ART 1981 WADDEY Samba de Viola Reconcavo

"Viola de Samba" and "Samba de Viola" in the "Reconcavo" of Bahia (Brazil)Part II: "Samba de Viola"

Ralph Waddey

Latin American Music Review / Revista de Música Latinoamericana, Vol. 2, No. 2. (Autumn -Winter, 1981), pp. 252-279.

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Ralph Waddey Violade Samba and

Samba de Viola in the

Reconcauo of Bahia

(Brazil)

Part 11: Samba de Viola'

Samba has been said to be practically everything from the sublime to the r i d i c u l ~ u s . ~ This study advocates something closer to the former, for, far from being a street-corner pastime, samba can be a complex art as well as part of a religious act and occasion.

The first part of the study looked at various physical, musical, and symbolic properties of the Brazilian viola, the musical instrument that gives this particular genre of samba the most common of its many names, samba de viola. Each of the other names-samba de chula (or samba chulado), samba de parada, samba sant'amarense, samba de partido alto, samba amarrado-identifies the same genre by a different specific aspect, and in reality these names taken together provide a complete definition of the genre. An understanding of the full significance of this samba requires, too, its consideration as an occasion, a ritual event which is an integral part of the high feasts of a family's household religion in the nearly inseparable African-inherited belief system and popular Catholicism, notably in the small towns and the surrounding rural areas of the Recin- cavo. A samba is the established occasion which unfolds through the execution of the genre samba. Finally, samba assumes a sense of group identity, discriminating those individuals competent to participate in the occasion and to perform the genre properly.

Much of the written attention given to samba, centering on arguments concerning the etymology of the word and on a polemic as to whether samba originated in Bahia or in Rio de Janeiro, clouds the past and ignores the present. The one argument appears concerned with a remote African source for samba and the other with a remote Brazilian source. Both attitudes are largely deductive and ignore the human behavior which its participants call samba.3 Both show an attempt to

Latm American MUSKReview. Vol 2 . No 2. Fali/W~nter19RI 01981 by the University of Texas Press 0163-0350/81/020252-28 $02.15

253 : Ralph Wad&

write a past for samba with little knowledge of its present. The purpose of this study is not to seek a general definition of samba: the subject is vast and, I suspect, irrelevant. The objective here is to look at a specific form of artistic behavior which its performers call samba (with its men- tioned qualifiers) and thereby to contribute to a valid understanding of at least one genre fitting that rather abused term. The orientation here is empirical: it is the result of field work and observation; secondary sources are indeed quite secondary.

The Genre

What follows is to serve as a basic text. It is a summary of the mini- mum sequence of the events constituting the genre. This performance cell (which could be called, in the terminology of music and dance, a "piece") will help clarify the various names by which the genre goes. A sequence of these cells, furthermore, and the manner in which they are connected to produce the sequence give the structure and the dynamic of the genre.

An ideal minimal ensemble of the sort described in the first part of this study is presumed: one viola machete tuned in natural and playing in Ri maior grande, one viola tris-quartos tuned in natural and in La m ~ i o r , ~one pandeiro ( t a m b ~ u r i n e ) , ~and one prato-e-jaca (plate-and-knife). The lead uiola (the machete) plays the R i maior pattern (given in Example 2 of Part I of this article) once or twice, practically without meter, in order to establish the key, thus allowing the other violeiro to locate his own key. The toque of the violas gradually acquires meter within the next four measures, approximately, and the percussion instruments enter at their own discretion, the tambourine playing approximately the pattern given in Example 1.

The plate is held in the open palm of the left hand, as though it were a custard pie the musician were preparing to throw in his own face. The knife is scraped on the edge of the plate in the pattern given in Example 2 .

An essential part of the percussion is the palmas (hand claps) of anyone else present (typically people stand along the walls of a small room at one end of which the musicians are seated, with the exception of the prato-e-faca, who may stand), constituting what might be called a secondary ensemble. The palmas not only provide an added percussive sound but also (and perhaps even more importantly) encourage the involve- ment and the enthusiasm of all present. The palmas enter at will in pri- marily the pattern given in Example 3. Others, as the ensemble forms and enthusiasm increases, may clap in a constant eighth-note pattern of

Viola de Samba and Samba de Viola : 254

equal accents, as in Example 4 . Others, by cupping the right palm and striking it against the left with a rapid twist o f the wrist, may clap in the pattern given in Example 5.

After about sixteen measures, or after it i s clear that the ensemble is properly formed, two singers from the primary ensemble enter, as in Example 6 , in parallel thirds with the song text, a chula. At the comple- tion o f the chula, two other singers o f the primary ensemble may respond (without missing a beat, i f properly executed) with a relatiuo, which i s ideally relevant (or "relative") to the chula (but whose relevance even the musicians recognize as often doubtful). T h e relativo is typically sung once and repeated immediately.

During the singing, the prato-e;faca changes to merely striking the edge o f the plate with the edge o f the knife, as in Example 7 . T h e palmas change to the same pattern and greatly reduce volume, many dropping out entirely. T h e prato-e;faca thus seems to function as a lead instrument for the secondary ensemble.

Wi th the closing o f the relativo (or, i f no relativo is sung, with the closing o f the chula), the prato-e;faca and the palmas return to their initial pat- terns, but with even greater insistence, in order to encourage the dancer (more often than not, a woman) who soon enters the roda (the open space in the center o f the room, roughly a circle) to sambar or to ~ a p a t e a r . ~T h e minute, intricate, rapid, and at times nearly imperceptible foot movements (the sapateado, also called repicado, recokhete, or miudinho)' are almost the only body movements in the properly executed Rec6ncauo style o f samba choreography.

T h e dancer holds her chin high, her face turned to one side in a haughty manner, with her hands on her hips or lightly holding her skirt at the hips. She enters the roda from her place at its periphery and, with the small steps o f the miudinho, seems to float toward the musicians from where the tambourine calls her to the boca de bunco.* T h e tambourine player holds his instrument in a horizontal position close to the floor and his bench, between his open legs, and plays the pattern given in Example 8 with the length o f his closed fingers on the loose skin o f the tambourine. T h e dancer dances before each instrument, especially before the lead viola or before the musician who offers the most appeal- ing rhythm, choosing from a repertory o f specific steps (presuming she is among the rapidly dwindling number o f those who still command this repertory). T h e lead viola plays a passagern (passage), such as that in Example 9 , for the dancer, as the uioleiros say, to "tirar no p6 o que a viola tira no dedo" (to do with the feet what the viola does with the fingers).

T h e dancer then moves toward the center o f the roda, where she dances for a short t ime, da tris voltas (twirls around three times), and,

255 : Ralph Waddey

finally, moving rapidly to the periphery of the roda, passes the samba to whomever she chooses by one of a set of signs, perhaps the most common being the umbigada: the dancer opens her arms and extends her belly or navel (umbigo) toward that of the person to whom she is passing the dance. The two may or may not actually touch. Other signs are a touching of the knee against that of the new dancer (more common among men)g or an extension of the hands together in a praying gesture toward the face of the receiving dancer.I0 The dancer's time in the roda is indeterminate and lasts essentially according to his or her own discretion (moderated by the other participants' appreciation or lack of interest in the dancer's performance), but a typical execution would be between sixteen and forty-eight measures.

