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MSSB ADVANCED RESEARCH SYMPOSIUM ON SOCIAL NETWORKSPROPOSAL:
Samuel LeinhardtDIRECTORSAssociate Professor of SociologyCarnegie-Mellon UniversityPittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15213
nv.
H. Russell BernardAssociate Professor of AnthropologyWest Virginia UniversityMorgantown, West Virginia 26506
33: James A. Davis, Harrison C. White, Frank Harary,Dorwin Cartwright, J. Clyde Mitchell, J. A. Barnes,Fritz Heider, Robert Abelson, Elihu Katz, James A.Coleman, Edward Laumann, Everett Rogers, TheodoreNewcomb, Claude Flament, Anatol Rapoport ,
PARTICIPANTS :
Charles Proctor, Paul Holland, Francois Lorraine,Mark Granovetter, Jack Hunter, Peter Kiliworth,Ove Frank, Anthony Coxon, Nicholas Mullins,Patrick Doreian, Joel Levine, Richard Roistacher,Robert Norman, Scott Bookman, Bo Anderson, ClintonDeSoto, Norman Whitten, Douglas White.
TENTATIVE SITE: Dartmouth College Minary Conference CenterHolderness, New Hampshire
TENTATIVE DATE: September 19-21, 1975
To review and extend the use of network concepts inthe formalization of social and social-perceptualstructure. Perform a retrospective review of thedevelopment of network concepts and applications in avariety of social science contexts; examine the inter-disciplinary qualities inherent in the network approachto structural analysis; outline and critique contem-porary research and methods involving social networksand social-perceptual structures; detail the likelyimpact of this type of formalization on future work inthe social sciences; produce a comprehensive set ofpapers which compare and extend the major networkformalizations of social and relevant cognitivestructure; and, publish these papers in the form ofa conference proceedings.
OBJECTIVES:
1
2
BUDGET:
Air travel (domestic) for 28 @ $175/ ind.
Air travel (international) for 7 @ $1,000/ind.
Ground transport Boston to Holderness for 30 @ $35/ind.
Room and board for 35 for 3 days @ $35/ind./day
Ten extra days for meeting air schedules, site prep., students
Facilities fees, equipment rental, incidental expenses
$ 4,900
7,000
1,050
3,675
350
650
Staff (secretary, graduate students), phones, computertime, organizational meetings
Transcription, reproduction, post and publication
Contents of the Proposal
Review of network research
Conference Rationale
Organization
Participants
Alternates
Notes on participants
Notes on interest
References
2,000
1,500
p. 20
3
brief reviewNetwork theory in social science:
The concept of a network, a set of nodes connected by a set of
relations, provides a useful, intuitively appealing construct for
representing various social and cognitive structures. Their use in
these contexts is often metaphorical in that they are presented as easily
appreciated simplifications of relatively abstract ideas. However,
the use of networks, digraphs, stochastic graphs, or other forms
of structural mathematics to formalize and render empirically
testable a wide variety of theoretical propositions about social and
cognitive structure has been increasing rapidly. To some extent this
rise in formalism is a natural outgrowth of the increasing capability
of social scientists to utilize modern mathematical and statistical
ideas in the construction of theory and appropriate methods. But it also
can be seen as a concerted effort to understand how the actual or
perceived organization of social relationships influences the behavior
of individuals and groups. Broadly speaking, this effort can be
disaggregated into several "schools" distinguishable on the basis
of the size and "reality-nature" of the structures or structural
relations considered, the focus on implications of structure or
structure per se and the methodological approach of the investigator.
The size of the structure analyzed probably provides the most
effective criteria for categorizing usage. Psychologists and social
psychologists who have used network-like ideas to formalize
conceptualizations of cognitive structure have examined the organization
of attitudes, perceptions or sentiments in the minds of individuals.
