ثطؼنیػ ثؽ
.202 632:66 ظلی ک ؾ ظؼظ ثؽاغؼ نطغ ػالج پژنکبى عاؼغل قغ 6408 4:96
.203 285:65 گ کي ثػیي کبؼ گؽظع ظؽ ؽ آى ؼا ک اؾ ضیهزي کؽظ ثؽ 6468 4:90
ثطذ ثیػاؼ ههکنغ ضبک ثب 6469 4:90 .204 285:66 ثؽآؼغ گل ربؾ اؾ ضبؼ ضهک
.205 603:63 نگلزی رؽ آک اؾ پی آؾ هؽظ ویه ظل ضیم ظاؼغ ثعؼظ 6473 4:90
ثؽآیػ ثؽ ؼؾگبؼی ظؼاؾ 6982 4:627
ؼؾگبؼ ظؼاؾ.............
یکی ؼا ثعاؼغ ثجؽ ثؽ ثبؾ
کكی ؼا کدب پؽؼاع ث بؾ
642:69 206.
ق ک ضاػ ثزبثػل ؼثػاى 6980 4:627
................................ ثؽآى
نجیطى کػ گب نبغی ثؽ
642:23 207.
.208 642:26 ؾ ثبغ اعؼآؼغ ظػهبى ثعم وی ظاغ ضاین پیػا قزن 6984 4:627
ک ا ضغ قء هب بغقذ ؼی 2240 4:645
....................قی ............
.209 662:9 چعیي ثگؽظ ؾهب هپیر
.210 670:8 ک ظاب ؾغ ایي ظاقزبى ثؿؼگ ک نیؽی ک ثگؽیؿغ اؾ خگ گؽگ 2276 4:648
ک اؾ ثطذ ثػ ایي چیب قؿغ 2277 4:648
ک ا ؼا وبى ثطذ ثع ضظ کهع
جبیع ک گؽگ اؾ پكم ظؼؼقػ
ظؼ کهع............................
670:9 211.
.212 662:63 چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ گؽظاى قپؽ ثجؽغ ؾ پؽؼظۀ ضیم هؽ 2032 4:649
گؽ پبی خیی قؽل پیم ركذ 2030 4:649
......قی...........................
.213 662:66 چ قؽ خییم پبی یبثی طكذ
.214 670:63 ک ثطذ ثػقذ اژظبی ظژم ثعام آؼغ نیؽ نؽؾ ثعم 2096 4:656
وی ضیؽ ظؼ کبؼ اثوبػ 2423 4:658 .215 662:62 ضؽغهع ؼا ظل ؾ کؽظاؼ ا
گی نبغهبی گی پؽ ؾ ضهن 78 4:674
گبی ث ضهن ................
.216 648:67 ایب آؾهى ؼا بغ ظ چهن
.217 648:69 نگلذ اعؼیي گجػ ریؿ گؽظ ثوبعی چیي ظل پؽ اؾ ظاؽ ظؼظ 79 4:675
نگلزی هوبىثیی ر اعؼ 83 4:675 .218 648:68 چیي ثغ رب ثغ ظؼ ؾهبى
آقبی بؾ رطذ ثلع ري 86 4:675
....ثطذ .....................
.219 649:6 یکی ؼا و ثؽ نعقذ هع
Appendix A (2) 422
گی ثؽ كؽاؾ گی ظؼ هیت 82 4:675
......گ اعؼ .......... گ اعؼ
.220 649:2 یکی ؼا و ؼكزي اعؼ ؼیت
.221 649:0 چیي پؽؼاػ وی ؼؾگبؼ كؿى آهػ اؾ ؼگ گل ؼح ضبؼ 80 4:675
.222 662:68 ؾ لزبغ ثؽ گػؼغ ثف کكی ؾ ظؼاى چؽش آؾهغم ثكی 85 4:675
.223 660:6 گؽ ثگػؼظ آى و ثزؽیكذ ثؽ آى ؾعگبی ثجبیػ گؽیكذ 86 4:675
.224 649:4 گؽظع ؼا یبثین ثؽ چؽش ثؽ ظاهي ظام ضؼنیػ هب 88 4:675
یبؾغ ثکیي ثبؾظ ثگح 89 4:675
.......................ثیبؾظ
.225 649:5 خبعاؼ اگؽ چع کنػ ثؽح
و کنم هبع ثبیػ ثدبی 93 4:675
ثوبع و کنم ایعؼ ث خبی
.226 649:6 وم ؼكذ ثبیػ ثعیگؽ قؽای
.227 649:7 ؼقن قؽای قپحچیكذ ثػاى کل رب ظؼ هبی ؾ ؼح 94 4:676
گی نبغهبى گی ثب یت 636 4:263
................نبظ ایوي ....
گی ثؽ كؽاؾ گی ظؼ هیت
.......كؽاؾین گ ثؽ .........
646:69 228.
اؾ اعیه گؽظى هگؽ گػؼغ ؾ ؼح ر ظیگؽ کكی ثؽضؼغ 6685 4:246
ثگػؼظ...............................
006:6 229.
اؾ اعیه گؽظى هگؽ گػؼغ ؾ ؼح ر ظیگؽ کكی ثؽضؼغ 6685 4:246
ثگػؼظ...............................
086:67 230.
ثجطهبی ثؽ ی ثگب یبؾ 6464 4:263
ثؽثؽ ثجطهبی ؼؾ یبؾ
کكی ک جیػ ثدؿ کبم بؾ
...........قذ خؿ کكی ک عیع
260:66 231.
ثػ آیػ ثػاعیم ؼا کبؼ پیم 6695 4:279
..........ثع آیع ؾثع کؽظم
.232 203:0 ؽ آکف ک ا گن کػ ؼا ضیم
ظلی ؼاغ ظاؼغ ری پبؼقب 6832 4:286
......، ظلی .........کلی
.233 655:66 ضک آکكی ک ثغ پبغنب
ضؽغ ثگؽظ ظؼ ثی گؽظغ 6830 4:286 ثعاػ ک گیزی ثػ ثگػؼغ
........ثؽ.................
655:62 234.
.235 203:4 كب چى ظؼضزی ثغ هی ظاؼ کدب ؽ ؾهبی آیػ ثجبؼ 2666 4:035
چ ضؽیؿ گؽظغ قؽ قؽكؽاؾ ثزطذ کیی ثؽ وبػ ظؼاؾ 2228 4:060
........... ظل ......................
266:62 236.
.237 260:60 خؿ اؾ یک بهی جبیػ گؿیػ ثجبیػ چؽیػ ثجبیػ چویػ 2252 4:065
وبى پؽظۀ ؼاؾب ثؽظؼغ 2053 4:026
ثؽظؼیع............... کى
قپؽ ثلع اؼ كؽااى کهػ
کهیع........................
668:62 238.
.239 603:64 ثػ ثؽ رم ثػ ؼقیػؾ کؽظاؼ هدی ای پكؽ ثع ثػ ؼا کلیػ 2069 4:022
هکي ثػ چ ظای ک اؾ کبؼ ثػ ثلؽخبم ثؽ ثعکم ثػ ؼقػ 2073 4:020
................چ خیی ثعای
603:60 240.
.241 603:62 چ ضای ک ربج ر هبػ ثدبی هجبغی خؿ آكز پبک ؼای 2074 4:020
رب ربج ثب قؽ چگلذ گ کي ک ک ثب هـؿد ای قؽ ضؽغ ثبغ خلذ 2075 4:020
.....................ضظ .............
603:66 242.
گؽ کبم ظل یبكزی بم خی 2403 4:026
..............................اگؽ
ثزبؾ ثبؾ و کبم خی
.............................ثجبؾ
603:8 243.
وبى پیم یؿظاى قؽدبم ثػ 2456 4:028
هبػ ؾ ر بم ثػجبیػ ک
ث گیزی ثوبع ؾ هي بم ثع
603:65 244.
عاػوی لهکؽ اؾ نؽیبؼ 2523 4:002
...............کزؽ...........
چیي آهػ ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼ
................ثعایع کیي
648:65 245.
عاػ وی لهکؽ اؾ نؽیبؼ 2520 4:332
...............کزؽ...........
چیي آهػ ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼ
................ثعایع کیي
234:8 246.
اؾ ظاغ ثیین ن ؾ قزن 2526 4:002
..... ؾن ...............
و ثعؼغ پیؽ ثؽب ثن
.................ثعؼظ وی
648:66 247.
Appendix A (2) 423
اؾ ظاغ ثیین ن ؾ قزن 2526 4:002
..... ؾن ...............
و ثعؼغ پیؽ ثؽب ثن
.................ثعؼظ وی
234:9 248.
ثعاػ ک ایي یک ثػ ثگػؼغ 2796 4:049
....................ثعایع کیي
ؽ آکف ک ظاؼغ ؼام ضؽغ
.....ظاؼیع ؼای ................
603:66 249.
چؽا ثبیعد ظؼظ اع ؼح 2792 4:049
........................ثبیع ایي...
و ؼكزی این گیزی قپح
603:67 250.
ؾ ؽظقذ چثی كؽاؾ آؼین ثعنوي ثوبین ضظ ثگػؼین 2790 4:049
..............چیؿی .............
603:68 251.
ک ثظػ ثب رطذ كؽ کال 2797 4:049
........كؽ رطذ .............
.252 603:69 نگ ؼ رب ثکبـ نبؾ
.253 603:23 خؿ اؾ بم اؾیهبى ثگیزی وبع کكی بهۀ ؼكزگبى ثؽ طاع 2798 4:049
.254 234:63 خبؽا چیي اقذ آییي ظیي وبعقذ واؼ ظؼ ث گؿیي 0394 4:076
.255 234:66 یکی ؼا ؾ ضبک قی ثؽ کهػ یکی ؼا ؾ رطذ کیبى ظؼ کهػ 0395 4:076
چیي اقذ ؼقن قؽای گؿع 0396 4:076
ؾیي نبغ ثبنػ ؾآى هكزوع
ؾیي ظؼظهع ........... ؾآى...
234:62 256.
ثگؽظغ وی ؾاى ثػیي ؾیي ثػاى 0607 4:074
..........ثؽیي ....................
.257 234:60 خبى ؼا چیي اقذ آییي قبى
و کیي لؽیي ظؼظقذ ؼح 22 5:5
وی کیي لؽیي ؼح یبیع
.258 268:2 هبى ؾیي قؽای قپح هگؽ ثؽ
ثزعی گؽایػ خبى یب ثوؽ 457 5:04
....گؽ......................
کزب چى ؼغ ثؽ قؽم ثؽ قپؽ
ک رب چى نظ ثؽ قؽهب قپؽ
268:4 259.
.260 268:0 ثدؿ ؼح قطزی جین ؾ ظؽ پؽاگع ثؽ خبی رؽیبک ؾؽ 569 5:40
.261 268:5 چیكذ گیبى بپبیعاؼ ظؼ رطن ثػ رب رای هکبؼ 910 5:71
ک هبی عاؼغ ؾ ظام ثكی 699 5:95
چ بضل ثظ ظقزی ثب کكی
..................................ک
203:2 262.
اؾ اعاؾ ثؽرؽ جبیػ ثؽیػ 876 5:657
.....ثجبیع .................
.263 203:6 ضعاع قؽ ثؽکهیػؼی کؿ
.264 090:5 ظي گؽ ثوبػ ؾ ضؼظى ری اؾ آى ث ک بقبؾ ضای ی 6306 5:675
گ کي ک ظابی پیهیي چ گلذ ثػاگ ک ثگهبغ ؼاؾ اؾ لذ 6047 5:232
..........ایؽاى .....................
266:66 265.
ظنوي ک ظاب ثغ ث ؾ ظقذ چ اثب ظنوي ظقذ ظام کقذ 6048 5:232
.....................................ک
636:26 266.
.267 266:62 ک ظنوي ک ظاب ثغ ث ؾ ظقذ اثب ظنوي ظقذ ظام کقذ 6048 5:232
.268 266:60 ثؽاعیهػ آکف ک ظاب ثغ ؾ کبؼی ک ثؽ ی راب ثغ 6049 5:232
عاؼغ ؼاىثدكزم ضكز 6053 5:230
..............ؼد ..........
.269 266:64 ؾ چیؿی ک ثبنػ ثؽ براى
گی کی پیم آؼغد گب هؽ 659 5:270
گی ل یبثین اؾ گب ؾؽ
چیكذ کؽظاؼ گؽظاى قپؽ
گؽظع ظؽ..................
278:60 270.
.271 278:7 اعؼ قؽای قپحچ ثعی ظل چ ظای ک ایػؼ وبی هؽح 663 5:270
.272 278:6 عاػ کكی آؼؾی خبى طاػ گهبغى ثوب ثؽ بى 703 5:279
کچبى ظؼضذ آكؽیعى کهذ 776 5:280
....................کؿ ثبؼؼرؽ
ظؼضزی ثکهزن ثطؽم ثهذ
.......ث ثبؽ .................
29:6 273.
ثپیم ؾبى ؼاؾ ؽگؿ هگی چ گیی قطي ثبؾیبثی ثکی 09 5:295
.............................ک پیم
006:20 274.
.275 006:22 ثکبؼی هکي یؿ كؽهبى ؾى ک ؽگؿ جیی ؾی ؼای ؾى 43 5:295
ثوؽظی ظام یبثػ ؼب 72 5:298
ک یبثع ؼب.................
.276 278:8 اؾیي ثؽ نػ ریؿ چگ اژظب
Appendix A (2) 424
آکف ک ظاؼغ ضؽغچیي ظاػ 209 5:062
ؽ آکف ک ثػ کؽظ کیلؽ ثؽغ
ثع یک ثؽ هب وی ثگػؼظ
088:6 277.
.278 075:68 ثػ یک ثؽ هب وی ثگػؼغ چیي ظاػ آکف ک ظاؼغ ضؽغ 209 5:062
.279 266:65 ؽآکف ک ظاؼغ ؼام ضؽغ قؽهبی کبؼب ثگؽغ 080 5:020
.280 284:64 ؽچ ثؽ گلزم ؼی یكذ قطي ظؼضزی ثغ کم ثؽ ثی یكذ 088 5:024
.281 078:67 اگؽ خبى ر ثكپؽغ ؼا آؾ نغ ؼا ثی قغ ثؽ ر ظؼاؾ 089 5:024
ؽآکثغ هؽظم قؽكؽاؾ ؿیجػ ک ثب ؾى هیػ ثؽاؾ 465 5:003
ثع گلذ کؿ هؽظم قؽكؽاؾ
007:0 282.
.283 007:4 گؽ کغکبى ؼا ثکبؼی ثؿؼگ كؽقزی جبنی ظلیؽ قزؽگ 466 5:003
.284 052:4 هیبؾاؼ کف ؼا ک آؾاغ هؽظ قؽ اعؼ یبؼغ ثآؾاؼ ظؼظ 939 5:068
.285 290:9 کكی ثبنػ اؾ ثطذ پیؽؾ نبغ ک ثبنػ ویه ظلم پؽ ؾ ظاغ 6366 5:077
قزغ جبنع ثؽ ادوي 6663 5:085
جبنع ث ؽ ادوي.......
.286 290:63 عای ک هؽظاى پیوبى نکي
هگؽ هؽگ کبؽا ظؼی ظیگؽقذ 6200 5:096
................ ؼا کبى ..............
و کبؼب ؼا ثگیزی ظؼقذ
........کبؼبی خبى ؼا .....
622:8 287.
.288 66:62 کدب نػ كؽیعى نگ خن ؾ ثبغ آهػ ثبؾگؽظغ ثعم 6420 5:466
.289 66:60 هب ؼا قپؽظع خبیثؽكزع وبػ کف اعؼ قپدی قؽای 6425 5:466
ک ظاب ؾغ اؾ گلزۀ ثبقزبى 6563 5:420
.................یبظ آؼظ ...
ؾ ظاب ر هیػی آى ظاقزبى
.........آى............. ؾ ظوبى
085:68 290.
ک گؽ ثؽ ثؽد ثچۀ ؽ نیؽ نغ ریؿ ظعاى گؽظغ ظلیؽ 6566 5:424
...............پؽؼی .......
085:69 291.
طكذ اعؼ آیػ ؾ پؽؼظگبؼ 6562 5:424
.............ث..................
.292 085:23 چ قؽ ثؽکهػ ؾغ خیػ نکبؼ
آؼ ریؿچگ وبى نیؽ خگ 653 5:453 .293 278:9 ثعؼیب گ ثبهى پلگ
5:466 اگؽ ظیي پؽقزی گؽ اؽهی 268
..........ؼ...................
.294 622:5 ثؽیؿی ثطبک اؼ و ؾآی
ثوؽظ ضؽغهع ثكیبؼ ل 044 5:467
ثكپبؼ گل................
ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی پكؽ ؼا هکل
..................ثؽؾی ..............
66:65 295.
قلؽ کؽظ وؽا هب هبع این ؾ کبؼ گػنز ثكی ضاع این 045 5:467
..............................گػؼ
66:64 296.
.297 66:63 گیؽغ رؽا ظقذ خؿ یکی گؽ اؾ پیؽ ظاب قطي ثهی 047 5:467
.298 622:6 ؾ ضبکین ن ضبک ؼا ؾاظ این ثجیچبؼگی ظل ثػ ظاغ این 04 5:502
گلم ؾؽ بثكذ ضیؽ هجی 459 5:565
ک ا ؾظ پیچع ؾ خیع ؼی
رای هدیر ؼاؾ خبى رب
256:62 299.
کكی ظیگؽ آیػ کؿ ثؽضؼغ 469 6:07
ثیک ثجػ ؼؾ ر ثگػؼغ
........ثوبع ویي ؼؾ هب
262:9 300.
ثػیي هؽکؿ ضهک پؽگبؼ رگ 473 6:07
...................هب ..............
وبى بم کنن ک هبػ گ
.........، ...................وی
59:68 301.
ثػیي هؽکؿ ضهک پؽگبؼ رگ 473 6:07
..................هب ..............
ؾ ر بم ثبیػ ک هبػ گ
................وی بم کنن
086:66 302.
رؽا ثؽ کیي آیػ کبؼؾاؼ 976 6:69
..........................هؽا
.303 42:2 جبیع کؿیي گؽظل ؼؾگبؼ
رؽا ثؽ کیي آیػ کبؼؾاؼ 976 6:69
............................هؽا
.304 005:69 جبیع کؿیي گؽظل ؼؾگبؼ
.305 66:66 ؽ آکف ک ؾایػ ثجبیػل هؽظ اگؽ نؽیبؼقذ اگؽ هؽظ ضؽظ 6769 6:623
ؽ آکف ک ؾایػ ثجبیػل هؽظ 6769 6:623
اگؽ نؽیبؼقذ اگؽ هؽظ ضؽظ
اگؽ هؽظ ضؽظ اگؽ نؽیبؼاقذ
ؽ آکف ک ؾایع ثجبیعل هؽظ
622:0 306.
