article_rebyz_0766-5598_1995_num_53_1_1904

8/10/2019 article_rebyz_0766-5598_1995_num_53_1_1904

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Helen Saradi

The Byzantine Tribunals: Problems in the Application of Justiceand State Policy (9th-12th c.)In: Revue des tudes byzantines, tome 53, 1995. pp. 165-204.

AbstractREB 53 1995 France p. 165-204

Helen Saradi, The Byzantine Tribunals : Problems in the Application of Justice and State Policy (9th-12th c). In the Byzantinesources judicial corruption is clearly distinguished from the judges' right to bend the law and adapt it to each particular caseaccording to the principle of oikonornia, recognized already by the imperial legislation. According to Justinian's Novels judicialcorruption was the result of the judges' insuffi cient training. Justinian treated the problem as an administrative one, since thefunctionaries were also assuming judicial responsibilities. A definition of judicial corruption in social terms is found only in theEcloga of Leo III the Isaurian : bribery ; favour to friends ; protection from hostile acts ; fear of the dynatoi. But the legislator placed the problem at the level of Christian morality. Later Leo VI tried to secure the good function of the Byzantine judicialsystem by imposing temporal and even spiritual punishment. The measures of the emperors of the following centuries wereinspired either by Justinian's approach or by that of Leo III. In the Novels of the emperors of the Macedonian dynasty on thepreemption right of the poor, judicial corruption is denounced again as a cause of social injustice. Finally, ConstantineMonomachos tried to create an incorruptible judicial system by offering the judges high education with the establishment of the

school of Law. Influence of the Justinianic Novels has been discerned in this approach.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Saradi Helen. The Byzantine Tribunals: Problems in the Application of Justice and State Policy (9th-12th c.). In: Revue destudes byzantines, tome 53, 1995. pp. 165-204.

doi : 10.3406/rebyz.1995.1904

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THE BYZANTINE TRIBUNALS

PROBLEMS IN THE APPLICATION

OF JUSTICE AND STATE POLICY

(9th- 12th c.)

Helen SARADI

(Basil.2, 1,10;Syn. Bas., 32, 1).

The purposeof this paper is to draw attention to someof the problemsofthe Byzantinejudicial system regardingthe applicationof justice, the viewsof the Byzantinesabout these problems,and the solutionswith which theState tried to solvethem. The subjectis complex andit is intimatelyrelatedto the structure of the administrative machineof the empire, the conceptofthe office of the judgesand their legaltraining.The variousapproachesof theState to the problemsof the Byzantine judiciarywhichwe will discernfromthe 9th to the 12th c. will be evaluatedin the context of the historicaltradition f the Byzantinejudicial system.

I. The earlier tradition

It is knownthat in Byzantiumjudicialpowerwasnot separatedfrom thestate administration.A slowdevelopmentof the judicialsystem in the earlyByzantineperioddeterminedthe future form of the Byzantinecourtsand thenature of the office of the judge.The most remarkablechange wasthat theprovincialgovernorsand their judgeswere gradually assumingthe judicialpower whichwasoriginallyin the handsof the municipalmagistrates.According o an ancient Romantradition the magistrateswere granted judicialpower in casesof their administrative competenceas well as in casesof adisciplinary natureover their subordinates.Fromthe 4th c. the tendencyhas

beendiscernedfor administrativefunctionariesto successfullycompetewithRevuedestudesByzantines53, 1995,p. 165-204.


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166 HELEN SARADI

the ordinarycourts and to handlean increasinglygreater numberof cases1.Thus since the judicialsystem was not based on professionalsindependentfromthe civiland military administration,mostof the judgesdid not possesslegaltraining. Onthe other hand, sincejusticewaspart of the dutiesof thehigh officers, in particularthe provincialgovernors,men with knowledgeoflaw were usuallyhired for such positions2.In order to secureacceptablestandardsof justice, the office ofthe assessorwas introducedearly on invarious administrativeoffices. The assessorswere judicialadvisors. Theywere alsocalled.

The Justinianic legislation illustratesin a uniqueway the problemsof theearly Byzantinejudicialsystem and of the emperor'sapproachto them. Thenewmeasuresintroducedby the Novel82on the judges(' ),issuedin the year 539,are justifiedby the confusion hich existed in the judicialprofession,and theemperor'sintention wasto establishan order in this matter. The first issuethat is raisedis the legaltrainingof the judges.In the future, no one can be promotedto the office of

judgewithoutknowledgeof laws()or somepracticalexperience in legalmatters (:pr.). Of courseassessors were traditionallyassignedby the magistratesto handlethe legalquestions and replacethe magistratesin their judicialdutieswhen the latter werebusy with other administrative business3. Butthe assessorsdid not hold anoffice ()nor did they belongto the imperialadministration().The legislatordeclaresthat it was not appropriatethat thejudgestransfer judicialmatters to others (the assessors)and he intends tocorrect this situationfor the benefit of the citizens.Thereforehe offers theoffice ofthe high judgeto men of the bar ()and to other high officerswho alreadyhad significantexperiencein publicadministrationand in legal

matters {cap.I). Magistrates couldbring their lawsuitsbefore thesehighjud

ges or delegateto their assessorsonly parts of the cases for examination,while themagistratesthemselveswouldbe responsiblefor the final decision{cap.II). The judgeswere also to be responsiblefor the integrity of theirassistants;if the latter weresuspectedof corruption,they shouldbe replaced{cap.VII). The cap. IX regulates the salary of the judgesdrawn on theimperialtreasury, as wellas the paymentof the litigants.The cap.XI of thesame Novel stipulateson appeals:somecitizens promisedwith a solemnoaththat they wouldrespect the decisionof the judge they had chosenfor theircase. Thelegislatoradmitsthat a judgecouldbe entirely incompetentin both

1. Cf. A.H.M. Jonfs, TheLaterRomanEmpire.284-602, Oxford 1964,p. 484ff.;Idem,Studiesin RomanGovernmentand Law,Oxford1960,p. 59-63;M. Kasfr, DasrmischeZivilprozessrecht,Munich1966,p. 434ff.

2. Cf. the examplesin: Jones, TheLaterRoman Empire,n. 97.3. Prooimion'.

,' .Cf.CTh1,34, 1and 2(deadsessoribus,domesticiset cancellariis);CJ 1,51 (deadsessoribuset domesticiset cancellariisjudicum);27,2, 22, 25, 28, 31,34 {a.534);Nov.24,6; 25,1 and 6; 26,5; 27,2; 28,3;29,2 (;a. 535);30,6 {a.536);311; 102, 2.


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THE BYZANTINETRIBUNALS(9th-12th C.) 167

trainingand experience,in whichcase the litigantshad the right to appealtoanothertribunal,but they wouldpay a penaltyfor perjury. In this Noveltheignoranceof the judgesis particularlystressed((pr.),

...(cap.XI and 1). It is important to note that the Novel82 is includedin theBasilica7, 1, 4-13.

The assessors,legal experts{juris studiosi)known already in classicalRomanlaw, weregradually institutionalizedin the bureaucraticsystem fromthe 4th c. onwards4.By the time of Justinian they had becomeimportantofficers of the imperialadministration.In the C.J 1,5, 1 they are placedbeforethe other officersof the judges(deassessoribuset domesticiset cancella-riis judicium).Theirtraining in law and rhetoric madethem indispensableaslegaladvisersof the judges5.In the Novel60, cap. II it is stipulatedthat theassessorsshouldnot hearany casewithout the arehonsbeing present,but it isthe latter whoshould hearthe depositionsof the litigantsand pronouncethejudgement6.From the same text we learn that the assessorswere eitherlawyersor other professionalsor evenstate officers(cap.II, 1).At the time ofJustinian John Lydus(DemagistratibusIII, 11) offersa descriptionof thejudicialprocedureat the court of the Prefect:after the assessment wasmade( )the decisionwasproduced( ),the assessors( )7who wrere men very learned in law (-),read the decisionand gavethe documentto the Prefect to sign it( )8.

In these early centuries, the most seriousproblemof the judicialsystemwas the corruptionof the judges.This is attested in varioussources:legislative, historiographicaland literary9. In theory of course the judgeswereexpectedto be impartial,disinterestedand to apply the law. There were,however,severalconstitutionswhich recognizeda certain degreeof freedomin the interpretationof the law by the judges.Thisprincipleis expressedin a

4. On the Romanassessorscf. .Behrends.DerAssessorzur ZeitderklassischenRechtswissenschaft,ZSSHFt99, 1969,p. 192-226.

5. Ibidem,p. 226;Kser,op.cit., p. 404ff.6. Cf. V. Zii.LETTi,Stadi sut processocivilegiuslinianeo,Milan1965, p.195ff.;

D. Simon,UntersuchungenzumjustinianischenZivilprozess, Munich1969,p. 13.7. In other sourcesthe assessoris called:Behrends,Assessor,

op.cil.,p. 221 n. 154.8. IoannisLydideMagistratibus populiromanilibri1res,ed.R. Wuensch,Stuttgart1967, p.97-98(= A.C.Bandy, JoannesLydus,On Powersor theMagistraciesof theRomanState,Philadelphia1983,p. 148-150).On thistext and on theJustinianicreformof the Prefecturecf. R.D.Scott, John Lyduson SomeProceduralChanges,4, 1972,p. 441-451.

9. On variousformsof corruption in Antiquitycf. W. Schuller (ed.),Korruptionim Altertum,Munich,Vienna1982.Onjudicialcorruptionaccordingto the ecclesiastic l ourcescf. Von IgnazioPrezde Herediay Valle, DieSorgeum die Unparteilichkeit es Richtersim Allgemeinenin derLehrederSynodenundderVtervomiv.JahrhunderthiszumEndederVterzeit.Archivfr KathotischeKirchenrecht148.1979.i). 380-408.


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constitutionof SeptimiusSeverusof the year224whichhas beenincludedinthe JustinianicCode9, 8, 1: You are not only not permitted to accuseajudge of the crime of treason, becauseyou allegethat he has rendered adecisionagainstOurConstitution,but I do not wishaccusationsof this crimeto be madeduringMyreign on any other groundswhatever 10.Thusjudicialdecisionsagainstthe imperialconstitutionswouldnot incur capitalpunishment. Practicalconsiderationsmay have dictated this regulation, suchasallowingthe judgesa certain degreeof freedomin makingtheir decisionsinthe context of each case.The text, however, doesnot mention any suchconcern.Similaris the spirit of a Justinianiclawof the year527(?): (CJ 3, 1, 11).A constitutionof the emperorsConstantineand Lici-nius of the year 314 is evenmore explicitand asit appears,it introducedanew principlein the applicationof justice:that justiceor aequilasis moreimportantthan the letter of the law: It has beendecidedthat, in all things,

the principlesof justiceand equity, rather than the strict rules of law, shouldbe observed {CJ3, 1, 8).Underlying this interpretation, we may discern the principle of

11,the origin of which can be traced back to the ancient Greektraditionas wellas to Christian literature;if applied,it couldleadthe judgesto pronouncedecisions'by adjustingthe lawsto each particularcase.The CJ 3, 1, 8 is includedin the Basilica7, 6,8: .The Basilica2, 1, 28 reproducethe Dig.1,3, 18 that .Thus the applicationof theprincipleof aequitasor in judicialpracticewasstrongly recommende y the legislators and certainlyit wasnot consideredas openingthe wayto judgementsdistorted by the personalmotivationsof the judges.In practice of course it couldbe used to serve the judges'personalinterests.

