Ann. Rev. Anthropol. 1984. 13:205-49 Copyright © 1984 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

PERSPECTIVES ON DIET

Ellen Messer

Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California 94305; Department of Nutrition and Food Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139

INTRODUCTION

Whether viewed frQm archaeQlQgical-histQrical, sQciQcultural, Qr biQmedical perspectives, fQQd is a basic CQncern for all human societies. Reflecting that basic concern, anthropologists have long been interested in human diets, and specifically in (a) the ecological and market availabilities of foods; (b) the sociocultural classifications of foods as "edible" or "inedible," rankings as "preferred" or "less preferred" foods, and rules for distribution; and (c) the nutritional and medical consequences of particular cultural consumption pat­terns, including patterns o.f fo.o.d sharing. The o.ld proverbs, 'Tell me what yo.U eat and I'll tell Yo.U who. yo.U are" (from the French), and "Yo.U are what yo.U eat" (from the German), PQint also. to. mQre general anthroPQIo.gical issues such as the relatio.nships o.f human Po.PulatiQns or so.cial groups to. their environment, the symbo.lic co.nstruction o.f cultures, and the so.cial relatio.ns and so.cial structures o.f so.cieties. Whether explicated from cultural materialist (147, 281), ideo.Io.gical-structural (289), Qr SQme cQmbinatio.n Qf bio.Io.gical and sQcio.cultural perspectives (104), the determinants and results o.f dietary co.n­structio.ns have continued to engage anthropologists of all subdisciplines.

After summarizing past through current reviews and bibliographic sources, this essay will selectively review anthroPQlQgical studies Qn the sQciQcultural and biological determinants and co.nsequences Qf human diet, first histQrically and then by topic. The review will be organized to show ho.W the various dimensions o.f food systems (material, sociocultural, nutritional-medical) are interrelated and how certain problems they raise are shared. These include theoretical and methodological issues of intrapopulation (intracultural) varia-

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206 MESSER

tion and biological and cultural factors in the "evolution" of diet. Given the quantity of literature , this author will leave for other reviewers certain major topics such as "diet and human evolution" (72) , an update on the comparative risc and developments of agriculture and herding ( 1 1 5 , 1 46), alcohol (2 1 5a, 3 1 8a) and other quasi-food substances (35) , "time allocation in relation to nutrient intake" (23 1 a), determinants of breast feeding vs bottle feeding (25 1 ) , and cannibalism (80a, 202a).

OVERVIEW

Anthropological reviews of the "food" aspect of culture have in the past included "diet" as part of the study of the health 'and environmental conse­quences of ecological adaptations (238, 239) , or from the biocultural perspec­tive on nutrition and adaptation, which examined the "functional" consequ­ences of diet ( 1 44) . A separate review contrasted the development and practical impact of the "food habits" research of the 1 930s-1 940s in the United States with the ecological approaches to food problems of the 1 960s and 1 970s (237) . More recent reviews (53 , 1 28; 1 63 , especially Chaps. 1-2; 23 1 , 236, 252a, 333) have examined the intellectual background and methodologies of nutri­tional anthropology-a new subfield that combined the interests of biological , ecological , and sociocultural (including food folklorist) anthropologists and also drew systematically on the concepts and methods of nutritionists and other behavioral scientists.

Analyses of the sociocultural determinants of food intake (69, 23 1 , 232) , the household focus in dietary and nutrition research (230) , the historic and evolutionary relationships between diet and culture for the world (25 , 1 04 , 1 8 1 , 274, 290, 3 1 2) and for specific cultures ( 1 5 , 29, 34, 55 , 63 , 1 22 , 1 48 , 244), and culture, nutrition, and health (220, 256) have also been undertaken. They provide both a historical and practical framework for analyzing how food systems operate and how they change, particularly under the impacts of new food production and food processing technologies, and in many instances, a growing delocalization of food supply and consumption patterns (7 1 , 1 48, 254) . Studies on food systems and their evolution are also compiled in anno­tated bibliographies ( 1 29, 33 1 , 332) and collected essays on food habits ( 10 , 38, 42 , 1 06), nutritional anthropology ( 1 1 3 , 1 63), and the relationships be­tween malnutrition, social organization, human behavior, and physical de­velopment ( 1 37 , 1 38) . While many of these authors have focused on the food habits or nutrition of a group---usuaUy a cultural community-some have emphasized the need to study intraeultural variation in human food patterns and nutritional outcomes as a way of more precisely analyzing food preferences, why and how food habits change, and why there appear to be differences in nutritional well-being ("successful" versus malnourished individuals) within

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 207

populations with ostensibly the "same" nutritional and sociocultural environ­ment (224, 230, 252, 253).

On nutritional questions, communication between anthropologists, nutri­tionists, and other behavioral scientists has been furthered by the publications of a number of cross-disciplinary journals: Ecology of Food and NutritiQfl, Food and Nutrition Bulletin (and other publications of the United Nations University), Food Policy, Nutrition Research, World Review of Nutrition and Dietetics, Medical Anthropology, Social Science and Medicine, Medical Anthropology Newsletter (Medical Anthropology Quarterly), The CommuNi­cAtor (Newsletter of the Council on Nutritional Anthropology), Culture and Agriculture, The Digest (Publication of the University of Pennsylvania Food Group of the Department of Folklore and Folklife), Food and Foodways, Appetite, Human Ecology, Ethnobiology, and a gastronomic section in Social Science Information (see also 161, 180).

Collaborative efforts between anthropologists, psychologists, and biologists interested in the biological and cultural origins and evolution of diet (16, 303) also seem to be increasing . Such joint efforts have considered the possible behavioral consequences of specific nutrient intakes (233), "food as an en­vironmental factor in the genesis of human variability" (321), and conceptual inquiries on the determinants and coding of food preferences and aversions within human and nonhuman primate societies ( l 3 1 , 294). Topics include cultural transmission of information about bitter and potentially toxic sub­stances, pharmacological as well as other nutritive factors directing selective patterns of eating, e.g. plants or plant parts, or consumption of what at first glance appear to be irritating , unpalatable foods (103, 131, 286, 287). The types of food consumed, especially whether diets are vegetarian or omnivo­rous, preferential feeding patterns by sex and rank, stability or mobility of range , the existence of food storage , and cannibalism are additional subjects under discussion by primatologists and others investigating the evolutionary relationships between diet, culture, and social organization of early to modern humans (68, 130, 149-152, 156, 257,309,313). In summary, such studies point to the need for further cross-disciplinary considerations of the biological origins and cultural transmission of food habits and the interrelationships of biological and cultural influences in human consumption patterns.

APPROACHES TO DIET IN THE HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

Social Anthropological Studies

Early British social anthropological studies of the economics and social orga­nization of nonindustrialized societies subsisting mainly on local resources noted how the search for , preparation , and consumption of food provided the

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208 MESSER

primary focus rather than an interval in the day's activities, and how in such contexts, symbolic and emotional values of foods were often used ritually to mark social status , intervals in time, and culturally important environmental resources (22, 1 08; see 23 1 , 237). Subsequent ethnographies emphasized the centrality of the social cooperation in the food quest and food sharing to the structure and change of human social organization and culture.

In what are probably still our most complete studies of the interrelationships between food supplies , social organization, and nutrition , British social anthro­pologists working in pre-World War II colonial Africa found that the study of food and hunger were basic to their understandings of social relationships, political life, and changing cultures disrupted by British rule. Richards' (273) classic study of the Bemba of Northern Rhodesia concluded that the reasons natives did not work harder (a primary concern for British mining and other economic interests) was not a question of sloth but of undernutrition . Since men had been drawn away to labor in the mines , women found it difficult to perform the heavy clearing tasks traditionally assumed by men, in addition to their own cultivation and gathering roles . During the period of the year when women most needed food energy to sustain clearing and planting of fields, food was in shortest supply. Thus , they were enmeshed in an ongoing cycle of underpro­duction and undernutrition.

As part of her study Richards carefully examined all social relations as they related to food exchange. She considered the emotional qualities assigned to different foods-their desirability in terms of taste and digestibility , their importance in the native ceremonial life, as for instance, the importance of

grains used in beer brewing, and the excitement that accompanied opportunities to eat meat-as well as people's perceptions of the nutritional qualities and physiological effects of different staple grains and relishes eaten with them. (The Bemba seemed to recognize the relationships between low energy intake and lack of energy to perform work, and consciously conserved energy during the lean , cold season. They had a concept of the ideal proportion of grain to relish in the ordinary diet, and some women, when they were too tired to gather ingredients for relish, might not prepare the grain either, since it was hard to get the grain down without the lubrication of the relish . ) She also described the social dimensions of food production, preparation, distribution, and consump­tion , noting how all kinship relations were marked by prescribed rules for sharing; and how these obligations would break down in times of dearth, when people tended to hoard meager supplies. Her reports, collected by selective observations , interviews , and informant diaries over a rclati vely short period of time, include general descriptions of gardening, crop successions , and time allocated to different food production, collecting. and food processing tasks. Her model for the "food" aspect of culture was also interdisciplinary, as she , like other British social anthropologists of this period ( 1 23), employed botan-

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 209

ists, nutritionists, and biochemists to aid them in identifying and assessing the nutritional values of foods. Her work influenced later studies of the changing interrelationships between social organization of production and distribution of food, diet, and nutrition (207, 208, 297, 298, 323) even though such food· focused studies did not fit the "mainstream" of British social anthropology (239).

In retrospect, this food ethnography remains a model for nutritional anthro· pologists and others studying the social and nutritional impact of economic development. A nutritionist designed that specialized dimension of the study. Meanwhile, Richards' ethnographic component suggests that in lieu of more complex and statistically rigorous methodologies, systematic, selective observations of food·related activities may yield valuable information on a variety of topics of current concern: the range of times it takes to carry out certain tasks, at what points seasonal or daily "bottlenecks" in (women's) work occur, and the functional consequences of malnutrition, which prevent people from breaking out of their cycle of impoverishment and underproduction.