Appendix A (2) 425
.307 622:4 گؽ رب ک ثیی ثگؽظ خبى ک ا یكذ اؾ هؽگ ضكز ؼاى 1800 6:122
چ یبؾی ثؽح چ بؾی ثگح 6826 6:624
چ بؾی ث رطذ چ یبؾی ث گح
.308 42:0 وبی وی ظؼ قؽای قپح
ثعؼیؽ آى ثؽ ک کبؼی وبى 6857 6:626
................کهزی ........ وبى
عای ک چى پیم ظاؼ نی
..........................ظگؽ گلذ
42:4 309.
ؽ آى ثؽ ک کبؼی وبى ثعؼی 6857 6:626
................کهزی ........ وبى
عای ک چى پیم ظاؼ نی
..........................ظگؽ گلذ
005:23 310.
ظاغقذ پیػا ضان قزن 6897 6:628
پیعا قزن.................
.311 278:63 ؾ ثبغ اعؼآؼغ ثؽغ قی ظم
کزؽ ثػیي ظقذ گیؽغ نب 6898 6:628
.......یبثع ...... ثؽیي .........
.312 278:66 یبثی ثچى چؽا یؿ ؼا
.313 42:5 و یکیی ثبیػ هؽظهی خاى هؽظی ضؼظى ضؽهی 6899 6:628
.314 42:6 خؿایذ جین وی ثؽۀی اگؽ کزؽ آیی اگؽ نؽۀی 6933 6:628
ضل ؼؾ یبثی ث ضؽم ثهذ 6936 6:628
ضؽم ثهذ –ػلبهللا –یبثی
.315 59:23 اگؽ هبػ ایػؼ ؾ ر بم ؾنذ
چ یکرؽ اؾ هؽظ ثؽب پیؽ 008 6:267
ظاب ظثیؽ.......................
ضک هؽظ ثبظام یبغگیؽ
..........................هگؽ
004:22 316.
قؿظ گؽ هیع ثؽ خبی پیؽ 043 6:267
خابى ظاب ظام پػیؽ
.............ظابی .........
604:68 317.
.318 060:0 ربج رطذچ ثب ؼح ثبنی چ ثب ثجبیػد ثكزي ثلؽخبم ؼضذ 528 6:203
.319 278:62 اگؽ ؾآی چؽش ثگعاؾغد چ گهزی کي یؿ اؾغد 529 6:203
.320 66:6 اگؽ نؽیبؼی گؽ ؾیؽظقذ خؿ اؾ ضبک ریؽ یبثی هكذ 500 6:203
.321 66:7 کدب آى ثؿؼگبى ثب ربج رطذ کدب آى قاؼاى پیؽؾ ثطذ 504 6:203
قؽاىکدب آى ثؿؼگبى خگی 505 6:203
...............قؽاكؽاؾ .......
.322 66:8 کدب آى ضؽغهع گعآؼاى
.323 66:9 و ضبک ظاؼع ثبلیي ضهذ ضک آک خؿ رطن یکی کهذ 506 6:203
.324 265:5 ثعاى ای پكؽ کیي قؽای كؽیت عاؼغ رؽا نبغهبى ثی یت 553 6:206
ک ا ؼا ثغ یؿ اجبؾ یبؼ 592 6:204
.......وجبؾ....................
.325 659:7 قطي یچ هكؽای ثب ؼاؾظاؼ
.326 083:63 کؽا آؼؾ ثیم ریوبؼ ثیم ثکل ثپل ه آؾ پیم 45 6:244
چ یبؾی ثبم چ ربؾی ثؽح 664 6:253
..........................بؾی ...
.327 265:6 چ قبؾی وی ؾیي قؽای قپح
گح ر بقؿااؼ کفضؼغ 665 6:253
......................ؼح.......
رؽا رگ ربثد ثؽقذ ثف
228:64 328.
.329 228:65 گیؽغ ؾ ر یبغ كؽؾع ر ؿظیک ضیهبى پیع ر 666 6:253
.330 228:66 ؾ هیؽاس ظنبم یبثی ر ثؽ و ؾؽ نػ پبقص پبی ؾؽ 667 6:253
ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی هؽل ثگلزبؼ گلک ظیاؼ ظاؼغ 22 6:256
چ گلذ آى قطي گی پبقص یل
657:69 331.
اگؽ چع ضاػ رؽا نؽیبؼ 54 6:258
..........................گؽ
.332 93:68 ؾ ظنوي هکي ظقزی ضاقزبؼ
اگؽ چع ضاػ رؽا نؽیبؼ 54 6:258
..........................گؽ
.333 083:68 ضاقزبؼ ؾ ظنوي هکي ظقزی
اگؽ پبی گیؽی قؽ آیػ ثعقذ 55 6:258
..............................گؽ
ظؼضزی ثغ قجؿ ثبؼل کجكذ
..................................
93:69 334.
اگؽ پبی گیؽی قؽ آیػ ثعقذ 55 6:258
..............................گؽ
ظؼضزی ثغ قجؿ ثبؼل کجكذ
..................................
083:69 335.
.336 083:62 ثعل یؿ اعیهۀ ثػ هعاؼ ثػاعیم ثػظل ثغ ؼؾ کبؼ 57 6:258
Appendix A (2) 426
کع ؼؾگبؼ................
ؼا ؾثبؽا چ ریؽ کوبعاؼ ظل ر ایي ظاقزبى هي آقبى هگیؽ 76 6:259
کوبى ظاؼ ظل ؼا ؾثبذ چ ریؽ
284:65 337.
گهبغد ثؿ ثبیػ ظقذ ؼاقذ هب ث ؾاى هبى کذ اقذ 72 6:259
گهبظ ثؽد ثبنع ظقذ ؼاقذ
285:6 338.
وی ؼاى اؾآى قبى قطي کذ اقذ 70 6:259
ک ضای قطي........................
ؾثبى ظلذ ثب ضؽغ ظاؼ ؼاقذ
ؼاقذ کي .......................
285:2 339.
ؼا چؽ ثی ؼگ ظاؼثػ اعیم 83 6:263 .340 067:68 ر ثب ظنوذ ؼش پؽ آژگ ظاؼ
کچى ظقذ یبثع ثعؼغد پقذ 89 6:263
.............................کدب
.341 668:66 ر گؽ ثبهی ههوؽ ا ؼا ثعقذ
ثکف ثؽ وبػ خبى خبغاى ثؽ ربج ظاؼ ثؽ هثػاى 02 6:265
......................ک ثؽ کف
662:66 342.
ثبعیه ؼد چ ظاؼی ؼاى 06 6:266
چیي ثغ رب ثغ چؽش ظاى
ؼاى..........................
228:67 343.
ربثد یكذ رؽا خبی خؿ رگ 08 6:266
............................هین ر
ؼاذ گؽ اؾ آؾ كؽرد یكذ
662:67 344.
چ ریؿی کی ري ثطاؼی ثغ 9 6:273
...................کع ...........
.345 068:6 قؽ هؽظهی ثؽظثبؼی ثغ
ظؼم گؽظ کؽظى ثعل یبغ ظانذ 66 6:273
.......ث ظل ثبظ .................
راگؽ ثغ آک ظل ؼاغ ظانذ
............راگؽرؽ آى ک ظلی
098:6 346.
عاؼغ ثبؼؾک ثی چیؿ ؼا کف 62 6:273
کف ؼا عاؼع اؼؾ............
.347 098:5 اگؽ یكزذ چیؿ لطزی ثؼؾ
.348 075:65 ظلیؽی ؾ هیبؼ ثغى ثغ ظالؼ ثدبی قزغى ثغ 9 6:286
ن آاؾ ثب ثػظلی کبلیكذ 66 6:286
وبى کبلی ر اؾ ثػ ظلیكذ
...............هؽظم ............
075:66 349.
.350 075:67 وبى یكذ ثب هؽظ ثػضا ؼای پع گیؽی ثیکی گؽایاگؽ 8 6:285
ضؽغهع اؾ یؿ پؽضبل ضؽ 604 6:033
ضؽظهع اگؽ هؽظ پؽضبنطؽ
ثوؽظی ظام یبثی گػؼ
.....یبثع ....................
646:65 351.
.352 646:66 ثجبنػ و ثغی ثی گوبى زبثین ثب گؽظل آقوبى 605 6:033
ضک نب ثب ظاغ یؿظاى پؽقذ کؿ نبغ ثبنػ ظل ؾیؽظقذ 626 6:008
................ظاظ ..............
245:66 353.
.354 245:62 ثجبیػ ضؽغ نب ؼا بگؿیؽ ن آهؾل هؽظ ثؽب پیؽ 627 6:009
ثؽ کبؼب ربؾ ظاؼغ قپؽ 628 6:009
..................کبم ب ......
چى گؽایػ ثوؽ ظل پبغن
......................پبظنب ....
245:63 355.
هگؽ هؽظم یک یؿظاى پؽقذ 629 6:009
..................پبک .............
.356 678:64 گ گبؼ ثبنػ ري ؾیؽظقذ
هگؽ هؽظم یک یؿظاى پؽقذ 629 6:009
..................پبک .............
.357 290:8 ثبنػ ري ؾیؽظقذگ گبؼ
6:009 n. 11 و ؼض ظؼ ظاغ ظیي آؼغ
گؽ اؾ کف ظل نب کیي آؼغ
.....................اگؽ ؾ
678:60 358.
6:009 n. 11 و ؼض ظؼ ظاغ ظیي آؼغ
گؽ اؾ کف ظل نب کیي آؼغ
.....................اگؽ ؾ
290:7 359.
خني اعظگؽ آلذ ري ؼا 603 6:009
اع قپب ري ..............
ظل هـؿ هؽظم ظ هیؽ ري اع
........نب .......................
295:67 360.
ثهیػی آى ؼای پبلغ نػ 606 6:009
گهذ............................
چ هـؿ ظل هؽظم آلغ نػ
گهذ.............................
295:68 361.
.362 295:69 ثػاى ري ظؼ آلغ گؽظغ ؼاى قپ چى ثغ نبغ ثی پلاى 602 6:009
Appendix A (2) 427
.............آقیو .............. ..................ؾیع ...........
ري ثی ؼاى ؼا ثطبک اكگػ 600 6:009
اكگع...........................
چ ؼني جبنػل ثپؽاگػ
ثپؽاگعجبنع ..............
295:23 363.
خبى ؾ نغ پبک ؾیؽ ؾثؽ 604 6:009
ؽآى نب ک گهذ ثیعاغگؽ
.........چ نع نب ن چیي
246:66 364.
خبى ؾ نغ پبک ؾیؽ ؾثؽ 604 6:009
ؽ آى پبغن کقذ ثیعاغگؽ
.........چ نع نب ن چیي
077:7 365.
.366 246:62 ثؽ ثؽ پف اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ وبى بم ا نب ثی ظیي ثغ 605 6:009
.367 077:8 ثؽ ثؽ پف اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ وبى بم ا نب ثی ظیي ثغ 605 6:009
ؽ آى پبغن ک ثجػ ؼا خكذ ؾیکیم ثبیػ ظل ظقذ نكذ 607 6:043
............پبظنب کخؿیي ........
246:60 368.
ؽ آى پبغن ک ثجػ ؼا خكذ ؾیکیم ثبیػ ظل ظقذ نكذ 607 6:043
............پبظنب کخؿیي ........
077:9 369.
.370 246:64 ؾ کهؼل ثپؽاگػ ؾیؽظقذ وبى اؾ ظؼل هؽظ ضكؽ پؽقذ 608 6:043
.371 077:63 ؾ کهؼل ثپؽاگػ ؾیؽظقذ وبى اؾ ظؼل هؽظ ضكؽ پؽقذ 608 6:043
ظاب چ گیػ ویعای ک ظلذ ؼا ؾ کژی ثهیػ وی 609 6:043
...........................جیی
654:0 372.
.373 654:4 ک ؽ نب ک ؼا قزبیم ثغ و کبؼل اعؼ كؿایم ثغ 643 6:043
.374 654:5 کیػ ثبنػ خلب پیه هؽظ ثگؽظ ظؼ آؾظاؼاى هگؽظ 646 6:043
.375 205:67 نؽیبؼثعاى ای ثؽاغؼ ک اؾ ثدیػ ضؽغهع ؽ گ کبؼ 642 6:043
.376 205:68 یکی آک پیؽؾگؽ ثبنػ ای ؾ ظنوي زبثػ گ خگ ؼی 640 6:043
وبى ثب کي ظؼپؽقزبى ضیم 647 6:043
.....................گؽ..........
ظگؽ آک ثب ؾیؽظقزبى ضیم
........................چبؼم ک
205:69 377.
.378 206:6 عاؼغ ظؼ گح ؼا ثكز قطذ ظؼضذوی ثبؼظ اؾ نبش ثبؼ 648 6:043
ثگؽظ وغ رب رای هگؽظ 63 6:053
ث گؽظ ظؼ آؾ ؽگؿ هگؽظ
ظل هؽظ بهغ ثغ پؽ ؾ ظؼظ
ظل آؾؼهؽظ ثبنع ث ظؼظ
380:9 379.
چ ربؾی ثکیي چ بؾی ثگح 06 6:056
.............................یبؾی...
هزبؾ هبؾ هیبؾ هؽح
.........هیبؾ هزبؾ هبؾ
265:7 380.
رؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ریؽ کی ؽ خی ؼاؾ خبى ؼا هدی 02 6:056
گی.................... ک ثؽ ر
265:8 381.
.382 265:9 ک گؽ ثبؾ یبثی ثپیچی ؾ ظؼظ پژم هکي گؽظ ؼاؾل هگؽظ 00 6:056
ثوبی ثچگ ا ثی ا 62 6:356
ثؽگؿیی ثگیزی ار گؽ
....ؾگیزی ........... گؽ
679:63 383.
اؾ آى ث ک ثیعاغ خگ اكگی 66 6:056
ثی ظاظ گح آگین...............
چ اعؼ خبى ظاغ ثپؽاگی
ثپؽاگین................. گؽ
679:66 384.
ر ثب ؼای ا قطذ ثلهبؼ پبی 269 6:082
ثبییچ هلؿای ................
.385 676:62 قپؽ ؼاى ؼا چیي اقذ ؼای
.386 679:60 ثػیب ثجؽ اؾ هبى ثگػؼغ قؽ هؽظ ثبیػ ک ظاؼغ ضؽغ 268 6:082
.387 676:60 ظلی ؼا پؽ اؾ هؽ ظاؼغ قپؽ ظلی پؽ ؾ کیي پؽ آژگ چؽ 273 6:082
چبى چى چوبػ ثجبیػ چویػ 276 6:082
....................ک ......
.388 676:64 خبعاؼ گیزی چیي آكؽیػ
قؿظ گؽ خبؽا ثجػ كپؽین 584 6:466
یکبیک ثثذ وی ثگػؼین
.........و .................
263:69 389.
یبؾم ثؽح بؾم ثگح 586 6:466
بؾم ث ربج یبؾم ث گح
.390 266:2 جعم ظل اعؼ قؽای قپح
ضؼنیػ هبزبثػ ثجبیكذ 706 6:470
ؾ گؽظى زبثع ث ثبیكذ هب
.391 078:9 چ ثیعاغگؽ نػ خبعاؼ نب
Appendix A (2) 428
وی ثكزؽغ هؽگ ظیاب ثپبی آؼغ کبش ایاب 6260 6:563
.........................و
66:66 392.
ک ربج کوؽ ثؽ ظیگؽ کف اقذ 6265 6:563
ک ربج کوؽ ضظ وبع ث کف
ثوبػ ثف اقذؾ گیزی قزبیم
ث گیزی قزبیم ثوبعد ثف
46:69 393.
ک ربج کوؽ ثؽ ظیگؽ کف اقذ 6265 6:563
ک ربج کوؽ ضظ وبع ث کف
ؾ گیزی قزبیم ثوبػ ثف اقذ
ث گیزی قزبیم ثوبعد ثف
59:26 394.
ک گیزی وبػ ویه ثکف 6645 6:509
ثی آؾاؼی ظاظ خییع ثف
خییػ ثفو ضثی ظاغ
ک گیزی پبیع هبع ث کف
078:63 395.
هکي اؾ پی ایي هعؼ ظاؼی 2499 6:637
ک گیزی ق ؼؾقذ چى ثگؽی
چ گیزی ق ؼؾقذ چى ثگؽی
ثع گلذ کرب نع ظاؼی
052:5 396.
جبنن اؾ اعیه اهؽؾ کؾ 2533 6:637
...........................جبنین
كؽظا یبهع ؾک ظی ؼكذ
................... ......... چ
052:6 397.
چبین ثب هؽگ چى ثبغ ثؽگ 2588 6:664
ن ایعؼ رؽا قبضزي یكذ ثؽگ
ثزؽقػ وی قگ آي ؾ هؽگ
...........................ظل .........
684:6 398.
چ ثب ؾیؽظقذ چ ثب نؽیبؼ 67 7:4
پؽؼظ ظاع پؽؼظگبؼ
چیي آهػ ایي چؽش بپبیػاؼ
................گلذ کیي .....
263:23 399.
نکبؼی ک پیم آیػل ثهکؽغ 68 7:4
.........ثبیع وی ..............
.400 266:6 ثزبج گؽاوبیگبى گؽغ
ثجبیػد ؼكزي ؾ خبی قپح 25 7:5
اگؽ قػ ثوبی اگؽ ثیكذ پح
...............گؽ................
684:7 401.
قؿظ گؽ طای وی پبیعاؼ 26 7:5
.......ؼا .....................
.402 684:8 ؽ آى چیؿ کآیػ وی ظؼ نوبؼ
.403 677:2 وبػ ثؽیي ضبک خبیػ کف ؾ ؽ ثػ ثیؿظاى پبیػ ثف 66 7:66
وبع خبیػ کفوبع رؽا رنۀ ؼاقزی ثبغ ثف 606 7:26
.............وبع ثؽیي ضبک
078:66 404.
چ ضاػ ضػاع ضغ ؼا وبل 8 7:02
ضظ ؼا وبل ک ضاع وی نب
ؽآکف ک ثػ ثبنػ ثػ قگبل
ؽآکف کدب ثبنع ا ثع قگبل
650:26 405.