The new dancer waits in place while the chula is repeated and is answered by the same, another, or no relativo. A chula and its relativos are performed typically three times, each time separated by a dance sequence. Three or more different chulas are generally linked before the instruments stop playing and regroup. A dancer enters between two different chulas just as if the interval were merely that between repetitions of the same chula.

In summary, a characteristic complete cycle is: Instrumental intro- duction / Chula A (/Relative A) / Dancer A I Chula A (/Relativo B) / Dancer B / Chula A (/Relative C ) / Dancer C I Chula B (/Relative D) / Dancer D , and so on. The parentheses remind that the relativos may not be present, that they may be present at times, or that the same relativo may be repeated for the same chula (or, really, any combination of the above).

The cycle ends most commonly immediately after a chula (and its rela-tivo) at the discretion of the lead viola, who stops either for his own motives or upon indication from another musician or from a person of responsibility in the secondary ensemble or in the household that a change or an intermission is in order. The performance cell is complete, and, although it would be rare in practice, a samba as an occasion could in concept consist of this cell alone Gust as a concert could consist of only one short piece). A new cycle begins, typically, after a few minutes' rest (and commonly the solid and liquid refueling of the musicians), in a new key.

The performance of which Example 6 is a transcription is an excel- lent example of the high register, called voz de mulher (woman's voice), which is perhaps the principal refinement, or mannerism, of vocal accomplishment for male chula singers. Both of the singers in this performance were men." Despite the extremity of range, the throat sounds relaxed. The timbre is not harsh and the voice placement is not nasal (as it would be in the sertao). Here, as is commonly the case, the upper


voice is called primeira uoz (first voice) and the lower voice is called segunda voz (second voice). Essentially, however, primeira uoz is the lead voice, and as such it may be either the higher or the lower voice. The singer who chooses the chula and enters first chooses as well the part and the register in which he will sing; the other singer must then combine with him appropriately. A primeira may select a certain register in which his segunda, in order to combine properly, is forced into an uncomfort- ably high register. This form of competition, according to Ant6nio Moura da Silva ("Canded"),l2 is common in (but by no means exclusive to) the samba de estiva (stevedore samba), in which the primeira is commonly the lower voice. A pair of singers (parceiros) accustomed to singing with one another might even switch voices for certain phrases in certain chulas, as do "Cobrinha Verde" and "Canded" in the last verse of this chula.

6,Lira, 6 , Lira meu bem bar6, (bis) Rouxo, nZo. Sou mulatinha. Cabelo crespo, cacheadinho. Bicho do mato tem tr&s p6. Ele pula ali, d a n ~ a candomblk. Pimenta de jiriquitd. Vou beber na venda de Loriana.13

Example 6 shows also another important facet of the singing style: very little of what the singers do occurs on the beat-only rarely does a syllable not anticipate, or slightly delay, the pulse. Beat and meter are stated by the percussion instruments, but for the singers they merely underlie. Text setting is quite free, and rhythmic values vary from performance to performance. The values given in Example 6 should not, therefore, be taken too literally. The chromatic alterations also are treated rather freely, and the lowering of the seventh degree of the scale, characteristic of Brazilian folk music, especially in the Northeast, sometimes occurs and sometimes does not. More accurately, the seventh degree is treated as neutral: it may be a minor seventh or a major seventh, or it may fall somewhere in between. The freedom of expression such fluidity offers requires proportionate care, precision, and intimacy between singing partners in order to attain the style's exacting ideal. The singers must act and react in their performance as if they were one. The two often sing looking at one another intently, especially if they have not frequently sung together previously. Partners are chosen carefully and are cherished. "Cobrinha Verde" celebrates the relationship in a chula he sings with "Candea as his parceiro.

Era eu e Canded, E nos dois andava juntos. NZo sei se Deus consente Numa cova dois defuntos. l 4

257 : Ralph Waddey

Specific melodies, melodic types, and treatment of melodic types vary considerably according to individual singers, to groups, and to locali- ties. A treatment of these variants and variables must await another occasion. A recurring melodic feature, however, which is identified and named by the singers themselves (a rare case, in contrast to the extensive theoretical vocabulary applied to the viola and to its use), is the baixlo-a sustained leading tone in the lower octave on the final syllable of the penultimate verse, as in Example 10. The sustaining of the final syllable of the chula over several measures and, to a lesser extent, of the final syllable of each verse over several beats, is characteristic of the Santo Amaro style. In the estiva (stevedore) style these final syllables are almost truncated, but in the true santdmarense style the interjections "0 ai-ai," "6ah-ah," or even "6iaid"l5 are often added to the end of the chula's text proper and held out over the several measures instead of the final syllable of the text, such as in this chula sung frequently by "Candei."

6,vem a savalaria da donzela que adora. (bis) Tr&s Maria, trCs Joana, tres tocador de viola. Quem me dera aquela rouxa para raiar no colo dela. Toca viola, ioi8. Minha santa C virtuosa. Mulher que engana homem C danada de teimosa, 8 iaii.I6

"Canded" sings this chula actually in two manners: in one he sustains the last syllable of the word teimosa, leaving off the word iaia; in the other he adds the word iaia and holds out its final syllable. H e offers this chula, incidentally, as one which "nZo pega relativo" (takes no relativo). (Why not, "Canded"? It just doesn't, that's why.) This chula is sung with a baixio on the word virtuosa, and it demonstrates also another common feature: the first verse of the chula is, more often than not, repeated. Example 6 is an example to the contrary.

The repicado of the traditional dance style is rapidly giving way to the reboladoI7 of carnaval samba. The repertory of sapateados-the bates-ola, corta- jaca, samba-no-co^co, and the charre (or chale) -is passing into oblivion, and younger dancers ignore as well the proper sequence of events in the roda. This sort of change, which constitutes a concrete diminution of the repertory, stands in neat contrast to the process of change in the past, in which new material was reinterpreted in terms of and incorporated into the pre-existing traditional style. The charre, which can still be found among older generations in the village of Saubara near Santo Amaro, is clearly the Charleston executed in the style of the traditional samba-that is, with contained foot movements and with the arms held at the sides instead of with the "authentic" Charleston leg swings and


flailing arms. The charre or chale is recognized to have come from outside many years ago and to have been a d a n ~ aas opposed to a samba. The Charleston was naturalized, and it enriched the traditional genre by assuming the traditional style, whereas the rebolado invades the traditional genre and displaces the traditional style.

This description has been ihtended to perform the essential function of defining a genre which, even for its participants, goes by several different and interchangeable names, each referring simply to a different facet of the same samba. A look at each of these names separately should make this clear.

Samba de viola refers of course to the instrument constituting the center of the instrumental ensemble which accompanies the samba. The subject of the viola has already been dealt with at length, but it is worth pointing out that this instrument provides an existential definition of the samba. The mere presence of the viola and its symbolic baggage in and at the samba gives this genre one of its most widely used names. In other words, the same performance cell can be, and is, executed without the viola when this instrument is not available. The style of dance and of song, the texts, and the sequence of events are the same, but they are accompanied by the percussion ensemble alone. The sponsors of an event, however, will go to considerable trouble and expense for the presence of uioleiros, and the viola does not generally accompany other kinds of samba.

Samba de parada refers to the fact that the singers stop param) singing while one dancer dances, and the dancer stops dancing for the singers to sing. In the samba corrido (running samba), on the other hand, not only are the singing and the dancing continuous and simultaneous, but several dancers may enter the roda at one time, all of which is rigorously prohibited in the samba de parada.