Psychological Anthropological Studies

During the corresponding period (1930s-1940s), American social psycholo­gical anthropologists, by contrast, focused on how attitudes toward food developed in particular cultures and affected later social relationships (between kin and between the sexes), behavior, and psychosocial development as part of larger "culture and personality" studies (170). DuBois's (88, 89) classic study of the Alorese suggested that the child's early experiences of frustration and neglect when his or her need for food was not met established the basic insecurity and suspicious distrust that characterized the adult personality, cultural orientations and social relations. Hunger was seen as a basic motiva­tion for foraging, thieving, learning adult skills such as gardening, and as a central theme in Alorese mythology. DuBois also argued that social anxiety about food scarcity was really a social fiction, perpetuated because people felt efforts to increase their food supply would be subject to natural or cultural deprivations from rats or theft.

How food anxieties, whether based on real or fictional shortages, could dominate cultural, social, and psychological functioning provided the focus for other studies as well. These included the Shacks' investigations of abstemious eating behaviors but also ritual gorging and personality among the Gurage of Ethiopia (295, 296), Holmberg's motivational analysis of Siriono behavior (154), and analyses of gardening beliefs and magical efforts to control appetite and thereby conserve and extend food supplies, an index of real and symbolic social power among certain Pacific Island groups (124, 206, 340).

Also having their beginnings in the 1930s and 1940s were United States studies on food habits. These were initially meant to serve both scholarly and

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210 MESSER

practical ends. In anticipation of wartime food shortages and rationing, anthro­pologists contributed to government-sponsored studies of ethnic food habits, their nutritional consequences, and how, if necessary, they might be changed (59-61,67). On the last question, it was argued that anxieties over food and hunger formed during early feeding experiences determined whether eating habits later in life were easily amenable to change (222) and whether food was a chief explanation for illness (328). Ethnic dietary studies undertaken during this period have provided conceptual and "baseline" data on eating patterns for subsequent studies of ethnic dietary acculturation (199, 133, 134, 250).

Social psychological (anthropological) analyses of the relationships between food supply , early feeding experiences, emotions surrounding food, and per­sonality continue to contribute to studies of abstemious or indulgent eating behaviors, eating disorders, socioculturally desirable body weights and body images, and the "fit" between biomedical and sociocultural concepts and evaluations of diet -related health and illness (24). For example, overconsump­tion and obesity among Puerto Ricans living in a mainland environment of greater plenty have been blamed, in part, on residual fear of hunger, and on warm emotional bonds traditionally associated with feeding (216). Such cul­tures may tend to see fatness as a sign of health, wealth, and well-being-that

one is well loved and well cared for-and their perceptions of "desirable" versus "overweight" may differ measurably from Western medical models (57, 70,216,268,307). Alternatively, cultures may put a value on "thin," as where abstemiousness is viewed as a virtue, and slenderness sainted, such that certain social categories, such as women and very young children are undernourished (264). It would be constructive to have more information on how (and how rapidly) such food ideologies and practices change at individual and cultural levels as food resources improve .

On these questions, certain anthropologists have suggested that both protein­energy malnutrition (51, 54) and obesity (275) be analyzed as "culture-bound syndromes" of the biomedical "culture" (336). Although modem physicians persist in identifying them as "nutritional diseases," with a pathological etiolo­gy (feeding and eating behaviors) leading to harmful weight and health outcom­es, those in "other" cultures may recognize as a pathological syndrome neither the food-related behaviors, the outcome (over or underweight) , nor , in the case of protein-energy malnutrition, the process of causation . For "obese" cultures, it would be valuable to know, in addition, the varying household dynamics as well as cultural "ideologies" surrounding eating behaviors which contribute to overweight in some but not all individuals who are culturally predisposed to abundant food, obesity, and their health implications (28). Alternatively, at least one anthropologist (205) has suggested using the "double-bind" communications analysis and behavioral frameworks of Bateson (20) as a first step in analyzing the household dynamics, and social, cultural, and

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 211

psychological factors leading to eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa and bulimia. Both of these last two illnesses, as they affect mainly women, would also be likely targets for greater feminist anthropological research.

Taken together, studies of the "psychodynamics" of cultural nutrition pat­terns continue to be significant in investigations of the biological bases and possible evolutionary significance of indulgent or abstemious eating behaviors, particularly in environments where food supply has traditionally been uncertain but is now changing (24, 238a). Why and in what types of environments food remains a major social and psychological mode of gratification are questions raised along with considerations of possible biological bases for the eating behaviors and the negative health consequences of overindulgence. Those studying infant and child-feeding practices also continue to investigate social and psychological dimensions. But such practices are currently being analyzed not so much for their impact on personality as for their impact on nutritional well-being, which now broadly interpreted encompasses physical, mental, emotional, and "social" development (43, 56). Thus, the influences of diet (feeding habits) and nutrition on "culture" and "personality" are currently construed within a more specialized literature on eating disorders or a more general framework on the systemic interrelationships between nutrient intake and social-psychological functioning.

Ecological and Materialist Studies

After World War II, the movement in American anthropology away from "culture and personality" toward studies of economic development and ecology shifted the emphasis in dietary studies to the ecology of food production, political economic determinants of food habits, and the nutritional consequ­ences of development (237). Dietary content, structure, and change were studied within the "materialist" frameworks of cultural materialism (147, 280-282), cultural ecology (239, 306), human ecology (269, 320), and socioecology (335), which also encompassed rigorous studies of dietary "strategies" (335) and historic-demographic implications of dietary/nutritional change (65a, 234, 239a). These interpreted "culture" (food habits, dietary strategies) as serving economic, ecological, and nutritional ends, although these "ends" might be in conflict particularly in cultures undergoing socioeco­nomic change.

Complementing materialist frameworks were studies of "cognitive" or "cog­nized environments" and "ethnoecology" (62, 127). "Cognized environment" referred to native classifications and evaluations of the parts and states of their (food) environments. Human ecologists included this as a component of their analyses in order to compare native and scientific understandings of biological communities and physical environments and to evaluate on scientific grounds the implications of native resource management for productivity and ongoing

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2 1 2 MESSER

stability or "evolution" of their ecosystems. "Ethnoecology" examined native classifications of plant and animal species, among them food species, from a linguistic anthropological perspective (27) . In both, the structuring of food

_ species communities, soil and moisture conditions, and stages in crop succes­sion (e . g. classifications in swidden agriculture) received attention as they affected human behaviors in food production . In combination, they produced studies of noncultivated plant management and ecological succession from both "native" and "scientific" perspectives, and more generally, documented how people in traditional societies use and manage the "whole" ecosystem at its various stages (36, 37, 4 1 , 98, 1 1 6 , 1 1 8- 1 20, 1 68 , 20 1 , 226, 228, 258, 288) . However, neither approach contributed a significant body of knowledge of "native" food or nutrition categories as they might correspond to Western nutritional concepts of energy, protein, fat, vitamins, and minerals .

Nor has there been easy acceptance of more "eclectic" approaches which combine cultural and materialist perspectives to understanding native food acquisition patterns. The brave soul who tries to consider the merit of the native' s and the materialist 's evaluations of "hunger" relative to available food resources may still receive criticism for suggesting that what the native says (for example, the stated "hunger" for meat) is ever a motivation for behavior, but also for suggesting anything else but hunger for protein might motivate certain foraging behaviors ( 1 67) . More critical assessments of native state­ments about scarcity , hunger, available resources and their nutritional contents are needed in parallel with scientific determinations ( 1 67 , 243, 249, 3 1 0) in order to identify possible physiological and cultural factors in hunger and appetite relative to local nutrient supplies. The same holds true for "scientific" statements about general or specific hungers as a motivation for human food practices [see e .g . ( 1 58 , 247 , 247a) for materialist critiques of the protein scarcity hypothesis ( 1 45a) as an explanation of Aztec cannibalism].

The careful search for "cultural" along with material factors that govern food choices (e .g. "taste", "prestige") might provide insights on other questions as wel l . As a case in point, optimal foraging theory and related linear program­ming techniques are useful in setting up testable hypotheses of how people may maximize return (measured in calories, protein , or some combination of elements) to effort (measured in energy, time, or some combination of effort expenditure) in choosing what, where, and how to acquire their diets. Howev­er, the cultural data suggest people allocate their time and energy to meet certain taste preferences, like that for fat or for variety , with foods that can garnish an otherwise more monotonous diet ( 145 , 1 50, 1 65- 1 68). Such factors may help "explain" departures from optimal or optimum foraging patterns predicted by linear programming models ( 165 , 1 66, 168 , 302) and lead to additional constructions of "native" ecological and nutritional categories for further scientific and cross-cultural comparisons. Additionally, anthropolog-

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 2 13

ists , like economists, must keep in mind that people choose foods, not energy or other nutrients, in their dietary selections. The manner in which these dietary preferences influence and in some cases enhance caloric returns , nutritional complementarity , or both are material dimensions that need further explora­tion . More careful records of dietary patterns and nutrient intake over daily and longer periods of time in particular cultures are necessary . Such studies should help clarify the biological and cultural parameters and "feedback mechanisms" between nutritional adequacy or benefit and cultural preferences in human food selection and the evolution of diet (see essays in 1 6) .