چ پػیؽغ اؾ ضم اككؽ کیػ 9 7:02
کن................................
طكزیي ثپعل رگؽ کیػ
راگؽ کن..................
650:22 406.
ثیژ کكی ک ثغ پبؼقب 62 7:02
هجبنیػ گكزبش ثؽ پبغنب
.......ثب .................
294:65 407.
.408 294:66 ک ا گب ؾؽقذ گ پبی ؾؽ هدییع اؾ ؾؽ رؽیبک ثؽ 60 7:02
.409 294:67 ؾ گیزی ر ضهغی نب خی ربؾ ؼی هه پیم رطزم هگؽ 64 7:02
.410 294:68 چ ضهن آؼظ نب پؾل گؿیي وی ضاى ثجیعاغ ظاغ آكؽیي 65 7:02
اگؽ کبؼ ثعیػ پع هؽا قطي گلزي قغهع هؽا 68 7:02
.....................گؽ
295:6 411.
.412 295:2 یبثیػ گحؾ نببى ظاع کكی ؼا عیػم ؾ ظام ثؽح 69 7:02
ري آقبی بم ثبیػ گؿیػ 09 7:04
...................نکیجبیی
ؿن هؽگ ؽکف ثطاػ چهیػ
..........................ک ایي ظؼظ
684:9 413.
یکی ظاغ ضاػل ظیگؽ قزن 43 7:04
................................
.414 684:63 ؾ ثبغ آهػ ثبؾ گؽظغ ثعم
جبنػ ثؽ کبؼ كؽیبغ ؼـ 646 7:40
خبى ثع قگبلع گیع ث کف
خبى ثػ قگبلػ گیػ ثکف
چیي گلذ کبیي ایؿظی ثظ ثف
052:9 415.
.416 290:66 ثؿؼگ آکكی ک ثگلزبؼ ؼاقذ ؾثبؽا ثیبؼاقذ کژی طاقذ 5 7:56
ثیبثػ ثعاغ آكؽیي اؾ هبى 7 7:56
ث ظاظ آكؽیي هبى.....
.417 290:62 رطذ ضهغی اعؼ خبىػ
.418 263:8 قطي ؼا ثجبیػ نیػ اؾ طكذ چ ظاب نػی پبقص آؼ ظؼقذ 63 7:52
Appendix A (2) 429
... .....نیعى ............... ........آیع ...... نظ .........
ی ظام ا یبیػ ثكؽ 66 7:52
ث ثؽ.....................
.419 263:9 چ ظاع هؽظم ثغ آؾؼ
.420 090:7 راگؽ کدب قطذ ثبنػ ثچیؿ كؽهبی رؽ نػ ؾ ظؼیم یؿ 64 7:52
ثعیاگی هبػ آى ظاؼی 65 7:52
........ایي .................
.421 090:6 چ ظؼیم بظاى کػ هزؽی
.422 090:8 چ ضؽقع ثبنی ثعاغ ضعای راگؽ نػی یک ظل پبک ؼای 68 7:52
ؽگؿ وؽظ ثویؽغ رم بم 23 7:52
کكی ؼا ک ظام ثغ رن ثؽظ
.................وبى ؼا ک ثطهم
673:2 423.
خبى خبؽا ثجػ هكپؽیػ 26 7:50
كپؽیع....................
و ري ثزي ظقذ یکی ثؽیػ
....................و قؽ ث قؽ
673:0 424.
قبلیبى هجبغثلزبغ نػ جػ ؼؾ پیؽی ن اؾ هؽگ نبغ 068 7:82
..................ث هزبظ
684:66 425.
و ؼح آقبیم نػ بى 069 7:82
نع آى گح آقبی ؼگ ثی
ثوؽظ ا نػ هؽ ظؼی ؾ خبى
ظؼی هبع اؾی هؽ ثوؽظ خبى
684:62 426.
.427 669:65 ثزطذ هی ثؽ ؽ آکف ک ظاغ کع ظؼ ظل ا ثبنػ اؾ ظاغ نبغ 22 7:89
.428 673:4 ؽآکف ک اعیه ثػ کػ ثلؽخبم ثػ ثب ري ضغ کػ 20 7:89
ثػیي پؽظ ظؼ ضلن ؼا ؼا یكذ 25 7:89
...........ظل اعؼ هؽا ث رگی
.429 673:5 اؾ اعیهۀ ظل کف آگب یكذ
کػ ثی گوبى ؽ کف اؾ ظاغ یبغ 26 7:89
نبظ.............................. ثظ
.430 673:6 ؼا ثغ پیه ظاغاگؽپبغن
.431 009:4 اؾ اهؽؾ کبؼی ثلؽظا هوبى ک ظاػ ک كؽظا چ گؽظغ ؾهبى 27 7:89
.432 203:62 گلكزبى ک اهؽؾ ثبنػ ثجبؼ ر كؽظا چی گل یبیػ ثکبؼ 28 7:89
ثػاگ ک یبثی رذ ؾؼهع ؾ ثیوبؼی اعیم ظؼظ گؿع 29 7:89
..........ري ....................
676:26 433.
ک هب هؽگ ؼا وچ ثبغین ثؽگ 03 7:89
چبین ثب هؽگ چى ثبظ ثؽگ
پف اؾ ؾعگی یبغ کي ؼؾ هؽگ
......................پف ؾعگی
684:60 434.
.435 244:18 چ ثؽضیؿغ اؾ ضاة نب اؾ طكذ ؾ ظنوي ثغ ایوي ري ظؼقذ 09 7:93
.436 244:19 ضؽغهع اؾ ضؼظی ثی یبؾ ؼدكذ آؾكؿی ثؽیي ظؼظ 43 7:93
.437 130:5 اگؽنب ثب ظاغ ثطهبیم اقذ خبى پؽ ؾضثی آؼایم اقذ 46 7:93
.438 130:6 گؽ کژی آؼغ ثعاغ اعؼى کجكزم ثغ ضؼظى آة ضى 42 7:93
.439 675:4 هؽا گح ظاغقذ ظوبى قپب طان ثعیبؼ کؽظى گب 657 7:99
ک گؽظغ ثلؽیي ؼاى کبقز 668 7:633
ک هب ثی یبؾین اؾ آى ضاقز
.........اؾیي ......................
675:5 440.
کؽا گنذ ظؼیم ثبنػ ضؼل ؾ چؽهم ثغ ثی گوبى پؽؼل 669 7:633
..................................گؽ اؾ
675:6 441.
ثؽ آى نب کآثبغ نػ ؾ ؾهیي 676 7:633
ظاؼظ ؾهیي ..................
ک خبیػ ؽ کف کػ آكؽیي
.......کع .....................
675:66 442.
.443 675:7 ثگیزی جبیػ ک اؾ نؽیبؼ ثوبػ خؿ اؾ ؼاقزی یبغگبؼ 200 7:635
ظؼظ ؼح چؽا ثبیػ ایي گح ایي ؼاى ثكزي اعؼ قؽای قپح 204 7:635
........آؾ ..............................
675:8 444.
.445 675:9 چ ایعؼ طای وی آؼهیػ ثجبیػ چؽیػ ثجبیػ چویػ 205 7:635
ثهت ؾیؽ آرم کػ ؽ ظ ظقذ 464 7:622
................................ک نت
پهیوبی اكؿى ضؼی ؾآک هكذ
هكذ پهیوبی آگ ضؼظ هؽظ
078:68 446.
ثیک ظقذ نوهیؽ یک ظقذ هؽ 743 7:645
ثػیي قبى ؼظ آكزبة قپؽ
..........................ثؽیي
676:65 447.
.448 676:66 ثطهبیم آؼغ ثگبم ضهن ضهن آیػل ؼؾ ثطهم ثچهن 746 7:645
Appendix A (2) 430
ک گؽ نبغی اؾ هؽگ هي ر هویؽ 766 7:647
ؽگؿ هویؽ...........................
چیي ظاقزبى ؾغ یکی هؽظ پیؽ
..............................ثؽیي
96:69 449.
ؾ کكؽی اؾ آؿبؾ رب ل ؾاظ 839 7:656
.............ثیبؿبؾ ............
.450 96:23 ک خؿ هؽگ ؼا کف ؾ هبظؼ ؿاغ
ؼب یكذ اؾ چگ هوبؼ هؽگ 863 7:656
کؽگقؽ په پیل ثب هؼ
................................پی
96:26 451.
.452 96:22 ؾهیي گؽ گهبغ کع ؼاؾ ضیم ثپیوبیػ اعاؾۀ کبؾ ضیم 866 7:656
کبؼل پؽ اؾ نؽیبؼاى ثغ ثؽل پؽ ؾ ضى قاؼاى ثغ 862 7:656
.....ربخعاؼاى .................
92:6 453.
پؽ اؾ ضى ؼش چبک پیؽام 860 7:656
ضة ؼش چبک پیؽام......
.454 92:2 پؽ اؾ هؽظ ظاب ثغ ظاهم
.455 92:0 چ اككؽ ی ثؽ قؽد ثؽ چ رؽگ ثؽ ثگػؼغ پؽ پیکبى هؽگ 864 7:656
.456 96:68 اگؽ ضغ گػؼ یبثی اؾ ؼؾ ثػ ثوؽگ کكی نبغ ثبنی قؿغ 866 7:652
.457 92:4 نببى ظاغ ظیگؽ ک اؾ هؽگ گیؽغ کكی یبغ خؿ ثػ ژاغ 867 7:652
ثؽیي ظاقزبى ؾظ یکی هؽل پؽقزبؼ ثبل پهوی پل 852 7:654
...............................ثعیي
96:65 458.
ک ؽ ک ثوؽگ کكی گهذ نبغ ؼا ؼاهم ؾعگبی هجبغ 850 7:654
.............پعؼ ......................
96:66 459.
ؾهب ثؽیكذ ثف ؼني 855 7:655
قذ ثف ؼني ؾهب ثؽیي
آقبیء ظیع ثی ؼح کف
677:6 460.
.461 274:64 ر ثب چؽش گؽظاى هکي ظقزی ک گ هـؿ ایی گ پقزی 856 7:655
.462 274:65 ثعاگ ثغ ثین ؼح گؿع ک گؽظى گؽظاى ثؽ آؼغ ثلع 858 7:655
ؾ ؽ ثػ گؽ ظل عاؼی ثؽح ک ایكذ ؼقن قؽای قپح 947 7:662
.........................ر اؾ هي
274:66 463.
ظلن چى ثغ نبغ گیزی كؽؾ 948 7:660
......................ثعی..........
هؽا ثؽ ایكذ اؾیي ریؽ ؼؾ
..................ایي ثظ ...........
274:67 464.
هطؼاگؽ هؽگ ضای ؿن هي 949 7:660
.................ظای .............
.465 96:67 ؿایع خؿ اؾ هؽگ ؼا خبؼ
.466 297:5 چ پیچی وی ضیؽ ظؼ ثع آؾ چ ظای ک ایػؼ وبی ظؼاؾ 974 7:665
گلم ؾؽ بثكذ ضیؽ هجی 975 7:665
گلم ؾؽ ظاؼظ، ث قیؽی هجی
ر ؼاؾ خبى رب رای هدی
خبى ؼا هدیگػؼ خی چعیي
256:62 467.
.468 297:6 ؽ خی ریوبؼ ثیهی هطؼ ک گیزی قپدكذ هب ثؽ گػؼ 6396 7:679
ثغ رطذ نبی ثػ پبیعاؼ 6072 7:230
.......ثؽ.............. نظ
.469 669:66 کػ آكؽیي ربج ثؽ نؽیبؼ
ثػ اعیم هیػ اؾ نبغ ثطذ 6070 7:230
ثطذهیع گؽظظ ؾ .........
.470 669:67 ثبؾغ ثػ ربج نبی رطذ
.471 673:6 چ ثؽگؽظغ ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼ اؾ بم یکی ثغ یبغگبؼ 6074 7:230
.472 260:66 چ ثب ظاغ ثگهبیػ اؾ گح ثع ثوبػ پف اؾ هؽگ بهم ثلع 6093 7:234
چ کبل نغ هؽظ گبم کبؼ اؾ قیؽ گؽظغ ظل ؼؾگبؼ 6466 7:236
ثظ هؽظ ثؽب ث کبؼ...........
047:60 473.
وبػ وی ري ظؼقذ خاى هجبغل راى هجبغل ؼاى 6462 7:236
وبع ؾ برعؼقزی خاى
047:64 474.
.475 083:66 ثچیؿی عاؼغ ضؽغهع چهن کؿ ثبؾهبػ ثپیچػ ؾ ضهن 6449 7:239
قؽد ؼا هجؽربة اؾ آهؾگبؼ 6492 7:260
هجؽربة قؽاؾ آهؾگبؼاى
چ ضای ک ؼح ر آیػ ثجبؼ
ث ثؽ..............................
46:67 476.
وبى ضیم ؿظیک پیع ؼا 6490 7:260
چ كزی ثظ ضیم پیع ؼا
.477 46:68 ظثیؽی ثیبهؾ كؽؾع ؼا
Appendix A (2) 431
وبى بقؿا ؼا قؿااؼ رطذ 6494 7:260
ثطذ..................... کع
ظثیؽی ؼقبػ خاؽا ث ثطذ
رطذ.............................
46:23 478.
ؾ هؽظ اكگع گؽظغ ثلع 6495 7:260
.........................کؿ
.479 47:6 ظثیؽیكذ اؾ پیهب اؼخوع
وبى ثؽظثبؼ قطي یبغگیؽ 6496 7:260
هیع ثؽ پبظنب بگؿیؽ
.480 46:69 چ ثب آلذ ؼای ثبنػ ظثیؽ
ثبعیه هؼی ثیلؿایعل 6498 7:260
.............ثؽ اعیه
.481 639:62 ثالؿذ چ ثب ض گؽظ آیػل
چ ثبنػ ثؽ پبغن بگؿیؽ 6533 7:260
وبى ثؽظثبؼ قطي یبظگیؽ
.482 639:66 ضؽغهع ثبیػ ک ثبنػ ظثیؽ
ؾثبى ضبهم ري ؾ ثػ پبؼقب 6536 7:260
.......ري اؾ ثع ث..............
.483 47:2 هیاؼ قبؾعۀ پبغنب
.484 47:0 نکیجب ثب ظام ؼاقذ گی كبظاؼ پبکیؿ ربؾ ؼی 6532 7:260
جبنػ هكزم خؿ پیهگب 6530 7:260
هگؽ پیم گب..................
.485 47:4 چ ثب ایي ؽب نغ ؿظ نب
جبیػ کی گؽظغ ظل نب رگ 6569 7:265
..............ثبنع ..... ....
.486 096:26 ثلؽهبى نببى جبیػ ظؼگ
چ اؾ ؼوزم ثؽ یبثی ثکل کی ظاؼی ویه ثلؽهبم گل 6528 7:265
......................ثطهم .......
096:23 487.
گ کي ک ثب ؼح بؾقذ گح 6506 7:266
..............بم......................
.488 096:69 پؽقزع گؽ یبثػ اؾ نب ؼح
ک ریؽ کػ ثبؼ ثؽ ربج رطذ 6543 7:266
.......................پؽاگع ...
کیػ ثبنػ ظل آى ظؼضذ
............گل .................
053:69 489.
ثػ هگیؾ کكبی ن پیم ا ک کوزؽ کی ؿظ ا آثؽی 6546 7:266
......................ا .............
605:4 490.
.491 623:66 ؽ آکف ک ثكیبؼ گیػ ظؼؽ ثؿظیک نببى گیؽغ كؽؽ 6542 7:267
6 .492 623:62 قطي کبى اعؼ ضؼغ ثب ضؽغ ثکنػ ک ثؽ پبغن هوؽغ 6540 7:267
ث ثكیبؼ گلزي هدی آثؽی 6544 7:267
.........هجؽ .................
.493 623:60 گؽ پؽقػد ؽچ ظای ثگی
ث پیم هبى اؼخوع آى ثغ ک ثب ا لت نب ضعاى ثغ 6547 7:267
..................وبى ظؼ خبى
639:60 494.
ر ثؽ نب ثكیبؼ گهی هکي اگؽ چ پؽقزع ثبنی کي 6548 7:267
............چ ثاؾظد نب
604:23 495.
.496 605:6 ک ؽچع گؽظغ پؽقزم ظؼاؾ چبى ظاى ک كذ ا ؾ ر ثی یبؾ 6549 7:267
گؽ ثب ر گؽظغ ؾ چیؿی ظژم ثپؾل گؽای هؿى یچ ظم 6553 7:267
..............................اگؽ
605:2 497.
اگؽ یكذ آگبیذ ؾآى گب ثؽ ظلذ ؼا ثجؽ ؿظ نب 6552 7:267
..........آگی گؽ یكزذ
605:0 498.
اگؽ پبغن ک آرم ثػی پؽقزع ؼا ؾیكزي ضل ثػی 6563 7:268
.................پبظنب ....
068:0 499.
ک آرم ک ثب ضهن قؾاى ثغ چ ضهغ ثبنػ كؽؾاى ثغ 6566 7:268
ضهن ..............چي آرم گ
068:4 500.
.501 068:5 اؾ یک ؾهبى نیؽ نعقذ ثؽ ؾؽ ثعیگؽ ؾهبى چى گؿایع 6562 7:268
.502 065:65 ثکؽظاؼ ظؼیب ثغ کبؼ نب ثلؽهبى ا ربثػ اؾ چؽش هب 6560 7:268
یکی ظؼ گؽ هیبى يعف 6564 7:268
ظگؽ ظؼ یبثع هیبى يعف
.503 065:66 ؾ ظؼیب یکی ؼیگ ظاؼغ ثکق
.504 657:66 اگؽ چع ؽهكذ آاؾ ر گهبغ کػ ؼؾ ن ؼاؾ ر 6760 7:206
Appendix A (2) 432
.........................گؽ .........ونظ ؾ ......
گهبغ کػ ؼؾ ن ؼاؾ ر 6760 7:206
.........نظ ؾ و......
اگؽ چع ؽهكذ آاؾ ر
.........................گؽ
082:67 505.
هؽظم خبىعاؼغ وی ؼاؾ وبى ث ک یکی کی ظؼ بى 6764 7:206
....................گ ........
067:8 506.
اؾآى ثؽ یبثی ثؽ ظ قؽای 6765 7:206
..............................اؾ
.507 067:9 چ ثی ؼح ثبنی پبکیؿ ؼای
.508 65:5 ري ضیم ؼا نب ثیعاغگؽ خؿ اؾ گؼ لؽیي یبؼغ ثكؽ 6768 7:202
گیزی ر آؼاقزیچبى ظاى ک 6769 7:202
ثیبؼاقزی......................