It is particularlythe Justinianiclegislationthat dealtwith judicialcorrupti o n . ustinian lookedat the problem from two angles:a) as resulting fromthe lack of legal trainingof the judges, andthus in his Novel82 of the year539,as we haveseen,he appointedto the high officesof judgesmenwith legaltraining;b) asan administrativeproblemwhichhe tried to solvewith administrative measures.Hebelievedthat the root of the problemwasto be foundin the systemof suffragium,whichwasoriginallyan appointmenton the basisof the recommendationof an influentialman, anddevelopedinto the tradition f sellingoffices.By the 6th c. in most instances,the moneypaid for thesuffragiumwascashedby the imperialtreasury. In the year 535Justinianissuedthe Novel8 with whichhe imposed an oathon the provincialgovernorsdenouncingthe suffragium.By abolishingthe venalityof offices the emperorhopedhe wouldcleansethe administrationand he particularlyrefers to jus-

10. Transi.S.P. Scott(Etiamex aliiscausisinaiestatiscriminacessantmeosaeculo,nedum etiamadmittam te paratiimaccusare judicemproptereacrinrineinaiestatis,quodcontraconstitutionemeum dicispronuntiasse).

11. On the principleof philanlhropiacf. H. Hunger, .EinegriechischeWortprgungauf ihremWegevonAischylosbis Theodoros Metochiles,Vienna1963.


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THE BYZANTINE TRIBUNALS(9th-12thC.) 169

tice: the citizenswouldbe equal in the trials ( :cap.VIII).In the oath which the high officers swore,honestyin justiceis further elaborated: I alsoswear to be impartialin decidingthe casesof private individuals, as well as those which concernthe maintenanceof publicorder, andonly to compelmy subordinatesto do whatis equitable;to prosecutecrimes;and in all my actionsto practicethe justicewhich mayseem to me proper;and to preservethe innocenceof virtuousmen, as wellas inflict punishmentupon the guilty in conformityto the provisionsof the laws.I alsoswear(asIhave already done)to observethe rules of equity in all public andprivatetransactions 12. In an earlierdecreeon the judicialoath of the year 529(CJ4, 1, 12) Justinian stresses that the measuresintroducedwere not neworunusual,but that they had beenestablishedby previous legislators:For whois ignorant of the fact that judgesin former times couldnot acceptthe judicial office unlessthey had previouslymadeoath that they wouldon all occasions decideaccordingto the truth, and in compliancewith the law? Tosecurecorrect judicial decisions,the emperororders that in the future thejudgesjudgecasesand pronouncetheir judgementsonly after the HolyScriptures havepreviouslybeen placedin front of the judiciary.For they introduce asesto be weighedand determinedwith the assistanceof God .Thusthe Christianform ofthe oath wasintroducedin judicialpracticeto guarantee udicial integrity.

But it seemsthat these measuresdid not producethe expectedresults. ANovelof Tiberiuson the archonsof the year 574dealswith the same problem13. The high publicofficesshouldbe given to those whoare honestandfor whom justice is of great importance( );they shouldreceivetheir office withoutany donation( ).Thesuffragiumgivento the emperor s reasury()is, however,permitted,for the State benefitsfrom this. Thisis justified by the concernsof the Statewhich are listedin order of priority: a) that the provincesbe governedwithorder and securityand that they enjoythe justiceof the archons;b) that thetaxes, whichsupportthe army, indispensablefor the security of the State, bethoroughlycollected.

Anothercauseof the corruptionof the judicialsystemwas the pressurebythe powerful(potentiores )exertedon bothassessorsandjudges.It isalreadyattested in the sourcesof the early centuries14.The Novelof Tiberiuson the divinehouses revealsanotherkind of abuse.Therewereinstancesin

which the of these oikoihad started a judicialprocedureagainst

12. , , ., ,, , .

:?. JGH.. . -;.14. (If. Jones, LaterHoman Empire,op.cit., p. 50 2-4.


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170 HELEN SARADI

others aboutpeasants-colonior other matters, and they were actingas judgesof their own cases.The legislatordeclaresthis inappropriate andillegal15.

II. The middlebyzantine period (7th-12thc.)

The ancient principle that governedjusticein the earliercenturies, wasmaintainedin the evolvingadministrativesystem of the middleByzantineperiod.The judiciary waspart of the imperialadministrationand thus high-ranking officers were assignedjudicial responsibilitiesin the area of theiradministrativecompetence. Thisis clearly attested in varioussources.Ascholionin the Basilica7, 1, 1 explainsthat judgeswere those whohold the officeof the judge,such as the droungarios,the epi ton kriseon, thekoiaistor,the eparch16.Accordingto the Peiraeachdepartmentof the imperial dministrationwas exercisingjudicialduties in the area of its competence 7. The documentsof the archivesof Athosoffer specificexamples.In ajudicialdecision(eggraphonhypomnema)of the judgeNicholasof the themaofStrymonandThessalonica,in 995,there is referenceto a judgement(krisis)ofConstantineKaramalos,protospatharios andmegaschartoulariosof the officeof the genikonin Constantinople,who was in chargeof the fiscal register ofthe empire. AlthoughKaramalosdid not hold the office of the krites, the textalludesto his judgementas oneof the politikoidikaslai18. In anotherdecisionof the samejudgeof the year 996we learn that by order of the emperor,thekritesof Strymon,Thessalonicaand Drougouvitsiashouldcomposea tribunalwith other officers of the imperialadministrationin order to judgea disputebetweenthe monasteryof Polygvrosand the tourmarchesof the Bulgarians:the tribunal is composedby a krites, tourmarchai,protospatharioi,two bishops, spatharokandidatoione asekretes,droungarioiand one local archon19.

Theseofficers had knowledgeof the casederivingfrom their competenceinthe officesof the administration.Thusaccordingto our text, the synedroi,thewitnessesand the two litigantsformed a tribunal of great size ( -)20.The defendanthad to accepttheir decisionon accountofthe evidenceof the eggraphadikaiomata,the trustworthiness() ofthe witnesses andthe authorityof the synedroi( )21.

15..Kaplan,Novellede TibreII sur les maisons divines ,TM8, 1981,p. 239(par.):' -( ).

16. , , , .

17.Peira51, 29: . .) .

18. Actesd' lviron.. Desoriginesau milieudu xresicle,d. J. Lefort, N. Oikono-mids,D. Papachryssanthou,avec la collaborationd'H. Mtrkvu,Paris 1985,no 9 1.17:.

19. Ibidem,no 10 11.11ff.;11.28ff20. Ibidem,1. 17.21. Ibidem,1.39.


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THE BYZANTINE TRIBUNALS(9th-12th C.) 171

As in earlier centuries,however,very often these officers did not havesufficient experiencein law. A practicalsolutionto guaranteea functionaljudicial systemwas to attach a professionaljudge()to the officerswhoneededsomesupport:ConstantinePorphyrogenitosmentionsthe caseof theprotospathariosPodaron who had shownremarkablebravery in the wars andwas very loyal to the emperorLeoVI, who promotedhim to the officeofprotospathariosof the . But becausehe was illiterate (v), byorder of the emperora judgefrom the hippodromeusedto go downand takehis seatwith him in the and judgethe oarsmen 22.Fromthe archivesofmonasteriesof Athoswe knowseveralcasesin whichprofessionaljudgeswereattachedto the tribunalsof the officesof the administration 23.Thispracticedictated by realism resulted a very flexiblecompositionof the Byzantinetribunals.Somesources drawa different pictureof the appointmentof judgesby revealingthe personalmotivations andthe competitionbetweenofficersfor the officeof the judge.Thus, for example,a letter of Psellosaddressedtothe judgeof Thrace andMacedoniaillustratesthe competitionof twoofficersfor the right to judge: Constantine Monomachos hadoffered Psellosthe basili-katon of Madyta andthe right to transfer it to whomeverhe wanted.Thebeneficiary, whoaccordingto Pselloswasa very honestman, wasin competiti o n ith the tourmarchesof Haplokonesos,becausehe had the right to judgesomeof the lawsuits,while the tourmarcheswas trying to appropriatethisbenefice24.

Particularlyinterestingis a scholionof Balsamonon the 15th canonof thecouncilof Carthage.Balsamondistinguishesthree different types of judicialofficers: 1) the archons( )whowere notexpectedto possesslegaltraining sincethey had other administrative uties;2) the synedroi whoassistedthem with theirlegalexpertise;3) thekritai whoseoffice was to pronouncejudgements( )2).

22. ConstantinePorphyrogenitus.DeAdministrando Imperio.GreekText,editedbyGy. Moravcstk,Engl.transi,by R.J.II.Jenkins. Washington1967,sect.51 11.100-102.Cf. alsoAik. Christophti.opoui.ou. -,4, 1986-7,. 163ff. and 168on the evidencefrom the Byzantineseals.

23. Cf..for example,Actesde Lavra.Premirepartiedesorigines 1204,d. P. Le-merle, A. Guillou N. Svoronos,avecla collaborationde D. Papachryssanthou,Paris1970,no 67 (1196):to the tribunalof the logotheteston sekretonare attachedthreekritaiof the velum(11.2-3,93-94),anda notnophylax(11.3, 94);no 68(1196):to the sametribunalare attachedfiveand fourkritaiof the velum(11.2-3,34-35), onedikaiophylajc(1.4) and one nomophylax(1.35);Actesd'lvironII. Du milieudu XIe sicle 1204,ed.,1.Lefort, . Oikonomids,D. Papachryssanthou,avec la collaborationdeV. Kravariet d'H.Mtrvij,Paris 1990,no 40 (1071):tribunalof the officeof themegasoikonomosof the Patriarchcomposedby ecclesiasticsand the ostiariosandkritesConstantineSideriot.es(1.10 and p. 121).

24. C. Sathas,MR.vol.5. p. 487.25. G. Rhaii.es-M. Poti.es, .3, Athens1853,

. 339.


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In the 9th and 10th c. inthe high tribunalsof Constantinople(thoseof thePrefect of the City, of the quaestor,of the epi ton deeseon)are attachedthesymponoias assessors,men with legal trainingwho assistedthe judges indeliveringtheir decisions. is attested in the treatiseof Philotheosas subordinateof the Prefect of the City26.Judges () ofthe ordinarycourts are alsomentionedin each one of the fourteen regionsof Constantinople . n the office of the quaestorthe antigrapheisprobablyhad judicialjurisdictionin minorcases27. Judges(kritai) werethe judicial assistantsto thetribunalsof the Prefectand of the quaestor28. Thetwo majortribunalsof thecapital, those of the velumand of the hippodromeare alreadymentionedinthe 10th c.29.

The importanceof the synedroiin the judicial procedureis stressed inseveralsources.Accordingto a scholionof the Basilica 7, 1 the term paredriaitself suggeststhat the symponoiand the paredroishouldonly assistthe judges in their judicialwork (... '

).Thusaccordingto the Peira51, 21 depositionsof witnessesareacceptedand consideredvalidevenafter the death of the judge,if they werewritten in the presenceof the synedroiand signedby them. If they had notbeensigned andsealedby a judgewho had died in the meantime,they wereconsiderednull. In an imperial semeiosisof AlexiosKomnenosof the year1082the role of the assessorsin the judicial procedureis onceagainspecified.The semeiosisdealswith a trial regardingthe nature of the documentof adeedof sale:shoulda documentof private transactionbe consideredaccordingto the 44th Novelof Justinian, if it had only the signatureof thetabelliobut not his komblcfThe lawyerof the oneof the litigantsaskedfor acomparisonof the signatureswhich were on the document;when this waspresented,he arguedthat the semeiomawith the comparisonof the signatureswasnot valid for it wasnot ratified by the synedroi'30.