ENERGY Other topics that have aroused conceptual and methodological interest within ecological anthropology are those which are energy-related: (a) how energy passes through the food chain, (b) how energy is allocated or expended in various tasks , (c) the input-output efficiency of human cultivation systems operating at different levels of technology, and (d) the amounts of human, animal , plant, and fossil fuel energy it takes for foods to reach the "tables" of modern consumers (140, 176, 193 , 260--262, 270,272, 305 , 315) . In common, al l analysts have tried to calculate and compare the "energy costs" of different food systems, particularly during the energy crisis of the late 1 960s and early 1 970s. Efforts to interrelate local, regional , national , and internation­al levels of energy flow through world economic and food system models remain preliminary . This may be in part because of the difficulty of ascertain­ing accurate cash and caloric energy costs of activities related to food produc­tion , processing, and distribution (transportation) . Practical and ethical dilem­mas of calculating human, animal , and fossil fuel encrgy expenditures in the same equation , and of evaluating the "human cost" of producing food "more efficiently" by human or bestial power, also arise . Although several studies (260) were designed to demonstrate the local ecological , energy, and nutrition­al impact of agricultural change, calculations are lacking of energy and other nutrient cycles of major cultigens such as maize under different agricultural technologies-including which parts are eaten by humans vs animals , which parts recycled as green or animal manure , and which further consumed as fuel . Estimates are also missing of the cash, energy, and nutrient costs of consuming "the same" diet when locally produced or purchased from increasingly nonlocal sources . Correspondingly, there have been few attempts to document in energy or other nutritional terms the impact of the loss of (food) self-sufficiency when local populations become "hooked" on consumer goods (including purchased foods) or are otherwise integrated into the larger cash economy (38 , 77, 78 , 1 40, 1 4 1 , 148, 308). Input-output analyses of energy flow have been proposed to analyze energy balance of individuals and households within the same culture under variant conditions of subsistence production to cash employment (97) , but the models employed are primitive and do not specify sufficiently

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214 MESSER

production, consumption, or the social organization of activities. In other cases which employ energy return as a measure of foraging strategies (150, 335), there remains the problem that humans are omnivorous consumers, who require a large range of nutrients in addition to energy needs, all of which must be considered in evaluating how foragers allocate their time in food pursuits . Models in each of these cases will have to be modified to take into account the particular ranges of food and household resources particular cultures have available, how they are organized, and the nutritional adequacy and balance of reSUlting diets.

GATHERER-HUNTERS More generally, ecological research on foragers , in both their customary "bush" and novel settled· environments is enlarging, challenging, and revising anthropological perspectives on their adaptations and evolution (194). Whether foraging easily and adequately supports human nutritionalneeds has been questioned for both the seemingly abundant tropical forest and for the marginal Kalahari desert zone. Anthropologists now question whether Efe Pygmies, for example, or any other gatherer-hunter group could subsist in the tropical rainforest at present densities in the absence of symbiotic food exchange relationships with horticulturalists (1, 13), or whether, as a general case, carbohydrate resources are too sparsely distributed to support year-round foragers. They also question whether the !Kung San were adequate­ly nourished since seasonal patterns of weight loss and fertility disappear in permanent settlements with daily rations of "mealie-meal" (329, 330). In either case, exchange relations within and between groups seem to play an important part in ensuring that scarce resources are more widely distributed, and may be maintained even under conditions of substantial environmental and cultural change (325). Future archaeological investigations of settlement placement, seasonal and permanent availability of various animal and plant food re­sources--especially carbohydrate-rich tubers (149)-in combination with more detailed studies of the biogenetic characteristics and densities of these foraging populations-should provide evidence to evaluate whether these and other foraging populations could be adequately nourished on local resources, or were particularly adapted to dearth .

Correspondingly, Eskimos and Australian aborigines seem to have been physiologically adapted to seasonal and selective food scarcities, which put them at risk for nutrition-related health disorders in new environments with more abundant and carbohydrate-rich foods (26, 87, 93, 292). While these findings certainly do not indicate that the foragers are better off in diet, health, and security under the conditions of settled life, they do indicate the need to consider the physiological and also sociocultural adaptations (trade and ex­change) (325) that may have been made to permanent, seasonal, or unpredict­

able food shortages in traditional "foraging" economies. More data are needed

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 215

on (a) prehistoric diets; (b) their relationships to patterns of population size, density, distribution, growth, and mobility; and (c) dietary trends in relation to cultural evolution and patterns of nutrition-related disease. Such data could help ascertain material constraints or incentives and cultural preferences or aversions intrinsic to interrelated changes in diet, biology, and social organiza­tion (52, 338).

BIOCULTURAL STUDIES On this last topic, "biocultural" studies have ex­plored the biological consequences of particular dietary practices, the sociocultural consequences of particular dietary insufficiencies, and their in­teractions. Greene (137), employing a biocultural model, showed how iodine deficiency in highland Ecuador produced not only severe human disability in the form of endemic cretinism, but also a range of milder mental-physical impairments, which in local sociocultural terms were accepted as "normal." In the iodine-deficient community he studied, cultural expectations for human performance had been adjusted downward to accommodate moderately im­paired individuals. Thus, the whole community operated with lower standards of tasks and achievement than unaffected communities. Earlier, Mead (224) had argued that while cultural patterns persist under conditions of nutritional deficiency such as lack of iodine, they are rendered less complex, or are "slowed down." Numerous analyses of the functional consequences of mild to moderate protein-energy malnutrition at individual, household, and commun­ity levels have also been drawn (137, 138).

Additionally, selected nutrient deficiencies have also been hypothesized as responsible for particular cultural behavioral patterns or social institutions. The interrelationships between (a) hypoglycemia and aggression (30, 31), (b) calcium deficiency and "arctic hysteria" (126, 322), (c) Windigo psychosis and selective nutrient deficiencies (278), and (d) membership in women's posses­sion cults and women's restricted access to dietary calcium and protein (142, 174) have all been proposed as further ex.amples of the interactions between malnutrition, behavior, and social organization.

In all cases, however, researchers lack the data on individuals or classes of individuals to show that they suffer the low nutrient intakes and clinical deficiencies specified. Furthermore, reports fail to indicate how natives con­ceptualize these disorders relative to other health (psychological) disorders. Thus, in the case of women's possession cults, it is unclear that women consistently follow sex.-linked food rules and restrictions and are therefore predisposed to malnutrition. Nor do they indicate that, from the native point of view, these societies are indicating to nutritionally deprived women the cultur­ally prescribed behaviors whereby they can be classified as possessed, removed to possession cult status, and allowed to "respond" to symptoms with changes in diets that would "solve" their nutritional problems (33). Along the same

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lines, the evidence on arctic hysteria has not provided clinical or dietary data to indicate that the individuals labeled pibloktoq were clinically deficient in calcium or more poorly nourished than their fellows who shared the "same" diet. Nor has it been demonstrated that those reported to have suffered Windigo psychosis or those who fed them "corrective" fat -rich foods were responding to clinical symptoms. The entire "cannibal maniac" psychosis may have been a hypothetical rather than a nutritional psychological condition (21 1 ).

The hypoglycemia hypothesis suffers in addition from the general problem of moving directly from the individual and household level of interaction to the social level of explanation , and the related problems of proceeding from one biological factor to a general explanation of social behavior. Subsequent observers in the same region have suggested furthermore that the people were neither homicidally aggressive nor hypoglycemic, and offered the alternative hypothesis that both aggression and low blood sugar were caused by high alcohol consumption in the context of harsh environment and poor food ( 1 98) .

Problems of clinical trials and evolutionary "theory" arise as well where researchers have suggested possible physiological advantages of certain food practices on the basis of biochemical and pharmaceutical data. Some very stimulating hypotheses have been suggested by Katz and his colleagues ( 1 72, 1 73): (a) that alkali-processing maize offers a nutritional advantage, (b) that fava bean consumption in the presence of the gene for glucose-6-phosphate and the disease malaria offers a selective advantage for heterozygous carriers , and (c) that consumption of bitter manioc in the presence of the gene for sickle-cell anemia and the disease malaria offers a selective advantage for heterozygous carriers. Therefore , they argue, each consumption practice would have been "selected for" in the cultural dietary pattern. The unmet challenge in each case is to establish that the foods in question do provide a nutritional or selective advantage over other available dietary alternatives, to show that those who consume such foods have improved reproductive fitness and a selective advan­tage over those subsisting on alternative diets, and also to sort out the biological and cultural ("feedback") mechanisms by which nutritional advantage gets translated into cultural food preferences and practices . Psychologists (32) have argued that a favorable nutritional combination would be physiologically experienced as superior to other food combinations, and once "discovered" would be transmitted and preserved in the cuisine of a people so that each generation would not have to rediscover it. In cases where the nutritional advantage is certain-as where alkali-processing enhances protein quality and mineral content of maize-the significant cultural and evolutionary questions would seem to be on what cultural characteristics (e .g . taste and texture as part of the general preference for tortillas) did people select and preserve advan­tageous nutritional traits in their cuisine, and how tightly is this preserved information linked to the nutritional advantage, so that it can be passed on in changing dietary environments. Also, one needs more detailed study of what

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combinations of foods or food processing techniques offer comparable "selec­tive advantage." While it is true that alkali-processed maize is nutritionally superior to maize which is not for those subsisting on otherwise similar maize

diets, one also needs to consider the reasons that it would be developed, selected, favored, and then retained over competing diets as available resources changed or change.

For his other hypotheses, the biological documentation is also missing. Katz lacks in vivo pharmacological studies to show that strong oxidant compounds in fava beans and cyanate from (cooked) bitter manioc are beneficial rather than

harmful (toxic). For the latter case, one would suspect that the rapid spread of manioc in Africa had more to do with its agronomic advantages over cereal

grains (it grows on weak soils with a low labor input) and its storability than

with its possible contribution to lowered mortality rates from sickle cell anemic crises. More detailed studies on manioc toxicity from cyanate are also in order. given the many sweet and bitter varieties traditionally grown and eaten (e.g. 18). His hypotheses that spices and herbs were important as antioxidants and pharmacological agents (I 72)-ideas which have been suggested by others (9, 10 I, 102)-also remain to be demonstrated with more complete data.

Similarly, in another case of suggested biocultural evolution, e.g. the cultur­al and biological adaptations to lactase deficiency, the various ways in which cultures have overcome the problem of milk indigestibility-whether by pre­digesting itthrough yogurt or cheese culture or transformation by heat-need to be more carefully analyzed to substantiate existing biocultural arguments about

the significance of milk intolerance in biological evolution (90-92, 147a, 218a)

In summary, the general points that food processing techniques and food

combinations developed in the past led to cuisines which were nutritionally advantageous, and that without food processing, foods from onc area are often inedible or less nutritious in the next, are well taken (172. 173 ,274, 337). However, the complete and accurate specifications of the biological and cultural parameters to further arguments of "biocultural" evolution or "co­evolution" are lacking in most cases. All suggest additional research is neces­

sary into taste and other sensory preferences by which foods are selected and combined, biological and behavioral consequences of various nutrient intakes, and the cultural conceptions of each in order to understand the feedback mechanisms by which foods of superior biological value become esteemed parts of cultural cuisines.