The essential formal factor and principal organizing element in this style of samba is the chula, from which the name samba de chula (or samba chulado) is derived. A substantial essay could be undertaken on the history of the various musical and dance genres to which the name chula has been applied. It has been considered to be, both as song and dance, a variant of or synonymous with thefandango and the sapateado popular in the nineteenth century in Portugal, Rio de Janeiro, SBo Paulo, and Rio Grande do Su1.18 All accounts agree that the chula is virtually extinct in all of these places.

In the samba of the Rec6ncauo the chulalY is simply the song text. Chulas are poems in Portuguese, of varying lengths, but most commonly of four verses (or lines), and extremely eclectic in both form and subject. A chula may make quite logical sense, may have a clear message, may be narrative and linear, or it may be highly symbolic, appearing to be

259 : Ralph Waddey

an expression o f free association. A chula m a y , as w e have seen, b e fol- lowed b y a rela!iuo, typically o f t w o verses, wh ich , ideally, is appropriate t o the preceding chula, b u t whose appropriateness in practice is o f t e n , indeed at best , only relative. O n e constant a m o n g all o f these variables is the essentially European textual f o r m o f the samba chulado. Chulas are o f di f ferent lengths , b u t each individual chula is o f a specific length and durat ion. In contrast, the short pattern o f solo call and group response and the indeterminate duration o f the samba corrido are A f r ican , as i n this example .

(So lo ) Q u e C q u e Maria tern?

( G r o u p ) ' T i doente . Q u e C q u e Maria t e m ?

' T 5 doente . Maria n5o lava roupa.

' T i doente . Maria nZo varre a casa.

' T i doente . Maria nZo vai pra rua.

' T i doente . Q u e C q u e Maria t e m ?

' T B d 0 e n t e . 2 ~

A n d so o n , lament ing more and more tasks Maria neglects because o f her malady . T h i s corrido ends only w h e n , after a t i m e , the participants tire o f it and another soloist enters w i th another corrido.

A meaning fu l general idea i n s u m m a r y f o r m o f something so varied i n content and f o r m as the chula is difficult. O n e characteristic chulas appear t o share is a sense o f in t imacy - a personal closeness be tween singer and subject -expressed i n very colloquial language. T h i s quality has b e e n seen i n the examples already given. Example 6 is a pastoral dialogue i n which a neighbor turns u p t o borrow a dog f r o m his apparently rather impat ient comadre ( w h o , i n the cus tom o f the Rec6n-cauo, m a y b e simply a close or honored fr iend) t o help get a bull ou t o f his truck garden (his r o ~ a ) .T h e dog's n a m e is Carauela (caravelle): th ings o f the sea are i m m u n e t o things o f the land , such as bichos do chi0 ("ground-animals," a e u p h e m i s m for snakes) and rabies, and so dogs are frequent ly given mari t ime names . T h e neighbor calls the dog i n t h e chula just as he would o n the farm. T h e chula translated i n note 13 treats c o m m o n racial notions ironically: "Black, n o . I'm mulat inho: s t i f f , k inky hair." T h e singer resolves matters b y deciding t o drop i n for a drink at a venda ( the mos t unpretent ious category o f establishments where drink is sold) k n o w n b y the n a m e o f its ( f e m a l e ) owner , a certain Loriana.


The example translated in note 14 is a declaration of fraternal love and inseparability between the two singers.

This intimacy is shown even in chulas about heroic and historical hap- penings, such as in one of "Cobrinha Verde's" favorite chulas, also a dialogue, in which a man returning from the battle of Canudos (1898) tells his compadre about the fighting.

6 compadre, que dia voc& chegou? Cheguei ontem. (his) Fui B guerra dos Canudos. NZo morri. Dia de fog0 'cerrado, mataram todo soldado. Dia de fog0 primeiro, mataram Antanio Conselheiro. Dia de fog0 segundo, mataram todo j a g u n ~ o . 6 compadre, que dia voc& chegou? Cheguei ~ n t e m . ~ ~

A chula may be about the samba itself, as is this conversation (also "Cobrinha's" chula) between a father and his son. The latter tells what happened at last night's samba.

6 rneu pai, ainda ontem fui no samba. Deu bom. Oi o velho 15. Deu muita comida, rneu pai. Oi o velho 16. Tinha muita bebida, rneu pai. O i o velho 16. Tinha moCa bonita, rneu pai. O i o velho 18. 6 rneu pai, de meia-noite para o dia faca fora desafia. O i o velho fora de 18.22

The mixture of themes and ideas, such as occurs in the chula trans-lated in note 16, would seem to indicate a recomposition from more than one source, and this would certainly fit the permissive nature of the chula in all of its aspects. In other cases, however, this free association seems to obey an impressionistic coherence, as in this ode of lyrical tropicalism sung frequently by "Cande8."

6,vem do mar, do outro lado de 16. Olha eu. Caboclinho, venha c8 sere'ar. Coisa bonita que eu acho, banana madura no fundo do cacho. CCu de amor. CCu de amor, &, cCu de amar. Da forma que o barco anda, rneu mano, como o vento leva. Deus me livre de eu andar, mulher, como o barco anda.23

261 : Ralph Waddey

In addition to the possibility that a chula may be remade from bits and pieces of other texts, chulas are also taken intact from other reper- tories, including current popular music, and they may be parodies of other texts, such as this chula by "Candea based on a song popular on the radio in Bahia several years ago (and which he calls a mGsica, as opposed to his chula).

Quando sera o dia da minha sorte? Antes da minha morte este dia chegar5. Sou filho de Oxum. Sou net0 de Iemanj5. Sou filho de Ogum. Sou net0 de Oxal5. Antes da minha morte minha sorte vai mucb.24

"Candea's" most notable contribution to the text is his appeal to his relationship with his Afro-Bahian orixcis.

Although not essentially an improvised form, a chula may at times be made up on the spur of the moment during the samba, as was the preceding one. It may then enter the established repertory and be sung by anyone, although it is recognized to be the chula of its author. Similarly, a pre-existing chula is known as the chula of the individual who introduced it into the repertory of a particular group or locale. Anyone may then sing it, but it is acknowledged as the chula of the one who introduced it, even though he may make no claim to its original authorship, as is exactly the case, for example, of the chula translated in note 23: "Candea acknowledges that he learned it at the sambas of his youth in Santo Amaro.

A vague idea of the relative age of chulas within the repertory is recognized by their performers, but no analytical reason is given. Crispim Ubaldo Evangelista, who farms at Senzala (near Oliveira dos Campinhos, close to Santo Amaro), uioleiro, born in 191 1, gives the following, with a relatiuo, as the oldest chula he knows.

Minha sinh5, minha iaib, (bis) Quem tem amor tem que dar. Quem n l o tem n l o pode dar. Mulata baiana, quero ver a palma zoar. Chora, mulata, chora na prima desta viola.

6,vi Amelia namorando. Eu vi Amelia. Eu vi Amelia namorando. Narnora, Amelia.25

Chulas may also have immediate meaning. Special texts exist to begin an evening, to allow a new singer to introduce himself, and both to praise and to provoke bystanders, other musicians, and dancers.