Synedroiare also attested in two judicial decisionsof the tribunal ofConstantinoplein May and June 119631.Presidentof the tribunal was themegaslogariastesand logothetesof the sekreta. It may be that this was anextraordinary tribunalor that it was a tribunalof the logothetesof the sekreta,similarto the tribunalsof the different offices of the administration.These

26. Onthesymponoscf. .Oikonomids,Leslistesdeprsancebyzantinesdesixeetx* sicles,Paris 1972,p. 1791. 10,320 and n. 189.

27. Ibidem,p. 322.

28. Ibidem,and n. 203,204.29. Ibidem,p. 323withreferencesto the first mentionof these tribunalsand to theearlierbibliography.

30. JGR, 1, p. 298-302, esp.p. 299 ( ... ).For an analysisofthisdocumentcf. D. Simon,UntersuchungenzumjustinianischenZivilprozess,Munich1969, p.354-9.

31. Adesde Lavra,I, no 67, 68. On these documentscf. P. Limerle,Notessurl'administration byzantine la veillede la IVecroisaded'aprsdeuxdocumentsinditsdesarchivesde Lavra,REB19, MlangesR. Janin, 1961,p. 258-268,esp. p. 261-5;Actesde Lavra,I, p. 345ff.


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documentsare particularlyinterestingbecausethey revealthe compositionofthe Byzantinetribunalsof the administration.In eachoneof the sessionsthenumberof the assessorswasfive, whilethat of the judgesvariesfrom seveninthe first session,to elevenin the second,thirteen in the third and nine in thefourth. Althoughthe four sessionstook placewithin two months (MayandJune) neither the judgesnor the assessorswere the same.The tribunal wasremarkablyflexible in its composition.Amongthe assessorsare importantofficerssuchas the megasdroungariosAntiochos,the primikeriosManikates,the epi ton oikeiakonTheodorosDalasenos and the pansebastossebastosMichaelBelissariotes,known also from other sources;other lower officerssuch as kouropalataiand basilikoigrammatikoialsoparticipated. Wedo notknowwhetherthey had beenappointedassessorsbecausesomeof them werecompetentin legal mattersor becauseof their familiaritywith the system ofthe imperialadministration32. Itis certain, however,that accordingto judicial decisions,in particularthe Peira, variousofficers of the imperialadministration often participatedin tribunals as judgesprobablybecausethey hadlegaltraining33.

The flexibility of the Byzantinejudicialsystem may also be seen in thetradition thatthe emperorhad the right to decide as he often did aboutthe compositionof specialcourts to judgespecificcases34.

In the provincesthe judicial system had a slightly different structure. Inthe provincialreorganizationof the empirein themata, the judiciarywasanimportantconsideration.It wasclearlydistinguishedfromthe militaryadministration. Thusaccordingto a scholionof the Basilicain old timesthere weretwo archonsin each thema, the kritesto judgethe casesof civil law and thedouxfor the military cases35.The strategoswas, however,assuminggreaterpower in the administrationof the themata.In the 10th c. the kritai of thethemata receivednew larger administrativecharges,especiallythose of thefisc,originallyassumedby the protonotarios,while the powerof the strategoswas reduced;he becamethe real governorof the provinces36. AsSkylitzesand Attaleiatesnote, the krites became 37.Appealscould be made to the tribunalsof Constantinople.In other sourcesthe kritesof the thematais alsocalled38.In the 11th c. the powerofthe sekretawas strengthened.Thesewere independent administrativeoffices

32. Cf. the remarksof Lf.merle,Administration byzantine,op.cit., p. 264.33. Oikonomids,Listesde prsance,op.cit., p. 323ff.34. Cf., for example,Actesde Laura,I, no 46 11.43-44: (1084);Actesd'Iviron,I, no 9 1.4:

; no10(996);33 (1061);34 11.14, 15;35 1.11 (1062).35. ,

, , '. Cf.H. Ahrweiler,Recherchessur l'administrationde l'empire byzantinaux ixe-xie sicles,BCH84 and Athens-Paris1960,p. 69ff.

36. Ibidem;Idem,Byzanceet ta mer.Lamarinedeguerre,lapolitiqueet lesinstitutionsmaritimesde Byzanceaux vne-xVsicles,Paris 1966, p.141.Cf. alsoChristophilo-pon.ou. ,op.cit..p. 172-4.

37. Attaleiates.Bonn.p. 183:Skylitzes, Bonn.p. 706.38. Cf. Ahrweii.fr, Hecherohes,op.cit., p. 70.


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with judicialjurisdiction(, ) assumingalsoother administrative functions. The civil administration wasreinforced notonly in thecentral governmentbut also in the themata, where the kritai assumedtheeconomicand judicialpower.ConstantineMonomachoscreateda new sekre-ton of justice( )whichhad jurisdictionand control over the judgesof the themata39.In the 11th c. there werefourhigh tribunalsin the capital:that of the Eparchwhosejurisdictionhad beenreducedto casesof the professionals,of the quaestor,of the droungariosof thevelum, and of the epi ton kriseon40.In the reorganizationof the imperialadministrationunderthe Komnenoi,the praitor-krilesof the thematareceivedthe judicialpowerin the provinces,whilethe doux-anagrapheusassumedthecivil and military41.

With reference to theapplicationof law by the judges,we haveseen thatthe imperialconstitutionsof the earlier centurieshad recognizeda certaindegreeof freedomof the judgesin their interpretationof the laws.Based onthe existingByzantinejudicialdecisions,contemporary legal historianshavediscerneda majorproblemin the applicationof justice,namelythe flexibleuse of the laws by the Byzantinejudgesand they have concluded thattheByzantinejudgesdidnot alwaysjustify their decisionsby the existingimperial egislation,but that they interpreted the lawsaccordingto the traditionor to conceptssuch as ,,42;or that they usedconstitutionswhichhad alreadybeenabolishedto justify their judicial decisions. It has beensuggestedthat the gap betweenjudicialpracticeand thelawswasnot the result of practical reasons,such as the poor training of the

39. Attaleiates,21-22: , '.Cf. Ahrweii.er,Recherches,op. cit.,p. 70-1;Idem,Byzanceet la mer,op.cit., p. 141;N. Oikonomids,L'volutionde l organisationadministrativede l'empirebyzantinau xi' sicle(1025-1118),TM6, 1976,p. 134,and the differentviewof Christophilopoui.ou, ,op.cit.,p. 174-7.In a hypomnemaof the protosof MountAthos(1057)the judicialdecisionofthis sekretonis called :ActesdeSaint-Pantlmn, ed.P. Lemerle,G. Dagron,S. Cirkovic,Paris 1982,no 5 1.9.

40. Oikonomids,L'volutionde l'organisationadministrativeau xic s., op.cit.,p. 133-5.

41. Onthe praitor-kritescf. Ahrweiler,Recherches,op.cil.,p. 77. Onthe douxcf.J.-C. Cheynet,Dustratge dethme au duc:chronologiede l'volutionau cours duxiesicle,TM9, 1985,p. 181-194.On the provincialtribunalsand the provincialjudicialprocedurein the decisionsof DemetriosChomatianoscf. D. Simon,ByzantinischeProvinzialjustiz,BZ79, 1986,p. 310-343,with particularattention on the bishop'sjurisdiction;on the praitor,p. 338-9.

42. Oncf. C.Cupane,Appuntiperunostudiodell'oikonomiaecclesiasticsa Bisanzio,JOB38,1988,p. 53-73;N. Oikonomids,The Peira of EustathiosRho-maios:an AbortiveAttemptto innovatein ByzantineLaw,FM VII,Frankfurt amMain1986,p. 185;H.G.Beck,Nomos,KanonundStaatsraisonin Byzanz,SB Vienna,384, 1981,p. 40 and n. 97; G. Weiss,HoheRichter in Konstantinopel. EustathiosRhomaiosundseine Kollegen,JOB22,1973, p.138; D.Simon,Bechlsfindungam byzantinischenBeichsgericht,Frankfurt amMain1973,p. 22ff.


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judges,their corruption,or problemsof the administrativesystem,but ratherthe particular conceptof the function of the legaltexts in Byzantium. Thusaccordingto this viewthe Byzantine judgesregardedtheir workas a politicalact; their power derivedfrom their appointmentby the emperorand by hismoralcharacter43.Thereforewhat actuallymattered wasnot legaltraining,but rather talent, intelligence,knowledgeof rhetoric and experiencein legalcases.On the other hand, there is no doubtthat most of the survivingjudicialdecisionswere basedon the existinglegislation.This of courseprovidedprotection to the judges in case they were reproachedfor unfair judgements.Thus it has been suggestedthat the legal textswereactuallyconsideredas acollectionof lopoifrom which the judgeswere taking their arguments44.Ahistoricalinterpretationoffers anotherexplanationof the phenomenon:practical problemsin the applicationof the legislationwhich in many caseshadbecomeobsoletein the middleByzantineperiod,obligedthe judgesto adapttheir decisionsto the new historicalreality4).

Whilethe Byzantinejudgeswere permitted to bend the laws, to be selective n choosingthe decreesfrom the existingvast imperiallegislationand toapply them to individualcasesaccordingto the principlesof or,corruptionof the judicial system,namelythe venality,the dishonesty and the incompetenceof the judges,directly relatedto the socialandadministrativestructure of the empire, was unacceptable.This study willfocus on how sensitivethe State was to these problems andhow it tried tosolvethem.

In the middleByzantineperiodthe office ofthe judgeis definedin variousjuridicaltexts; his obligations andthe standardsof the professionare alsodescribed.Statementsaboutjudicial corruptionare to be foundin all juridical

exts, but it is in the Ecloga of LeoIII that it is definedwith precisionasthe intentionaldistortionof the lawto serve the personal aimsof the judge.Furthermoreit is placedin a socialcontext, as the exploitationof the poor()by the powerful().Both the definitionof and the approachtojudicial corruptionare entirely new. Accordingto our text the judgesshouldstay away from all human passionsand pronouncetheir judgementsaftersoundreflection;they shouldnot fail to care for the penetes norallowthat thedynatoi remainunpunished46;nor shouldthey pretend that they admireju stice and equality,whilein practicethey prefer injusticeand covetousnessforthis is beneficialto them; if they judge casesin whichthe one of the litigants

43. Ibidem,p. 16ff.44. Ibidem,p. 23ff.;Sp. N. Troianos,8,Athens1986,p. 36.

45. Oikonomides,The Peira of EustathiosRornaios,op.cit., p. 183-190.46. Ecloga.DasGesetzbuchLeons III. und Konstantinos'V., ed. L. Burgmann,

Frankfurt am Main 1983, p.164: ,...On the oppressionof the penetesby the dynatoicf.II. Saradi,On the Archontike and Ekklesiastike Dynasteiaand Prostasia' inByzantiumwith ParticularAttentionto the LegalSources.AStudyinSocialHistoryof Byzantium,By-.64. 1994,p. 69-117,314-351.