PRINCIPLES OF FOOD SELECTION, CLASSIFICATION, AND DIETARY CONSTRUCTION

Sensory, cognitive, and symbolic studies of food habits. conceived in psycho­logical, structural, or semiotic terms. have tried to bridge biological and

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cultural parameters and explore selection and feedback mechanisms in the determinants of food intake.

Sensory Attributes of Food

At a basic biological level, food selection is governed by a number of sensory characteristics such as taste/smell, texture, color (and other visual characteris­tics), even sound (as in crunchiness), and physiologically perceived character­istics like "fillingness" or "bum," which result in (a) selection or rejection, and (b) preferred rankings and combinations among "edible" items. Liking for sweet taste may be innate and direct the types or parts of foods humans exploit ( 13 1 ) . Beyond this biological code, individuals learn to accept or reject, like or dislike, prefer or aver according to tastes that are transmitted to them as part of a cultural cuisine , which, as a result of trial and error in the past, is presumed to have arrived at an advantageous nutritional mix or it would not have been retained (32) . Experiences within particular cultures affect how taste qualities are conceived and labeled, how preferences for degrees of sweet, bitter, and other flavors are formed, and how both of these inform intake . Some African populations, for example, seem to be raised from an early age with a preference for sour tastes like tamarind, which American children might find puckering .

. Early experiences with sweet may affect later tolerance and preferences for sweetness concentrations ( 1 60). Populations also seem to differ in their prefer­ences and tolerances for bitter and salt tastes, for biting and bland flavors . It is unclear how these preferences are shaped by genetics, cultural experience, or both (73). "Taste" psychologists suggest people learn to accept and even like irritating tastes such as chili pepper because they undergo an "affective" shift and experience the sensation as pleasant and associated with the positive social act of eating (286, 287) . In addition, they may learn to associate initially unpalatable products with their nutritional or other physiological effects, and so positively value the associated flavor. In the example of chili pepper just cited, people seem to need (and enjoy) the digestive stimulation that chili pepper supplies; ingestion stimulates (a) saliva flow, (b) gastric secretions, and (c) gut motility, all of which help people consume more of their staple on a high bulk diet. Chili also supplies vitamins A and C, which may help people feel better because of improved nutrition. People also enjoy its "buzz" and seek the "thrill" of eating it (286, 287) .

The sense of taste has so far received little anthropological attention. While there have been attempts to collect cross-cultural or specialized lexica of linguistic terms for taste (95, 1 95a) , there has been limited ethnoscientific­nutritional or cross-cultural research on the chemical senses as determinants of nutritional intake . In many cultural systems, taste and smell (often identified by the same word) identify and sometimes rank various classes of "edible" versus "foul" or "disgusting" items. Foods, animals, plants, and medicines can be

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classified as tasting/smelling sweet, bitter,�alt, sour, pungent, foul, or insipid, and in some cultures, acid, not-sweet, unripe, tasteless, or not-bitter. The latter group are often taste terms that identify desirable versus undesirable taste qualities of specimens within classes of items generally judged to be "edible."

The chemical senses (odors--often noxious) are also used to identify indi­vidual humans and superhumans in many cultures (187, 248, 317). Superhu­mans may be furthermore distinguished by their preferences for certain types (tastes/smells) of foods ordinarily forbidden to humans, and in certain in­stances, these superhuman food preferences may impinge on normal human eating behavior. One example is the case where Camores Island Moslems, when possessed by spirits, demand and receive alcoholic substances normally prohibited (187). From human to human as well, circulation of foods, such as sweet foods on ritual occasions, may dispel hostility, distrust, or aggression, and promote friendship and mutual aid (e.g. 96). The association of sweet with trust and pleasure is also developed to varying degrees in different cultures to reward or reinforce desirable behaviors, while bitter repels and punishes. Additionally, "strong" tastes (and smells) have come to be associated with "uncivilized" palates in many parts of the world undergoing change to blander, Westernized, more technologically standardized diets (3).

A few ethnomedical (58), ritual (185), and kinship-social organization (293) studies also suggest that at least in certain languages, taste-smell terms are extended beyond the primary chemical sense referents to label symbolic cate­gories of foods, especially animals, inappropriate for members of certain social (age, sex, ritual) status, as well as other nonfood-related symbolic categories. However, there has been altogether too little effort to link ethnoscientific studies of taste/olfaction with ethnomedical studies of nutrient intake and nutrition-related diseases, e.g. between intake of sweets and diabetes, even where a possible native perception of the relationship between consumption of sweets and illness symptoms is suggested (12) in a population where incidence of adult-onset diabetes is quite high.

Texture and visual properties are two other sensory characteristics by which foods are judged edible, preferred, and appropriate for a particular ethnic cuisine or life style. Texture along with flavor in large part shapes what makes foods familiar and may influence acceptance of new foods. Existing knowledge of the vocabulary by which textures are described and compared cross­culturally is even more impoverished than that for taste. In Africa, where the basic staple is porridge ranging from "thick" ("library paste" consistency) to "thin, watery gruel," different groups distinguish themselves by the texture they prefer in their staple food. For purposes of calculating nutritional (caloric) values and densities of similar diets in different cultures, or calculating diets within the same culture over different seasons, it would be useful to have ethnographic reports on the ratio of water to pounded or ground meal and on the

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ratio of porridge to complementary gravy or relish. Textural properties, such as whether cereals are ordinarily prepared in the form of grains, grits, or bulghur rather than in the form of flours or meals, often affect acceptability of new foods, as do the glutinous properties that affect the suitability of particular grains for producing familiar foods like bread, tortillas, and rice dishes, respectively. "Crispness," "crunchiness," and "freshness"-also in part textu­ral properties-are sometimes important in the selection of food items by classes and by individuals within a class, as in Western culture, where Barthes has suggested there is a symbolic opposition between "crisp, brisk, sharp" foods and "soft, soothing, sweet" foods (17).

Visual characteristics such as color, shape, or overall appearance also affect acceptability and food preferences and often form aspects of food symbolism. They may be the basis of most folk classifications of cereal grains, legumes, sauces, and dishes, and may be further developed symbolically (227). Color codes "safe" as well as "appropriate" foods (2 1 8), and provides an example of Sperber' s (304) adage that foods or aspects of foods "out of place" identify special social contexts (e.g. in Boston on St. Patrick's Day, even the beer and the bagels are dyed green). Cosmic color symbolism in food and medicine (241, 316) has been extensively analyzed for certain African and Asian cul­tures, while in urban South America, people have been known to disparage local in favor of imported ingredients through selective toasts in their patriotic colors (246).

The shapes in which foods are presented, whether "natural" or "trans­formed," recognizable or not, and their culturally developed symbolism consti­tute additional visual characteristics that in some cases are also ethnic or class markers . As a case in point, the male-female symbolism of yams, as it shapes certain cultural practices, has been analyzed and psychoanalyzed in detail (221, 317), as have male-female characteristics of foods more generally (225, 299).

Perception of physiological effect provides a final category of sensory attributes, and includes relative "fillingness," food (or nutrient) specific crav­ings, and classifications of safe versus dangerous foods. Various African cultures claim that certain grains are more filling than others; that they provide feelings of physiological satiety-a "turgid" feeling in the stomach-to varying degrees, which suppress hunger pains for shorter or longer intervals (273); Hondurans feel that tortillas of maize are more filling and maize stretches one third farther than sorghum (74). Such rankings, people say, account in part for their reluctance to switch to grains such as sorghum which they are told are more productive.

Many cultures put a value on "meat" and claim that without it they are "hungry" no matter how much vegetable food they have ingested (154, 193). It is not clear from most reports, however, whether their appetite is for "protein"

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or for the fat, sait , or in many cases, the. festivities that go along with meat consumption ( 1 65 , 273). People also seem to crave the rel ish and spicy condiments without which they say they have limited appetite for their high starch diets (273) . Alternatively , certain foods or food combinations are be­l ieved to be necessary because they partake (and contribute) differential ly in l ife-giving force ( 1 5 7, 339) , because they are "cooked" or "meal" versus snack foods , "juicy" as opposed to "dry , " or simply "nutritious " and "vitamin-rich" (64) . Dimensions of foods , food groups, and their rules for combinations-to yield a comparative body of data on concepts of "ethnonutrition"-have so far not been compiled , although most nutritional studies usually do l ist cultural food "staples , " "superfoods ," or "key foods " (8, 159, 250) and several anthro­pologists have tried to identify "health (nutritional) factors" in dietary selection (76, 76a) . These l atter, however, have been constructed by the analysts out of the data on nutrient intake-which foods cluster together-rather than lexical or locally described ethnonutritional concepts .

Negative short-term physiological effects such as allergic reactions may, correspondingly , form the basis of food avoidances (\ II). Other adverse physiological reactions culturally encoded as food dislikes may be at l east in part genetically based , as for example, where lactose intolerance has been interpreted to be at the root of milk avoidances in certain cultures (92, 1 47a, 2 1 8a, 30 I ). Nevertheless, the physiological argument still does not explain why certain l actose-intolerant popUlations , like the Chinese, do not like cul­tured milk products which they should be abl e to digest.

Final ly , there are other foods that by virtue of sensory or other cultural symbolic properties are considered to be dangerous , to produce harm, and therefore avoided. Ethnographers have noted how new foods are c lassified as "good" or "bad" for adults, children, women, or some combination of social categories on the basis of their perceived physiological effect-whether they are easily digested or mak e people sick (64). More generally, foods in m any cultures are nomin ally considered to be "strengthening" or dangerous as a result of their origins, h andling, processing, and ultimately contexts of ingestion ( 1 5 7) . Within these cognitive categories, especially where diets are carefully regulated and restricted, individuals of species may be situationally c lassified as "clean" (harmless) or tabooed (unhealthy) on the basis of circumstantial evidence. Such sets of rul es seem to be particularly developed in indigenous lowland South American societies (1 8, 40, 1 5 7, 27 l a) and also in Southeast Asia ( 1 86, 209). What is still l ittle understood, however, is how perfectly innocuous foods come to be l abeled as dangerous and so disgusting that they elicit n ausea and vomiting if accidentally ingested . Sensory and semiotic approach es to food rules and taboos have clev erly analyzed why certain n atural animal and plant categories should be interpreted as "anomalous" and m ade the

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target of special cultural attention , but this does not explain such violent physiological reactions ( 1 54 , 286). Nor do they explain how people come to accept and even to savor dangerous foods .