Samba amarrado (tied-down samba) is said to refer to the rather calm tempo and reserved and refined use of the voices, the violas, and even


the percussion, in comparison with the more demonstrative, solto (loose) samba corrido. "Cande6," however, gives a more specific explanation of samba amarrado on the basis of a special form of chula. The samba is amarrado by singing the final verse of the chula only after the chula's final repetition, as in this example. The chula is sung initially in this form:

Garimpeiro boiadeiro, olha teu gad0 esparramado. Sinhazinha mandou me chamar 16 de cima do sobrado. "Um conto de reis eu dou pela boiada do gado, Tirando gordos e magros que nHo possam ~ i a j a r . ~ ~

A dancer then enters the roda. The above chula is repeated, and another dancer enters the roda. This cycle may occur several times. The samba is then desamarrado (untied) by singing the chula this time with its final verse.

Na Feira de Santana eu vendi meu boi fiado Ipor bom dinheiro, ai-ai.27

A new chula is then introduced, and the samba continues. Partido alto is most commonly associated in present times with the

samba of Rio de Janeiro, but there is considerable indication that the term and the style of samba it identifies may have come from Bahia.28 The word partido means, among other things, "party" in the sense of political parties or factions, so partido alto could be translated as the samba of the "high party." A partido is also an extensive cane field, so partido alto could signify "uplands." Professor Zilda Paim of Santo Amaro da PurificacHo explains that the partido alto was the samba which the senhores de engenho (the owners of the sugar plantations and, of course, of the slaves) held to show off their favorite cabrochas, mucamas-that is, their favorite slave mis t resse~.~9 "Cobrinha Verde" affirms that the partido alto is the samba of the "ristrocacia" (the a r i s t o ~ r a c y ) . ~ ~

Partido alto may refer therefore to a discrete upland hideaway as well as to the "high party" of the sugar barons of the Rec6ncavo. Oral history fails to specify which, if either, of these explanations is valid, but the hypothesis provides at least partial explanations for various stylistic elements of this genre of samba. The singing would cease and one dancer would be allowed in the roda at a time, in contrast to the samba corrido, in order that the dancer might show her skill and her charms to an audience distracted neither by other dancers nor by a song text. The participation of the landlords explains the use of an instrument of Euro- pean ancestry (the viola) and of a song text in a European language and of European structure.

Etymologies and histories are of little interest to the musicians themselves. They are more pragmatic, and informants define the partido alto

263 : Ralph Waddey

in clear and simple stylistic terms: it is sung in two voices, primeira and segunda; only one woman enters the roda at a time, and she enters only when the chula has finished.

Samba santo-amarense (or sant'amarense) refers simply to the fact that it is the town of Santo Amaro da Purifica~50 and its surrounding area with which the samba featuring all these stylistic elements is most associated. The term has of course more meaning outside Santo Amaro than inside, and its meaning in Salvador is different, for example, from that in Cachoeira. In the former, a metropolis where many regional styles have come together, sant'amarense refers broadly to the style of samba typical of the Rec6ncavo but exemplified by Santo Amaro. In the other towns of the Rec6ncav0, each of which has its own style quite similar to that of Santo Amaro, the term refers to specific and minute details of repertory, use of the viola, manner of dancing, and singing style.

The Occasion

It is true that this and any other type of samba can be performed on the street corner, but then so can string quartets. Street performances of chamber music for handouts may suffer in comparison with salon and concert-hall performances in terms of accoustics and various other envi- ronmental factors (and of course often in terms of musical skill), but the art form is the same, and it is recognized by performers and audience alike that the street is not the ideal context for the performance. It is also true that in certain neighborhoods of Saubara (near Santo Amaro) and in other towns of the Reco^ncavo, people used to sambar (to samba) nearly every evening after the end of a day's work, but this was a performance of the genre. It was not a samba as an occasion, and it was almost invariably a samba corrido.

It is very unlikely to have a samba de viola performed on a street corner. Violeiros and singers of chulas are extremely demanding with regard to their performance environment (including the human sur- roundings and its conduct) even when this environment is part of their own neighborhood, to say nothing of the anonymity and confusion of a public thoroughfare. The ensemble of violas is, after all, small, and the singers are only two in number. It is equally unlikely that the proper ensemble would assemble on a daily basis. The informal recreational samba is far more likely to be a corrido: it is simply easier to form the group. And of course it is far more egalitarian: any number can play, and almost at one time. This is not to relegate the samba corrido to a lower order. At the full-blown samba, the corrido and the chula comple-ment one another, as we shall see.


Samba is most properly an indoor affair, and sambm as occasions are held most characteristically in 'the front rooms, or parlors, of private homes. A samba is a household, family, and, by extension, neighborhood and community event. Sambas are held on special occasions of either direct or indirect religious significance. The latter include occasions of passage: birthdays, weddings, baptisms, and even quinze anos (a woman's fifteenth birthday). The former -the occasions of directly religious nature and ritual -are more interesting. These are days dedicated to one's saint: the patron of one's birthday, or the one whose name one shares, or the one whom one has chosen as protector or of whom one has requested intervention. In the Afro-Bahian belief system, which, once again, works in close parallel with popular Catholicism, it may even be the saint who has shown himself or herself to have an interest in being sought (the saint may take the initiative). In summary, these occasions are one's promessa (promise, vow) or obriga~io(obliga-tion). This obrigaqio is in effect part of a personal religion which the individual chooses and assumes and, to a certain extent, for which he chooses the time and manner of the fulfillment of that religion's obliga- tions. A samba can be the public, celebratory, and recreational part of the full ritual which helps fulfill one's obri'a~Zo.~l

The celebration in honor of Saint Roque held on that saint's day (August 16) every year by a certain resident of a village near Santo Amaro in his home brings all of the elements together. SHo Brdz is a tidewater village dependent almost entirely on fishing. It has one unpaved main street which runs through a small square with a chapel and ends down the hill somewhere near the water's edge. Several streets extend from the main street. A baroque Jesuit church, dedicated to SHo Briz, stands in ruins on the heights above the village. Catholic SHo Roque, as some readers are aware, is associated with the Afro-Bahian ObaloaC, the youthful manifestation of the aged Omo16, who is SHo Ldzaro. Together they are the deities who control sickness and pesti- lence.

Two cousins' houses are located close to one another on the main street of SHo Briz. O n the eve of SHo Roque's day, electric lights are strung between the two houses. In the living room of one house, a candomble' is held in honor of ObaloaC. In this ritual, the orixd is called by essentially African drumming and cycles of songs. Simultaneously, at the other house, belonging to a gentleman named Messias, a reza and a samba are held for SZo R o q ~ e . ~ ~

The reza is a cycle of prayers sung in Portuguese, led by a rezadeira, a specialist, typically a woman, brought in from outside by the household. She prays kneeling before an altar set up for the images of the honored saint (and perhaps the statues of other saints preferred in the

265 : Ralph Waddey

household). The house is open physically and symbolically to the community, and the congregation consists of anyone who wishes to attend. It gathers around the altar and the rezadeira and responds, also in song, to her prayers.

The music of these prayers is European in all respects. The tempo is slow, and the rhythm is quite regular (that is to say, unsyncopated). Singing is either in unison or , at times, in improvised parallel thirds. The impression is generally mournful, although there is of course nothing whatsoever truly mournful about the rite. The reza lasts for about one-half hour. It closes with a farewell ladainha (litany) for the saint, frequently thanking him or her for his or her presence and expressing hope that the occasion be repeated next year. At the end of the ladainha, the rezadeira salutes the saint three times, "Viva Senhor SHo Roque!"; the congregation applauds and responds "Viva!" and, frequently, sky rockets are sent up in the street in front of the house.