These are inherently non- observable, small networks whose existence
is inferred by investigators from the responses of individuals to
hypothetical situations or from reports about behavior. The research
question can usually be phrased in terms of what kinds of properties
a socially relevant cognitive relation can have so as to render a
set of felt or perceived relations and objects comfortable, stable,
acceptable or free of tension. Thus, Keider (1944, 1946, 1957)
in his seirinal contribution to social psychology, used literary-
material ss supportive evidence for the principles of balance theory,
a theory which he advanced as a formal codification of the naivepsychology applied by individuals to keep their behavior and sentiments
in proper coordination. Balance theory, as Heider initially proposed
it, dealt in large measure with the influence of perceived relations
among relevant objects on the attitudes of an individual. The
formalization involved, as a model, the now classic P-O-X triad and
specific ets of directed relations within thi:. triad. Heider
was conce ned with small networks, sets of two or three nodes in
which the relation was one individual- s perception or attitude and
in which he social nature of the network resulted from the fact
that the perceptions involved attitudes towards another individual.
It is difficult, i:' not impossible, to gauge the vast impact Heider 's
ideas have had on i ocial psychological and sociological theory.
Suffice it to say that nearly all the balance-like or consistency
theories derive in some measure from his work (see the various reviews
in Abelson, et.al., 1968;and Davis, 1963) and that direct links
can be found to Heider in the work of Abelson, DeSoto, Newcomb,
Cartwright, Harary, Davis, Leinhardt, Holland and Flament.
The work of DeSoto, (for example, DeSoto and Bosley, 1962) andtha recent work of Newcomb (1968) are clearcut extensions of Heider' sco cern with the structural properties of social cognition. DeSoto 'sre earch efforts have involved attempts to elicit from experimental
su jects their opinions about the logical properties of social
re vtionso Newcomb' s work has involved eliciting the opinions of
exi rimental subjects about incomplete or contradictory hypothetical
social situations. The logical properties of relations areinferred by the experimenter. These logical properties are then
presumed to act as constraints on the possible cognitive organization
of perceived social events or attitudes. Thus, they form the set
of structural requirements to which these cognitive networks must
conform. Davis (1963) expands upon the implications of such
constraint sets by tying them to behavior involving socially relevant
actions. In so doing he shows how balance theory as Heider originally
envisaged it can be used as a calculus of attitudinal relations for
explaining propositions as varied as Merton's homophily-heterophily
dichotomy and the voting paradox or cross pressures situation.
While psychologists have traditionally persued properties
underlying the cognitive organization of social relations, interestin the extant organization of relations among individuals has been
more typically a concern of sociologists. However, some social
psychologists have bridged the gap between the two areas. For example,
Newcomb 's (1953) A-B-X theory of interpersonal attraction or
Newcomb «s (1953) A-3-X theory of interpersonal attraction ororientation is quite similar to Heider' s formulation. The main
primary distinction between the approach of researchers interested
In this early work of Newcomb « s graphical methods of structuralanalysis quite similar to Heider 's are used to model the structuralproperties of social relations rather than the structural propertiesof perceptions of social relations. Newcomb ' s was an essentialstatement of concern for pairwise rather than strict ego orientedanalysis. Nonetheless, theoretical sociological interest in applyingHeiderian methods to small-scale social networks was due more toCartwright and Harary than to Newcomb. In their classic formalizationof balance theory (Cartwright and Harary, 1956) graph theory wasused to examine the implications of balance in the extant relationsamong a closed group of individuals. Cartwright and Harary (1956)took Heider 's theory which dealt with organization in an individual'smind and applied it to the organization of interpersonal relations.Davis and Leinhardt (1972) and Leinhardt and Holland (1971) in a
variety of papers have extanded this initial work using notions
difference derives from Newcomb 's specific interest in the organizationof extant relations between at least two individuals. The step takenhere is an important one. The interest in extant relations is a
in cognitive structure and those interested in social structure.
7
derived from French (1956), and Landau (1951-1953). These efforts have
involved the development of statistical models for models of small-scale
social networks as well as generalizations of the models. Cartwright
and Harary (1970) have also considered generalized extensions of their
more deterministic graph theoretic approach.
Another theoretical line of development In this area derives from
Simmel (1955). (See also the review by Levine, 1959.) His work on
networks of ties among three individuals is the earliest explicit
application of network concepts to extant social structure. Simmel 's
concept of dualism or the intersection of persons within groups has
recently been reconsidered by Brieger (1974) and is important in the
algebraic work of White.