Cultural, Symbolic, and Cognitive Dimensions

Moving from sensory judgments and preferences to symbolic aspects of diets , anthropologists have also considered-probably at greater length and in more detail-"cultural factors" that are constructed from sensory data and other information . "Hot-cold," "wet-dry ," "male-female," "heavy-light," "yin­yang ," "clean-poison," "ripe-unripe," as well as "flavor," "sharpness," "itchi­ness ," and "color" are examples of binary or humoral categories which are built from various elements and used singly or in combination to classify food and direct food intake in many parts of the world (2, 4 , 5, 2 1 , 1 25 , 203 , 209, 2 10 , 229 , 242 , 27 l a , 293) . Such classifications interrelate a number of different domains, such as flora , fauna, medicine, health, ritual , and social relations, depending on the culture . Humoral classifications probably reach their greatest elaborations in Asian , particularly Indian and Chinese cultures, where they form a part of a complex system of medicine and philosophy, but they are equally pervasive in some South American lowland cultures where they sort out and bring together domains of sex , color, symbolic temperature , geography, and intergroup relations (27 1 a) .

More generally, the symbolic meaning and nutritional significance of these dimensions have been shown to vary according to cultural context as well as individual inclination to "follow the rules" ( 1 86 , 2 1 7 , 229) . Hot-cold classi­fications, as a case in point, display great variability in how they are conceived and how they operate in local dietary and health practices in different parts of the world and within the same culture area. Degrees of shared knowledge or

. agreement on hot-cold, the pervasiveness of the idiom, or its cultural import­ance can vary even within the same cultural communities. In the absence of a written tradition or authoritative sources , there are often no absolute or author­itative classifications for popular cultures that use hot-cold as a standard to classify foods , diagnose i l lness , and maintain or recover health . People seem to combine inherited knowledge with cause and effect reasoning from the basic hot-cold principle of balancing opposites in particular curing contexts. They evaluate the physiological effects of food and medicines in particular contexts, and so certify their classifications (and the classificatory procedures) for future reference. The natural h istories of items, their processing and the conditions under which they are served, can also affect the hot-cold or other "health" classifications (I57 , 1 86 , 229, 235).

Nevertheless , hot-cold c lassifications may have little practical value for determining the majority of foods that people ordinaril y eat . While all members

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of a population may know of the potential existence of such categories, individuals may refer to such categories for the purpose of food selection only under conditions of physiological stress (pregnancy, illness, old age) rather than for routine selection of dietary items (229). More significant factors in ordinary food selection are usually flavor and cost. Notwithstanding, people do not easily abandon hot-cold classifications , which give them an easy symbolic handle to interrelate their edible and health environment (229) . It is necessary for modern Western health practitioners to understand such classifications in order to prescribe diets ( l 48a, 229) and health behaviors , such as oral rehydra­tion in the case of diarrhea ( 100) , so that they will not go against or be thwarted by hot-cold beliefs and practices . For those introducing new foods to infants and children, the perceived hot-cold values (primarily whether, during the initial trials , the new foods made infants sick) may affect the acceptance of new foods ( 1 32); although in some contexts, new foods and medicines may be perceived as "nutritious" and outside of the hot-cold evaluation system altogether (64, 229) .

Semiotic Studies

Elements of diet have been analyzed alternatively as aspects of a "food code" in which foods or components of foods--especially their manners of preparation or transformation or serving--express other aspects of social relations, cultural identity, and the sexual division of labor. Potential foods classified as "inedi­ble" for everyone, for certain social categories, or for all but certain ritual contexts have been viewed as separating or contrasting human from nonhuman, one's own culture from other cultures, pure from impure , complete from incomplete , or other fundamental distinctions (82-85 , 1 9 1 , 3 1 1 ) . Further sociocultural selections of foods as preferred or less preferred under ritual or ordinary circumstances , as good to give to certify friendship or to withhold to signify enmity or social distance, have been similarly interpreted as cultural constructions that take into account certain intrinsic qualities of the items (8 1 ) that undergo more arbitrary cultural elaborations , and may initiate further social exchange.

Following Levi-Strauss's ( 192, 196, 197) analyses of food types and trans­formations in South American mythologies, linguistic anthropologists have explored the "food code" presented in myth and retold in ordinary and ritual food preparations as a way in which people mark social distinctions , com­plementarities, and transformations. Although the culinary lexicon varies ( 1 95), such analyses explicate why food items and patterns are "good to think" rather than simply "good to eat ." Eclectic approaches to food symbolism add that such beliefs and practices may also be ecologically, medically , and socially sound ( 1 86 , 202) . Along these lines, Levi-Strauss pointed out that

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myths may also preserve knowledge of potentially edible though less preferred biological species in the environment; a corpus of knowledge that can be referred to in time of dearth for nutritional sustenance ( 1 96) .

Cultures vary i n the extent to which they focus on food as symbol and the symbolic properties with which they imbue it. While there has been l i ttle cross-cultural comparison on the degree to which cultures elaborate and empha­size the "food code" (see 1 35 for some discussion) , Hindu food classifications and rules of food exchange , which elaborate principles of social organization , caste hierarchy, relative caste status , and cultural identity, have probably attracted more attention than the elaborations in other cultures ( 1 7 8 , 1 79) . The close association of particular deities with foods and food attributes (7, 1 07) , and the rigid regulations surrounding a l l aspects of consumption on the human level , especially those surrounding food exchanges between members of differ­ent castes and different sexes, have prompted ecological , h istorical , and social symbolic explanations, as have the background to the banning of beef eating and the elevation of vegetarianism to privileged status . H istorical origins, "causes," "functions," and "consequences" of the sacred cow are in dispute , as are those of historical bans on pig-eating in other cultures (79) , although in each case, a combination of "material" and "symbolic" interests seem to be in­volved. While other cultures use food to mark or build relative prestige and social status , the ways in which castes manipulate food transactions to improve their relative status (2 1 5) and the emotions with which "polluting" (downward­ly mobile) foods are charged, set Hindus apart. Fasting for spiritual merit and as a political tactic may also have been used more dramatically in India than elsewhere , as Gandhi was able to draw on the total range of heightened emotions surrounding food . poverty, anguish, dearth , and traditional values on abstemiousness and refusal to accept food from spiritual inferiors as a route to spiritual power.

Like others, H indus have been shown to vary in the fastidiousness with which they observe food regulations . Within communities. variations may signify (a) variant interpretations of the rules, (b) unavoidable conflicts where different rules demand different patterns of deference in giving and receiving food, or (c) a disincl ination to follow the rules. Food can thus serve as a vehicle of "gastropolitics" which enables one to protest one ' s position or communicate one's dissatisfaction with the status quo, as in the case of a woman who protests her particular status by lapses in hospitality or deference (6) . The subtleties of using food to communicate individual messages about social reJationships and social status, given the shared sociocultural rules , are part of the "code" rather than "intracultural variation ."

Alternatively, people ' s inclination to "follow the rules" may change as people move away from local communities that give support and meaning to careful observances ( 1 7 1 ) . Festival patterns are often retained. even as day-to-

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day food behaviors change when people move. They are one way in which ethnic identity, where threatened by "acculturative" food forces , may be maintained. Communities and individuals also illustrate substantial leeway in interpreting regulations to suit personal or group historical circumstances (45), part icularly as one moves away from the cultural "center" to cultural "periphery . " There , rules may be less strict or combined with other directives . An extreme example is provided by most cases of "health food" faddism which use concepts of natural foods and syncretize Indian and other Eastern cosmolo­gical beliefs with Western consumer dietary behavior and provide a good contrast to culturally inherited rule-buund fuud behaviors . The rules by which such "syncretistic" vegetarians learn to eat a nutritionally balanced diet, and the amount of agreement in philosophy and practice among them, demand more than the anecdotal or individual case study attention they have so far received ( 1 69). The ideological , social , and nutritional impact of Dietfor a Small Planet

and Food First ( 1 88 , 1 89) among different age and social sets in American culture could form a complementary study to document the interrelated socia l , symbolic , and material interests in anti-meat eating in the United States .

Food has also been analyzed as material and symbol which marks the prevailing sexual division of labor, social class, or ethnic identity . O 'Laugh­l in 's (245) symbolic-economic analysis of "Why the Mbum Kpau women don ' t eat chicken" showed how the sexual division o f labor, male dominance over production (control of land and granaries) and reproduction (al lotment of women as wives) were reified in the food restrictions on women (women could not eat chicken, goat, or the preferred white flour porridge) . In this northwest Chad society, women were subordinate to men in all things , including diet, and therefore prohibited from eating chickens, which , like the women who raised them, were kept for food production and reproduction .

More generally, Goody ( 1 35) explored why some cultures have "high" and "luw" cuisines, and some leave the food dimension of culture relatively undifferentiated if not underdeveloped . He suggested a general relationship between the existence of such differential cuisines and the social organization of production-including differential access to food processing technology, foods traded over long distances, and the presence of available foods and social statuses that would allow for complex differentiation in the food mode-but the generalization needs more careful and thorough development and testing.

Barthcs ( 1 7) by contrast, dealt with food symbolism and its relationships to social c lassifications in modern state societies . He considered the various cultural meanings attributed to substances like sugar and coffee by different national groups, such as the French versus the American. He also tried to identify certain "tastes" with particular social classes-e .g. lower class prefer­ences generally for extremely sweet or strong flavors .

Food is also a marker of ethnic identity via ethnic cuisine, which is charac-

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226 MESSER

terized by items of particular flavor and type, recipes that combine food elements in particular ways, meal fonnats that aggregate the dishes in predict­able manners, and meal cycles that alternate meal formats into ordinary and festival meals as w�ll as particular types of festive eating events. Although such cultural food patterning and group sharing rules can also be conceived as an epiphenomenon of the material basis and prevailing social organization of production, dietary structure or foodways have also been investigated as a separate problem.