The prevailing musical style of the occasion begins gradually to change in a process of musical transformation leading directly to samba. Taking one step away from Europe and toward Brazil, the women in the congregation sing, in the style of a r ~ d a , ~ ~a second farewell to SHo Roque (Example 11). The entire congregation joins in with hand claps on the beat, and the tempo picks up as the r ~ d ais repeated successively. Some of the musicians who will accompany the samba have assisted at the reza, and at a certain point a small drum (the timbal) can be heard to join in discretely (Example 12). The roda ends when the rezadeira inter-rupts with another salutation, ' 'Ben~a [blessing], Senhor SZo Roque!" The women almost immediately begin a third farewell to the saint, this time in the style of a samba corrido (Example 13). One or several persons may enter the roda to sambar before the altar, which remains in place throughout the entire evening. The orchestra of strings and percussion arranges itself in its place, and, when the women's corrido ends, the samba de viola is ready to begin almost immediately.

Messias's samba was a large and happy affair the year from which this case was taken. The violeiros generally agreed that the orchestra was too large and that therefore they never got the ensemble together properly, resulting in the bagun~amentioned in the first part of this study (LAMR, Vol. 1, no. 2, p. 208). Aviola, a cauaquinho, and a guitar were present from SZo Br6z itself, and two violeiros had been brought from two other nearby towns, their transportation paid by the occasion's sponsor. Lodging was little problem because sleep was rare. Food and drink were abundant at the samba, and a number of other houses were open to outsiders and neighbors alike for rest and refreshment.

A samba is by no means a wholly homogeneous and indiscriminate


chain of events during the many hours it may last. The first chula sung may be one directly appropriate for opening an evening.

Dona da casa, cheguei agora. Foi agora que eu cheguei. Com Deus e Nossa S e n h ~ r a . ~ ~

In Saubara, a musician may introduce himself into the samba by this chula, in which he praises his own conduct.

Pela primeira vez que chego, peGo l icen~a. Apertei a mZo dos mais mocos, e aos velhos dei a benca. Pela primeira vez ajoelhei pedi perdZo. Eu dei a benca aos mais velhos, e dos mocos eu apertei a

Singers mock or praise one another in their chulas. One pair might sing the following chula.

Se minha mulher souber que um sambador me venceu, Ela jura, bate f6, "Isto nZo aconteceu." Arruma a trouxa e vai-se embora. Nab quer morar mais eu.36

Another pair might respond with this relativo

Colega meu, vou mandar de relepada. Quando Deus mandar a chuva, vocE vai na e n ~ h o r r a d a . ~ ~

It is not entirely uncommon for some two singers to invite one another outside and square off, and neither is it uncommon for the grace of a particular dancer in the roda to incite jealousy and even violence. A common form of praise for a particular dancer (and, like clapping hands, a form of participation for a nondancer) is a shout of "Olhe seu marido, mulher!" (Watch out for your husband, woman!), which of course provokes her to dazzle the assemblage even more. In any case, it is said that the samba that does not even threaten at least one fight is not much of a samba. As the chula already cited says, "De meia-noite para o dia, faca fora desafia" (from midnight to dawn, knives are drawn).

At various times throughout the evening, both to provide a change of pace and to give the violeiros and the chula singers a break, corridos replace the chulas. The corrido can be a variant of the chula, thus taking the samba into its corrido format with no interruption, as in this case.

(Chula) Eu vi Maria sentada, sentada no tamborete, Cozendo sua costura, bordando seu ramalhete. Chora. Chorei, chora. Chora, Maria, chora. Na prima desta viola, chora.

267 : Ralph Waddey

(Corrido) 0,chora, Maria, chora, (his) Na prima desta viola.38

Many corridos and chulas are in the form of games. They may contain spoken dialogue and acting, as does the samba de Severo, in which a master of ceremonies queries various individuals (identified by a hat passed from one to the next), who play the role of strangers, why they have turned up at this samba. The "stranger" invents some reason for being in the neighborhood and some relationship, often suggestive, to a certain "Severo." The interrogator then asks patiently if the interloper can do what Severo can do. The latter responds, "Pinique ai, para ver" (Just get it on , and you'll see). The percussion starts if possible before the words are out of the "stranger's" mouth, and he or she enters the roda to sambar to this chula and its corrido, which is repeated as long as the dancer remains in the roda.

(Chula) Quando tinha meu Severo, Eu comia prato cheio. Hoje que nZo tenho meu Severo, Nem hem cheio nem hem meio.

(Corrido) 0, Severo 6 bom. Ele 6 bom demais. (bis)39

The dancer passes the samba to the next "stranger" by placing the hat on the latter's head, and the interrogation is repeated. It is very difficult to refuse the hat, so this samba is used to make participants of marginals, as well as to let participants ham it up. Either way, it generally increases animation. The samba de Severo ends when someone, deciding it has gone on long enough, appears and announces that he (or, for that matter, she, although "Severo" is a man's name) is Severo in the flesh. H e (or she) dances and simply doesn't pass the hat.

Other representational sambas include no spoken dialogue. In "Chora, menino" (Cry, baby), an article representing a baby (it may be a doll, a bottle, a rag, a piece of wood or nearly anything) is passed from dancer to dancer while a corrido is sung about the infant's crying.

(Solo) Chora, menino.

(Group) Nhem, nhem, nhem. (bis) Porque apanhou.

Nhem, nhem, nhem. Porque nHo mamou.


Nhem, nhem, nhem. Chora, menino.

Nhem, nhem, nhem. 0 menino e' chorzo.

Nhem, nhem, nhem. Chora, menino.

Nhem, nhem, nhem. 0 menino C chorZ0.~0

In another samba, Coqa-quipri,*l the dancer pretends to have an itch and scratches ever more provocative parts of the body.

A samba's worth is gauged in no small measure by its duration. No samba worth remembering ends before dawn, and violeiros and singers at times hold out, dead in their places, straining to see out the door, wait- ing for o dia arraiar (the day to break) in order to feel satisfied with the samba. A good samba may go well into the next day, and it isn't unheard of that a samba continue directly into a second night's festivity. But times are changing rapidly, and these days one feels fortunate to find a proper samba at all.

The Group

It is undeniable that the participants in a samba, during its enactment, form a group. It is also clear that samba has religious significance and even direct religious function. The samba is performed before and for the saint on his or her altar. Both Souza Carneiro and N'landu-Longa have suggested religious natures of samba in both African and Brazilian pasts, and the latter even affirms that samba traces itself to an initiation group to which one remains attached throughout life. The question is whether or not today's samba in Bahia retains a quality of identity with an established group-one which lasts beyond the momentary identity assumed during the performance.

A samba in Bahia is certainly no explicit formal group or society. There is, however, a strong recognition of affinity with a certain, often very specific, group of people competent in an often very narrowly identified style of samba. The relationship is implied in the language the participants use with regard to the genre: nosso samba (our samba) can be used to indicate that group of musicians and dancers who often in reality perform the genre together. It is, in other words, the performance ensemble. Samba musicians may refer to their conjunto (ensemble), especially musicians who have tried their hands at folk music groups for the tourist industry and especially when speaking to outsiders. Nosso

269 : Ralph Waddey

samba, however, may also be used with reference to all those felt to be competent to perform the genre properly and to participate appropriately in the occasion. The concept is admittedly tenuous, and it certainly merits further study, but there is no doubt whatsoever that samba is an important point of reference for its participants in their social environment.