.509 65:6 اگؽ پیه ظاؼغ ظلذ ؼاقزی
چیي ظاى ک یکكؽ ثؽیكذ ثف ثلعی پكزی وبػ ثکف 6750 7:204
.......كؽیجكذ ................ چبى
234:64 510.
و ثػکم ؼا ثػ آیػ ثكؽ 6873 7:244
........................وبى
.511 067:6 چیكذ ثبغاكؽ ظاغگؽ
.512 067:7 اگؽ ثػکم ؾؼ ظاؼغ چنیؽ جبیػ کجبنػ ثیؿظاى ظلیؽ 2364 7:255
قپجع کی آؼغ خبؽا ثؿیؽ جبیػ ک ثبنػ ثیؿظاى ظلیؽ 2364 7:255
اگؽ ثعکم ؾؼ ظاؼظ چ نیؽ
296:20 513.
.514 076:5 یكذ گؽاهی رؽ اؾ ضى ظل چیؿ ضؽغهع كؽؾع ثب ظل یکیكذ 2385 7:263
طاػ گهبغى وی لت ثؽاؾ 2400 7:287
......وی لت گهبظى ........
.515 268:6 ثعیػم ک ایي گجػ ظیؽقبؾ
ع ثؽ کق ظقذ خبى ؼا ثؽؾم 2404 7:287
................ضیم .............
.516 234:65 اگؽ هؽظ ثؽضیؿظ اؾ رطذ ثؿم
اؽهبىنغ آهي اؾ ؼح 2405 7:287
....................ایوي.....
.517 234:66 ؾهیي ؼا ثپؽظاؾظ اؾ ظنوبى
.518 234:67 نغ پبغنب ثؽ خبى قؽثكؽ ثیبثػ قطب و ظؼ ثعؼ 2406 7:287
نغ کبؼگؽ ظقذ یبثػ كؽاش کػ گلهي ثبؽ هیعاى کبش 2407 7:287
نظ ظقزگبم چ ضاع كؽاش
234:68 519.
.520 234:69 ػ گح كؽؾع گؽظ آؼغ ثكی ؼؾ ثؽ آؼؾ ثهوؽغ 2408 7:287
.521 234:23 نغ ضبک ثی ثؽ نغ ؼح ا ثعنوي ثوبػ و گح ا 2442 7:287
.522 234:26 كؽؾع هبع رطذ کال ایاى نبی گح قپب 2440 7:287
ثؽكزي گیؽغ کكی یبغ ا 2444 7:288
..................... ث گیزی
.523 296:26 چ ثهیػ آى خكزي ثبغ ا
ؾ ر بم یک ثغ یبغگبؼ 2445 7:288
.............اؾ بم یکی
کچى ثگػؼغ ثؽ قؽد ؼؾگبؼ
..........ثعیي کبؼ چى ثگػؼظ
297:4 524.
ؼاؽا ؽاػ ثؽا ا 2464 7:289
..........عاؼظ ........
.525 067:60 کكی ک ثغ ثؽ ضؽغ پبغنب
جیػ ثدؿ نبغی اؾ ؼؾگبؼ 2530 7:292
......................خؿ اؾ.....
ویه ضؽغهع اهیػاؼ
................ ..........
042:66 526.
ؼ ریؽ گیؽغ ؼا کوبى 2534 7:292
........گیؽظ ..............
ؾهبىیعیهػ اؾ ؼا ثػ یک
...............کبؼ .............
042:62 527.
کكی ک ثؽح ظؼم گؽغ و ؼؾ ا ثؽ ضنی ثگػؼغ 2536 7:292
............ث گح ..........
090:9 528.
.529 655:5 ضؽغ چى یکی ضلؼذ ایؿظیكذ اؾ اعیه ظؼ اقذ ظؼ اؾ ثعیكذ 2500 7:294
قؽایعان چگكذ ظیگؽ 2560 7:296
..............چ گین ؾ .....
یویكذ هب ؼا ک ضبکكذ خبی
قذ خبی هگؽ آک گلزع ضبک
292:64 530.
ؾ گؽظى یبیػ كؿى ؾیي ؽ 2635 7:299
.................یبثی ...........
خبى ؼني پبغن ظاغگؽ
........پبظنب ..................
260:65 531.
Appendix A (2) 433
یکكؽ نگلزكذ کبؼ قپؽک 2607 7:032
چیي گلذ ظابی ثب ظاغ هؽ
ثب نب ثؾؼخوؽ.............
084:23 532.
.533 084:26 یکی هؽظ ثیین ثب ظقزگب کالم ؼقیػ ثبثؽ قیب 2608 7:032
ثجطهم كؿی عاػ ؾ کبقذ 2609 7:032
کبقذ.............. ؾثطهم
.534 084:22 ک ا ظقذ چپ ؼا عاػ ؾ ؼاقذ
.535 084:20 یکی گؽظل آقوبى ثلع قزبؼ ثگیػ ک چكذ چػ 2643 7:032
و ثطم ا نؼثطزی ثغ 2646 7:032
.....................ثؽ .....
.536 084:24 كلک ؼوم ثكطزی ثغ
ضؽغ ثبیػل گح ؼای قپب 2967 7:024
.......ثبیع ؼای گح .....
.537 225:60 ثدیػ وی ربج گبکكی ک
خبى پؽ ؾ کؽم رجبی کػ 2968 7:024
..............گؽم ..............
چ ثیعاغگؽ پبغنبی کػ
..........................ک
677:63 538.
.539 225:64 ؽ آکف ک ثؽ رطذ نبی هكذ هیبى ثكز ثبیػ گهبغ ظ ظقذ 2925 7:025
قپؽظى ؼ ایؿظی ثعام 2926 7:025
ثطؽظی.....................
.540 225:65 گ ظانزي خبى پبک اؾ ثػی
ؾ ظاغ ؾ ثیعاغ نؽ قپب ثپؽقػ ضػاع ضؼنیػ هب 2928 7:025
.................. ..............
225:66 541.
.542 225:67 اگؽ په اؾ نب یبثػ قزن ؼام ثوبػ ثعؾش ظژم 2929 7:025
ثجعین بکبم ؽ گ ؼضذ 0592 7:083
ؽ ظ ث بکبم ؼضذ.............
چ هبى گح رطذ چ هبى ؼح قطذ
.............چ ثب گح رطزی چ ثب
078:69 543.
قؽ آیػ و یک ثػ ثی گوبى 0590 7:083
......................وی ........
.544 078:23 ایي پبیعاؼغ ثگؽظل آى
.545 082:6 ثؽ کبؼ كؽهبى هکي خؿ ثعاغ ک اؾ ظاغ ثبنػ ؼاى ر نبغ 0886 7:436
اگؽ ؾیؽظقزی نغ گح ظاؼ ر ا ؼا اؾ آى گح ثی ؼح ظاؼ 0888 7:436
..........ثغ ............ گؽ
082:7 546.
.547 675:63 ؿی ثبعاؾۀ گح کي ظل اؾ ثیهی گح ثی ؼح کي 0939 7:437
چ هؽگ آهػ یک ثػ ؼا ظؼغ 4343 7:468
چجبنػ و یکیب قزغ
......چ ثبیع وی یکی ؼا
292:60 548.
.549 292:65 ؿایػ خؿ اؾ هؽگ ؼا خبؼ قؽای قپدكذ هب ثؽ گػؼ 4608 7:428
جبنػ ؼبیی ؾ چگبل هؽگ 4609 7:428
ؼبیی یبثین اؾ چگ هؽگ
رؽگاگؽ ربج قبیین اگؽ ضغ
...............گؽ...................
292:66
550.
.551 292:67 هبی عاؼین اؾ آى ؼكزگبى ک ثیػاؼ نبغع اگؽ ضلزگبى 4068 7:445
.552 292:68 ثعاى گیزی اؼ چعنبى ثؽگ یكذ وبى ث ک آیؿل هؽگ یكذ 4069 7:445
یکی نػ چ یبغ آهػ اؾ ظؼظ ؼح 4023 7:445
آیع اؾ ؼؾ ؼح..................
اگؽ قبل يػ ثبنػ اؼ قی پح
اگؽ يع ثظ قبل اگؽ ثیكذ پح
292:69 553.
چ ر ثگػؼی ؾیي قپدی قؽای خبؽا ثجبیػ یکی کػضػای 4047 7:447
.......................هي ثگػؼم ....
079:6 554.
.555 076:8 ثبنػ پػؼ نبغ ظلثلؽؾع ؾ ؿوب ثػ ظاؼغ آؾاغ ظل 4433 7:452
.556 076:9 اگؽ هؽثبى ثبنػ ا ثؽ پػؼ ثییکی گؽایع ظاغگؽ 4436 7:452
.557 69:65 ؾ ثیعاغگؽ نب ثبیػ گؽیؿ کؿ ضیؿظ اعؼ خبى ؼقزطیؿ 4439 7:452
.558 263:65 ثعاى ای پكؽ کیي خبى ثی كبقذ پؽ اؾ ؼح ریوبؼ ظؼظ ثالقذ 4457 7:457
.559 263:66 ؽ آگ ک ثبنی ثػ نبغرؽ ؾ ؼح ؾهب ظل آؾاغرؽ 4458 7:457
وبى نبغهبی وبػ ثدبی ثجبیػ نػى ؾیي قپدی قؽای 4459 7:457
......ثوبی ......... و
263:67 560.
کػ کبؼ ثؽ پعبی پػؼ 4475 7:458
و پعب یبظگیؽ اؾ پعؼ
و پبک پنػ و پبک ضؼ
.................پل .........
076:63 561.
.562 69:66 خبى ؼا چ آثبغ ظاؼی ثعاغ ثغ رطذ آثبغ ثطذ اؾ ر نبغ 4478 7:459
Appendix A (2) 434
...........................گدذ...
.563 004:26 قزى ثؿؼگیكذ آكزگی وبى ثطهم ظاغ نبیكزگی 20 7:467
.564 29:67 پبغنبکكی ؼا ک یؿظاى کػ ثبؾظ ثػ هؽظم پبؼقب 29 7:467
چ اعؼ خبى کبم ظل یبكزی ؼقیػی ثدبی ک ثهزبكزی 53 7:469
.............................چي
078:6 565.
.566 297:0 چیكذ گیبى پؽ اؾ ظؼظ ؼح چ بؾی ثزبج چ یبؾی ثگح 642 7:476
.567 297:2 ک ایي ؼؾگبؼ ضنی ثگػؼغ ؾهب لف ؼا وی ثهوؽغ 640 7:476
چ ایوي نی ظؼ ثبل اؾ گؿع 933 7:543
...................................چي
گؽ رب بؾی ثجطذ ثلع
...ث رطذ ..............
297:6 568.
ؽگؿ وبیػ ثوب یؿ چؽ 6607 7:563
ؼني کػ اؾ ثؽ هب قپؽ
عاع کكی ؼاؾ گؽظاى قپؽ
646:26 569.
ثگكزبضی ا هجعر ظل ؼا 6609 7:563
....اعؼ.......................
چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ثلع
............ظؼؽ آؾهبیكذ
646:67 570.
.571 209:7 کكی ؼا ک ضى ؼیطزي پیه گهذ ظل ظنوي اؾ ی پؽ اعیه گهذ 6648 7:566
.572 052:2 کكی ؼا ک ضى ؼیطزي پیه گهذ ظل ظنوي اؾ ی پؽ اعیه گهذ 6648 7:566
ثؽیؿع ضم ثػاى وهبى ک ا ؼیطذ ضى قؽ قؽکهبى 6649 7:566
.........ثؽ آى ................
209:8 573.
ثؽیؿع ضم ثػاى وهبى ک ا ؼیطذ ضى قؽ قؽکهبى 6649 7:566
.........ثؽ آى ................
052:0 574.
چ کبؼی رؽا ثؽ ظػ ؼؾگبؼ 6205 7:568
...................ثؽد ............
ر رطن ثػی رب رای هکبؼ
............................ک
209:5 575.
.576 078:2 هکي آؾ ؼا ثؽ ضؽغ پبغنب ک ظاب طاػ رؽا پبؼقب 6667 7:634
.577 644:2 چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ثلع ظل اعؼ قؽای قپدی هجع 6898 7:626
.578 644:0 یکی ؼا وی ربج نبی ظػ ثعؼیب ثوبی ظػ یکی ؼا 6923 7:628
آؼام ضؼظ خبی لذ 6926 7:628
....................ضاة...........
.579 644:4 یکی ؼا ثؽ قؽ پبی قلذ
.580 644:5 یکی ؼا ظػ ن نع نیؽ ثپنػ ثعیجب ضؿ زؽیؽ 6922 7:628
ثعام الک اعؼعثزبؼک 6920 7:629
ظام الک اعؼع ث ربؼیک
.581 644:6 قؽدبم ؽ ظ ثطبک اعؼع
جغی ؼا بم گ جؽظ 6924 7:629
عیعی ؾ گیزی وی گؽم قؽظ
.582 644:7 اگؽ ضغ ؿاظی ضؽغهع هؽظ
.583 644:8 عیػی خبى اؾ ث ث ثػی اگؽ ک ثػی هؽظ اگؽ ه ثػی 6925 7:629
ثلؽخبم ن ضبک ظاؼظ ثكؽ 48 8:7
ؽهع ثب هؽظم ثی ؽ
...............گؽ ......
96:64 584.
ثگلزبؼ گؽظغ ؾثبم ظؼاؾ 267 8:69
ؾثبم ث گلزبؼ گؽظظ ظؼاؾ
ؽ آى ظی کآیػ ؾهبم كؽاؾ
ظؼاؾ............................
242:66 585.
ؾ خبى ظلم ؼنبیی ثجؽظ 253 8:26
.................ظلذ ...........
چؽاؽ ضؽغ پیم چهوم ثوؽظ
......چهوذ ....................
242:67 586.
ثهبضی وی یبؾغ اهؽؾ ظقذ ک ثؽگم ثغ ؾؽ ثبؼل کجكذ 252 8:26
...............یبؾی ..............
242:68 587.
.588 655:6 ایب هؽظ ثػ ثطذ ثیعاغگؽ ثبثغیب گوبی هجؽ 255 8:26
.589 655:7 ک ضؽچگ ؼا یكذ پؽ ػوبة پؽظ ػوبة اؾ ثؽ آكزبة 256 8:26
گؽ اؾ گؽ اؾ ژاغ آكؽیػ 280 8:24
ظگؽ اؾ ؽ ؾ ژاظ آكؽیع
.590 655:0 خبعاؼ نبی ؾ ظاغ آكؽیػ
.591 655:4 ثػاکف ظػ ک قؿااؼرؽ ضؽغظاؼرؽ ن ثی آؾاؼرؽ 284 8:24
چؽا ظل ثکژی ثیبؼاقزی 078 8:06
ث کژی چؽا ظل ثیبؼاقزی
.592 655:8 ک گیػ ک کژی ث اؾ ؼاقزی
Appendix A (2) 435
ثکنن وی رب نی ري ظؼقذ 096 8:02
....................ثگیین رب ر
ر ثیوبؼی پع ظاؼی ركذ
655:9 593.
پؿنک ر پعقذ ظاؼ ضؽغ هگؽ آؾ ربج اؾ ظلذ ثكزؽغ 090 8:02
...............ثعقذ ............
655:63 594.
ک خكزي ثكی ؼدذ آؼغ ثؽی 649 8:56
........آیع ........ ظؼ خكزم ...
.595 644:9 اگؽ هبی ایكذ قغل هدی
.596 209:6 کكی ؼا کدب کؼ ثػ ؼوى ثوبػ ثؽا ظؼاؾ اعؼى 946 8:70
ک ایكذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ظاى 6694 8:96
ؼاى ...........................
هجبل اؾثػ چؽش ریؽ ؼاى
............. اعؼیي ثم .......
644:63 597.
گی ثب ؾیبین گ قغهع 6695 8:92
.............................
.598 644:66 ک گبی پبكذ گبی گؿع
ضؽغ پیم چهن ر خني کبغ 2697 8:668
.................خبى ............
.599 660:2 ر ظاؼع ؼني کبغؼاى
ثجیچبؼ ري هؽگ ؼا ظاغ این 2566 8:692
و یک ثػ ضبک ؼا ؾاغ این
....................ک هزؽاى
292:63 600.
.601 636:7 قؿظ گؽ ثگین یکی ظاقزبى کجبنػ ضؽغهع وعاقزبى 0832 8:295
.602 609:60 ظاقزبىقؿظ گؽ ثگین یکی کجبنػ ضؽغهع وعاقزبى 0832 8:295
ک ؾؽل كؿى آهػ اؾ پبی ؾؽ 0830 8:295
ک اؾ پبی ؾؽل كؿكذ ؾؽ
جبیػ ک گكزبش ثبنی ثعؽ
..........................هجبظا
256:60 603.
.604 636:8 هكبی ایچ ثب آؾ ثب کی ظقذ ؾ هؿل هکي خبیگب هكذ 0834 8:295
.605 609:64 هكبی ایچ ثب آؾ ثب کی ظقذ ؾ هؿل هکي خبیگب هكذ 0834 8:295
یکی نػ کي ظیگؽ آؼػ 0835 8:295
.......................ر گؽظی
.606 636:9 قؽای قپدكذ پؽ آی ؼ
یکی نػ کي ظیگؽ آؼػ 0835 8:295
.......................ر گؽظی
.607 609:65 قؽای قپح اقذ پؽ آی ؼ
ؾهبی ثوؿل چوػ یب چؽغ 0836 8:295
....گؽ.......................
.608 636:63 یکی اعؼ آیػ ظگؽ ثگػؼغ
ؾهبی ثوؿل چوػ یب چؽغ 0836 8:295
....گؽ.......................
.609 609:66 یکی اعؼ آیػ ظگؽ ثگػؼغ
.610 256:65 چ ثؽضیؿغ آای جل ؼزیل ثطبک اعؼ آیػ قؽ نیؽ پیل 0837 8:296
ؿن کبم ظل ثی گوبى ثگػؼغ ؾهب ظم هب وی ثهوؽغ 0805 8:298
........ ک یک ثع اعؼ خبى
240:6 611.
.612 292:66 اگؽ رطذ یبثی اگؽ ربج گح گؽ چع پیع ثبنی ثؽح 0806 8:298
خؿ اؾ بم یکی جبیػد کهذ 0807 8:298
......................رطن .......