Ethnic Identity, Enculturation, and Dietary Structure

Dietary structure, content, and change have been analyzed for either cultural or nutritional ends, sometimes both, and continuities/discontinuities conceptual­ized in several ways. Goode (133) has reviewed the strengths and weaknesses of various concepts and methods used to study cultural patterning in food systems, used singly or in combination---observation, interview, and ex­perimental "game" methods (114). Studies of "ethnic" diets, for example, usually report food item frequencies and evaluations in terms of core, second­ary core, and periphery (alternatively described as "superfoods"/"focal" foods/ "staples" as opposed to items less frequently, or infrequently consumed), and are based on data of actual food preparation, observations, or reports of eating activities plus additional interviews (1 14, 199, 250). Differences or changes in the frequencies of selected items usually constitute measures of "enculturation" or "deculturation" and are then related to changes in the food supply (such as the unavailability of the former staple or fresh vegetables as people move from rural to urban areas), the prestige associations of certain foods, or the time or technological constraints of the food provider/preparer ( 1 62, 182).

Other investigators (255), rather than analyzing single items, have used factor analysis to identify clusters of "modern" or "traditional" foods. Drawing on both the records of dietary intake and additional historical information, they have found, not surprisingly, that people may incorporate distinct sets of modem elements alongside traditional items, recipes, or meal formats, and that such patterns of incorporation crosscut dietary differences due to household "structural" variables such as income, educational levels, and individualistic food preferences. The nutritional impact of such "modem" additions can be described and measured by detailing where modern foods substitute for tradi­tional items (core foods, secondary core, periphery), and then calculating the relative percent of calories and food expenditures (or total quantities of particu­lar nutrients, like cholesterol) accounted for by the modern items within these or locally defined food categories, like "staples" and "relish." Measuring the percent of calories supplied in households by, say, sorghum over maize, would be an easy check on the impact of a sorghum promotion project, and also

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indicate in economic terms the "acculturation" effect (on food staples) of a project .

Alternatively , continuities may be traced through certain types of pattern rules, such as (a) segregation or separation (as in the distancing of milk and meat in Jewish laws of kashruth) , (b) item combinations (as in the joining of staple with relish in African societies, or pasta with gravy in Italian American meal formats), and (c) ordering of flavors or items (as in the custom of beginning or ending the meals with sweets in rural Mexican and American cultures , respectively) ( 1 33 , 1 34, 1 34a).

A group of projects studying the food habits of the Italian community of Philadelphia (66, 1 34, 1 34a, 3 1 4) have suggested that the level of "shared sociocultural rules and their consequences for nutritional behavior" is best shown at the more inclusive levels of "meal formats" (proportions of different foods that are stressed and unstressed) and "meal cycles . " Examining all four levels in the food system, they concluded that while contemporary Italian­American diets were quite variable at the "individual item" and "recipe" levels-where they had been transformed by extreme changes in the foods available, food processing, and exposure to meals outside the home, the use of mass communication (especially advertising) to create mass demand, and the nature of work and leisure activity cycles, especially women's work inside and outside the home---continuities in meal formats and cycles persisted alongside changes in items and menus . By studying intervals in time longer than the meal or day, and social units larger than the household, they found it was possible to discover shared patterns (e .g . the "rules" for marking Fridays, weekends , and holidays with particular formats) , flexibility rules (e . g . the ways in which buffet formats allowed individuals to incorporate both American and Italian content into traditional meals) , and general trends in food classifications (e .g . regular alternation of "gravy" versus "platter" meals, sauces described .in terms of color, taste , texture, greasiness, spiciness, and thermal characteristics), and preferences (e . g . a younger generation of Italian-Americans socialized in the 1 960s and 1 970s who prefer foods transformed from their natural state-e. g. meat without head or feet but still recognizable) .

The study formed part of a larger Russell Sage project on gastronomic categories (85 , 1 34a, 267 , 327) , which examined distinct regional and ethnic cuisines in the United States (Northeast urban ethnic Italian, Southern rural and urban, black and white, and Native American Sioux) employing frameworks that emphasized social contexts (type of occasion, time, and location) that affected food intakes . They were also able to report the relative significance of extra-household eating events in the food lives of individuals-which proved to be a frequent food force . One project incorporated an investigation of the relationships between diet, obesity, and hypertension (327) . Although reports from the projects so far indicate more the social and cultural than nutritional

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228 MESSER

implications, they have pointed out some of the limitations of "household survey" data if unsupplemented by reports of food taken outside the house . Organizers also hope that through such careful evaluations of structured food relations, mathematicians will be able to develop computer programs to de­scribe the distinct rules governing different diets, particularly food sharing, and use computers to chart the nutritional implications of particular dietary changes (86, 139). The usefulness of such models, however, remains to be demons­trated.

In more "popular" fashion (284, 285), foodways have also been dealt with in terms of the formation and persistence of cultural "cuisine"-a term used to describe the "culturally elaborated and transmitted body of food-related prac­tices of any given culture" which includes:

1. The selection of a set of basic (staple or secondary) foods 2. The frequent use of a characteristic set of flavorings 3. The characteristic processing (e.g. chopping, cooking) of such foods 4. The adoption of a variety of rules dealing with acceptable foods and

combinations, festival foods, the social context of eating and the symbolic uses of foods.

How ethnic groups "mark" the foods in a new environment by particular spicing and preparation patterns, but also how festival or ordinary foods of a majority culture become "marked" by surrounding them with typical foods within the typical structure of the meal, also indicate forms of ethnic con­tinuities. An example of continuity in meal structure is the case of Italian Americans who eat turkey with dressing on Thanksgiving while retaining the traditional escarole soup, pasta (main course of turkey), expresso structure of the Italian meal (134, 134a). Alternatively, ethnic foods may move from a minority culture to the majority, as in the acceptance of kosher-style corned beef and gefilte fish (traditional "Jewish" foods) as "American" which some have interpreted as signs that the ethnic group has "arrived" (214).

Ethnic cuisine may also be analyzed in terms of (a) the supralocal macro­cuisine, and within it, systematic community and subcommunity variations by which individuals and groups establish their distinctive identities (e.g. "sweet" sauces among savory sauces in Malaysia, "thin" vs "thick" soups among Eastern European Jews); (b) the types of flavorings or processing that render foods "cultural" and therefore familiar and acceptable (e.g. preparation of ersatz "Vietnamese" hot condiment from American condiments by refugees in Pennsylvania (286), or the mixing of new grain meals or flours to a typical cultural consistency by certain African groups); and (c) the structure, contents, and variability of eating "events," particularly the formats of festivals ( 1 34, 134a) .

. Eating events may also be examined within an ecological framework that

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evaluates the timing and patterning of food exchange in the festival cycle as ecological regulators-which control quantities of l ivestock, such as pigs, relative to other food resources , such as sweet potatoes (269), or promote nutritional sufficiency within a population by distributing high quality protein and other nutrients to those in want, particularly at times of the year whcn thc poorer segments of the population may be food short ( 1 2 1 ) . Even in contempor­ary peasant societies , the scheduling and activities that take place in the annual round of Saints ' days festivities may ensure the poorer members of the popUla­tion high quality food on as many as 1 0% of the days of the year (80 , 1 36) , and ritual obligations between patrons and clients may augment nutrient intake of the poor during hard times ( 38 , 1 83) . Conversely , festival food preparations and consumption havc bccn vicwed as wasteful ( 1 23) in that natives spend grain on beermaking when they might ration it for consumption in the future l ean season , or expend resources for symbolic rites and reasons that might go toward subsistence and superior nutritional choices. To condemn such analyses as "nutritional materialism" (83) , however, does not advance understanding of how such practices evolved and why they are maintained from either material or sociocultural perspectives; such critiques only suggest why , from a semiotic perspective, such customs are "fitting" and further social and cultural identity.

Economic Factors

Sensory , symbolic, and structural dimensions notwithstanding, the overriding considerations in dietary constructions seem to be economic. Even when peopl e have nutritional knowledge on what would be good to eat , considera­tions of flavor and cost take precedence in food choices, and economic factors l imit further whether people can satisfy their taste choices (44, 76, 76a) . Although it has been argued that people often make uneconomic and poor nutritional choices in the interests of consuming relatively expensive but "prestigious" foods , this does not weaken the generalization that economic constraints set l imits on food sel ection and consequent nutritional status, particularly for those subsisting principally on marketed foods. People may appear "uneconomic " in their desire to break the monotony of diets, as where Richards recorded B emba natives often paid exhorbitant sums to merchants for dried, salted fish if they had gone weeks without relief from their bulky cereal diet (273 ) . Additionally, some have speculated, looking at the phenomenon of "junk foods , " that such items may meet needs for sweets, fats , other flavors , and denser calories in h igh bulk diets. However, to take such a positive nutritional position, one must first ascertain (a) that there are sufficient material resources to buy (provide) enough of the staple and secondary foods for all individuals eating from a common food basket , such that intakes of other nutritious foods do not suffer, and (b) that those eating "junk foods" are not sating themselves with calories from junk foods that destroy their appetites for

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230 MESSER

more nutritious calories. In either case, if the concentrated calories from purchased snacks are additions rather than substitutions for basic nutritional items, then they might be viewed with caution as improving caloric density and calorie intake, particularly among the very young, who have difficulty taking in enough calories on high-bulk diets, if there is sufficient other food, oral hygiene, and moderation in quantity. However, it is still questionable whether such needs might not be met at lower cost by home-produced snacks.

Choice of staples varies by economic position; reciprocally, diet has been used as an indicator of econoinic and nutritional well-being, including overall sufficiency of energy and protein intakes within populations stratified by age and sex. The relative pe�cent of calories supplied by the principal staple and the threshhold at which people change from more expensive and preferred dietary staples---e.g . from cassava to rice in Brazil, or from less to more preferred rice varieties in Sri Lanka-have been suggested as measures or threshholds of poverty or hunger (94, 263). Substantial energy intakes from sucrose, often inexpensive and government subsidized, may be a further indicator of impover­ished diet as workers indulge in the sweet taste that provides a "quick rush of energy" to motivate them for work at low cost (232a). The historical signifi­cance of sugar as a cheap energy source to fuel the growth of industry and the consequences of the sugar demand for the growth of plantation economies have been suggested by Mintz (234), among others. The share of sugar in the food structure of contemporary modernizing economies begs similar attention.