A Personal Epilogue

I learned of the viola of the Recb'ncauo and of its samba through work I was doing in Salvador on the musical repertory of the game of capoeira, and it was through capoeira informants, specifically "Cobrinha Verde" (Rafael Alves F r a n ~ a ) , that I first met the violeiros in the Alto da Santa Cruz neighborhood, specifically "Cande5" (Antanio Moura da Silva) and his colleagues. "Cobrinhan lived there at that time and had his capoeira "academy" in a primary school there on Sunday mornings. He insisted that I, as a musician, needed to learn of "nosso samba . . . samba de violan and took me to see "Candeti," who lived nearby. I went on to discover a tremendous network of samba and sambas and a musical art of considerable complexity which apparently had never been treated in any literature. The music and its network, however, were and are rapidly disappearing, as is so much of the traditional culture of the Recbncavo, the only difference perhaps being that samba de viola had never been even partially registered, not even by the tourist industry.

T o the natural heirs of this tradition-the descendants of the violeiros and the singers-samba often represents a past of rural poverty and social immobility. Truly, there is little in the lives of most of my informants to indicate otherwise. The interest of a foreign scholar astounds them, and this interest seems to have had at least some effect in the upward re-evaluation of the tradition in the minds of those who could inherit it. The reaction of the university-educated middle class, especially among individuals approaching or in middle age, can be quite different. A number of my Bahian friends in professional, academic, and artistic fields (most of whom, like the violeiros, have close and recent ties to the Rec6ncauo) have expressed near wonder at the samba de viola. Many say that they remember it from their childhoods and that they are amazed to find that it still exists. Many have told me that this musical style represents to them the quintessence of a truly and sin- cerely Brazilian music. Clearly, it is a symbol of nationalism, of a Brazil somehow more Brazilian than today's, less committed to the dis- harmonious development model of recent decades -a Brazil they hope to regain.


Samba de viola is a beautiful and expressive art, and it is a full vessel for symbolic behavior, but time is running out for anyone to take an interest in it. Clarindo dos Santos -"Clarindo da Viola" -died after this article was begun, leaving no one in the Reco"ncauo making violas for its violeiros. A more ambitious work would (and will) bear a dedication to him, to the violeiros of the Alto da Santa Cruz and of STio BrBz, and to the ladies of Saubara and their children, with the hope that they continue to be able to sing, "Ainda ontem fui no samba. Deu bom."

Examples

Example I . Tambourine

J = ca. 100

[ F. O r f 1 r b 1 ~ 1 " Each sixteenth-note represents the sound of the jingles produced by the movement of the wrist of the left hand (in which the instrument is most often held). Circles represent a deep sound produced by the thumb of the right hand striking the loose skin of the tambourine; "plus" signs represent the sharp sound of the slap of the full palm on the skin of the instrument tightened by the pressure of the thumb of the left hand; the accent signs represent the stroke of the right-hand thumb on a moder- ately tightened skin; the notes in parentheses are the sounds of the jingles alone, that is, with no stroke of the right hand on the skin of the tambourine. This is a rudimentary transcription of the highly sophisti- cated way in which this instrument is typically played. Complexity is achieved through variation of the accents and slaps of the right hand and of the tension applied to the skin by the thumb of the hand in which the tambourine is held.

Example 2. Prato-e-faca

=2 J = ca. 100 pr,rf ji pr,i

271 : Ralph Wadde?,

Accented notes and notes whose stems are not attached to a preceding note represent sounds produced by the edge of the knife striking the edge of the plate; notes whose stems are attached represent sounds produced by the scraping of the knife, which is not lifted from the plate.

Example 3. Palmas

1 = ca. 100

Example 4 . Palmas

J = ca. 100

2WCD Example 5. Palmas


Example 6. Chula and Relativo

Vim bus - c a r su - 0 ca -

- char - ro. Pro que? - Pro t i - ror-

- um LVI da ro - - go Cho - me - - lo .

Nao re,- o no - me de - lo. i "Co - r o - ve -

- - lo" E - co. -Relativo:

M i -nho p r i - r n o J u - l i - e - l o , en l o -

- mar. ;, mi - nho pri - m a ve- nho c6 . me 66 urn ch&.

(Chula) My comadre, I've come here . . . T o do what? T o get your bitch. What for? T o get a bull out of the patch. Call her. I don't know her name. It's "Caravela." EcB, Caravela!

(Relativo) My cousin Julieta, to drink. My cousin, come here, give me a tea.

The relativo is greatly simplified in the transcribed example. Only the upper voice is given; the lower voice would combine in, for the most part, parallel thirds. The rhythmic treatment would, like that of the chula, feature anticipations and delays across the beat.

273 : Ralph Waddey

Example 7. Prato-e-faca

i = ca. 100

Example 8. Tambourine "boca de banco"

J = ca. 100 o o o o o o b o o o

(Circles have the same significance as in Example 1)

Example 9. Passagem de Viola

J = 96 - 120


Example 10. "Baix50n

J = 96 - 120

8 1 0 0 - c l - - ma, r lo o - bat - - i o mi - ma co -

- - noa IU - ra - do, A - r i s - can - - do r n l - n h a V I

a wr U - M cot - - 50 de na - do A - C I S - can - do

Up-river, down-river, in a leaky canoe. Risking my life for nearly nothing. Risking my life for something.

Example 11. Roda, "Adeus, S5o Roque"

A - deus, - Sco Ro-we. a - deus Eu 16 vou me ar - re - 1 1 - rar

A - 16 pa - ('0 a - no, se eu a - qui vol - 16

Se eu- a - q u i vol - j a r , com a v o s - so pen - Q ~ O

--

Eu l e - vo G o RO - que d e n - rro 60 men co - r o - q Z o

275 : Ralph Waddey

Adeus [adieu], Saint Roque, adeus. I'm now going to withdraw. Until next year, if here I return. If here I return, with your blessing. I carry Saint Roque in my heart.

Example 12. Timbal

Example 13. Corrido, "At6 p'ro anon

J = ea 120

" A - t p'ra o a - n o . se Dews q u ~- se.-

.(Group)

Until next year, God willing.

Notes

1 . V ~ o l ade samba: samba's viola; samba de c:~oia:viola's samba. T h e former was the sub,ject of the first part of this article, which was published in LA,L'R. vol. 1 , no. 2 (FallIWinter 1980). It must be emphasized that the two parts d o form one article, and the reader is encouraged to look at the first part in connection with this one, including its photographs, especially Figure 2, which appears on p . 203 of vol. 1 , no. 2.

Like Part I , this part resulted from research funded by the Social Science Research C o u n c ~ l and the American Councii of Learned Societies. During that time the author was also attached to the Centro de Estudos Afro-O,.ientais of the C'niversidade Federal d a Bahia, to which he offers profound thanks for its staff's cordiality and sup- port. As in Par-t I , the conclusions, opinions, and other statements in Part I1 are those of the author and not necessarily those of the above entities.

hlusical examples are found immediately following the body of the text, togrther in one section, with their references in the text itself. Translations into English of the song texts are found in the Notes, the number of the particular note to be found iust at the end of each text. A proper understanding of these texts requires indeed a sepa- rate and profound study of their often symbolic and highly regional language, so the


English versions given here (the work of the author) are rather literal and to be considered provisional. No attempt has been made to preserve meter and rhyme.