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176 HELEN SARADI

is a privilegedman and the other a poor one, theyshouldregard the twolitigantsas equal,by taking away from the one who has more the amountthat the victim of injusticehad lost47. In the followingpassagethe textdefines judicial corruption as: 1) bribery; 2) favour toward a friend48;3) defenseagainst someoneelse'shostility; 4)fear of the powerof a dynatos(

,'

-).Two quotationsfrom the Biblejustify why judgesmust endorsetheprincipleof justice. In this passagejudicialcorruption is defined in socialterms (bribery, personalmotivations,pressure by the powerful).Further,however,the applicationof justiceis interpretedas a problemof comprehending aw:judgeswho understandwhat is just ( )applyjustice,while otherson accountof their intellectuallimitations( )are unableto pronouncejustice( ).

Thusaccordingto the Ecloga judicialcorruptionwas a socialproblem,aproblemof socialrelations;although personaland socialforces arerecognizedas operatingbehind theincompetenceof judges(desirefor money, personalrelations,influenceof the powerful),the legislatordid not try to solvetheproblemwith socialmeasures; personalmotivations andsocialfactorscouldoperate in the applicationof justice becausethe judgeswere not able tocomprehendjustice.The questionof the legal training of the judgesis notraised;nor is the need felt for a judicialbody, separatefrom the imperialadministration.Accordingto our text the judgeswho were thoughtful hadcorrect judgement( )and possessedclear knowledge of real justice( );they shoulddemonstratecorrect judgement and applyjustice. It is to those judgesthatChrist, the powerand wisdomof God, donatesthe knowledgeof justiceandrevealsthe things whichare hard to find out ( , , ). Itis Godwhogavetheknowledgeof justiceto Solomonwhen he pronouncedhis judgementin thefamous caseof the two womenand the child: sinceno one of them couldsupporther claimwith evidenceor witnesses,he madehis decisionby provoking reactionof maternalfeelings.

The judgesappointedby the emperorshouldthink of all these. Theemperor s n order to correct judicialcorruptionas describedin the aboveterms,

47. , , ', , ,.Foracomparisonof the Ecloga'sprooimionwithearlierecclesiasticaltexts cf. II.Saradi,op.cit., p. 85.

48. Favourto friendsis definedas a formof judicialcorruptionin earlier centuries.Cf., for example,I. Hahn, ImmunittundKorruptionderCurialenin der Sptantike,W.Schuller (ed.),Korruptionim Altertum,p. 179-199,esp. p. 187ff.Fromthe ecclesiasticalliteraturecf., for example,John Chrysostom,PG51,col.23:... ,, , .


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decideto impedethe give-and-take()of the judges.Theyorder thatthe judgesreceivetheir salary from the imperialsakelle,so that they are notpaid by the litigants49.This measureis along the lines of Justinian'sapproachto the sameproblem;it is, however, justifiedwith a quotationfromthe Scriptures( , ).

The theme of justice is also central in the prooimionof the ProcheirosNomos.Manyquotationsfrom the Scripturesjustify the significanceof ju stice in the contextof religioustraditionas wellas in terms of socialrelations.God is worshippedfirst and foremost with justice50.The divine origin ofjusticeis stressed( , ...); law hasbeengiven to men by God for assistance( )01.

Theprooimionof the Epanagogeis written in a more elaboratestyle,whilereferenceto the religiousconceptof justiceis minimal52.Somesectionsof theEpanagoge dealwith the judges.The 6, 4 stipulatesthat the archon cannotappointsomeone ascouratoror specialjudge ( ).The 7, 1 stipulatesthat the judgesshouldnot receivemoneyfor their judicialdecisions,not even by claiminga customarytradition ( )03.They had the permissionof the emperorto examinetheunjust actionsof magistratesand punish them by deprivingthem of theiroffice, for more or less they representedthe emperorin the provinces.And asthey were not allowedto makeany illegalprofit (),theemperororders that they be honouredand respected.The sections11, 4-9dealwith appeals againstjudicial judgementswhichare definedas a litigant'sallegationagainsta judgethat he hadnot been judgedproperly( :11 4).Thedecisionsof lowercourts weresubjectto appeals to the highercourts, thoseofthe emperor,the patriarch, the eparchand the quaestor. Thelowerthe court,the more it needed assistance, andmostof the judgementsof the lowercourtshad to be corrected( , ).

Theproblemof judicial corruptionwasaddresseddirectlyby the emperorsof the Macedoniandynasty. Accordingto the historiographical sourcesBasil1appointedincorruptiblejudgespaid by the Stateaimingto guaranteeequa-

49. Ecloga,p. 166.50. JGFt, 2,p. 114: ,

.51 Ibidem,p. 115.52. Cf. J.Scharf, Photiosund dieEpanagoge,BZ49,1956,p. 385-400;Idem.Quel

lenstudien zum Prooimionder Epanagoge,BZ52,1959,p. 68-81.53. Oncf. Oikonomids,Listesdeprsance,op.cit..p. 88 n. 28;St. Peren-

tides, ; , .,2, . 476-485.For the earlierlegaltradition cf. . Schmie-del, Consuetudoim klassischenund nachklassischenrmischenBecht.Graz-Kln1966.esp. p. 122-7for the Basilica.


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178 HELEN SARADI

lity everywherein the empireand to prevent the abusesof the penetesby thewealthy54.

The next text that dealsdirectly with judicial corruptionis a decreeofLeoVI. The title revealsthe aimsof this decree:it is a condemnationof thejudges( ').The legislatorbelievesthat no judge would ever go soastray that he wouldpronouncea judgement againstthe laws. If he slips tosuch a degreeof vanity, and he is caught,he willbe punished accordingto thelaws.If he escapesthe attention of the State,he will receivedivinepunishment. To make the stipulationmore secure, the legislatorratifies it withmaledictions.Thus corrupt judgeswill find themselvesfighting againstGod,and the celestialand incorporai powerswill fight against him; his life willterminateearly, and he willbe punishedin the future life; fire will destroy thefoundationsof his house, and shame and disgracewill be brought on hisdescendantsand they will be in needof the bare essentials(literally,bread)for havingrenderedthe flexibility(literally,)of the lawsubservient

to twisted judgements55.This textis

extremely importantfor

our studyfor

two reasons.First it clearlydistinguishesthe right of the judgesto interpretthe lawsfreely, namelythe of the laws (probablyimplyingthe principles of and sanctionedby the earlierlegislation),fromillegaljudicialdecisions dictatedby personalinterest. Second,it does notrepeatthe earlierlawsapplyingto corruptionof judges. Theseare referred toindirectly. The legislatorwas not concernedto secure the enforcementofthese laws,but rather to invent new andmore securemeansto guaranteeanincorruptiblejudicialsystem, that of divinepunishment,a warranty of religiousorigin consolidatedwith maledictions,particularly for corrupt judgements which remainedundetected. Weshould note that maledictionsarevery rare in the imperial constitutions56.Obviouslythis approachfailed touproot the causesof judicialcorruption.

54. TheophanesContinuatus,p. 258-261= Skylitzes,ed. J. Thurn, p. 132-133: .

55. JGR,1,. 188-9= . Noaiij.esand A. Dain,Les Novellesde LonVIle Sage,Paris1944,p. 377: . , . . ' ' .

56. Cf., for example,the oath of the archonscited in the Novel8 of Justinian (a.535): , ' .Cf. alsoProcopius,need.XXI,17;Novel54,2 (a.537):


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THE BYZANTINE TRIBUNALS (9th-12thC.) 179

In the Novel97 magistrateswhen receivingtheir office,and judgeswhenappointedto judgea case,shouldgive an oath that they wouldhonourthetruth;>7.With another Novelof LeoVI other irregularitiesof the judicialsystem are corrected.In order to avoidsuspicionand confusion()in the trials, the judgesshouldsign the documentsof their decisions with their own signature08.

Thesetexts refer to judicial corruptionin a more or lessgeneral way.Theimperial constitutionwhichdealswith a specificproblemin the applicationofjustice, is a Novelof ConstantinePorphyrogenitosof the year 947 on thepre-emptionright of the penetesrM.The emperor revealsthat the previouslegislationon the pre-emptionright had not beenenforcedbecausethe judgespronouncedtheir judgementsunder pressure by the dynatoi rather thanaccordingto their own will;their decisionswereoffering variousaccommodati o n s n various situations( , - ,' )60.Laterin another Novelof Romanosthis situationis describedwith an evenstronger vocabulary: We must bewarelest we send uponthe unfortunatepoor the calamityof law-officers,moremerciless thanfamineitself 61.Based

.On the maledictionsin the Novelsof Justinianof.S. Puliatti,Bicerchesulla legislazione regionaledi Giustiniano, Milan1980,p. 49n. 98. Onthe maledictionsin the earlyChristiansourcescf. S.P. Ntantes, ' .' ,Athens1983.Cf. also Ph. Koukoui.es. ,3, Athens1949,. 326-346.For the laterByzantinelegalsourcescf. H. Saradi,Cursingin the ByzantineNotarial Acts.A NewFormof Warranty, (forthcoming).

57. Noaili.es-Dain,LeuNovellende LonVI.op. cil.,p. 317-9.58. Ibidem,p. 181. It is particularlyin judicialdecisionsof the 10thcentury,in

accordancewith this regulationof LeoVI,that judgesstate that theyhad signedwiththeirownsignatureand theyhad sealedtheirdecision:Actesd'Iviron,I, no 11.20-21,22 (927);no 9 11.54,55 (995);no 10 11.60-62 (996).

59. On the pre-emptionright of the penetescf. Zacharivon Lingenthal,Geschichtedesgriechisch-rmischenRechts,Berlin1892,p. 236-248;G. Ostrogorsky,The

Peasant'spre-EmptionRight.An AbortiveReformof the MacedonianEmperors,JBS37,1947,p. 117-126;Idem,AgrarianConditionsinthe Byzantine Empirein the MiddleAges,TheCambridgeEconomicHistoryofEurope,1966,p. 205-234,774-9;Idem,Quelquesproblmesde la paysanneriebyzantine,Brussels1956;P. Lemerle,Esquissepourune histoireagrairede Byzance:lessourceset lesproblmes,Bvuehistorique 219, 1958,p. 32-74,254-84;220, 1958,p. 43-94;A. Kazhdan,Social'nyj sostavgospodstvujuscegoklassa Vizantiixi-xu, Moscow1974;R. Morris,The Powerfuland the Poorin theTenth-CenturyByzantium:Law and Reality, Pastand Present73, 1976.p. 3-27;H. Saradi.On the Archontike and EkklesiastikeDynasteiaand Prostasia inByzantium,op.cit..p. 90ff.

60. JGR. I. p. 215.61. Ibidem,p. 242:transi. Ostrogorsky.ThePeasantsPre-emptionRight,op. cit..

p. 122.


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180 HELEN SARADI

on a judicialdecisionfrom the archivesof Lavra,Ostrogorskytried to showthe legalways the judgeshad devisedto circumventthe law62.