Although the application of network ideas in the analysis of small-
scale social systems seems to be a natural sociological issue it was
a psychiatrist who provided the most commonly used device for collecting
data on these networks. Moreno (1932) did this quite early by inventing
the sociometric technique. This is essentially a survey instrument
in which individuals in a group are asked to identify others in the
group to whom they are tied in some socially meaningful way. The
development of analytic techniques for examining sociometric data has
occupied many different kinds of social scientist (see, for example,
Coleman, and Macßae, 1960; Festinger, 1949; Katz, 1951; Katz and Proctor,
1959; Hubbell, 1965; Northway, 1940; Spilerman, 1966). Although these
efforts have focused on decomposing sociometric ties into those
between cliques or status hierarchies, techniques are now evolving
which permit much deeper analysis (Holland and Leinhardt, 1974;
White and Breiger, 1974).
8
A separate theme in the sociological analysis of social networks
has dealt with extant ties among large-scale social systems, in
particular, systems which have no
Although Milgram's (1967) work on
of a national grouping provides a
of such a system's boundaries the
clearcut membership list or boundary
acquaintance ties between members
good example of the nebulousness
interest in this research has
usually been directed towards more circumscribed membership
groups such as elites, professional classes, sets of individuals who
have a common quality or role relation or are associated in some
functional way. One of the distinguishing features of the study of
large-scale social networks by sociologists has been the implicit
importance of a real or potential flow along the network. The flow
may be news or innovations as in Rogers (1962) and Coleman, Katz
and Menzel (1957), or information and influence as in Katz and
Lazarsfeld (1955), Lee (1969) and Granovetter (1974) or scientific
knowledge as in Mullins (1968) or organizational power or decisions
as in Friedell (1967), Levine (1972) and Laumann (1973). The
underlying principle is, however, that, be it a flow of information
about abortionists or jobs, politically acceptable candidates or
seed corn, the structural properties of the social network are
assumed to have important effects on the way in which the flow
spreads, to whom it spreads, the rate of spread and its social and
cognitive consequences. (See also the work of Sapoport, 1961.)
While sociologists of large-scale systems have concentrated on
networks in special groups, particular social attitudes or selected
9
social ties, anthropologists have been quick to point out that
network concepts were the natural choice for a general formal model
of social structure, one which incorporated both latent and active
multiple ties. Radcliffe-Brown (1940) is quite explicit in his identi-
fication of the active and latent ties between individuals as what
ha means by a social structure. Much of his early requests that
nthropologists collect field data on political, acquaintance and
kin ties between people in a wide variety of societal settings are
only recently being acknowledged. A good deal of this renewed
interest among anthropologists in social network data is due to the
work of the British anthropologists Barnes (1972), Bott (1971)
and Mitchell (1969). While some similar work is being performed
by sociologists interested in "urban" or "community" networks
(See Wellman, et.al., 1972) the area is clearly dominated by
anthropological interests. Less concerned with formal models, their
work attempts to determine if the social networks can operate asan alternative explanatory mechanism in understanding aggregatesociological properties of groups or individuals. Here, too,there has been a strong interest in the processes which utilize
networks as against the sociological concern with the organizational
properties inherent in the relations composing the network.Perhaps the best example of the formal network approach to the
study of social structural organization occurs in the work of White (1963)
and White and Lorraine (1971) on kinship structures and multirelational
10
I 'it
graphs. This work uses structural mathematics such as group theoryo
co generate formal models of compound roles, roles whose purpose
is to effect an ordering of social relations among members of a
society. It is intriguing to that White's sociological
work is often motivated by the ideas of the anthropologists Levi
Strauss (1967) and Nadel (1957)
From this last point and by reflection on the stimulation which
psychological interest in cognitive structure has given to the study
of small-scale social structure can be seen a predelection for inter-
disciplinary research questions among researchers using network
concepts. Nowhere is this more clear than in the role statisticians
and mathematicians have played in the development of methodological
_...-. theoretical too_.s for network analysis. Besides the ,_o_>._._;ic
algorithms cited above for organizing matrices of network data,
social scientists have applied comparatively sophisticated tools
to formalize models of network structure and to detect empirical
support for these models. The classic contribution and one which
has had an enormous impact on mathematical sociology and anthropology
is the general description of the use of graph theory for modeling
in Harary, Norman and Cartwright (1965). Similar work was accomplished
by Flament (1963) but on a much smaller scale and from a more
theoretical: orientation. The use of algebraic models by Wnite (1974),
Lorraine and White (1971) and Boyle (1969) represent an alternative
approach to formalization which has the advantage of greater generality
but the disadvantage of less self-evident identification with empirical
observation and is less readily translated into statistical models.