.613 292:62 خبی ر ضبکكذ ضهذقؽدبم
.614 256:64 چییكذ ؼقن قؽای خلب یبیػ کؿ چهن ظاؼی كب 4637 8:069
ثعاغ هلک ظل ثجبیػ بغ 005 8:053
ؾ کیطكؽ آؿبؾ رب کیوجبظ
ثویؽظ ؽ آک ؾ هبظؼ ثؿاظ
...............کكی ک .......
66:63 615.
ثوبػ وی ظؼ قؽای قپح 478 8:062
.........................وبی
اگؽ گح ظاؼی اگؽ ظؼظ ؼح
یبثی گؽ گؽم ؼح ......
266:60 616.
خبى ؼا هعاى خؿ ظالؼ گ ثطبیع ثععاى چ گیؽغ ثچگ 496 8:060
...................هطاى .........
266:64 617.
.618 260:67 گب یكذثگیزی ثی ثزؽ اؾ ثػی ثػرؽ اؾ ػوؽ کرب یكذ 664 8:070
.619 266:65 چیكذ آییي چؽش ؼاى راب ث ؽ کبؼ هب براى 20 8:096
.620 256:8 و کبؼ گؽظع چؽش ایي ثغ ؾ پؽؼظ ضیم پؽ کیي ثغ 66 8:433
.621 256:63 چیكذ کؽظاؼ گؽظع ظؽ گ کي کؿ چع یبثی ر ثؽ 66 8:435
.622 256:66 ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی ثلؽظا هپبی آیػل ؼایک كؽظا هگؽ ظیگؽل 62 8:435
Appendix A (2) 436
.623 256:9 قزبػ ؾ ر ظیگؽی ؼا ظػ خبى ضایم ثی گوبى ثؽخػ 60 8:435
ر ؼدیػۀ ثؽ ظنوي ه 64 8:435
یی ثؽ ظنوي ه ؼدیع...
.624 262:7 ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی كؿی ثع
.625 262:8 اعؼ گػنذؽ آگ ک ؼؾ ر بغ و ثبغ گؽظغ ثعنذ 65 8:435
وبػ ثکف ظؼ ؾهب ظؼاؾ 4 8:439
....وی ثؽکكی ثؽ ......
.626 260:62 ؼؾ ثؿؼگی ؼؾ یبؾ
.627 229:68 ؾهب ؾ هب یكذ چى ثگؽی عاؼغ کكی آلذ ظاؼی 5 8:439
.628 263:68 ای ر اؾ آكؽیعى كؿى رؽ ای چ پؽیؿ ثب رطذ اككؽ 66 8:463
چ ثؽ کف وبػ وی ؼؾ ثطذ گح ظیین نبی رطذ 69 8:463
...... .......................... ک
670:66 629.
.630 670:62 وی بم خبیػ ثبیػ کبم ثیعاؾ کبم ثؽاكؽاؾ بم 23 8:466
کؿیي گ ثؽگهذ ثؽ هب ثوؽ 62 8:465
قذ ثب هب قپؽ ک خؿگ گهز
.631 646:23 کكی ؼاؾ گؽظاى قپؽعاػ
گ کي ثػیي گؽظ گؽظاى قپؽ 68 8:465
ثعاؼ ثپل ثیبؼای هؽ
..............ث ظاظ ث پؾل
627:6 632.
.633 626:22 چبى ظاى ک اعؼ قؽای قپح کكی ک ػ گح ثبظقذ ؼح 70 8:466
.634 627:2 ثبنیػ یؿثکنیػ ثطهع ؾ ضؼظى ثلؽظا هوبیػ چیؿ 78 8:466
.635 627:0 ثؽدػ یکی ظیگؽی ثؽضؼغ ثعاغ ثجطهم کكی گؽغ 94 8:468
.636 627:4 ظ چهن ر اعؼ قؽای قپح چیي ضیؽ گهذ اؾ پی ربج گح 688 8:426
یؽؾغ ر ؾ ظل چعاؼی ثعؼظ 693 8:426
...............ظل ؾ ............
.637 627:5 خبی کدب نؽثزی آة قؽظ
كؽاؾل ثلعقذ پكزم هیت 533 8:450
......نیجم ......................
.638 662:60 چیي اقذ ؼقن قؽای كؽیت
ک بگ ثگل آیػ آای کـ 530 8:454
..........................ؿهبى..
.639 662:64 چ ثعی ظل اعؼ قؽای ككـ
ضؽنی ثؽآؼ ک ثؽ ثع ؼضذ جیی خؿ اؾ رطزۀ گؼ رطذ 534 8:454
.....................ثؽآیع ...........
662:65 640.
.641 203:66 چ کبؼی ک اهؽؾ ثبیػد کؽظ ثلؽظا ؼقػ ؾ ثؽآؼع گؽظ 638 8:462
.642 203:60 ؽ آکف ک ثب ر گیػ ظؼقذ چبى ظاى ک ا ظنوي خبى ركذ 620 8:460
هؽ پیػا ثغ ؼدم اؾ ضهن 668 8:467
ؼح ضهوم ؾ هؽ............
.643 627:6 گؽظاى قپؽ ضؽغ یكذ ثب گؽظ
ثیبؼای ظل ؼا ثلؽظا هپبی 706 8:470
......ظل ؼا ث كؽظا ........
اگؽ یچ گدكذ ای یک ؼای
.................................گؽد
627:7 644.
اگؽ ضغ ثوبی ظػد آک ظاغ 708 8:470
ضؼظذ زیؽ کي ثؽ بغظؼ
..............ظؼ ضؼظذ چیؽ
627:8 645.
437
Appendix B
To demonstrate how R vandī‘s citations differ from ‗Alī b. Aḥmad‘s Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma, a
passage from R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r is compared here to corresponding section in the
Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma. For easy reference, Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the corresponding verses
is also provided. Variants in R vandī‘s and ‗Ali b. Aḥmad‘s citations are shown in boldface. The
first verse of R vandī‘s passage does not seem to appear anywhere in the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma.
Also note where the last verse of R vandī‘s passage appears in the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma—it is
separated from the rest of the verses by more than 600 verses. Moreover, one verse that appears
in both the Shāhnāma and Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma (the eighth line in the second and third tables
below) does not appear in R vandī‘s passage.
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Sulaym n al-R vandī. Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r. Edited by
Muḥammad Iqbál. (English title p.: Rá at-u - udúr wa Áyat-us-Surúr: Being a History of the
Saljúqs by Mu ammad ibn ‗Alí ibn Sulaymán ar-Ráwandí). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2.
London: Luzac, 1921.
Page:Line
کچبى ظؼضذ آكؽیػى کهذ ظؼضزی ثکهزن ثطؽم ثهذ 29:6 .6
تکاخقؽ نبش قجؿل ثؽآیع عش شاخثپبلیؿ چى ثؽ کهػ 29:7 .2
ثیب ظل یک ثطذ ک تیزػ ثجبالی ا نبغ ثبنػ ظؼضذ 29:8 .0
چیؿقذ یؿکؿیي ق گؿنزی چ ثؽ ق چیؿ تشر قؿظ گؽ گوبی 29:9 .4
ق چیؿقذ ؽ ق ثجع اعؼقذ ؽ ثب ژاظقذ ثب گؽ اقذ 29:10 .5
ژاظ ثكی ظیػۀ ثی ؽ ؽ کی ثغ رب جبنػ گؽ 29:11 .6
یبؾغ ثجػ ظقذ ثػ هغ گؽآک اؾ كؽ یؿظاى ثغ 29:12 .7
قؿظ کبیػ اؾ رطن پبکیؿ ثؽ ژاظ آک ثبنع ؾ رطن پػؼ 29:13 .8
کؽظگبؼ خلقدؾیجب ثغ ک اؾیي ؽ ق گؽ ثغ هبی ظاؼ 29:14 .9
نبقعۀ یک ثػ ثبیػد چ ؽق ثیبثی ضؽغ ثبیػد 29:15 .63
تشآعایز اص آص ص سج غن آیز تنچ ایي چبؼ ثب یکزي 29:16 .66
ثبؾغ ثػ هؽظم پبؼقب کكی ؼا ک یؿظاى کػ پبغنب 29:67 .62
‗Alī b. Aḥmad. Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma: Matn guz da az qarn-i panjum-i hijr . Edited by Muṣṭaf
Jayḥūnī and Muḥammad Fish rakī. Mashhad: Āst n-i Quds-i ra avī, Markaz-i Khur s n-shin sī,
1379/2000.
No. Page:Line
غش ثؽآیع چقؽ نبش قجؿل شاخ عشث پبلیؿ چى ثؽکهع 699:83 .6
ثیب ظل یک ثطذ خػ اذیش ث ثبالی ا نبظ ثبنع ظؼضذ 99:802 .2
کؿیي ق گػنزی چ چیؿقذ یؿ ثؽ ق چیؿ تدقؿظ گؽ گوبی 99:800 .0
ق چیؿقذ ؽ ق ث ثع اعؼقذ ثب گؽ اقذ[ ]ؽ ثب ژاظقذ 99:804 .4
ظیع ای ثی ؽ ژاظ ثكی ؽ کی ثظ رب جبنع گؽ 99:805 .5
یبؾظ ث ثع ظقذ ثع هظ گؽ آى ک اؾ كؽ یؿظاى ثظ 99:806 .6
قؿظ کآیع اؾ رطن پبکیؿ ثؽ ژاظ آى ک ثبنع ؾ رطن پعؼ 99:807 .7
ثکنی ثجطهی ثجیی ثكی ؽ گؽ ثیبهؾی اؾ ؽ کكی 99:808 .8
کؽظگبؼ خلؼدؾیجب ثظ چ اؾیي ؽ ق گؽ ثظ هبی ظاؼ 99:809 .9
نبقعۀ یک ثع ثبیعد چ ؽ ق ثیبثی ضؽظ ثبیعد 633:843 .63
تش آعایذ اص سج گفد شیذ آهذ پذیذچ ایي چبؼ ثب یک ري 633:846 .66
ثبؾظ ثع هؽظم پبؼقب کكی ؼا ک یؿظاى کع پبظنب 145:1420 .62
Appendix B 438
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
Vol:Page, Line
قؽ نبش قجؿل ثؽآیع ؾکبش ثپبلیؿ چى ثؽ کهػ قؽ نبش 1 ,3:3 .6
ظل یک ثطذ چ ثیعل ثیب ث ثبالی ا نبظ ثبنع ظؼضذ 2 ,3:3 .2
کؿیي ق گػنزی چ چیؿقذ یؿ قؿظ گؽ گوبی ثؽظ ثؽ ق چیؿ 3 ,3:3 .0
ق چیؿقذ ؽ ق ث ثع اعؼقذ ؽ ثب ژاظقذ ثب گؽ اقذ 4 ,3:3 .4
ؽ یی ثی ژاظ ثكی ظیع ؽ کی ثظ رب جبنع گؽ 5 ,3:3 .5
یبؾغ ث ثع ظقذ ثع هظ گؽآک اؾ كؽ یؿظاى ثظ 6 ,3:3 .6
قؿظ کبیع آى رطن پبکی ث ثؽ ژاظ آک ثبنع ؾ رطن پعؼ 7 ,3:3 .7
ثکنی پیچی ؾ ؼدم ثكی ؽ گؽ ثیبهؾی اؾ ؽ کكی 8 ,3:3 .8
ک ثؽ یبثع اؾ ضلؼذ کؽظگبؼ ثظ هبی ظاؼاؾیي ؽ ق گؽ 9 ,3:3 .9
ثع ثبیعد ی یک نبقع چ ؽق ثیبثی ضؽظ ثبیعد 10 ,3:4 .63
ثؽآقبیع اؾ آؾ اؾ ظؼظ ؿن چ ایي چبؼ ثب یک ري آیع ثن 11 ,3:4 .66
کؿ ثبؼؼرؽآكؽیعى کهذ ظؼضزی ثکهزن ث ثبؽ ثهذ 771 ,5:283 .62
ثبؾظ ثع هؽظم پبؼقب یؿظاى کع پبظنبکكی ؼا ک 29 ,7:467 .60
439
Appendix C
Here is a second passage from R vandī‘s Rā at al- ud r cited from non-consecutive passages of
the Shāhnāma, with corresponding verses in the Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma. Note the different
sequence of verses in both works. For easy reference, Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the
corresponding verses is provided in the third table.
‗Alī b. Aḥmad. Ikhtiyārāt-i Shāhnāma: Matn guz da az qarn-i panjum-i hijr . Edited by Muṣṭaf
Jayḥūnī and Muḥammad Fish rakī. Mashhad: Āst n-i Quds-i ra avī, Markaz-i Khur s n-shin sī,
1379/2000.
No. Page: Line
پیلث ضبک اعؼ آیع قؽ نیؽ چ ثؽضیؿظ آاؾ جل ؼزیل 688:6952 .6
جبیع کؿ چهن ظاؼی كب چیي اقذ ؼقن قؽای خلب 688:6950 .2
ک ؾؽل كؿى آیع اؾ پبی ؾؽ جبیع ک گكزبش ثبنی ث ظؽ 688:6954 .0
وبی وی ظؼ قؽای قپح اگؽ گح یبثی اگؽ ظؼظ ؼح 688:6955 .4
ث چگثطبیع ث ظعاى چ گیؽظ خبى ؼا هطاى خؿ ظالؼ گ 688:6956 .5
راب ث ؽ کبؼ هب براى چیي اقذ آییي چؽش ؼاى 688:6957 .6
ؾ پؽؼظۀ ضیم پؽ کیي ثظ وبى کبؼ چؽش ؼاى ایي ثظ 688:6958 .7
گ کي کؿ چع یبثی ر ثؽ چیي اقذ کؽظاؼگؽظع ظؽ 688:6959 .8
آیعل ؼایک كؽظا هگؽ ظیگؽ ثطؼ ؽ چ ظاؼی ث كؽظا هپبی 688:6963 .9
خبى ضایم ثی گوبى ثؽ خع قزبع ؾ ر ظیگؽی ؼا ظع 688:6966 .63
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī b. Sulaym n al-R vandī. Rā at al- ud r va āyat al-sur r. Edited by
Muḥammad Iqbál. (English title p.: Rá at-u - udúr wa Áyat-us-Surúr: Being a History of the
Saljúqs by Mu ammad ibn ‗Alí ibn Sulaymán ar-Ráwandí). E. J. Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., 2.
London: Luzac, 1921.
No. Page: Line
ؾ پؽؼظۀ ضیم پؽ کیي ثغ و کبؼ گؽظع چؽش ایي ثغ 256:8 .6
خبى ضایم ثی گوبى ثؽ خػ قزبػ ؾ ر ظیگؽی ؼا ظػ 256:9 .2
گ کي کؿ چع یبثی ر ثؽ چیكذ کؽظاؼ گؽظػ ظؽ 256:10 .0
ک كؽظا هگؽ ظیگؽ آیػل ؼای ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی ثلؽظا هپبی 256:11 .4
گلم ؾؽ بثكذ ضیؽ هجی ر ؼاؾ خبى رب رای هدی 256:12 .5
ک ؾؽل كؿى آهػ اؾ پبی ؾؽ جبیػ ک گكزبش ثبنی ثعؽ 256:13 .6
جبیػ کؿ چهن ظاؼی كب چیكذ ؼقن قؽای خلب 256:14 .7
ثطبک اعؼ آیػ قؽ نیؽ پیل چ ثؽضیؿظ آاؾ جل ؼزیل 256:15 .8
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Vol:Page, Line
ک ا ؾظ پیچع ؾ خیع ؼی ر ؼاؾ خبى رب رای هد 459 ,5:565 .6
ثطبک اعؼ آیع قؽ نیؽ پیل ؼزیلچ ثؽضیؿظ آاؾ جل 3807 ,8:296 .2
Appendix C 440
جبیػ کؿ چهن ظاؼی كب قذ ؼقن قؽای خلب چیي 4107 ,8:319 .0
ؾؽ ک ؾؽل كؿى آهع اؾ پبی هجبظا ک گكزبش ثبنی ث ظؽ 419 ,8:357 .4
ی ضیم پؽ کیي ثغ ؾ پؽؼظ و کبؼ گؽظع چؽش ایي ثظ 11 ,8:400 .5
گ کي کؿ چع یبثی ر ثؽ چیكذ کؽظاؼ گؽظع ظؽ 11 ,8:405 .6
ک كؽظا هگؽ ظیگؽ آیعل ؼای ثطؼ ؽچ ظاؼی ث كؽظا هپبی 12 ,8:405 .7
خبى ضایم، ثی گوبى ثؽ خع قزبع ؾ ر ظیگؽی ؼا ظع 13 ,8:405 .8
441
Appendix D
Shāhnāma verses cited in Farā‘id al-sul k
Farā‘id al-sul k. Edited by Nūr nī Vis l. Tehran: P zhang, 1368/1989.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Farā‘id
Page Line Shāhnāma
Vol: Page
خطث کراب
1:3 4 گبؼعۀ ثؽ نع گؽ قذ ؾبم هبى گوبى ثؽرؽقذ 7 .6
اؾ ایي پبی ثؽرؽ رؽا ؼا یكذ 66 .2
اؾ ایي پؽظ ثؽرؽ قطي گب یكذ
ؾیي ؼاؾ خبى ر آگب یكذ
ؾ كزی هؽ اعیه ؼا ؼا یكذ
15 1:4
؟ ؟ ثکبم ر یكذهؽح اؼ ؾهب اؾ ایي پبی ثؽرؽ هوبم ر یكذ 60 .0
6:7 65 ثچعیي هیبدی ثپؽؼظ اع رؽا اؾ ظ گیزی ثؽآؼظ اع 23 .4
طكزیي كکؽد پكیي نوبؼ 26 .5
.......پكیذ........ طكزیذ
ریی ضیهزي ؼا ثجبؾی هعاؼ
....ث ثبؾی ............. ر هؽ
66 6:7
چبى ظاى ک نبی پیـوجؽی 42 .6
پیـبهجؽی
گؽ ثغ ثؽ یک اگهزؽیظ
................ظؼ ................
552 8:458
1:85 489 ؾ ههک ؾ ػجؽ قؽنز جغ كؽیعى كؽش كؽنز جغ 56 .7
1:85 490 ر ظاغ ظم کي كؽیػى رئی ثعاغ ظم یبكذ آى یکئی 56 .8
نیؽاى کػکبم پلگبى ث ایؽاى وی نػ ک یؽاى کػ 52 .9
............ثؽ ثم هب خبی
646
7
0:694
آغاص کراب عثة ششع دس ذألیف آى
قطي ث کی هبع ؾ هب یبظگبؼ 69 .63
........قطي هبع اعؼ خبى
........قطي هبع اؾ هب وی
کی هب ثؽ گػاؼین ا پبی ظاؼ
قطي ثزؽ اؾ گؽ نباؼ
ر ثب گح، ظام ثؽاثؽ هعاؼ
56
398
1
6:137
7:414
فی فضائل الؼقل هیاهي رائج –الثاب االل
پلگبى ثععاى نیؽاى ثچگ 636 .66
گؽاؾاى ث ظعاى نیؽاى ث چگ
راع کؽظى ثؽ خبی خگ
.........ث ؽ ................