It shouldbe stressedthat the judgesbelongedto the classof dynatoi;theseare defined in one of the Novelsof Romanos Lecapenosof the year 934 asthose who, if not by themselves,then by using the dynasleiaof otherswithwhom they were acquainted,were able to inspire fear in those whowereselling propertiesor to promisea certain benefit in return for the transaction63.OtherNovelsof the sameseriesdefinedthe dynatoiin terms of rank inthe imperialadministrationor of wealth:by using politicaland economicpowerthe membersof the upper classcouldexercisepressureon the penetesfor their ownbenefit. Althoughthere is no explicitreferenceto the judgesasdynatoiin the Novelsof the emperorsof the Macedoniandynasty, there is nodoubt that they were part of that class64.In fact the Peira supportsthisconclusion.In 7, 12 is discusseda caseof a krileswhomadean arrangementofdialysis(settlementof a dispute)with a peasant,who latercontestedit. Thepeasantis describedas one of the penetes,whilethe judge asone holdinganoffice()65.The42, 18dealswith the abusesof the protospatha-rios RomanosSkierosagainstsomepeasants.Later they reached anagreement of dialysiswhich the peasantscontestedon accountof pressureexercised n them by the judge (krites).EustathiosRomaiosordered that, if thepeasantswere able to prove that they had been forced to theagreementofdialysisby the krites, the agreementshouldbe declarednull66.The sourcesattest that particularlyin the 11th c. the powerof the provincialjudgeswasincreasing.In a hypomnemaof the judgeConstantineKamaterosof the year1037fromthe archivesof Docheiariou, uniquein our sources,the judgethrea-

62. Ibidem, p.119-122.Cf. alsothe opposingviewof Lemeri.e, Esquissepour unehistoireagraire, op.cit., p. 71-4; Idem,TheAgrarian Historyof Byzantiumfrom theOriginstothe TwelfthCentury.TheSourcesand Problems,Galway1979,p. 157-160.

63. JGR,1,p. 203.64. Ibidem,p. 209, 213, 216, 217, 223,265.Cf. alsoN. Svoronos,Remarquessurla

traditiondutextede laNovelledeBasileII concernantlespuissants,RecueildesTravauxde l'Institutd'Etudesbyzantines,VIII,MlangesG. Ostrogorsky,II, Belgrade1964,p. 427-434 (= Var. Repr.no VIII),and H. Saradi,On the Archontike and Ekklesiastikeynasteia and Prostasia in Byzantium,op.cit., p. 90ff.,100,108and n. 173.

65. JGR,4, p. 29: , .

66. Ibidem,. 177: , .Anothercaseof abuseof a kritestowarda penesis attestedin Fr. Trinchera,Syllabusgraecarum membranarum...,Naples1865,no 184(p.24). Cf. alsoS. Vryonis,The Peira as a Sourcefor the Historyof ByzantineAristocratic Societyin the FirstHalfof the EleventhCentury,NearEasternNumismatics,Iconography,EpigraphyandHistory.Studiesin Honorof GeorgeC. Miles,Beirut1974,p. 279-284,and D.Simon'sremarkson the socialcharacter of the tribunalof Eustathios Romaios:Rechtsfindungam byzantinischenReichsgericht,10(DasHippodromprsentiert,sichdemnach alsKlassengericht Klassengericht,das mussvielleichthervorgehobenwerden,ist nicht imSinneder politischenPropagandistikformuliert,etwa:Justiz als Unterdrckungsinstrument ia korrupterRechtsanwendung,sondernaus soziologischerSicht,d.h. bestimmte Faktoren habendieChanceder verschiedenensozialenSchichten,vordiesemGerichtihre Interessendurchzusetzen,ungleichgestaltet).


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tens with his wrath whomever wouldnot respecthis decision( )b7. In the 12thc. Balsanionin his commentaryon the 3rd canonof the councilof Saint Sophiauses terms disclosingthepoliticalpowerof the judges:and 68.

Privatecollectionsof lawsare of particularinterest sincethey were compile d o be used by legalprofessionals;thus the criterionof selectionexpressesthe establishedpractice. In the Epitome69the regulationson judges areincludedin the sectionon archons(titl. 14: ).Thisunderlinesthe administrative ature of the office of the Byzantinejudge.Constitutionsfrom variouslegislativetexts, particularlythe Justinianielegislation,are containedin thistitle of the Epitome.The 14, 10 derivesfrom the titl. 4. cap.3 of Athanasiuswhichstipulatesthat those who holdan officeshouldavoidany profit, theyshouldbe satisfied withthe publicallowancesof rations (),for theyhad receivedthe office freely. Influenceof powerfulpersonson judicialdecisions is clearlysuggestedin the cap.21 whichrepeatsthe CJ 2, 13:whoeverisrepresentedby a dynaton prosoponin a trial or hands over to him hiscomplaint shouldlosehis casein the lawsuit.Thecap.34 repeatsthe CJ 1, 45,1 that thosewho, whileholdingan officeare engagedin a lawsuit,shouldnotsit with the judgenor shouldthey have the possibilityof doingthis. The cap.35 repeatsthe CTh17,4 that the archonmust pronouncehis judgementon allcasesin a brief period of time and with fairness( ).Thecap. 37stipulatesthat the litigant who has entrusted a lawsuitto a judgeisnot allowedto transfer the case to another judge on the groundsthat theformer wasnot appropriate.Onlyafter his condemnation,if he wanted,couldhe appeal to another tribunal. The cap. 43 forbids that a person whohad

acted assomeone'slawyerto act as judgein anothercaseof the sameperson{Dig.2, 1, 17)and asin the CJ 2, 6,6 no onecouldact as a lawyerand judgefor the samecase.If he doesso he will haveto pay 10 poundsof gold (CJ 1,51, 14).The cap. 49repeatsthe CJ 3, 1, 11 (a. 527?)that the judgesshouldpronouncetheir judgementsaccordingto whatappearsto them to be right onthe basisof the existinglaws( - ),and they shouldnot fear imperialdecisions commendingan illegalaction,for suchan orderwouldbe invalid.Thus,

67. ActesdeDocheiariou,ed.N. Oikonomids,Paris1984,no 1 1.22and p. 50.Sucha menace,however,was clearlyagainstthe law. A scholionof the Epitome14,33specifiesaccordingto CJ 7, 57,1 2 that thejudge'sthreat doesnotcountfor a decision: . /(J(Fi,4, . 360. 70).

68. Rhalles-Potles, op.cit., 2, p. 71: , .Cf. . Saradi,The 12th Century CanonLawCommentarieson the :EcclesiasticalTheoryvs. JuridicalPractice,Byzantiumin the 12thCentury.CanonLaw, Slateand Society,ed. N. Oikonomides,Athens1991,p. 375-404.

69. On the Epitomecf. A. Schminck,Studienzu mittelbyzantinischenRechtsbcher,Frankfurtam Main1986,p. 109-131:,1.Maruhn,DerTitel50der Epitome,FM111,Frankfurt amMain1979, p.194-210.


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182 HELEN SARADI

whilethe existinglaws offer the guidelines,the applicationof justiceis leftentirely to the judges,and it is certainly placedaboveany illegal imperialdecree.The cap. 51 reproducesthe Dig. 1, 3, 24: the judgeshould not payattention only to a detail of the law, but he shouldexaminethe law as awhole( ).Bribery is forbiddenand the judgewho

wasbribedshouldreturn the amounthe had received().Thecap.54 refers to invalidownershipsanctionedby unjustjudicialdecisions( ).The lack of experienceand injustice f a judgeis also mentionedin the 2, 10 ( ).The cap. 14, 55 reproducesthe CJ 7, 45, 15 allowingthe judgefreedom inselectingthe caseshe wantedto judge.He coulddealonly with the caseshewanted,whilehe shouldrefer the othersto superiorjudges.Thecap. 63(= CJ3, 4) recognizesdifferent areasof jurisdictionof judges().

In the Basilicaare includedvariousancientconstitutionson judgesandthe judicialprocedure.The7, 1, 1 reproduces aconstitutionof Zenoin the CJ1, 51, 13 that the symponoishould never make judgementswithout thearchonsby signingon their behalf.A scholionin the Basilica7, 1, 3 explainsthat and were for the judges(thosewhohad the officeto judge, such as the droungarios,the epi ton kriseon, thequaestor,the eparch).The duty of the symponoiwas not to judge, but towork with the archons( ,).Anotherform ofjudicialirregularity was to act at the sametime aslawyerand synedrosby morethan one archon(Basilica7, 1,2 = CJ 1, 51, 14).The Novel60 of Justinian restrictingthe judicialinitiativesof the paredroiisincludedin the Basilica7, 1, 3 (= Syn. Bas. , 33, 28). Of interest to thisstudy is the 7, 9 forbiddingthe dynaloito offer their protectionto the litigants or to makeagreementson their behalf(= CJ 2, 13,1-2), and the 7, 10forbiddingthe defendantsto use the namesof dynaloiin expectationthatthey wouldinfluencethe judicialdecision,and to attach titles of ownershipintheir name (= CJ 2, 14, 1).

TheNovelsof the 10thc. rule on other kinds of disfunctionsof the judicialsystem.A first Novelof Constantine Porphyrogenitos(945-959)regulatesthesalariesof the judgesand their subordinates70.Covetousrevenueseven ifwere received accordingto an ancientcustom,are forbidden.The judgesofthe thematashouldnot receivemore than 3 nomismatafor each poundof goldof the valueof the disputedproperty. The legislatorexplainsthat this feeappliesobviouslyto the wealthylitigants.Accordingto the Justinianiclegislation the judgesreceivedtwo nomismatafrom each one of the litigants atthe beginningof the lawsuitsand two at the end (a total of eight nomismata)only for the casesof over 100 nomismata,plus a salary from the imperialtreasury. Justinianwashoping thatthe salary would eliminatejudicial bri-

70. JGR,1,p. 218-221.Onthe feesof thejudgesaccordingto theJustinianiclegislation f. Novel82,cap.IX (= Basilica7, 1,12;Syn.Basil., 35;cf. alsoEpanagoge17,1).Anotherattemptto regulatethe salariesof the judgesfromthe imperial treasuryisattested in the Ecloga,pr.\ , .


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bery ( . , ' ...:Novel82, cap. IX). ConstantinePorphyrogenitosspecifiesthat the judgesshouldspendthis moneyfor themselvesand for their subordinates.Any additional requestwas unacceptable.In anycasethey shouldneverdemandmorethan 100nomismata as(the fee paid by the litigants),except for atravel allowanceof the executorof the judicialdecision().Thepeasantsand the other penelesshouldpay only one nomismaper each poundofgoldof the valueof the disputedproperty. Favourablyare treated those whohad been victimsof clearaggressiveinjustice,namelyif there wasnot a caseof .Thejudgesand their subordinatesshould administerju stice with their handsclean ( , )'1.The Novelalso specifies he fee ofthe secretarieswho producedthe written recordsof the judgements in the provinces( )and in Constantinople.The section 2 regulatesthe paymentsfor the registrationof willsat the office ofthequaestor. Thesection3 is a regulationof the paymentof the scribe. Hisfunctionsare defined: he wasnot a judgewith full powers( ),he wasplacedlower thanthe judgesof the themataand even theantigrapheisand he handled the casesof minors72.The 4th sectionof theNovelstipulates that the judgesof Constantinople(polilikoi) shouldnotreceive anythingfor any reason whatsoever( , ')'^.