2 . N'Totila N'Landu-Longa in a conference at the Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais on May 10, 1978 (a recording of the conference is available at the library of the Centro), suggests that samba as a word and a fact descends from the Kicongo word saamba signifying the initiation group in which a person becomes competent for political, social, and religious functions, passing to mean, by analogy, the hierarchy of the divinities. Edison Carneiro, in his Folguedos tradicionais (p. 36), suggests that samba comes from semba and signifies the umbigada, the touching of navels whereby the dance is passed from one dancer to the next. Batista Siqueira affirms in his A origem do termo "sambaJ'(p. 30) that samba comes from the Cariri Indian word for the Portuguese cagado (turtle). Many other etymologies are available.

3. An exception is Mario de Andrade's "Samba rural paulista," which is based on field observation.

4. The tuning system of violas and the combining of violas tuned differently are dis- cussed in Part I .

5. The traditional tambourine of the Recbncauo is a wooden ring (preferably ofjenz$apo wood), with jingles cut from tin cans, and skinned with either snake, deer, or goat (and for this reason often called bode, goat). The head is nailed to the rim and is tightened by heating over burning wrapping paper, newspaper, or straw. Recently, instruments with plastic heads with threaded tighteners have come into use. The sonority is of course quite different, and the more orthodox musicians feel that the new form of instrument is too loud. They also object, incidentally, to the fact that the plastic heads are highly vulnerable to burning cigarette ash.

6 . T o allow "tap-dance" to pass as the synonym for sapatear (as was done in Part I) is misleading. Various styles of sapaleado exist throughout Brazil, and in the Reco'ncauo to sapatear means to dance in the small and rapid foot movements characteristic of the samba. No taps are used, and the sapateado (or sapateio) can in fact easily be done barefooted. The sapateada is a regional dance of the south of Brazil.

7 . The miudinho in Bahia is the almost imperceptible advancing and retreating movement of the dancer's feet in the samba. T o repicar is to chop up into tiny fragments. Miudinho is specifically a choreographic term; repicar is borrowed from daily vocabulary. I have no specific meaning for recolche~e.

8. Boca de bunco: mouth of the bench. This item may be a long bench, a chair, or a stool, typically wooden and rustic, but nowadays any household chair.

9. Since this description is a model, I have used as my example the more common situation of women as dancers and men as musicians. This is meant to ignore the presence neither of women uioleiras (although quite rare), nor of men in the roda. The best prolo-e-faca I have heard in the Reco'ncauo is played by Joselita Moreira of Saubara, and Example 2 is an attempt to transcribe her style. Men, who dominate in the rodas of the sertio, are common in those of the Recbncauo, but they are secondary, and, although they may dance in the same style of sapateado as do their female counterparts, their style is more commonly rather different, characterized by more exuberant, even acrobatic, leg and arm movements (known as pi&).

10. The reader who can understand Portuguese is invited to read the following excerpt from the mid-nineteenth century Brazilian novel, Memdrias de um sargenlo de milicas, by Manuel AntBnio de Almeida, and to compare its account of thefado with the present work's description of samba. The novel takes place in Rio de Janeiro in the early part of the nineteenth century.

Todos sabem o que 6 o fado, essa danfa t8o voluptuosa, t80, variada, que parece filha do mais apurado estudo da arte. Uma simples viola serve melhor do

277 : Ralph Waddey

que instrumento algum para o efeito. 0 fado tern diversas formas, cada qua1 mais original. Ora, uma s6 pessoa,

homem ou mulher, danfa no meio de casa por algum tempo, fazendo passos os mais dificultosos, tomando as mais airosas posifks, acompanhando tudo isso corn estalos que dd corn os dedos, e vai depois pouco e pouco aproximando-se de qualquer que Ihe agrade faz-lhe diante algumas negaqas e vira-voltas e final- mente bate palmas, o que quer dizer que a escolheu para substituir o seu lugar.

Assim corre a roda at6 todos tenham danqado. (p. 39f) 11. AntBnio Moura da Silva ("Candedn), primira, and Henrique Santana da Silva,

segunda. The recording from which this transcription is taken was made on April 12. 1978, at "Candea's" house in the Alto da Santa Cruz neighborhood of Salvador.

12. AntBnio Moura da Silva, personal communication, 1978. 13. Oh, Lira, my wild love.lPurple, no. I'm sort of mulatto. Stiff, kinky hair.1Beast from

the wilds has three feet. He jumps in there, dances candornbli.(]zriquita pepper. I'm going to drink at Loriana's.

14. It was I and Canded,lAnd we two moved together.11 know not if God will consent1 T o two bodies in one grave.

15. Ioi6: from sinho', from senhor: "marse." Iaia: from sinhi, from senhora: "ma'am." loib appears in the chula translated in note 16.

16. Oh, comes the cavalry of the maiden who adores it./Each horse, one saddle. Each saddle, one lady.1Three Marias, three Joanas, three viola players.1If I could only have that purple [girl], to rise on her lap./Play the viola, ioio". My saint is virtuous./ Woman who deceives man is damned stubborn, oh iaia.

17. The rebolado in dance features rast and emphatic hip movements. 18. The similarity of the sapateada of Rio Grande do Sul and the piifas of what is still

known as the lundu in the sertio of Bahia certainly deserves further study in terms of archaic forms and possibly in terms of a distant musical and choreographic formation of Brazil.

19. The word chula (the feminine form of chulo) means in its most general sense, "common-place; vulgar; rude or rustic."

20. What's the matter with Maria?/She's sick.1Maria doesn't wash the clothes.1She's sick.1Maria doesn't sweep the house.1She's sick.1Maria doesn't go out.1She's sick./ What's the matter with Maria?/She's sick. (Maria is most likely having her period, is pregnant, or is lovesick. In any case, the connotation is vaguely sexual.)

21. Oh, cornpadre, what day did you arrive? I arrived yesterday.11 went to the war of Canudos. I didn't die.1On the last day of firing, they killed all the soldiers.1On the first day of firing, they killed Antonio Conselheiro.1On the second day of firing, they killed all the hired guns./Oh, cornpadre, what day did you arrive? I arrived yesterday.

22. Oh, father, only yesterday I went to the samba. It turned out good.11 can just see your old man there.1There was plenty of fwd, father.11 can just see your old man there.1There was plenty to drink, father.11 can just see your old man there.1There were plenty of pretty girls, father.11 can just see your old man there.lOh, father, from midnight to dawn, knives were drawn.11 can just see your old man getting out of there.

23. Oh, come from the sea, there from the other side.1Look at me.lCaboclinho [a song- bird], come serenade.1What a beautiful thing, I think, is a ripe banana at the bottom of the bunch.1Sky of love.1Sky of love, sky for loving.1The boat moves, brother, as the wind takes it.1God forbid that I move, woman, as the boat moves.