297 0:026
ضؽغ ظقذ گیؽغ ثؽ ظ قؽای ضؽغ ؼوبی ضؽغ ظلگهبی 664 .62
.........ث ؽ ....................
68 6:4
گای ظػ كؽ ثبالی ا 655 .60
گ کؽظ ؼقزن قؽاپبی ا
هكذ قطي گلزي ؼای ا
47 0:6
- - *کی ا یؿ خبى ظاؼظ خبى ضنكذ هیبؾاؼ هؼی کی ظا کهكذ 166 .64
ضاقزعهی ؼظ ؼاههگؽاى چ بى ضؼظ نػ هدلف آؼاقزع 170 .65
..........ی ؼظ هی اؾع
200
4
6:566
ؾ قؽ رب ثپبیم ثکؽظاؼ ػبج 686 .66
.............ث پبیم ........
ثؽش چى ثهذ ثجبال چ قبج
ث ثبالی چ قبج.....................
288 6:680
فی فضائل الؼلن هافغ فائذ –الثاب الثای
Appendix D 442
ثؽ ظؼل رب ؾیػ ؼ گػؼ هکي ک ظام یبثی ثؽل ؽ آکف 230 .67
..…… ؼگػؼ رب ؾییی....
11 6:256
اؾ آهضزي گ ظاؼظ کكی 234 .68
ثوبى رب ثجیع هؽ ا ؼا کكی
ک ثؽ عاؼظ ؾ ظام ثكی
ؾ هبی ثكی.................
6644 6:79
2:622 58 عاؼغ ؾ ضبکر گلزی کی ثؽ ؼام ضؽغ ثغ ري خبى پبک 260 .69
ؾ ظام هیلکي ظل اعؼ گوبى هیبقبی اؾ آهضزي یک ؾهبى 265 .23
...............هیلگي ..........
6570 7:269
گؽ ایػؼ ثوبػ ؾ ر بم ؾنذ 267 .26
اگؽ هبع ایعؼ ؾ ر بم ؾنذ
ضل ؼؾ ثیی ضؽم ثهذ
ضؽم ثهذ —ػلب هللا —ثعادب یبثی
6936 6:628
ضؽاهبى ثگؽظ گالى ظؼ رػؼ 268 .22
......ث گؽظ گالى ثؽ .......
ضؽنیػى ثلجل اؾ نبش قؽ
608 0:064
ضن آؼظ ظؼ ثبؽ نبش قوي 268 .20
.............اؾ ثبؼ ..........
ين گهز پبلیؿ گلجي نوي
607 0:064
کی ظنوي کی ظاب ثغ ث ؾظقذ 222 .24
........................ک ........ ک
5:232 6048 اثب ظنوي ظقذ ظام کقذ
1:37 47 ثعؼی پؽؼیػى چ قغ چ هی خبب هپؽؼ چ ضای ظؼغ 231 .25
2:463 563 چؽا ثؽ ػ ثؽ هیع ثگب چ كؽؾع ثبنع جیؽ کال 200 .26
کبؼن اکى ثجیی ثؽل ظؼ ظؼضزی ک پؽؼظی آهػ ثجبؼ 260 .27
.......... ثجیی ثؽل ؼا کى
992 6:656
اگؽ ثبؼ ضبؼ قذ ضظ کهز ی 260 .28
کهز یی..................... گؽل
گؽ پؽیبكذ ضظ ؼنز ی
ؼنز یی..........................
990 6:656
نظ قگ ضبؼا ثکؽظاؼ هم ؽ آگ ک ضهن آؼظ ثطذ نم 268 .29
کع
849 2:685
ثگلبؼ هبع وی چؽ ا 296 .03
ر...........................
ثهبظی ثطعغ ظل اؾ هؽ ا
ر...............................
852 6:486
لف ؼا وی ثؽ لجم ؼا یكذ 296 .06
.....................هگؽ ..........
چ یؿ ثؽ آقوبى هب یكذ
یكذ چ ظؼ خبى یؿ یک هب
464 6:692
یکی ظؼظهعی ثغ ثی پؿنک چ چیؽ نغ ثؽ ظل هؽظ ؼنک 292 .02
ثؿنک............................
02 7:93
ؽ آکف کی ثب آة ظؼیب جؽظ 290 .00
....................ک .............
6:259 73 ثدیػ جبنػ ضؽظهع هؽظ
7:02 62 ک ثغ پبؼقب ثیژ کكی هجبنیػ گكزبش ثب پبغنب 290 .04
کی ن گب ؾؽقذ گ پبی ؾؽ 290 .05
................................ک ا
هعاؼیع اؾ ؾؽ رؽیبک ثؽ
.......................هدییع
60 7:02
ؽ آکف کی ثبنػ ثػ ثعقگبل 294 .06
..........ؽ آى کف کدب ثبنع ا
جبیػ کی ثبنع ن ؼا وبل
ضظ ؼا وبلک ضاع وی نب
8 7:02
ؾیهبى نغ نب ثیعاغگؽ 294 .07
.................چیي وچ نع
خبى ؾ نغ خول ؾیؽ ؾثؽ
..............پبک ..................
604 6:009
6:009 605 وبى بم ا نب ثی ظیي ثغ ثؽ ثؽ پف اؾ هؽگ لؽیي ثغ 294 .08
فی فضائل الؼذل الحث ػلی الرحزیش ػي الظلن الی ػ –الثاب الثالث
پلگ ظ ؼگكذ یب ثؽثؽیكذ چ گین کی ایي ثچۀ ظی چیكذ 003 .09
پلگ ظ ؼگ اقذ گؽ ثؽثؽیكذ
65 6:666
5:076 942 چ ثبؾی کػ ظؼ ظم کبؼؾاؼ کى رب چ پیم آؼغ اقلعیبؼ 006 .43
ضاع کػ نؼ ثطذیکی ؼا کی 005 .46
...................ک آى ؼا ک ضاع
یکی ثی ؽ ثؽ هبػ ثزطذ
ث رطذ...........................
855 4:225
5:042 635 کؿ ثیه ثگػانزی ؽ نیؽ کی هي قبم یل ؼا طان ظلیؽ 043 .42
Appendix D 443
.................................ک
ضؼنیػ كمی ظیػ یکی ثچۀ 056 .40
یکی ثچ ثع چى گی نیؽ كم
ثجبال ثلع ثعیػاؼ کم
ث ثبال ثلع ث ظیعاؼ گم
1475 1:267
نگلذ اعؼ هبع ثع هؽظ ؾى .44
ی پیلزي کی هیػ کف ثچ
............................ک
1476 1:267
چ ق قبل نػ قبؾ هیعاى گؽكذ 050 .45
.......قبؾهؽظاى ...................
ثپدن ظل ریؽ چگبى گؽكذ
...........................ث پدن
633 2:625
کی یبؼقذ ثب ا جؽظ آؾهظ چ ظ قبل نػ ؾاى ؾهیي کف جغ 050 .46
...............................ک
636 2:625
چیكذ آؿبؾ ادبم خگ 055 .47
قذ آؿبؾ كؽخبم ؼؾم چیي
یکی رطذ یبثػ یکی گؼ رگ
ضؽاهم کوبكذ نوهیؽ ثؿم
6640 0:675
فی فضائل الجد عؼادج ػاقث –الثاب الشاتغ
یکی چى نغ ظیگؽآیػ ثدبی 073 .48
.................یکی کن نظ
خبؽا وبع ثی کعضػای
...................خبى ؼا
66 6:049
6:692 460 پؽ اؾ الل ؼضكبؼ پؽ ههک هی ظ خبظل پؽ ضاة پؽآة ؼی 089 .49
2:622 57 ثجبال ثکؽظاؼ قؽ ثلع ظ اثؽ کوبى ظ گیك کوع 089 .53
6:669 470 قپیع ثؽ آهػ ثپبلغ ضاة چ ثؽظانذ پؽظ ؾ پیم آكزبة 095 .56
فی فضائل الؼضم هاقة رائج –الثاب الخاهظ
آؼام ضلذ خبی لذ یکی ؼا ثؽ قؽ پبی قلذ 426 .52
..............ضاة .......
6926 7:628
یکی ؼا ظػ رن اؾ نع نیؽ 426 .50
..................ن ..............
ثپنػ ثعیجب ضؿ زؽیؽ
.................ث ظیجب .....
6922 7:628
کی ا پؽؼاػ ثوؽ کكی ؼا 424 .54
ث هؽ...............................
ثؽ ثؽ گؽظغ ثزعی قپؽ
...ث رعی ................
6763 4:280
1:295 139 ؾظى ؼای ثب هؽظ هیبؼ ظقذ ثؽ کبؼ گبم خكزي کقذ 429 .55
ثؽ اعیهػ آکف کی ظاب ثغ 429 .56
..........ک ....................
ؾ کبؼی کی ثؽ ی راب ثغ
...................ک ......... ث
6049 5:232
ؾ چیؿی کی ثبنػ ثؽ براى 429 .57
....................ک ............
ضؽظهع ؼد عاؼغ ؼاى
ث خكزم ؼد عاؼظ ؼاى
6053 5:230
فی فضائل الحضم هکاسم هافؼ –الثاب اعادط
ؾ ثیژى كؿى ثظ هبى ثؿؼ 466 .58
ث ؾؼ............................
ؽ ػیت گؽظغ ثؽ ثطذ نؼ
ؽ ػیت گؽظظ چ ثؽگهذ ؼ
836 4:52
ثؽؾم اعؼى ؾؽ رؽیبک قؾ 468 .59
...............................ث ؼؾم
كؽؾثجؿم اعؼى هب گیزی
.........................ث ثؿم
987 6:206
ؾ نبغی ثؽ کف ؼقبع ثؽ گؽایع گؽؾ گهبیع نؽ 468 .63
...................ث ؽ.........
988 6:206
چیي آهػ ایي چؽش بپبیعاؼ 469 .66
................چیي گلذ کیي
چ ثب ؾیؽظقذ چ ثب نؽیبؼ
ظاع پؽؼظگبؼ پؽؼظ
67 7:4
ثزبج گؽاوبیگبى گؽغ 469 .62
......................ث ربج
7:4 68 نکبؼی کی یبثػ وی ثهکؽغ
ؾ ؽ ثػ ثیؿظاى پبیػ ثف وبػ ثؽیي ضبک خبیػ کف 469 .60
............ث یؿظاى ..........
66 7:66
فی فضائل الحکو ادس رائجا –الثاب الغاتغ
5:535 229 ثپنیػ ظیجبی ههکیي قپؽ چ اؾ ثبضزؽ ریؽ نػ ؼی هؽ 497 .64
فی فضائل الشجاػح فائذا –الثاب الثاهي
اؾ اهؽؾ کبؼی ثلؽظا هوبى 507 .65
..............کبؼد ...........
چ ضای کی قغد گؽظغ ؾیبى
(خبى)گؽظظ ؾهبى ک ظاع ک كؽظا چ
n. 5 6:056
Appendix D 444
ر كؽؾع هبئی ؾیجب ثگب 542 .66
هبیی ؾیجبی گب............
ر ربج قؽای پهذ قپب
..............کیبی .. .......
6003 2:289
کی كؽظا هي آى گؽؾ قبم قاؼ 542 .67
.................. ایي ...............
کی کؽظی ثوبؾعؼاى کبؼؾاؼ
ث گؽظى ثؽآؼم کن کبؼؾاؼ
6935 0:226
ثگؽظى ثؽآؼم نم قی خگ 542 .68
اؾ ایعؼ ثؽاى قبى نم قی خگ
پف آگ کدب پبی ظاؼغ گ
ثعاگ کدب پبی ظاؼظ گ
6936 0:226
فی فضائل الؼفح عؼادج ػاقثا –الثاب الراعغ
No verses from the Shāhnāma cited in this chapter
فی هکاسم االخالق ذزیثا—الثاب الؼاشش
The author acknowledges Firdausī at the end of his work:
:قی ثبغ کی ظؼیي هؼی قؽ هیلؽهبیػ ؼزوذ ثؽ ؼاى كؽظ
چ ایي بهؼ به آیػ ثجي 594 .69
ث ثي.............................
ؾ هي ؼی گیزی نغ پؽ قطي
..............کهؼ ..............
0738 8:288
اؾ آى پف ویؽم کی هي ؾع ام 594 .73
..............ک .....................
کی رطن قطي هي پؽاکع ام
پؽاگع ام................. ک
0739 8:288
ؽ آى کف کی ظاؼظ م ؼأی ظیي 594 .76
.......ؼای .............. ؽ آکف ک
پف اؾ هؽگ ثؽ هي کػ آكؽیي
.....کع .......................
0763 8:288
* This verse does not appear in the Shāhnāma, but it has been attributed to Firdausī by Sa‗dī,
who was contemporaneous with the author of Farā‘id al-sul k. See Muṣliḥ b. ‗Abudull h Sa‗dī,
B stān-i Sa‗d : Sa‗d -nāma, ed. Ghul m-Ḥusayn Yūsufī, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Khv razmī,
1363/1985), 87, lines 1330–31.
445
Appendix E
Shāhnāma verses cited in Var vīnī‘s Marzbān-nāma
Sa‗d al-Dīn Var vīnī. Marzbān-nāma. Edited by Khalīl Khaṭīb Rahbar. Tehran: D nishg h-i
Shahīd Bihishtī, 1363/1984.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Marzbān-
nāma Page Line Shāhnāma
Vol: Page
دس هلک یکثخد صایائی ک فشصذاى سا تقد فاخ فشهد –تاب دم
؟ ؟ ک گیب ثیب کع ضبک ؼا قپبـ آكؽیعۀ پبک ؼا 646 .6
7:180 1108 ث اؾ ظقذ هؽظی ک بظاى ثظ چ ظاب رؽا ظنوي خبى ثظ 670 .2
دس هلک اسدشیش داای هشاى ت –تاب عیم
ر گئی ک ثؽ عاؼظ ؾ ضبک ضؽظ ثظ ري خبى پبکؼام 683 .0
...........................گلزی...
58 2:622
ؼضم وچ ثبؿی ظؼ اؼظیجهذ 683 .4
یکی ثقزبى ثع اعؼ ثهذ
ثبؼقذ گیی ظؼ اعؼ ثهذ
ثجبالی ا قؽ ظوبى کهذ
220
544
2:605
8:457
قبضزكذخبى ؼا چ قبؾی ک ضظ 699 .5
..................................ر گیزی
خبعاؼ اؾیي کبؼ پؽظاضزكذ
..........................خبجبى
557 2:660
2:419 8 پؽقزیعى ظاظگؽ پیه کي ؾ ؼؾ گػؼ کؽظى اعیه کي 236 .6
دس دی گاپای داای دیی –تاب چاسم
قؽ هبیۀ کبؼب ثگؽظ ؽآکف ک ظاؼظ ؼام ضؽظ 268 .7
...............ی هبی...
080 5:020
6:4 68 ضؽظ ظقذ گیؽظ ثؽ ظ قؽای ضؽظ ؼوبی ضؽظ ؼ گهبی 268 .8
ک ظاب ثظ راب ثظ ؽ 273 .9
..........ؽک ............
1:4 14 ؾ ظام ظل پیؽ ثؽب ثظ
دس داده داعراى –تاب پجن
ک ؽظام آهضزنچ گئی 285 .63
كبم ضؽظ رضزن..................
ؾ ضظ ام ثی ظاهی رضزن
و ؽچ ثبیكزن آهضزن
6575 7:219
7:219 6576 ک ثهبعد پیم آهؾگبؼ یکی ـؿ ثبؾی کع ؼؾگبؼ 285 .66
7:679 6394 كؽااى قطي ثبنع ظیؽیبة کكی ؼا ک هـؿل ثظ پؽنزبة 290 .62
7:683 6634 ث اؾ ضبههی یچ پیؽای یكذ ظام چ خبى رؽا هبی یكذؾ 290 .60
دس صیشک صسی –تاب ششن
وبی هگؽ ثؽ كلک هب ؼا 062 .64
هبئی هگؽ ضكؽی گب ؼا
.........................هبیی
848 6:486
ثکبم ر گؽظظ قپؽ ثلع 062 ة .65
.......................ث کبم
نبغ ثبنع ظلذ اؼخوعرذ
ظلذ نبظ ثبظا رذ ثی گؿع
206 7:635
دس شیش شا پیالى –تاب فرن
4:0 5 ثگیزی ؾ کف هظ آكؽیي پؽقزع آؾ خیبی کیي 473 .66
Appendix E 446
....................... ث گیزی
ظؼضزی ک پؽؼظی آهع ثجبؼ 566 .67
ثعیعی ن اکى ثؽل ظؼ کبؼ
.............................ثیبثی
992 6:656
اگؽ ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضظ کهزۀ 566 .68
گؽل ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضظ کهز یی
اگؽ پؽیبكذ ضظ ؼنزۀ
ؼنز یی........................
993 1:151
جبیع کؿیي چؽة گلزبؼ هي 568 .69
گوبی ثككزی ثؽع ادوي
گوبی ث قكزی ثؽظ ادوي
6660 4:74
ک هي خؿ ثوؽ ایي گین وی 568 .23
...................ث هؽ..........
4:74 6664 قؽادبم یکی ثدین وی
و هؽؾ ثم ر یؽاى کن 520 .26
ظؼیؾ اقذ ایؽاى ک یؽاى نظ
کبم پلگبى نیؽاى کن
نظ.........................
695 2:86
هکي آک ؽگؿ کؽظقذ کف 506 .22
هگی آچ ؽگؿ گلز قذ کف
ثعیي ؼوى ر ظیقذ ثف
ث هؽظی هکي ثبظ ؼا ظؼ هلف
466 5:026
ثوؽظی ؾ ظل ظؼ کي ضهن کیي 506 .20
................................ث هؽظی
خبى ؼا ثچهن خای هجیي
.............ث چهن ..........