A secondNovelof ConstantinePorphyrogenitoson the same subjectwasissuedlater. It appearsthat the first Novelhad causedconfusionregardingfees paid by the litigants, the so-calledeklagialika1A.Covetousand illegalprofit wasthe reasonfor the abnormalsituationdescribedin the prooimionofthe Novel.The text speaksof the successivetransfer of lawsuitsto otherjudgeswith the obviousresult of a dramaticincreasein the fees of the litigants. Thus the emperorratifies the earlier Novel:the judgesshouldnotmakeany profit from the abovementioned situationseither for themselves,or on behalfof their secretarieswith the exceptionof their soldiers(-)75.Particularlythe notarioi(secretaries) shouldbe paid by the litigantwho wonthe case:thus the judgeswouldbe incited to delivertheir decisionsin time.

71. JOB, 1, p. 219.72. Ibidem,p. 220.73. Ibidem.74. Ibidem, p.227-9.75. On the cf. Oikonomids,Listesde prsance,op.cit., p. 86n. 25.

In the 11thc. the of the kriiai wereresponsiblefor abuses(illegalexactions) over the peasants:MichaelisPselliscriptaminora,ed. G. Kurtz, F. Drexl,Milan1936, 1941,vol.2, p. 144: . ,.


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184 HELEN SARADI

It is particularlyin the 1lth c. that varioussourcesmanifesta great awareness f the complexproblemsof the Byzantinejudicial system. They areaddresseddirectly and with frankness.Evenin documentsof the administration hich followstandardclichs,there nowappearexpressionseither stressingthe qualitiesof the judgesor indicatingtheir failings.For example,in agraphewith whichthe empressTheodoraordereda judgeof the velum,Vole-ron and Strymon to judge a dispute between Ivironand a monk, sheaddresseshim as 76.

Othersources, suchas the Strategikonof Kekaumenos,offer several specifi c xamplesof judicialcorruptionand they draw a more complexpicture:they underlinethe divineorigin of justice,they definejustice asa religiousobligationof the judgesto protect the poor;they placejusticein the contextof aristocraticethics. One of the obligationsof the strategoswas to keepaneye on the judge, in casehis judgementswere not just. The strategos wasadvisedto intervenein any lawsuitin which injusticewascommitted77.Byinterfering he wasactingaccordingto divine orders.ThusGodwouldsupport

him. Examplesfrom the NewTestamentjustify such initiativesof the strategos. he duty of the judge to take the initiative and applyjusticewhere itwasneeded,wasnot an obligation towardthe State or the society;rather itwas a duty toward God78.His decisionshould be in accordancewith theprincipleof philanthropia79.Briberyof the judgesof the thematais stressedasvery common.The judgewho receivedgifts put himself in the darknessofignorance()80,even if he wasvery wiseand knowledgeable.Briberywouldlead to unjust judgements.Judgesshouldbe satisfiedwith what they wereentitled to get. For they had not beenappointedtothe office in order to accumulatewealth,but rather in order to givejusticetothose whohad beenvictimsof injustice().The judgeshouldnot pronouncea judgementon accountof friendship.If a chargewasbrought againstone of his friends, he shouldresign from the case, for it isexpectedthat he wouldn'tbe impartial.Thepride and dignity of the judgeinthe contextof socialethics are presentedas the first reasonwhy he shouldrejectsuch cases();on the other hand it shouldbe expectedthathis friend wouldbe sentencedby the politikoijudges.Here it is rather thehonourof the aristocrat instead of the high valueof justice andhis legalobligationto meet the standardsof the professionthat matter. If the judge'smotivation wasto benefit from presents, this would incite him to make adishonestjudicialdecision,for the judgewouldconsiderthose willingto offer

76. Actesd'Iviron,II, no 31 I. 10(1056).Cf.alsono 34 11.1-3: ,, , , , , .

77. G.G.LiTAVRiN,Sovetii rasskaziKekavmena:socinenievizantijskogopolkovodlsaXIveka,Moscow1972, p.118: , , ,, .

78. Ibidem,p. 118-120.79. Ibidem,p. 12011.17-18: .80. Ibidem,p. 126.


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THE BYZANTINETRIBUNALS (9th-12thC.) 185

presentsas just, whilethose refusingto bribe him wouldbe regardedby himas unjust81.Thisstatement is supportedby a quotationfrom the OldTestament. Further Kekaumenosadvisesthe strategoiand the krilai not to receivetheir officeby payingxenia(friendlygifts). For whoeveractsin this way, willlater try to make up the money he had paid. Thus he would be hated byeveryoneand he wouldbecomea burden( )8 2.

It was common knowledgethat promotionsto the positionsof judgeswerenot madeon the basis of merit. Kekaumenosdescribeshow incompetentjudgeswhocouldbe subjectsof laughter()were prospering , hile others wiseand honest()wereneglectedbythe emperors83.Kekaumenosadvisesthe future strategosthat he securethatthe judgespronouncetheir judgementfearing God andaccordingto justice( )84.For it wasa commonpracticethat they ask from the litigantsa fee larger than the amountof the valueofthe lawsuitand not onlyin casesof debtsbut alsoin other kindsof charges85.Someproblemsof the Byzantinejudicialsystemare illustratedin a uniqueway in the letters of MichaelPsellos.Psellosexercisedhis influencein favourof his friends and other individualshe supported,in severalletters addressedto judges86. Thisappearsto be a formof prostasia (patronage),attestedinByzantinesourcesin variousforms87. In this respectsomeof Psellos'lettersare particularlyinteresting.Psellosis askingthe judgesto favourhis protgson accountof friendship,explicitlyexpressed88.In a letter to the krites ofOpsikionhe asks that the judgeshowhimselfa true friend and precisejudgein his decision,that he shouldstrengthen friendshipwith justiceand vice-versa89.In anotherletter, friendshipis placed abovethe laws( ,

)90.But Psellosis not consistent:in anothercasehedeclaresthat friendshipcarriesa great weight in a most just balanceonly if

81. Ibidem,p. 128.82. Ibidem,p. 236.83. Ibidem,p. 276.84. Ibidem, p.284.Similar statementsare foundin other strategika:G.T. Denn

is E. Gamillscheg,DasStrategikondesMaiirikios,Vienna1981, p.7011.36-38: .

85. LiTAVRiN,Kekavmena,op.cit.,p. 284: , .86. Psellos, Scriptaminora,op. cit.,2, ep.50-52,66, 77,81-84,99, 107, 140, 142,150-2,154,162-3, 166, 171-2, 182,221,243,247,250-1.

87. Cf. H. Saradi,Onthe Archontikeand EkklesiastikeDynasteiaand Pros-tasia in Byzantium,op.cil.,p. 314ff.Forreferencesto the sourcesof lateantiquitycf.Jones, LaterRoman Empire,op.cit., p. 503-4.

88. Psellos,Scriptaminora,2, p. 8411.4-6(...,),. 90 1.13 ( ),. 1001.6 ( ),. 1121.24(),. 1131.24 (),. 17611.10-11(,),. 17711.10-11,. 1951.28, . 2631.23.

89. Ibidem,p. 128II.3-7.90. Ibidem,p. 16911.18-19.


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186 HELENSARADI

combinedwith justice91.In another letter, however,he also stresses thatbribery of judgesis forbiddenand that they shouldnot favour individualsinthe trials92.

In someother letters Psellos'interferenceis more carefullyformulated.Inone suchletter he is askinga judgeto makea decision favourableto a poor

man:Psellosis not demandinganythingspecific,such as to judgethe litigantin a particularway, or to keepaway the person whoacts despitfully,or tostop the neighbourwho is doingwrongto him, but to assisthim whenhe findshimselfin an annoyingand painfulsituation93.In a similarwayis formulatedanotherletter to a judgein favourof a friend of his father. Psellosis convinced hat the judgewill dealwith the man'saffairs in a spirit of justice;thushe is only askinghim to showmercy and to treat him gently as a judicialofficer( , )94.

Psellosasks the judgeof Philadelphiato considertheir friendship in ajudicialdecision:he may, however,wishto choosea waymore appropriatetothe law and justice( ).For a reexaminationof acasea secondor third time may provethat the first decisionwassuperficial(),not taking into considerationthe underlyingbasicelementsof the case.An argument,whichPsellosadmittedwassophistic,wasinventedto persuadethe judge that he shouldbe generoustoward the local inhabitants:Aristotleand Platowerenot reluctantto changetheir earlierviews.Headvises the judge to compare his friendship to the correct dikaion .Althoughhe declareshe allowshim to choosethe lawsrather than friendshipwith him, he finally insists that the judgecontrive somethingfavourabletothe people95.In anotherletter Psellosadvisesa judgeto reservethe right tojudgecaseswhich arebeneficialto the local inhabitants.For he shouldnotacceptto be the judgeof allcases,nor shouldhe deny the right of a lawsuittoplaintiffs96.

The letters of Psellosare alsointerestingfrom anotherpoint of view:theydefine thegenerallyaccepted qualitiesof the judges.In a letter to the DoukasCaesar,Psellosrecommendsa judgeon accountof his qualities:he hadshownthat he had a judicialsoul() for,whilehe washoldingtheoffice ofkourator,he dealtwith the matters arisingwith precisejustice97.Theintegrity and virtue of the judge of Philadelphia(he was praised by thepeopleof the area)98did not impedePsellosto ask for a favour. Thequalitiesof a judgeare definedby Psellosas benevolence,wisdomandjustice( )99,whilejudicialpoweris placednext to thinkingwith preci-

91. Ibidem, p.19211.7-10: ,( ) . .92. Ibidem,. 191II.21-22: .

93. Psellos,Sathas,op.cit., p. 489.94. Ibidem,p. 258(no20).95. Ibidem,p. 460-1.96. Ibidem,p. 395.97. Ibidem,p. 399.98. Ibidem,p. 460.99. Ibidem,p. 274.


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THE BYZANTINETRIBUNALS(9th-12thC.) 187

sion ( )100.In otherletters arestressedvirtue, a straightforwardattitude, goodwill, kindness,aphilosophicalsoul and precision101.Philanthropiais often emphasizedasmore important thanthe strict applicationof law10'2.In a letter addressedtothe proedros Constantine, the niece of the patriarch Michael, Psellosreproachesthe proedrosfor applyingthe law, whilejudgesshouldbe readytoignorethe lawon accountof the principleof philanthropial03.Whilecompassion or the penetes is advised,a judgeis urged not to be influencedin hisdecisionsby the poorappearanceof the litigant, for in the past he wasa verywealthyman104.Weshouldnote here that only in a few passagesin Psellos'letters is justicedefinedin socialterms ( )105.Accordingto anotherletter, thequalitiesof the krites ofOpsikionare the subjectof a discussionbetweentheemperor andthe krites' potentialsuccessors,the logothetesand Psellos:theemperorwished that the krites remain in his positionand he praisedhisstraightforwardattitude106.Althoughjudicialcorruptionis attested in the sourcesof all periodsas aseriousproblemof the Byzantinejudiciary,it appearsit becamea seriousconcernof the imperial administrationin the 11th c: in a letter addressedtothe basilikoinotarioiPsellosenumeratestheir variousduties,amongwhich isthe handlingof such cases107.In the samecenturyJohn Mauropousdescribesas corruptedthe entire administrativesystem( ', , ... )108.