Seasonal or more permanent scarcity may affect not only food choices, but also the social relations surrounding food. Food rationing-reduction from two to one meal per day-may begin soon after the harvest and a period of feasting (123, 273), and affects the pacing of grain consumption, food sharing relations, and nutritional status over an annual cycle. The flexibility with which hospital­ity obligations shrink as food supplies dwindle has been reported in a number of studies ( 109, 273). A model that graphs how social cooperation increases as resources go from desperate to adequate and then drops off as there is plenty (190) suggests a way to quantify such rel�tionships, but the model has not been carefully illustrated with quantified resource and social data from any particular culture.

Also along economic lili.es, anthropologists �mong others (318) have begun to consider the time budget of the food provider or preparer-usually the focal female (head food decision-maker of a household)-as an additional economic factor affecting food production and food selections. Food providers have been shown to calculate the amount of time as well as cash that must be allocated to the procurement and preparation of different foods (including time and cash costs of fuel) under different conditions of household organization and cash work (65, 142, 231a). Popkin and colleagues (265, 266), investigating the factors associated with vitamin A deficiency in the Philippines, suggested that

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 23 1

children of women traders had lower intakes than children of nonworking mothers because commercial women did not take the time to gather ingredients and prepare vitamin-A rich vegetable sauces. This hypothesis, however, re­mains untested either with ethnographic or dietary data. The shift from home or small (individual) scale to industrialized processed foods has also been sug­gested to interfere with women's income, and the delicious variety of snacks women produced at home with traditional food technologies ( 19, 300), but nutritional implications have not been carefully traced.

More generally, the relatively fixed number, timing , structure , and contents of meals and their relationships to social structure and cultural values may also be affected by socioeconomic change. Rotenberg (283) analyzed how changing work schedules in post World War II Viennese society caused a shift from five to three meals a day, and also the consumption of more convenience (pre­pared) foods. It would be valuable to have comparable studies from other areas in order to assess how such shifts in employment patterns along with increasing industrialized processing of food delocalize consumption patterns, increase consumption of "convenience" foods, and thereby affect nutrient intakes .

Finally, whether malnutrition is an outcome of poverty or "bad" cultural feeding habits continues to be debated. Materialists tend to see the problem as one of socioeconomic discrimination while others (5 1 ) blame cultural nutrition­al and economic "ignorance ," and argue that nutrition education not just more economic wherewithal is needed to teach households how better to feed their young on scarce resources. Although one can make a case for either position, one might more rea�onably show how the combination .of ccological and economic constraints l imit the range of choices and create other conditions affecting health and nutrition, while within such constraints, cultural tastes and values , as well as ideas of adequate nutrition and health beliefs and practices dictate actual food and behavioral choices .

Along the same lines , materialist studies , although they often draw on more "hard" data than symbolic studies, must still specify under what cultural conditions and in what social contexts , economic and ecological constraints will dominate consumption decisions. Existing materialist tracts that see com­mercial concerns or ecological constraints-not other cultural factors and tastes dominating food choices and more generally consumption (282)--can sti l l not totally explain food preferences , such as the American preference for beef over pork, even when the latter is cheaper, and the cultural reasons why many Americans (and others) in different ages and under different socioeconomic and cultural conditions, choose not to eat pork. The nutritional implications of how cultural-symbolic and material factors are weighted in changing sociocultural and ecological-economic environments, correspondingly , also remain to be explored .

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232 MESSER

NUTRITIONAL AND HEALTH CONSEQUENCES

With the possible exception of modern Western society, no cultural group evaluates the individual foods and combinations which it ingests in terms of the scientific categories�nergy, fat, protein , vitamins , and minerals . Major questions remain as to how people select diets that are conducive to ongoing nutrition and good health, particularly in changing nutritional environments , and the dietary prospects for the future .

Nutritional Wisdom

Anthropologists studying the "nutritional wisdom" of traditional diets, particu­larly in settings rapidly undergoing socioeconomic and cultural change, l ike to note how cultures in the past seem to have identified (a) food habits that are nutritionally beneficial ( 1 72) , and (b) foods that protect from or cure nutritional and other health problems ( 1 0 I , 1 02 , 175) . B iochemical analyses of traditional foods such as salts ( 1 84) and wild greens (277) , for example, have shown how such indigenous substances and food combinations are often more complete nutritionally than their modern industrially produced or marketed substitutes. Balanced traditional diets have also been analyzed as healthier than modern fat

and sugar-rich mixes . Analyses of hot-cold rules for balancing foods , and in certain instances, water and salt intake have suggested that they ensured a steady intake of a variety of foods and nutrients (9), and electrolyte balance (2 1 9) , while in other cases , symbolic rules for "heating" leftover foods thereby disinfected them (99)-all salutory health practices.

Contrariwise, there are styles of feeding, reactions to illness, activity pat­terns, and general diets that give rise to special problems of under or over­nutrition, spedfic nutrient deficiencies, or food poisoning . There are also food restrictions that are unhealthy and nutritionally adverse for certain members of a population. The latter include food restrictions on pregnant and lactating women in certain cultures (2 10) and child feeding rules that lead to protein energy malnutrition (5 1 ) , vitamin A deficiencies ( 3 1 9) . or in some cases , the opposite problem of obesity from overeating or overindulgence in sugar or fats given cultural tastes . The "evolution" and perpetuation of "maladaptive" prac­tices , particularly restrictive feeding rules, have been discussed in "material" terms ( 1 47 , 245 ) . Real or perceived food insufficiencies and the desire of dominant groups in a population or suciety tu remain duminant are often implicated in nutritional discrimination against particular classes of indi­viduals . To understand the biological and sociocultural "selective" pressures that favored the origin and persistence of such rules and behaviors . however. investigators need more information on the history behind particular beliefs and practices and the movements and mixings of the populations or other sociocultural units who have them. In particular instances. health programs

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have shown that maladaptive food practices had a very shallow history, and were therefore easily amenable to change. Investigators explained which cus­toms were recent and slightly modified the resource base so that all, but especially women, had access to more nutrients (50) .

Certain populations may also be biologically more at risk for specific nutrition-related disorders, such as glucose intolerance and hypertension, although the relative contributions of genetics , diet, and activity patterns (energy balance and life styles including "stress") to these and other nutrition­related diseases remain to be worked out for contemporary populations under­going change in all three dimensions (23 , 26, 28 , 87, 155 , 200, 327) . More studies of local perceptions of the linkages between specific dietary compo­nents, life styles , and health problems, such as the relationships between sugar intake and diabetes, salt intake and hypertension, and body-size/obesity and related health problems, along with reports of the feeding customs through which children learn to like sugar, salt, and food in what may be higher than healthy quantities (232, 232a) would help identify cultural factors inducing or not protecting against diet-related disease.

Relatively sudden shifts in available foods and customary activities are often faulted for the failure of people to eat wisely, or' "culture" to identify and transmit nutritional wisdom in rapidly and vastly modified dietary contexts . Alternatively, the swiftly altering eating customs by which populations may be losing reproductive fitness due to nutrition-related disease have been described in terms of "gastro-anomie" ( 1 1 2) , the modem foodway where each individual fends for him or herself, and group cultures have less control over an indi­vidual's diet. A more productive option is to examine such "anomie" as a set of highly structured, though ever changing, behaviors that vary by class and subculture within single countries . C . Lomnitz-Adler's (204) carefully consid­ered the spatial , temporal , social , and cultural dimensions of eating in Mexico in an analysis (by social class) that linked semiotic and structural approaches to food habits and social relations surrounding food with the changing social organization of production inside and outside the household, and extrahouse­hold sociocultural influences. His combination of his historical structural analysis with a more dynamic socioeconomic analysis incorporates symbolic aspects of the food system with an ethnic and class analysis of social history by means of food and indicates mUltiple routes to explore in nutritional changes.

The Nutritional Impact of Dietary Change

Urbanization , commercialization of agriculture, and expansion of international trade in food have jointly caused a reduction in food self-sufficiency ( 1 89, 254). Most anthropological studies have shown that as local groups move away from subsistence agriculture toward cash crop production and reliance on purchased foods, malnutrition increases ( II7). Cash to buy food may be

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234 MESSER

insufficient; additionally, people may not use cash resources as nutritionally wisely as they might food income in kind ( 1 1 , 324). In cash-oriented econo­mies where people purchase much of their food, there seems to be a regular · (and not startling) relationship between income, dietary diversification, and nutritional well-being. Below a certain income level at which people can purchase adequate food, they fare worse nutritionally than those above that income level, although food choices, particularly at lower middle income levels , somewhat qualify this generalization (75, 259, 271 , 291, 326).

Agricultural development schemes have been shown to worsen nutritional situations in several ways. Irrigated cash cropping and cattle schemes usually undermine the land and subsistence base of the poor, in some instances, even "efficiently" favoring production of animal feed over food for people (77, 78) . Highly technologized Green Revolution agriculture eliminates many of the marginal subsistence activities that traditionally allowed small holders to sup­plement their incomes as laborers in food production or food processing (334). Modem emphasis on monocrop production also reduces the variety of products the land traditionally yielded. Commercialization and modernization schemes often benefit the producers of the factors of production (machinery, hybrid seeds, fertilizers, herbicides, pesticides) and controllers of irrigation and credit rather than smallholders (153). Respondents report factors of production may not arrive on time or at all, or new agricultural "packages" may undermine the ongoing productivity of the land; in either case reducing the short- and long-run nutritional options, and usually making impossible a return to the initial diet (77, 78). Only where governments consciously discouraged food imports and thereby promoted basi<; food production for home markets did nutrition seem to improve, although the dynamics of changes in dietary intake are often not adequately reported in such nutritional studies (2 12 , 2 13 ) . It was assumed that rural children benefited from the additional products available along with basic food crops grown for the marketplace.