24. When will be my lucky day?/Before my death, this day will come./I'm a son of Oxum. I'm a grandson of Iemanjd.1I'm a son of Ogum. I'm a grandson of Oxald.1 Before my death, my luck will change


25. Xly lady, ma'am./M.'ho has love must givr i t . l \Vl~o has no lovr can't give il./Hahian mulala, I want to hrar t h rpa lmas [hand claps] sound./Cry, mulata. cry to theprzma of this viiila./Oh. I saw Amelia making Iiibr. I saw Amelia.11 saw Amrlia making 10vr. Xlake lovr. Amelia.

26. Wandering cowboy. look at your scattrrrd cattlr./Missy srnt to rall nlc fr(irll thc top of thr mansii,n.i"A thousand pieces I'll give for the hrrd of ca t t l r . /As~dr from the fat and thr thin which can't travrl."

27. In Feira de Santana. I sold my bull on crrdit for a good prire. 28. O n partido alto. Edison Carnr i ro writrs in hir Fol,quedo, tradt(zonnz~. p . 50. "0partido.

alto q u r tanti, drliria 1,s veteranos do samba. nZo se rxrcuta para o granilr pGhlico. n rm rxie;r a bateria das rsci~las. Ao som de rrro-rrcii , prato r faca, chocalho, cavaquinho e de can(6rs tradicionais, torno na Kahia-um rstribilho sohrr 0 qudl o

cantador i8errnou improvisa-urn dnicii dan~ar in i , , hornem o u mulhrr , oc upa o

crnt ro d a roda, passando a vrz com uma urnbigada sirnulada. 0\ 'rntiqos rrlrm1)ram assirn 'os vrlhos tempos' dn chegada do samba ao Rio d r ,Janriro."

T h r rnt ry undrr partzdo alto in the Enti t lopedin dn m u s i ~ n h r n ~ i l < ~ ~ r a . <,rudrtn, ,foltlrirz~n, c popular rdited by Xlarcos Marcondrs , says thr fi,llowing-: "tipi, de samba danc;adii no rnorros cariocas. Trazido d a Rahia para a cidadr d o Rio de ,Jdnciro e m fin\ d o wculo passado, foi urn dos r l rmrntos forrnadorrs das escolas de samba. Danc;ado em rodd. caracterizando-sr por nail haver danqa enquanto se tira o rantii, rstrdfico. w m rrfriio. Drpois d r cantada cada um r s t rok , urn dos raiadorrs (dan~ar inos ) s,ii \am- bando e , partindo dos trocadi~res. dd duar voltas na n ~ d a . trrminantlo corn n umbiqada. 0 que a r r rebr sai dan(.ando, drpois de cantada outrn r\tt-ofr, e dssitn sucessivamentr. As rnulherrs muitas vrzry danc;am o miudinho. 0 s partitipante5 batrrn palmas, marcando (1 ritrno r acompanhando os ins t rumrnt i~s: violfirs, cava- quinhos, flautas, pandriros e prato-e-Sara" (p . 588).

29. Zilda Paim. personal c i~rnrnunicnt~on. 1980. 30. Rafael Alvrs Franqa ("Cobrinha \'erde"). Intrrvirw rrci,t.drd Dei,. 9. 1977 31. Souza Carnr i ro (fathrr of Edison Carneiro), in hi? OJ mitor qfr tmno, no Hrnal , p. 4.361,

affirms that ramhn was a dance exrcuted by Bahian blacks always In honor of ' thr orzxn'~,"for sornr rrligiiius motivr."

32. The rera and snmhn used as a rnodrl hrre wrre hrld from the n ~ g h t of thr fii'trenth to the morning of the sixtrenth of August, 1978, and werr reciirdrd almort in thrir rntirrty by thr author, with thr help oi 'Gilbrrto Sena. The music of thr neighboring (nndomhlb for Omold is quite audiblr in the rrcordtng. in the background. a\ is the discretr rn t rancr of' the timhnl tnentionrd srvrral p a r a ~ r a p h s t~ryiincl. It is crrtainly worth registrring, furthrrmore, thr enactrnrnt of' a very rare crr rmony hrld fiir the last time aftrr many yrars of obsrrvance in SZo BrBz by a lady who has sin( e passed away -a comtdn dor cnchorror (a f r r d ~ n g of the dogs). Saint Lazarus's wounds were of coursr c u r d by thr llcks of dogs, and , in homagr to these animals as wrll as to the \aint, the dogs of SZo BrBz wr r r given a banquet, cr,mpletr with winr. rvery year This cust i~m has b r rn registered elsrwhere in Brazil, but i t i~ extrrmely rarr . It is hoprd that Gilbrrto S rna will be ablr to rralize his planned more detailed dicount 01 this banqurt in SZi, BrBz despitr thr dra th 01' its host.

3 3 A rodn is a round dancr , artornpanied by song, perf'ortned typically out of door\. in simplr binary metrr, fhirl? rrgular rhythm, and tnodrratr march tempi,.

34. Lady of thr housr. I arrived nov . / I t was now that I arrived./With C;od anti O u r Lady.

35. The first t imr I ar r ivr , I b r g pardon./I shook the hand of the younger ones. and of the oldrr I askrd thrir blessing.1The first t imr. I knrr l rd and brggrd pardon.11 asked the blessing of the older ones, anti I shook the hand of thr younger.

279 : Ralph W a d d ~

36. If my woman knrw that a sambndor had brstrd me. /Shr would swrar , by faith. "This d~dn ' t happen."lShe would grt her things togrthrr and Iravr.1She w~ouldn't want to livr with me any longrr.

37 . My collragur. I'll d ~ s p a t r h you cluickly./Whrn God srnds the rain, you'll go out in thr flood

38. I saw Marla sitting, slttlng on her stool,/Doing h r r srwlng, e m b r o ~ d e r ~ n g h r r bouclurt. Crv.11 cried, cry. Cry. Maria . cry . /To the primn of this viola. c ry . /Oh , cry, Marla , r ry . lTo the prima of t h ~ s viola.

39. When I had my Srvrro , l I a t r a full platr. /Today that I don't have my Sevrro./Not qui t r full.1Not qui t r half-full./Oh, Srvrro is good./Hr's too good.

40. Cry , baby. /Waa. waa, waa./Brcausr h r got a brating./Brcause h r didn't suck1r.i Cry , baby. /Thr kid's a r rybaby. /Cry, baby . /Thr kid's a crybaby.

41 Quzpi is a wred that causrs itching, prrhaps somrthing like polson ivy. C o p is to scratch

Bibliography

Almeida, Manuel AntBnio de 197 1 Memdrias de u m sargento de milicas. Rio de Janeiro: Edi~6es

de Ouro. Andrade, Mario de

1955 "Samba rural paulista." Aspectos da mdsica brasileira. Obras completas de Mario de Andrade. Vol. I . S5o Paulo: Livraria Martins EditBra.

Carneiro, Edison 1974 Folguedos tradicionais. Cole~5otemas brasileiras, Vol. 17.

Rio de Janeiro: Conquista. Carneiro, Souza

1937 0 s mitos africanos no Brasil: ciincia dofolclore. Brasiliana, Vol. 103. S5o Paulo: Companhia EditBra Nacional.

Marcondes, Marcos, ed. 1977 Enciclopidia da muszca brasileira: erudita, folclo^rica, e popular,

S5o Paulo: Art Editora. Siqueira, Batista

1978 A origem do termo "samba." S5o Paulo: Instituiq50 Brasileira de Difus5o Cultural.

Documents

ART 1981 WADDEY Samba de Viola Reconcavo