In the Peirathere is referenceto severalcasesof irregularitiesand corrupt ion n the judicialsystem.Wehave alreadymentionedtwo casesin which

judgesby usingtheir authorityforcedpenetesinto illegaltransactionsfor thebenefit of either the judgehimselfor a certain dynatos. In thetitle 51 onjudges()other casesare mentioned.In the 51, 1 it is stressedthatit is againstthe law to entrust casesto judgeswho are related to oneof thelitigants (in a family relationship,such as a father-son, or in a businessrelationship, suchas owner-tenant).Suchrelationshipswouldarousesuspicionsof

100. Ibidem,p. 282;cf. also p. 298: ;. 184:.

101.Psellos,Scriptaminora,op.cit.,2, p. 83 11.2-5,p. 1001.15,p. 1281.13,p. 1911.21,p. 19211.3-4,p. 19311.19-20, p.26211.16-17;p. 90: , , ,, ,,.

102. Ibidem,. 47 11.20-25:6 .

103.Ibidem,p. 1361.24.104.Ibidem, p.10011.8 ff105. Ibidem,p. 297.106.Psellos,Sathas,op.cit., p. 483: .107.Ibidem, p.486:.Cf.alsoScriptaminora,

op.cit., 1,p. 7 11.23-26.108.Johannis Euchaitorummetropolitaequaein codicevalicanograeco 676aupersunt,

d. P. de Lagarde,C.ttingen1882.p. 170 (no185).


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biasin judicialdecisions109.Thesection16of the sametitle dealswith proceduresin casesof disagreements betweenthe judges:the decisionof the majori ty f the judgesof a court couldbe subjectto an appealwhichmight correctthe abuseand the ignorancewhich resulted from that decision.It is interesting to note that in this text the ignoranceof the judgesis expressedwith

two synonyms:, .The questionof ignoranceis very closeto thecentral concernof the age, that of legaleducation.The section19 repeatstheNovel 45of LeoVI that the judgesshouldsign their decisions. The51, 29explainsthe reasonswhy a litigant cantransfer his caseto anotherjudge:heshouldbe able to provewithin eighteendays that the judgewaseither hisenemy(),or irascible(),or friend of his adversary110.Thesection32 cites the laws accordingto which the judgesshould apply theexisting lawsin pronouncingtheir judgements,and they should neitherchangethem nor misinterpret them (Basil.2, 1, 33; 29; 36).

Irregularitiesin court procedureare describedin a proslagmaof the emperor anuel Komnenosof the year 1166.In the prooimionthe role of the

emperorin

securingjusticeis

particularly stressed:heis .

toposthat we haveseenin earlierlegislativetexts, that of the divineorigin ofjustice, justifiesthe concernof the emperorabout the problemsof judicialpractice: For if the righteousLord loveth righteousness,it is doubtlessf itting that he who has been chosenby Him to rule as emperor overthose onearth be righteousand, also, that he makeright judgementa much desiredact of thoseput forwardby him to sit in judgementand that he acknowledgeit (assuch) 1]1.The emperorgivesan accountof the socialproblemscausedby the judges'negligence:... those appointedby MyMajestyto the vindicat i o n f those whohavebeen wrongedshouldat leastnot be more negligent()with regard to this than those whocommitillegal acts. Asit is,(My Majesty)sees many men becomingwoundedby a greedy and unjusthand, enduringthe lossof landsand dwellingsand beingdeprivedof otherthings, then knockingon the doorsof the courts continuouslyand wastingnoend of time, and in addition to obtainingno treatment from that place,irritating their soresto a worseand more painful degree,swallowingthe leesof injusticefromthe sourcewhere they werehopingto obtain legalremedy .Theemperor blamesthe idlenessof the judges( )for the lawsuitswhichneverendedand whichwereoften transmitt e d o subsequentgenerations112.In order to put an end to this evil ()

109.Suchcasesmay be comparedto those describedin the Novelof the emperorTiberius, accordingto which theadministratorsof the imperialoikoiwerejudgingcasesof theseoikoi.

110. JGB,4, p. 218;p. 219: , .Cf.alsoNov.53,cap.Ill 1 (a.537):... ',, )...

111.Cf. R. Macrides,Justiceunder ManuelI Komnenos:Four Novelson CourtBusiness andMurder,FMVI, Frankfurt1984, p.122(= JGR,1,p. 389).

112.Theproblemappearsalreadyin the earlierlegislation:in 530Justinian regulat e d he judicialprocedureso that litigationswouldnot becomeperpetual (CJ3, 1,11).Laterthe slownessof a judicialprocedureis describedin varioussources.In a docu-


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THEBYZANTINETRIBUNALS(9th-12th C.) 189

and acceleratethe court procedurehe introduced measuresto secure thecorrect functioningof the courts. Theyare defined as.The subordina t e udgesweredistributedunequallyamongthe courtsof the capital,while

the presidentsof these courtswere conveningirregularly. In the future thesubordinate judgesand the presidentof the court ('* )shouldbe allocatedto different tribunals at different time periods(11.36-38;101-5;217-226).Eachcourt should convenethree times a week(11.41-43).The secondsection(11.54-82)of the prostagmadealswith anotheraspectof corruptionofthe judicialsystem: the sophisticargumentsand intentionaldelaysof thelawyers;they shouldmaintainmodestyand shouldnot sit with the judgesinthe processof the trials (11.59-60),and they shouldtake turns speakingratherthan all speakat the sametime. Furtherthe text offersa descriptionof thejudicialprocedure.After the two parties have presentedthe evidence andtheir arguments, the judgesshould deliberate.If the judgesdisagreewitheachother ( ),the lawyersshouldremainquiet,while the judges examinethe disputed matter amongthemselvesand

without partialityof any kind all cometogether in one (opinion)and declarewhathas beendecidedby them ( - ' :11.68-69). Butif thejudgesdisagree amongthemselves,the voteof thosewith whomthe presidentof the court agreeswill prevail.

The judgesare threatenedwith great penalties,even mutilationsu;\ if theydo not reach their resolutionsand decisionswith extremecare ( :11.80-81).In the future they wouldberemovedfrom their office if they causeddelays in the judicialprocedure(11.97-98).The socialfunction of the judgesis againstressedand it explainsthe severityof the measure: For howcan there be justicewhenthosechosento sit in judgementfor the salvationof those who fare ill ( )then use the functionto oppressthese people(),yet still head judicialofficesor sit in judgementalong with theirheads? (11.98-101).Further the legislatorstipulatesthe fines includedin theagreementsof transactionsas a warranty, and againhe blamesthe judgesforneglectingthem: ... becausejudgesshowkindnesswhere it doesnot befit,and are softened and weakenedby others' misfortunes (11.203-4: ' , - ).

What makesthis Novelinterestingis that the delaysof judicialprocedureare describedas causinginjusticesof socialnature: ... many men becoming

mentof Iviron(Adesd'Iviron,no 27; 1042),for example,a disputebetweenthe monasteries f Ivironand Lavraregardinga zeugelationwasbroughtto the courtof the kritesof Voleron,Strymon andThessalonica.Accordingto this textthe judgewastedtime()in the kastronof Hierissos,whilethedefendant(Lavra)didnot providethe documentsit had beenasked.Asa result thecasewasentrustedto ecclesiasticalnotarieswhosettled the disputewithsomelocalinhabitantsfrom Hierissos. Thejudgeonlycontinuedthe documentof the agreementwithhisseal (ef. p.244).

113. Mac.rides.op.cil.,p. 175.


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woundedby a greedyand unjusthand, enduringthe lossof lands and dwellings and beingdeprivedof other things... 114.

With anotherNovelof the sameyear ManuelKomnenosreducesthe holidays for the courts.Thismeasurewas intendedto correctan impropersituation: the courts often did not operateon accountof religious holidays115.Accordingto the earlierlegislationand the Novel54 of LeoVI, Sundaywasthe day off for the judges116.

In the Novelsof ManuelKomnenosthe measureswith which the emperorattemptedto correct judicialprocedurewerejustifiedby the need to correctsocialinjustice117:the themeof the divineorigin of justice,whichis found inearlier Byzantine legislativetexts, is equallystressed. Thusonce again,asearlierin the Ecloga,socialjusticeis dictatedby the Christianreligion,su pported by quotationsfrom the Scriptures, and requiresan incorruptiblejudicial system. The measures introducedby ManuelKomnenos,in spite of theemphasison socialconcerns andtheir religiousjustificationwith a forcefulrhetoricalstyle, dealonly withthe technicalitiesof judicialprocedureratherthan with the complexproblems derivingfrom the nature of the Byzantinejudicialoffice.

For the purposeof the presentstudy it will be interestingto examinehowincorrectjudicialdecisionsare explainedin other sources.Chomatianosofferssomeinterestingexamples.In one of his decisionshe explainsthat complexsituationsof life producevariouslawsuitsand sometimesunusual judicialdecisions.In such casesthe judgementsdo not appearcorrect, while thejudgesare excusedif they had pronouncedtheir judgementfrom naiveterather than deviousintention,or wronginterpretationsof the laws,or misunderstanding of their precisemeaning. It is for these reasonsthat the lawshaveinstitutedappealsof the existingdecisions,so that injustice,the inexperienceor the ignoranceof the judgesmight be remediedwith legalmeans( , , ,)118.Then he examinesa decisionof the imperialtribunal: thejudgesshouldnot have yieldedto the influenceof powerbut rather to Godand to natural justice119;they should have examinedthe case carefully().Thejudgesof other tribunalswhichhad dealtwith the caseearlier, neglectedto read a documentof dialysisand did not examinetheargumentsaboutintimidationhavingbeen exercisedagainstone of the litigants. Other irregularitiesand judicialincompetenceare also discernedby

114.II.21-23: , .115. Ibidem,p. 140-155.116.Onthis Novelcf. Sp.. Troianos, 54

, .. ,Patrai 1990,. 119-127.

117.Cf. theremarksof Macrides,op.cit., p. 100-2.118.DemetriosChomatianos,J. Pitra, Analectasacraet classicaSpicilegioSoles-

mensiparata, Paris, Rome1891,col.456.119. Ibidem,col.456:, ;cf. alsocol.451:

'.


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THE BYZANTINETRIBUNALS(9th-12th C.) 191

Chomatianos12tl.In his accountof the earlierjudicialdecisionsdealingwithhis case,the plaintiffmentionshow the tribunalof Thessalonicacomposedbythe douxof Thessalonicaand other ecclesiasticsand archons,had been divi

ded in two dissidentfactions121.Chomatianosis particularly commentingonthe incorrect decisionof the imperial tribunal:the emperormust follow thelaws of the so-calleddikaiolikondikaion(regardingtransactions,etc.)1 forhe shouldact accordingto the laws().

From another decisionof Ghomatianoswe learn that the judgesof a prak-/or's tribunalfailed to examinewhetheran ekmartyriondocument (depositionof witnesses)was false or original12:5.In other casesGhomatianosreproachesthe judges' incompetencewhen they had used ordeal as proof of guilt orinnocence121.He declaresthat ordealwhichwasconsideredby many peopleas replacing oath,wasagainst the ecclesiasticaland civil laws.Its origin wasbarbaric,whileon the other hand somepeoplewho were guilty succeededinprovingtheir innocenceby using charmsand spells. Againin a caseof adultery Ghomatianosdeclinedto acceptordeal suggestedby the plaintiff, asbeing a barbariccustomforeign to thecivil and ecclesiasticallaws125.