467 5:026
ظیع ایر چگبل نیؽاى کدب 506 .24
ر گؽظکهبى ؼا کدب ظیع یی
ک آاؾ ؼثب هیعۀ
ک آاؾ ؼثب هیع یی
467 5:003
دس شرش شیش پشیضگاس –تاب شرن
4:248 1220 گیؽظ ثؽ هؽظ ظاب كؽؽ ؾثبى چؽة گیب ظل پؽ ظؼؽ 620 .25
دس ػقاب آصادچش ایشا –تاب ن
یکی ریؿ لچیي گلذ ثب هي 736 .26
نوع ............................
ک هـؿل ضؽظ ثظ ؼایم قؽل
ثلع....................... خبم ...
6482 2:033
پلگ آى ؾهبى پیچع اؾ کیي ضیم 736 .27
ک طچیؽ ثیع ثجبلیي ضیم
.......ث ثبلیي................
2862 0:279
7:201 1348 ثوبع خبعاؼ ثب كؽی ظاهی آگی چ ظاؼظ ؾ ؽ 729 .28
ؾ ؽچ آى ثکق کؽظی اؾ ؼؾگبؼ 729 .29
؟ ؟ ؟
*قطي هبع ثف ظؼ خبى یبظگبؼ
اعؼ خبى یبظگبؼ ......
هبع اؾ هب وی یبظگبؼ .....
56
3981
6:607
7:414
چ پیقز گؽظظ قؽاقؽ قطي 703 .03
.................گیع .........ک
قطي کع ظاقزبى کي
اگؽ ثظ ظاقزبى گؽ کي
0973 7:460
5:68 263 جبنع ظژم ؽک ظاؼظ ضؽظ ثع یک ثؽ هب وی ثگػؼظ 703 .06
ؼاى ر ظاع ؼني کبظ 703 .02
.............ظاؼع ...........
ضؽظ پیم خبى ر خني کبظ
2697 8:668
*The second hemistich of this verse is similar to the first hemistiches of two verses in the
Shāhnāma, as noted. But, I could not identify the first hemistich of this verse.
447
Appendix F
Shāhnāma verses cited in Ẓahīrī Samarqandī‘s Sindbād-nāma
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī al-Ẓahīrī al-K tib al-Samarqandī. Sindbād-nāma. Edited by Aḥmad Ateş.
Istanbul: Milli e itim basimevi, 1949.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Sindbād
-nāma
P: Line
Line Shāh-
nāma
Vol: P.
قطي ث کی هبع ؾ هب یبظگبؼ 29:2 .6
.......قطي هبع اعؼ خبى
.......قطي هبع اؾ هب وی
کی هب ثؽ گػاؼین ا پبی ظاؼ
قطي ثزؽ اؾ گؽ نباؼ
ر ثب گح، ظام ثؽاثؽ هعاؼ
56
3981
6:137
7:414
غ ثؽ خگؽ کؽا 77:17 .2 ؟ ؟ *نغ ؾاگجیي ظؼظ ا ثیهزؽ قؽک ظاؼ ث
چ ظنوي کی ظاب ثغ ث ؾظقذ 666:60 .0
........................ک ........ ک
5:232 6048 اثب ظنوي ظقذ ظام کقذ
نزبثعگی کبؼ آؽهكذ 626:9 .4
نزبة ثعی کبؼ آؽهي قذ
پهیوبی خبى ؼح ري اقذ
2699 2:056
ثگیزی ؾ کف هظ آكؽیي پؽقزع آؾ خیبی کیي 626:63 .5
....................... ث گیزی
5 4:0
نجی چى نج ؼی نكز ثویؽ 269:9 .6
ث هیؽ.................................
ثؽام پیػا کیاى ریؽ
6 0:030
0:034 60 ؾهب ؾثبى ثكز اؾ یک ثػ آای هؽؽ ؽای ظغ 269:63 .7
چیي ظاى کی بظاى رؽیي کف رئی 204:63 .8
ریی.....................................
5:502 00 اگؽ پع ظاعگبى هی
ثچیؿی کی آیػ کكی ؼا ؾهبى 334:9 .9
...........................ث چیؿی
ثؿظ ظلم ریؽ گؽظظ کوبى
ؼاقذ گؽظظ گوبى ث پیم ظلم
648 5:453
Other verses in the metre of the Shāhnāma, which I could not identify:
؟ ؟ قذ بم پػؼ ثلؽؾع ؾع ثلؽؾع ثبهیكذ گبم پػؼ 147:8 .6
؟ ؟ ؿوی ثبیعل ضؼظ بضؼظی ؽآى ک کع کبؼ بکؽظی 179:4 .2
؟ ؟ کی ظؼ ی ثگلزبؼ بظاى نی اؾاى کؽظ ثی نک پهیوبى نی 204:9 .0
ظ ن ک 330:10 .4 ؟ ؟ چبى چى خؿای ثػی ن ثػی خؿای کئی ث
؟ ؟ ؼ اضزؽ قؽاعؼ یبؼغ ثطاة اگؽ ؼؾ هي ثؽ عاؼغ نزبة 044:6 .5
؟ ؟ کؿ اعاؾۀ ا کن آیػ قپؽ ثگیزی وبین یکی هؽ چؽ 044:7 .6
* This verse appears in the Kashf al-abyāt of Dabīrsiy qī and is cited in the Lughat-nāma of
Dihkhud as a verse by Firdausī, but I could not locate it in Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the
Appendix F 448
Shāhnāma. See Sayyid Muḥammad Dabīrsiy qī, Kashf al-abyāt-i Shāhnāma-i Firdaus (Tehran:
Anjuman-i s r-i millī, 1350/1971), 2:716; and Dihkhud , Lughat-nāma, s.v. ―angab n.‖
449
Appendix G
Shāhnāma verses cited in Ẓahīrī Samarqandī‘s Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa
Muḥammad b. ‗Alī al-Ẓahīrī al-K tib al-Samarqandī. Aghrāż al-siyāsa f a‗rāż al-riyāsa: Matn
az qarn-i shishum-i hijr . Edited by Ja‗far Shi‗ r. Ganjīna-i mutūn-i īr nī 68. Tehran: Intish r t-i
D nishg h-i Tehran, 1349/1970.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Aghrāż
Page Line Shāhnāma
Vol: Page
ر چى ثچۀ نیؽ ؼا پؽؼی 677 .6
ک چى ثچ ی نیؽ ؽ پؽؼی
چ ظعاى کع ؾظ کیلؽ ثؽی
............ریؿ .................
6648 2:277
چ ثب ؾؼ ثب خگ ثؽضیؿظ ا 677 .2
.............چگ ...................
2:277 6649 ث پؽؼظگبؼ اعؼآیؿظ ا
خاى ثظهی ثؽرؽم ظانزی 263 .0
........چ ثظم خاى ظؼ ثؽم
ث پیؽی هؽا ضاؼ ثگػانزی
..................ث پیؽی چؽا
2 6:133
ظربی نع آى قؽ بؾاى ث ثبؽ 263 .4
........یبؾاى .........ظربیی نع
گهذ آى گؽاهی چؽاؽوی ریؽ
....وبى
4 6:133
چ قؽ ظالؼای گؽظظ ث ضن 266 .5
ثطن............................
6:230 530 ضؽنبى نظ ؽگكبى ظژم
گؽظظ کوبى ث قی ظلم ریؽ ث چیؿی ک آیع کكی ؼا ؾهبى 220 .6
.............ث پیم ظلم ؼاقذ
648 5:453
رؽا هبی یكذچ اؾ ظاهی هؽ 264 .7
ؾ ظام چ خبى رؽا هبی یكذ
7:683 6634 ث اؾ ضبههی یچ پیؽای یكذ
کع آنکبؼا ثع ثؽ بى پعؼ چى ث كؽؾع هبع خبى 065 .8
.........ثؽ..............
6 2:0
گؽ ثلگع كؽ بم پعؼ 065 .9
......................گؽ ا
2:0 7 پكؽر ثیگب ضام هطام
450
Appendix H
Shāhnāma verses cited in Najm-i R zī‘s Mir ād al-‗ibād
Najm-i R zī (Najm al-dīn Abū Bakr b. Muḥammad b. Sh h var b. Anūshirv n R zī). Mir ād al-
‗ibād. Edited by Muḥammad Amīn Riy ḥī. Majmū‗a-i mutūn-i f rsī 46. Tehran: Bung h-i
tarjuma va nashr-i kit b, 1352/1973.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Mir ād
Page Line Shāhnāma
Vol: Page
- - *عان کیی ؽ چ كزی ری خبى ؼا ثلعی پكزی ری 2 .6
- - *ای ؽچ كزی ریی عان ک خبى ؼا ثلعی پكزی ریی 66 .2
ثچعیي هیبدی ثپؽؼظ اع رؽا اؾ ظ گیزی ثؽآؼظ اع 82 .0
..……………ث چعیي
65 1:7
پكیي نوبؼ كطؽد طكزیي 82 .4
......كکؽد پكیذ طكزیذ
ریی ضیهزي ؼا ثجبؾی هعاؼ
ر هؽ ضیهزي ؼا ث ثبؾی هعاؼ
66 1:7
اگؽ ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضظ کهز ای 96 .5
کهز یی .....................گؽل
گؽ پؽیبى اقذ ضظ ؼنز ای
ؼنز یی ...........................
990 6:656
Other verses in the metre of the Shāhnāma, which I could not identify:
؟ ؟ ک کبؼد ثظ چى گبؼچ ضای ثعابی كؽهبی واؼ کبؼ 456 .6
؟ ؟ ثعاب قپبؼظ ؾهب لگبم ک ظاب ثؽ کبؼ ثبنع روبم 456 .2
؟ ؟ ؾ بظاى یبثع کكی کبم ظل ؾ ظاب راى یبكذ آؼام ظل 456 .0
؟ ؟ ک ظاب ثظ ثیگوبى ظؼ ثهذ چیي ضاعم اؾ ظكزؽ ؾؼظهذ 456 .4
؟ ؟ گح بثؽظ ؼحیبثع کكی ثؽح اعؼقذ ای ضؽظهع گح 542 .5
* This verse has been attributed to Firdausī by medieval authors and appears in some of the
earlier editions of the Shāhnāma, but it does not appear in Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition. See above,
p. 76, and p. 120 n. 267.
451
Appendix I
Shāhnāma verses cited in Juvaynī‘s Tār kh-i jahāngushāy
‗Al al-Dīn ‗Aṭ Malik b. Bah ‘ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Juvaynī. Tār kh-i
jahāngushāy. Edited by Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Vahh b Qazvīnī. (English title p.: The Ta‘ríkh-i-
jahán-gushá of ‗Alá‘u ‗D-Dín ‗Aṭá Malik-i Juwayní). 3 pts. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol.
16, pts. 1–3. Leiden: Brill, 1912–37.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Jahāngushāy
Pt.:P, Line Line Shāhnāma
Vol: P.
5:314 260 هیبى ثؿؼگبى گؽظظ کي وبب ک رب ؼقزطیؿ ایي قطي 5 ,1:11 .6
ثپیم پعؼ ثؽ کوؽ ثؽ هیبى چ یکرؽ اؾ ؽ نیؽ ژیبى 3 ,1:52 .2
........................ث پیم
37 5:294
قؽ هبیۀ کبؼب ثگؽظ ؽآکف ک ظاؼظ ؼام ضؽظ 8 ,1:61 .0
............. ی هبی....
080 5:020
ثدنیع ظؼیب ثآای کـ ا یلگى نع ؾهیي آثـ 9 ,1:64 .4
وی کؽ نع گل اؾ آای کـ
426 2:652
ثبگهذ لهکؽ ثهبى وظ 10 ,1:64 .5
...ث هبى ....... ث اگهذ
2:650 403 قپبی ک آؽا کؽا جظ
نت ریؽ ثؽ ؼؾ ظاهي کهیع خبى بپعیعچ ضؼنیع گهذ اؾ 6 ,1:65 .6
.....ظنذ لهکؽ ...............
446 2:654
و هؽگ ؼا این پیؽ خاى 19 ,1:65 .7
...............ؼایین .............
ثگیزی وبع کكی خبظاى
.....................ث گیزی
770 2:679
چیي اقذ کؽظاؼ چؽش ثلع 64 ,1:66 .8
ثعقزی کال ثعقزی کوع
....ث ظقزی ....... ث ظقزی
976 2:694
چ اكکع ضؼ قی ثبال کوع 15 ,1:70 .9
.....چ ضؼنیع ثعاضذ ؾؼیي
ثؽ آهع ؾهب ثچؽش ثلع
..........ؾثب ثؽآهع ث
489 2:157
هؽا ظیع ظؼ خگ ظؼیب ک 68 ,1:70 .63
........................ظیع ......
2:673 656 ک ثب بهعاؼاى رؼاى گؽ
چ کؽظم قزبؼ گای هكذ 69 ,1:70 .66
ثوؽظی خبى ؾیؽ پبی هكذ
..........................ث هؽظی
652 2:673
ثپیچیع ؾاى پف یکی آ کؽظ 2 ,1:74 .62
....................اؾ آى ........
اعیه کرب کؽظؾ یک ثع
855 2:185
خبب نگلزب ؾ کؽظاؼ ركذ 5 ,1:74 .60
...............ک ..............
نکكز ن اؾ ر ن اؾ ر ظؼقذ
ن اؾ ر نکكز، ن اؾ ر ظؼقذ
673 2:676
ؾاى پف قؽاپؽظۀ نؽیبؼ 21 ,1:79 .64
..........ی غؼ قؽاپؽظ
کهیعع ثؽ ظنذ پیم زبؼ
121 1:294
چ ضؽنیع ربثبى ثگكزؽظ كؽ 69 ,1:90 .65
...................ضؼنیع ....
قی ؾاؽ گؽظى ثیلکع پؽ
پؽاى ثیعاضذ پؽ............
775 2:679
Appendix I 452
ثجلص گؿیي نع ثعاى ثبؼ 5 ,1:630 .66
...........................ث ثلص
5:77 65 ک یؿظاى پؽقزبى ثعاى ؼؾگبؼ
هؽآى خبی ؼا ظانزعی چبى 6 ,1:630 .67
......................ضب .......
چ هؽ هک ؼا ایي ؾهبى ربؾیبى
ربؾیبى ایي ؾهبى..................
66 5:77
5:181 1094 وی ضبک ثب ضى ثؽآهیطزی ثؽ ق ک ثبؼ ثؽاگیطزی 1 ,1:107 .68
ؼظل ثطهگی ثعیعثعاى قی چ اقلعیبؼ اؾ پكم ثگؽیع 63 ,1:637 .69
....ث ضهکی....... ثؽاى ؼی
6679 5:096
وی گلذ کیي ؼا طایع هؽظ 66 ,1:637 .23
یکی ؾع پیلكذ ثب نبش ثؽظ
پیل قذ ثب ظاؼ ثؽظ............
6683 5:096
ق گب آى کؽظ اؾ وی گلذ هی 62 ,1:637 .26
ک ؼقزن وی ؼكذ خیبى ؼا
چبى ث ؼا........................
n. 23 5:096
5:292 64 ؾ ثلجل قطي گلزي پلی گ کي قسؽگب رب ثهی 9 ,1:663 .22
5:292 65 عاؼظ خؿ اؾ بل ؾ یبظگبؼ وی بلع اؾ هؽگ اقلعیبؼ 63 ,1:663 .20
نجی چى نج ؼی نكز ثویؽ 8 ,1:625 .24
ث هیؽ ...............................
0:030 6 ثؽام پیعا کیاى ریؽ
چ ضؽنیع ربثبى ؾ ثؽج ثلع 6 ,1:626 .25
....چؽش ........ ضؼنیع ....
وی ضاقذ اكکع ؼضهبى کوع
.................اكگع.................
80 2:624
2:656 477 قپؽ ثؽ قؽ آؼظ ثوظ ظقذ چى پیل هكذیکی ثؽضؽنیع 9 ,1:626 .26
پعؼ نؽیبؼقذ هب ثع این 9 ,1:640 .27
کزؽم هي ...........................
ثلؽهبى ؼایذ قؽاكکع این
ؾكؽهبى ا یک ؾهبى گػؼم
280 5:066
5:296 6 ک هی ثی ههک آیع اؾ خیجبؼ کى ضؼظ ثبیع هی ضل گاؼ 66 ,1:645 .28
ثیب رب خبى ؼا ثجع كپؽین 2 ,1:666 .29
ثیب رب و ظقذ یکی ثؽین
ثکنم و ظقذ یکی ثؽین
خبى خبى ؼا ث ثع كپؽین
653 6:207
n. 1 هؽا بم ثبیع ک ري هؽگ ؼاقذ ثبم ک گؽ ثویؽم ؼاقذ 0 ,1:666 .03
line 3
5:430
چ هطؽ ثؽ ژؼف ظؼیب ثؽی 7 ,1:693 .06
........................چهو ....
ثعیاگی هبع ایي ظاؼی
..........آى .... ث ظیاگی
6406 0:692
یکی ؼا ثؽآؼی نبی ظی 15 ,1:201 .02
*پف آگ ث ظؼیب ثوبی ظی
........................یکی ؼا
؟ ؟
4:676 90 ثؽ طاع خبى یؿ ههؼ ا یب ؼا ثکهذ ضظ ایعؼ وبع 8 ,1:232 .00
اگؽ پؽیبكذ ضظ ؼنزۀ 1:232,66 .04
گؽل ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضظ ؼنز یی
گؽ ثبؼ ضبؼقذ ضظ کهزۀ
گؽ پؽیبكذ ضظ ؼنز یی
993 1:151
ثؽ آاؾ اثؽیهن ثبگ بی 2 ,6:238 .05
قوي ػبؼبى پیم ضكؽ ثپبی
n. 3
line 3
2:652
نتوی ثبظ ضؼظع رب ین 0 ,1:238 .06
گهبظع ؼاههگؽاى ؽ ظ لت
ث ؼاهم و ثؽگهبظ ظ لت
465 2:652
2:646 009 گهبظ ظل یکطا آهعع گؽاؾاى ثعؼگب نب آهعع 9 ,1:238 .07
ثپنیع ؾؼثلذ نبهی 62 ,1:238 .08
ثكؽ ثؽ بظ کال هی
...........بظ آى........
292 5:066
ثیبهع ؾ پؽظ قؽایضؽاهبى 64 ,1:238 .09
ظؼكم ظؼكهبى پف ا ثپبی
ث پبی..........................
290 5:066
قزبیم گؽكزع ثؽ پلاى 67 ,1:238 .43
ک ثیعاؼ ثبنی ؼني ؼاى
...................خبیع ثبظی ..