Anthropologists, following nutritionists, have collected and analyzed deter­minants of food intake, dietary data, and nutrition by several methods ( 164). An analytic tool which has received some attention, particularly among those studying rural diets in Latin America, is "dietary complexity." "Food diversity indices" or "dietary complexity scores" are constructed by calculating the numbers of different food items consumed by individuals or households over a given period of time. This quantitative measure of qualitative patterns is supposed to serve as a surrogate measure of nutritional value of the diet, since those consuming a greater diversity of foods are presumed to be taking in more and a better mix of nutrients (76, 279).

Dietary complexity has been used as one of several ways to compare diets of rich and poor both qualitatively and nutritionally in a Mexican community (76), and might also be used to roughly screen households for malnutrition within a

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PERSPECTIVES ON DIET 235

poor community if it can first be shown that increasing complexity is an indicator of both greater variety and also superior nutritional value. The measure also acts as a fair predictor of infants' and children's nutritional status, particularly when certain protein factors like milk are weighted (279). Particu­lar aspects of dietary complexity, such as the demand for a minimum level of variety or for a certain number of "fatty" meal components at different socioeconomic levels, could also be worked into linear programming models of dietary construction.

As a related issue, food diversity indices might be of potential utility for understanding why, in certain cultural contexts, children undereat and suffer malnutrition in spite of apparently adequate supplies of the staple grain or tuber; the diet may be too boring as well as too bulky. Conversely, food diversity indices might be developed as a tool to monitor how availability or variety influences food choices and therefore levels of consumption of those who overeat. Particularly as people tum from local to market choices, they are exposed to extreme amounts and varieties of foods. They need new ways to control intake since the satiety that accompanies habitual exposure to a monoto­nous diet is absent (223). Analysis of factors such as novelty, satiety , and complexity can also contribute to studies of food acceptance and preference as well as nutritional adequacy.

Alternatively , dietary selections have been studied as "nutritional strategies ," a concept developed by DeWalt (75, 75a) in several field studies in the Valley of Mexico. Not stopping at a measure of dietary complexity and a problematic set of relationships between income and nutrition, she studied the different routes by which food entered households-(a) home production, (b) purchase, (c) gathering, and (d) gifts-and the complex ways increased income from different socioeconomic pursuits affected each. Relying on (problematic) measures of material standard of living and estimated income to stratify her sample, she used weekly cycles of food use, collected by weekly food "market basket" estimates and food intake estimates supplied through 24-hour recall, to calculate the relationships between economic standing and food use and income levels and dietary adequacy. She concluded that the simple linear correlations that she and colleagues had used previously to demonstrate the relationships between food use and economic standing were inadequate, since they did not take into account the various noncommercial routes by which food reaches households, which furthermore affected income available to buy high quality foods. Such linear methods failed to reveal that middle income families who appeared to have an economic advantage and were buying more diverse diets were no better off nutritionally than those immediately below them in income with lower food complexity scores.

Simply put, whether families and individuals are nutritionally better off when they diversify their diets through cash purchases depends on the extent to

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which the purchased foods that replace the horne-produced items are adequate nutritional substitutes. If cash cropping (or other programs for income genera­tion) move people off what was an adequate diet from subsistence crops and activities toward more expensive foods or foods higher on the food chain, nutrition may suffer (75) . Such substitutions rarely result in nutritional im­provement. Her contrast of diets of families who have adopted cash cropping versus those who retain adequate subsistence production shows no improve­ment (75) . Thus, the tradeoff between cash and adequate diet remains prob­lematic and suggests that other cultural factors in dietary selection and food distribution are operating which must be studied. In summary , such studies point to some of the problems of trying to improve nutrition through direct or indirect economic development schemes, which, whether aimed at foraging, horticultural , or agricultural populations, usually destroy the initial subsistence base, and often result in inadequate cash and nutritional choices.

In other settings , cash crops l ike coffee also upset traditional nutrition patterns in the short run by forcing people to buy food, and in the long run, by transforming the sexual division of labor, control over (cash) resources , or both (308) , and potentially, trade and ideological relationships between and within groups (1 05) .

Additional areas of concern in economic development are the dietary­nutritional impact of women's work, including how women' s employment time and income affect domestic and child care arrangements (and therefore children 's health) , overall food availability , and intrahousehold distribution of food ( 1 85a, 265) . S imple correlations between the nutritional status of children whose mothers work or do not work have been used to argue that children may be worse off when their mothers are employed , although such claims are usually not supported by careful data sets which stratify the sample according to women's income, men's income, and total household income (265) . It may be that households where women work are still better off than they would be without the woman' s income, since women' s income, in contrast to men's , has usually been shown to go directly into food and other necessities for the children (3 1 5a) , although the sociocultural dynamics of dietary choices and adverse effects on childcare have not been scrupulously reported.

Different patterns of cash employment also affect intrahousehold distribu­tion of food more generally. Gross & Underwood' s ( 1 40) study of energy flow among sisal workers showed that male wage earners received preference in the allocation of calories. They were fed first , in sufficient quantity to sustain their work , often at the expense of children and women, who received inadequate calories if total household food supply was insufficient for all . It has also been suggested for other cultures that males of all ages receive priority over females in food allocations, although this "truism" for countries like India and Bang­ladesh has been questioned and qualified by more intensive research of dietary

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intakes and nutritional status at the household level. B irth order, numbers of children, and the economic status of the household, in addition to "food ideology" seem to affect whether such rules are followed (276), and therefore, the nutritional impact of such food beliefs.

PERSPECTIVES FOR THE FUTURE AND CONCLUSIONS

This review has indicated that the specialized anthropological studies of food begun in the 1930s (60, 6 1 , 273) continue to provide concepts , categories, and in certain cases methods of data collection for contemporary investigations of the relationships between diet and culture. Anthropologists are still called upon to discuss, advise, and in certain cases suggest solutions to nutritional prob­lems, but now, as then (237), their reports seem to have had limited impact on food policies. Additional agronomic and nutritional topics which anthropolog­ists might consider exploring in the area offood policy are: (a) the "sociology of knowledge" within groups of scientists and bureaucrats governing agronomic and nutritional policy (e.g . the ethnobotanical , food, and nutritional classifica­tions of plant geneticists contributing new plant varieties or industrialized foods , and of economists and nutritionists designing policies to favor selected "minimum" diets to meet recommended nutritional standards); (b) the sociocultural , political, and economic motives behind different and changing country and world nutritional standards (229a); and (c) the effects of different types of food and economic policies on dietary selections, intrahousehold distribution of resources , and nutrition. In particular, more thorough investiga­tions of the social organization of household tasks are needed to show how households and individuals react to economic development programs . Such investigations could provide a. data base on time allocation (23 1 a) and house­hold budgets ( 1 10 , 1 43) which would help sort out some of the "problems" in the correlation between income, food expenditures , health, and nutrition. Results could also be combined with physical anthropological studies of energy expenditure to increase our understanding of how those beyond the socioecono­mic stage of foraging manage time and energy under variable resource condi­tions.

Current research on many of these topics also suggest that anthropologists' concerns with intrahousehold resource use, and differences in how individuals and households within the same community organize potential food resources, may also provide important guides to understanding how food "cultures" and "economies" change. Methods to study how individuals and households within the same community with supposedly the "same" culture and economy manage resources are being proposed and tried (75a, 23 1 a, 252 , 252a, 276) in various nutrition studies . In addition, studies of dietary and nutritional patterns ( 1 33) are expanding the dimensions of time and space within which dietary intakes

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are recorded. They suggest also how important It IS to assess nutritional adequacy of intake as well as activity patterns over periods longer than 24 hours, and may potentially contribute data to the larger scientific debate currently proceeding on nutritional standards (229a). All form part of a more general development of methods to study individual biological and cultural variability within populations, as an initial step to conceiving processes and mechanisms of biocultural evolution.

Within anthropological theory, the major "problems" of diet that will prob-. ably continue to be debated are: (a) the dimensions and feedback mechanisms in the biocultural evolution (or co-evolution) of diet, and (b) the economic/ ecological vs cultural/symbolic determinants of diet and nutritional well-being. Anthropologists continue to struggle with the formation of evolutionary para­digms that from the biological perspective (a) will indicate that particular food customs under analysis provide a selective advantage to the populations using them, and (b) will identify the physiological mechanism by which this im­proved fitness occurs, while from the cultural perspective, (c) ascertaining if the groups with possibly "adaptive" food customs recognized such selective advantages as improvements to health or decreases in morbidity or (d) by default developed the customs which seem to have improved reproductive fitness out of some other sensory perceptions (see 14 and other comments on Ref. 240). More careful control of biological, historical, and cultural symbolic data for specific cases needs to be obtained before anthropologists, even with improving methodologies and collaborations in their many SUbdisciplines and subfields, can be said to have an effective "theory" of dietary change or biocultural evolution. Similarly, it remains to trace the cultural and nutritional implications of specific sets of food beliefs and diets in changing sociocultural and ecological-economic environments before one can pursue seriously biocultural factors in "adaptation." The key sociocultural and biological ques­tions of how individuals within "cultures" undergoing "delocalization" in diet choose foods, how they perceive the health consequences of such choices, and the health implications of different diets from the biomedical perspective should lead to a more careful evaluation of "feedback" mechanisms between culture and biology in human and dietary evolution. Studies are needed on native understandings of the etiologies of the dietary (in certain instances combined with life style) "diseases of civilization" such as obesity, hyperten­sion, and diabetes; in the latter instances, the possible linkages between tastes, types of foods which carry those flavors, and resulting symptomology are only beginning to be explored. They suggest a potentially important collaboration between biomedical and socioculturally oriented anthropologists, as well as those interested in practical as well as theoretical questions of diet, health, and human evolution. In conclusion, the need to explore further the causal­functional versus semiotic bases of cultural diet and their relative "fit" at one

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point in time and over time continues, as changing nutritional and activity patterns either threaten or improve health prospects, and either undermine or reinforce the cultural symbolic and social functional values of local diets.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This paper was prepared while the author was a Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California. I am grateful for financial support provided by NSF BNS 76-22943 . I thank W . Durham and B . Orlove for their comments on earlier drafts of this material.

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