More interestingfor our investigationis a letter of Chomatianosaddressedto the archonof Berroia12ti.Heis advisinghim regardinga legalcase.Chomatianos describesthe qualitiesof the provincialjudge:he must preservetheancestralcustoms andlaws, he must protect the weak,he must be a scaleofjustice. Chomatianosrecommendsleniencyfor an inhabitantof Berroiawhowantedto bring a lawsuitbefore the judge'scourt. Althoughthis individualknew howjust and direct the judgewas,he thought it wouldbe more secureto be recommendedby Chomatianos.In his letter Chomatianosexplainsthecaseand recommends alegalapproachaccordingto the lawswhichhe cites.In concludinghe recommendsthat the judgeexaminehis points carefully,find the truth and pronouncea judgementaccordingto the laws andjustice().Thenhe willbe rewardedby Godwho will savehim from any misfortune 127.

A similar attitude is expressedin one of the letters of John Mauropous,bishopof Euchaita,addressedto a judge,whichdeservesparticularattention.The metropolitanpraisesthe justiceof the judge'swisdom andauthority, hisdecisions,his deliberations,his commandsand judgements;judicatureis p laced next to logic( ); byciting them together, John M auropoussuggeststhat they complementeach other in pronouncingjudgements. He recognizesthe judge'sdecisionregarding the caseof a penes,as

120. Ibidem,col. 457.121. Ibidem,col.451: / , .122. Ibidem,col.458-9.123. Ibidem,col.406: , ,

.124. Ibidem,col.389-390.On the medievalordealcf. R. Barti.ktt, TrialbyWater

and Fire:the Medieval.JudicialOrdeal,Oxford1986.125. Chomatianos.op. rit., col.525-7.126.Ibidem, col.126-7.127. Ibidem,col.132: ,

.


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beingcorrect and fair. He is only askingfor a clarificationof sometechnicaldetails:whichoneof the litigantswouldpay the expensesof the lawsuit.Heremindshim that in interpreting uncertainsituations,the lawsdemandtheapart fromthe assistanceand appropriatetreatment which mustbegivento those whofind themselvesin difficulties]2S.Heis urgingthe judgetoapply the principleof and the inaccordancewith thelawand his personalcharacter.In concludingMauropousadvisesthe judgetokeepthese injunctionsin mind fearingdivinepunishment( ). Onecentury laterEustathiosof Thessalonicadescribesjustice in similarterms:one shouldnot commitinjusticein viewof God'spunishment; oneshouldnotfavourindividualsin judgement,nor shouldoneprefer a presentto justice129.

The duty of the Byzantinejudgeis understoodin religiousterms ratherthan socialor legalnot only in ecclesiasticaltexts, but alsoin legislativeones(suchas the decreeof LeoVI)and other sourceslike someletters of Psellos.Thus, for example,in a letter addressedto the judgeof Optimaton,Psellosisaskinghim to favour one of his friends on accountof justice,friendshipandreward from God ( )130.In anotherletter he assuresthe krites of Thracethat if he favours some monkshe willbeawardeda greater compensation()for such an act wouldnot beonlyvery just but alsoaccordingto divinewill ()131.Similar ssurancesare expressedin severalother letters of Psellosaddressedtojudges132.

The problemsof the Byzantinejudicialsystem which emergefrom theabovesourcesare persistant in all centuries:bribery of the judges,pressureby the dynatoi,personalmotivationsin deliberatingabouttheir judgements.It remainsto examineone more aspectof the Byzantinejudicialsystem in

order to completethe picture and evaluatethe aboveconclusions:the legaltrainingof the judgesseenas the desiredsolutionfor the judicialcorruptionby the emperorsof the civil party in the 11th c.

Thelegaltraining of the Byzantinejudgesvariedfrom one periodto another and fromthe capitalto the provinces.Usuallyit wasa personalmatter.Wehaveseen that the evidenceof the Peirahas beenstudiedin this respectwith contradictoryconclusions.Somescholarshavediscerned indicationsofprofoundknowledgeand responsibleapplicationof the laws;others stresstheir flexibleand liberal interpretation.Bothviews hold sometruth: it wouldappearthat evenwhenthe Byzantinejudgehad very goodknowledgeof thelaws, he might demonstrate remarkableflexibility in interpreting them

128. Mauropous,Lagarde,op. cit., p. 73: ...On thein the judicialdecisionscf. also Peira51,22.

129.Eustathiosof Thessalonica,ed. Th.L.F.Tafel,EustathiimeiropolitaeThessalo-nicensisopuscula,Frankfurt,1832,Or. XVIII,p. 152.

130. Psellos,Scriptaminora,op.cit., 2, p. 84 (ep.53).131. Ibidem,p. 108{ep.77).132. Ibidem, p.112 (ep.83);p. 299(ep.250): ,'

;. 300(ep.251).


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becausehe appliedthe principleof for a varietyof reasons.Thus, forexample,Eustathios Romaiosjustifieshis decisionin a caseof adulterywherea priest was involvedwith quotationsfrom Homer, becausehe apparentlywanted to justify a previousdecisionof the patriarchaltribunal133.Othertexts such as imperiallawsrefer to debatesbetweenjudgesof the sametribuna l n particularcontroversialquestions.Specificreferencesto the lawsformthe argumentsof both disagreeingparties of the tribunals134.In an imperialsemeiosisof Alexios Komnenosof the year 1082the judgesof a tribunal ofConstantinople maintainedthat the argumentsof the parties were notfounded on the laws (' )135.

In any case there is no doubt that the legalcompetenceof the Byzantinejudgesand its effects on the Byzantinejudicialsystem is closely relatedtothe available legaleducation.Lookingat the problemsof the Byzantinejudicial system in this context,we will discernthe attitudesof the State toward

the professionof the judgesand the efforts to createa moreefficientjudiciarythrough legal training.From the 7th c. onwardsjudicial training conformedto the conditionsof

legal educationwhich had been createdat the end of the early Byzantineperiod. Fromthe secondhalf of the 6th c. the professorsof law were notanymoreantecessores,but .H.J. Scheltemahas shown thattheprofessorsof lawdid not havea theoreticalbackground, butwere practicinglawyers136.Thusright after the great developmentof legalscienceat the timeof Justinian, there was a clear declinein legal studies.We know nothingabout the juridical educationin Byzantiumduring the so-calledByzantinedark age (7th and 8th c). The imperial legislationof this period, however,

suggestsa remarkableinterest in law137.It is only in the 9th c. that we hear again aboutthe educationof jurists.Accordingto the Scriptor Incertus Constantine-AntonyKassimatas,wholater becamethe patriarch Antony I, was inthe schoolof Sphorakiou

133. Peira 25, 25. Cf. S. Perentides,Trois notes sur latradition de la Peira, ' '8',27-28, 1980-1,1985,. 669-670.It appearsthat, referencesto classicaltexts are notonlya consequenceof the focusof the jurists' educationin classics andrhetoric(cf.Oikonomides,The Peira of EustathiosRomaios,op.cit., p. 185)but they mightbedictatedby other principles, suchas in the Peira25,25. Cf. also D. Simon,Rechts-findungam byzantinischenReichsgericht,op.cit., p. 26.

134. Cf., for example,Novelof MichaelVIIDoukas(1075;JGR,1,p. 280);Novelsof AlexiosKomnenos(1082,1092;Ibidem,p. 293, 295,298-9,319ff.), etc.; on evidencefromthe Peiracf. Oikonomides,The Peira of Eustathios Romaios,op.cit.,p. 187-8.

135.JGR,1, p. 300.136. H.J. Scheltema,L enseignementde droitdesantcesseurs,Leiden1970.137.Cf.E.E. Lipsic,Pravoi sud Vizantii iv-vnivu.,Leningrad1976,p. 193-202;

idem,Vizantijskoepravo period mezduEklogoji Prochironom(CastnajaRaspros-tranennajaEkloga),VV36,1974,p. 45-72;D. Simon,ZurEhegesetzgebungder Isau-rier, FM 1.Frankfurt1967,p. 16-43.


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194 HELEN SARADI

(one of the districts of Constantinople)and he taught children138. In thiscontext the term nomikosdesignatesthe teacher of law rather than anotary 1:W.The schoolat Sphorakiouhas been identified withthe schoolatSaintTheodoreof Sphorakiouattested later140.Thenext pieceof informationcomesfrom the Bookof the Prefect. The future taboullarioi receivedtheireducationboth generaland legal from the teachersof the corporation:thepaidodidaskaloinomikoiand the didaskaloi141The first wereconsideredmoreimportant since their contribution()to the corporationas a fee forgetting their officewaslarger than the latter. In anothersectionof the Bookof the Prefect there is a questionconcerning otherschools:the nomikoiandthe paidodidaskaloishouldnot acceptchildrenfrom other schoolsunlesstheyhad paid the fees proportionateto the time of their training there 142.Thereisno referenceto the type of trainingoffered by the other schools:wasthe legaleducationincludedin the curriculumand, if so, at what levelwas it offered?

We know nothing about higher educationin law. In the sourceson thereorganisationof the University of Constantinopleby Bardas(the University f Magnaura)andlater by ConstantinePorphyrogenitos,the legalscienceis not mentioned.However,the Continuatusof Theophaneswrites that thehigher educationoffered by the Universityof ConstantinePorphyrogenitoswas meant to train future judges,secretariesand metropolitans( )143. It has been suggestedthat the jurists were

138.ScriptorIncertus,ed. Bonn,p. 350;Pseudo-Symeon,ed. Bonn,p. 406;cf. alsoR. Brownng,Noteson the Scriptor Incertusde LeoneArmenio ,Byz.35, 1965,p. 404;P. Lemerle,Lepremierhumanismebyzantin.Noteset remarquessur enseignementt culture Byzancedesoriginesau xe sicle,Paris 1971,p. 141.Cf. alsoP. Speck,

Diekaiserliche UniversittvonKonstantinopel, Munich 1974,p. 41, n. 24. It has beensuggestedthat accordingto somesources(the71stcanonof the counsilin Troulloand apoemof ChristophorosMitylenaios)there existed someprivate schoolsof law (cf.W. Wolska-Conus,L'colededroit,et l'enseignementdu droit Byzanceau xipsicle:Xiphilinet Psellos,TM7, 1979,p. 6-7);for a differentviewcf. II. Saradi,Lenotariatbyzantindu ixe au xvesicles,Athens1991,p. 155.

139.Cf. theremarksof Lemerle,Le premierhumanisme,op.cit., n. 133.140.F. Fuchs,DiehherenSchulenvonKonstantinopelim Mittelalter,Amsterdam

1964, p.49-50.141.Cf. .Le Livredu Prfetou l'dilde l'empe

reur on le Sage sur les corporationsde Constantinople, ed.J. Nicole,Genve1893= ,TheBookof the Eparch LeLivredu Prfetwith anIntroductionby Prof.I. Dujcev,Var. Bepr.,London1970.On the date of the Bookofthe Prefect cf. J. Kder,berlegungenzu Aufbauund Entstehungdes EparchikonBiblion,.EssayspresentedtoJoan Husseyfor her80thbirthday,Athens1988,p. 85-97,esp.89. Onthe paidodidaskaloinomikoiand the didaskaloicf. W. Wolska-Conus,Lestermes et du Livrede l'parque ,TM8, 1981p. 532-541.For a discussionand bibliographicalreferencescf. IL Saradi,Le notariatbyzantin,op.cit., p. 92-93.

142.Cf. the discussionof thissectionby Lemerle,Le premierhumanisme,op.cit.,p. 262-3.

143. Theo

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