085 2:649
2:649 086 ثبظویه قؽ رطذ خبی ر خبى قؽ ثكؽ ؾیؽ پبی ر ثبظ 68 ,1:238 .46
5:032 667 ثؽ آنکبؼا اعؼ بى جین وی ظنوی ظؼ خبى 64 ,1:260 .42
5:032 668 چ پیچبى وبب ک ثیدبى نظ ک بم ر یبثع پیچبى نظ 65 ,1:260 .40
1:224 893 ؼش بهعاؼاى هب گهذ ؾؼظ چ ؾاى لهکؽ گهي ثؽضبقذ گؽظ 8 ,2:31 .44
Appendix I 453
چثؽضبقذ ؾاى لهکؽ گهي گؽظ
هي آى گؽؾ یک ؾضن ثؽظانزن 9 ,2:31 .45
...........یکؿضن ...... ایي .....
قپ ؼا وبدبی ثگػانزن
894 1:224
1:224 895 ک چى آقیب نع ثؽیهبى ؾهیي ضؽنی ضؽنیعم اؾ پهذ ؾیي 10 ,2:31 .46
نظ قگ ضبؼا ثکؽظاؼ هم ؽ آگ ک ضهن آؼظ ثطذ نم 63 ,2:630 .47
..............................کع
849 2:685
ر ظای ک ضی ثع نؽیبؼ 64 ,2:630 .48
.................. ..ثع گلذ
ظؼضزی اقذ خگی ویه ثجبؼ
ث ثبؼ.................................
940 2:692
هع اؾ پی ربج قؽ ؼا ثجبظ 3 ,2:108 .49
ثبظث ........................
5:306 174 ک ثب ربج نبی ؾ هبظؼ ؿاظ
چ ثهیع قلطبى قؽل ضیؽ گهذ 65 ,2:666 .53
.......................ؼقزن ............
2:686 866 خبى پیم چهن اعؼل ریؽ گهذ
گؽ چیي کبؼ ظناؼ یكذ هگؽ ثطذ ؼضهع ثیعاؼ یكذ 14 ,2:127 .56
......ظنطاؼ....................
323 2:144
ثگؽظ اؾ خبى ؼنبئی ثجؽظ قپجع ػبى اژظب ؼا قپؽظ 2 ,2:600 .52
.................ث ضهن اؾ ا
234 2:600
اگؽ رع ثبظی ثؽآیع ؾ گح 66 ,2:600 .50
کح..........................
2:667 6 ثطبک اكکع ب ؼقیع رؽح
ضایوم اؼ ظاظگؽقزوگبؼ 67 ,2:600 .54
ؽهع ضایوم اؼ ثی ؽ
............گییوم.........
2 2:667
3:304 13 ؾهب ؾثبى ثكز اؾ یک ثع آای هؽؽ ؽای ظظ 20 ,2:133 .55
2:627 626 ک ن ثب گؽ ثظ ن ریؾ ؾى ؾ ؽ ق قپ نع ثؽ ادوي 63 ,2:605 .56
ک اكکع قؽاة کهزی ثؽ آة ثؿظیک اكؽاقیبةضجؽ نع 60 ,2:606 .57
..........................اكگع ...
627 2:628
ؾ لهکؽ گؿیي نع كؽااى قاؼ 64 ,2:606 .58
................کي ..................
خبى ظیعگبى اؾ ظؼ کبؼؾاؼ
...................خبعیعگبى
657 5:035
ظؼ خگ ؽ اژظبقذ ک آى نب 65 ,2:609 .59
...........................رؽک .....
آح ثؽ کی اثؽ ثالقذ ظم
................... ظؼ..........
25 6:047
نظ ک ضبؼا چ ظؼیبی آة 66 ,2:609 .63
..................آي .............
اگؽ ثهظ بم اكؽاقیبة
068 4:694
کكی هؽظ اؾیي قبى عیعثگیزی 62 ,2:642 .66
......اؾیكبى ............. ث گیزی
کكی هؽظ اؾیكبى ث گیزی عیع
اؾ بهعاؼاى پیهیي نیع
.......پیهی .................
اؾ بهعاؼاى پیهیي نیع
003
n. 9
5:069
5:043
ثگیزی عاؼظ کكی ؼا وبل 2 ,2:640 .62
.................عاؼی .……
5:032 669 هگؽ ثی ضؽظ بهؼ پؼ ؾال
5:032 626 وی ضیهزي کزؽی هوؽظ ثوؽظی وی ؾ آقوبى ثگػؼظ 0 ,2:640 .60
ثب پبؼقبیبى چ ظاؼی اهیع 7 ,2:160 .64
ثبپبک ؾاظ هعاؼیع اهیع
**ک ؾگی ثهكزي گؽظظ قپیع
........................ؾکی ...
- -
5:008 559 ثجبؾی قؽ اعؼ یبؼظ ثعام قاؼ خبى پؼ ظقزبى قبم 66 ,2:660 .65
ثؽكزع یکجبؼگی قی ا چ ظیعع ایؽایبى ؼی ا 0 ,2:673 .66
و ثؽ بظع ثؽ ضبک ؼی
932 5:689
یکی یؿ ؾظ ثؽ قؽ انکجـ 18 ,2:173 .67
............ی ثؿظ ثؽ ثؽ قی
ا ظاظ ثـقپؽ آى ؾهبى ظقذ
1306 3:185
نوب ؽ کكی چبؼۀ خبى کیع 63 ,2:680 .68
.......... ی چبؼ...............
2:647 062 ضؽظ ؼا ثعیي کبؼ پیچبى کیع
ثیبؼاقذ ؼاههگؽی نؽیبؼ 63 ,2:686 .69
ثیبؼاقذ ؼاههگی نباؼ
نع ایاى ثکؽظاؼ ثبؽ ثبؼ
....ضؽم ....................
464 2:652
Appendix I 454
0:033 686 گی چى کوبكذ گبی چ ریؽ ثؽیي گ گؽظظ وی چؽش پیؽ 67 ,2:689 .73
گی هؽ ل اقذ گ کیي ؾؽ 68 ,2:689 .76
لیکي چیي قذ گؽظع ظؽ
ثعیي قبى ثظ چؽش گؽظع ظؽ
گی ل ثبؼآؼظ گب ؾؽ
79 0:290
5:296 6 ثی ههک آیع اؾ خیجبؼ ک هی کى ضؼظ ثبیع هی ضنگاؼ 6 ,3:25 .72
5:296 5 و ک پؽ الل قجلكذ و ثقزبى ؾیؽ ثؽگ گلكذ 7 ,3:25 .70
ظؼنزی رعی یبیع ثکبؼ 2 ,3:43 .74
............ک رعی ریؿی
*ثؽهی ثؽآیع ؾ قؼاش هبؼ
.......................ث ؽهی
؟ ؟
- - **گؽل ظؼ هبی ثجبؽ ثهذ ؼا قؽنذ ظؼضزی ک رلص اقذ ا 62 ,3:49 .75
- - **ثجیص اگجیي ؼیؿی ههک بة ؼ اؾ خی ضلعل ثگبم آة 60 ,3:49 .76
- - **وبى هیۀ رلص ثبؼ آؼظ قؽ ادبم گؽ ثکبؼ آؼظ 64 ,3:49 .77
نبى ؾؼ رب چ ثب خگ ا یكذ كؽقزع ؾیي نؽب ثبژ قب 6 ,3:82 .78
............یكزهبى ..................
264 5:314
ثؽكزع ؼی خبى ریؽ گهذ 66 ,3:637 .79
...…...…ا . .….….…
2:174 710 ؾ قؽاة گؽظى وی ضیؽ گهذ
چ ضؽنیع آى چبظؼ هیؽگى 8 ,3:603 6 .83
چ ضؼنیع اؾآى چبظؼیلگى
ثعؼیع اؾ پؽظ آهع ثؽى
آهع ثؽىؿوی نع، ثعؼیع
502 0:608
* These verses appear in the Kashf al-abyāt of Dabīrsiy qī and are attributed to Firdausī in the
Lughat-nāma of Dihkhud , but I could not locate them in Kh liqī Muṭlaq‘s edition of the
Shāhnāma. See Sayyid Muḥammad Dabīrsiy qī, Kashf al-abyāt-i Shāhnāma-i Firdaus (Tehran:
Anjuman-i s r-i millī, 1350/1971), 2:937 and 2:709 respectively; and Dihkhud , Lughat-nāma,
s.vv. ―barāvardan‖ and ―narm .‖
** These verses are from the satire (hajv-nāma). See Abu‘lkasim Firdousi, Le livre des rois, ed.
and trans. Jules Mohl, 7 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Royale/Nationale, 1838–78), rerp. ed. (Paris:
Jean Maisonneuve, 1976), 1:xci, lines 12–14 and 18.
455
Appendix J
Shāhnāma verses cited in Rashīd al-Dīn Fa lull h‘s Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh
Rashīd al-Dīn Fa lull h Ḥamad nī. Jāmi‗ al-tavār kh. Edited by Muḥammad Raushan and
Muṣṭaf Mūsavī. 4 vols. Tehran: Alburz, 1373/1994.
‗Al al-Dīn ‗Aṭ Malik b. Bah ‘ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Juvaynī. Tār kh-i
jahāngushāy. Edited by Muḥammad b. ‗Abd al-Vahh b Qazvīnī. (English title p.: The Ta‘ríkh-i-
jahán-gushá of ‗Alá‘u ‗D-Dín ‗Aṭá Malik-i Juwayní). 3 pts. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol.
16, pts. 1–3. Leiden: Brill, 1912–37.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Jāmi‗ al-
tavār kh
Vo.:P.
Jahān-
gushāy*
Pt.:P
Line
Shāh-
nāma
Vol: P.
- - **ای ؽ چ كزی ری عان چ خبى ؼا ثلعی پكزی ری - 1:22 .6
وی ثگكالع قطي ؼا ؾ ظقذ رک ؼؾگبؼ اؾ ظؼاؾی ک كذ - 1:33 .2
.........ب ...... ثگػؼاع .......
141 3:297
پیبظ عیعم ک خگ آؼظ - 1:176 .0
..................عیعی.....
قؽ قؽکهبى ؾیؽ چگ آؼظ
.......قگ.......................
1290 3:183
4:52 806 ؽ ػیت گؽظظ چ ثؽگهذ ؼ كؿى ثظ هبى ث ؾؼؾثیژى - 1:177 .4
5:008 559 ثجبؾی قؽ اعؼ یبؼظ ثعام قاؼ خبى پؼ ظقزبى قبم 2:163 1:265 .5
چ ؾاى لهکؽ گهي ثؽضبقذ گؽظ 2:31 1:049 .6
چثؽضبقذ ؾاى لهکؽ گهي گؽظ
ؼش بهعاؼاى هب گهذ ؾؼظ
893 1:224
یک ؾضن ثؽظانزنهي آى گؽؾ 2:31 1:049 .7
...........یکؿضن ...... ایي .....
قپ ؼا وبدبی ثگػانزن
894 1:224
1:224 895 ک چى آقیب نع ثؽیهبى ؾهیي ضؽنی ضؽنیعم اؾ پهذ ؾیي 2:31 1:049 .8
4:52 806 ؽ ػیت گؽظظ چ ثؽگهذ ؼ ؾثیژى كؿى ثظ هبى ث ؾؼ - 1:350 .9
قؽ هبیۀ کبؼب ثگؽظ ک ظاؼظ ؼام ضؽظؽآکف 1:61 1:474 .63
............. ی هبی....
383 5:020
ثپیم پعؼ ثؽ کوؽ ثؽ هیبى چ یکرؽ اؾ ؽ نیؽ ژیبى 1:52 1:476 .66
........................ث پیم
37 5:294
2:673 656 ک ثب بهعاؼاى رؼاى گؽ ظؼ خگ ظؼیب ک هؽا ظیع 1:73 1:495 .62
2:673 652 ث هؽظی خبى ؾیؽ پبی هكذ چ کؽظم قزبؼ گای هكذ 1:73 1:495 .60
2:185 855 ؾ یک ثع اعیه کرب کؽظ ثپیچیع ؾاى پف یکی آ کؽظ 1:74 1:496 .64
ضیؽ گهذچ ثهیع قلطبى ثؽ 2:116 1:510 .65
.............قؽلؼقزن .............
2:686 866 اعؼل ریؽ گهذخبى پیم چهن
ثگیزی کكی هؽظ اؾیي قبى عیع 2:642 1:527 .66
......اؾیكبى ............. ث گیزی
کكی هؽظ اؾیكبى ث گیزی عیع
اؾ بهعاؼاى پیهیي نیع
.......پیهی .................
اؾ بهعاؼاى پیهیي نیع
003
n. 9
5:069
5:043
2:131 160 ث پیم ؿثؽ اعؼ آهع ظلیؽ ثؽى ربضذ ثؽ قبى نیؽ ؾ لهکؽ - 1:656 .67
Appendix J 456
...............دیؽ.........
نوب ؽ کكی چبؼۀ خبى کیع 2:183 1:654 .68
.......... ی چبؼ...............
کبؼ پیچبى کیعظؼایي ضؽظ ؼا
.................. ثعیي.........
062 2:647
ظظؼكهیعى - 2:995 .69 ظ هب چعاى ث 4:45 699 ک ضؼنیع ربثع پبى ث
این ک ر نؽیبؼی هب ثع 1:143 2:1085 .23
پعؼ نؽیبؼقذ هي کزؽم
این ث كؽهبى ؼایذ قؽ اكگع
ؾكؽهبى ا یک ؾهبى گػؼم
280 5:066
چ پیکبى ثجقیع اگهذ ا - 2:1086 .26
............چ ثقیع پیکبى قؽ
گػؼکؽظ ثؽ هؽۀ پهذ ا
........ی اؾ هؽ.........
896 7:540
5:365 873 یکی ثؽگؽایی ػبى هؽا ثجیی ر كؽظا قبى هؽا - 2:1103 .22
ای ر هؽظاى خگی کدب ظیع - 2:1103 .20
یی ظیع......گؽظکهبى ؼا ...
ای ک آاؾ ؼثب هیع
یی هیع..................
467 5:330
ثگلزب ک ظلذ رؽا یبؼ نع - 2:1143 .24
گهذ یؿظاى هؽا یبؼ خبعاؼ
قؽ ثطذ ظنوي گكبؼ نع
گهذ...............................
1264 4:251
2:128 128 وی ؼای نوهیؽ ریؽ آهعل ؾ اؾ ظي ثی نیؽ آهعل - 2:1210 .25
* For line numbers and variants in Tār kh-i Jahāngushāy, see Appendix I.
** Like other medieval authors, Rashīd al-Dīn attributes this verse to Firdausī. The verse appears
in some of the earlier editions of the Shāhnāma, but it is not included in the edition consulted for
this study. See above, p. 76, and p. 120 n. 267.
457
Appendix K
Shāhnāma verses cited in Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi as
Mujmal al-tavār kh va al-qi as . Edited by Malik al-Shu‗ar ‘ Bah r. Tehran: Kul la Kh var,
1318/1939.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Mujmal
al-tavār kh
Page
Line Shāhnāma Vol: Page
ثعیاگی هبع آى ظاؼی چ چهو ثؽ ژؼف ظؼیب ثؽی 3 .6
.................ث ظیاگی
1436 3:192
5:175 1036 اؾ آى ث ک بقبؾ ضای ی ظبى گؽ ثوبع ؾ ضؼظى ری 8 1 .2
چ ثؽ پبی ثظی قؽ اگهذ ا 03 .0
ای............ .........................
ؾ ؾا كؽرؽ ثعی ههذ ا
ای...............................
6660 5:407
پعؼ ظؼپػیؽكزي اؾ یکئی 06 .4
یکیی... ظؼپػیؽكزم ....
ضاع وی پلی ثعاى ظیي ک
..............ضای ........ ث آى
646 5:480
5:480 642 چبى ثع ک آثكزي آهع ؾ نب وبی ظل اكؽؾ ربثع هب 06 .5
ثزبؾی ؼا ضبۀ پبک ظاى 46 .6
ث ربؾی کى ضب ی پبک ضاى
6:74 039 ثؽآؼظ ایاى سبک ظاى
458
Appendix L
Shāhnāma verses cited in Ibn Isfandiy r‘s Tār kh-i abaristān
Bah ‘ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Ḥasan b. Isfandiy r. Tār kh-i abaristān. Vol. 1. Edited by ‗Abb s
Iqb l Āshtiy nī. Tehran: Kh var, 1320/1941.
[Abū al-Q sim Firdausī]. Abu‘l-Qasem Ferdowsi. Shāhnāma. Edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq
(Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh). (English title p.: The Shahnameh: The Book of Kings). 8 vols. Vol. 6
edited by Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Maḥmūd Umīds l r (Mahmoud Omidsalar). Vol. 7 edited by
Jal l Kh liqī Muṭlaq and Abu al-Fa l Khatībī (Abolfazl Khatibi). Persian Text Series, n.s., no.1.
New York: Bibliotheca Persica, 1987–2008. Repr. ed., Tehran: Markaz-i d ‘irat al-ma‘ rif-i
buzurg-i isl mī, 1386/2007. Paginations are the same in both editions.
No. Tār kh-i
abaristān
Page
Line Shāhnāma Vol: Page
كؽیعى كؽش رویه ثکؽظ 58 .6
ؾ آهل گػؼ قی رویه کؽظ
1:92 44 هكذ اعؼ آى بهؼ ثیه کؽظ
1:85 489 ؾ ههک ؾ ػجؽ قؽنز جظ كؽیعى كؽش كؽنز جظ 63 .2
1:85 490 ظم کي كؽیعى رییر ظاظ ؾ ظاظ ظم یبكذ ا یکیی 63 .0
ثپؽگبؼرگ هیبى ظ گی 655 .4
.......................... ث پؽگبؼ
8:439 0 چ گین ک خؿ ضبههی یكذ ؼی
ؼؾ ثؿؼگی ؼؾ یبؾ 655 .5
وبع وی ثؽ کف ایي ثؽ ظؼاؾ
وبع وی ثؽکكی ثؽ ظؼاؾ
4 8:439
ثگؽیؾهب ؾ هب یكذ چى 655 .6
ثعیي هبی ثب ا هکي ظاؼی
عاؼظ کكی آلذ ظاؼی
5 8:439
ر اؾ آكؽیعى كؿزؽ ۀ 655 .7
یی ................... .........
چ پؽیؿ ثب رطذ اككؽ ۀ
یی................................
66 8:463
ثژؼكی گ کي ک ثب یؿظ گؽظ 655 .8
...........................ث ژؼكی
8:463 60 چ کؽظ ایي ثؽاكؽاضز لذ گؽظ