In addition to these two deterministic approaches, there has been a
strong development of statistical tools with which to measure
structural tendencies in network data. Moreno's (1960) and Katz
and Powell's (1957) work represented an essential recognition that a
sociogram was an empirical observation of a structure and, therefore,
had to be considered in light of traditional measurement theory as a
sample taken from a population with an underlying but unobserved
structure whose characteristics must be inferred from those of the
observation. The problems inherent in the sociometric technique
were detailed by Holland and Leinhardt (1973) who also (1974)
developed a statistical theory of average local structural properties
from the approach initiated by Davis and Leinhardt (1972). While
these techniques extend the usability of data on small-scale social
networks and make possible testing a large variety of structural
hypotheses, the problems inherent in gathering data on very large
unbounded networks must be dealt with on the basis of sampling
a subset of nodes from the larger, unknown total. Procedures for
estimating the qualities of particular networks from samples of points
contained in them have been advanced by Frank (1971).
Rationale for the Conference
The us>; of network concepts is rapidly expanding. From the
early classic statements of Simmel, Radclif fe-Brown, and Heider
social scientists have developed sophisticated theories and methods
that begin to describe social organization and behavior with new
12
precision and quantitative power. A conference is needed in which_>
prominent members of the various schools can gather and exchange
views on the utility of the approach, its past contributions andcurrent potential. Since the past history of social network analysis
and theory is one of cross-disciplinary fertilization it seems
particularly appropriate for an interdisciplinary group to attempt
more successful ideas in the field. Furthermore, since formalizationhas come rather easily in this area it would be especially worthwhileto examine the payoff of the use of mathematical formalization inthe social sciences by exploring its utility in its various appli-cations to social networks. With the evident burgeoning of interestin social networks and the rising mathematical sophistication ofsocial scientists, an advanced research symposium on formalism insocial networks is especially timely and likely to be useful and
constructive.
Conference Organization
The conference will be held at a relatively isolated site fora period of three days. It is felt that holding the conference ata site which offers few external enticements but is nonetheless
supportive of close and prolonged interaction will contribute tocommunication among the participants. Thirty-five individuals will be
invited with a list of alternates provided In case selected
participants are unable to attend. Each participant will be invited
on condition of contributing a paper written either jointly with
another participant or individually. While authorship with non-
to consolidate this research and to extend the applicability of the
participants will not be disallowed, only invited participants will
be permitted to attend the conference proceedings. Paper topics
will be assigned by the conference directors through negotiation
with the participants. Papers will cover retrospective reviews of
selected topics by individuals personally involved in the development
of major ideas, critiques of various general approaches, descriptions
of contemporary research and methods and speculative analyses of
future directions. Background papers will be distributed in advance
of the conference and edited versions of conference discussions will
be circulated among participants for editing following the conference
Four to five presentations will be made each day with time for
discussions and critical review by previously assigned individuals
A volume of conference proceedings will be edited by Leinhardt
for eventual publication. Organizational and financial details
r^arding location, provisions, assignments and facilities will
be handled by Carnegie-Mellon University staff or other qualified
individuals hired by them for this purpose.
Tentative participants
Professional Nonindividual Institution Field US? Contacted? Response
Fritz Heider Kansas Psychology YesYesYesNo
PositivePositivePositive
9 Theodore NewcombRobert AbelsonClinton DeSoto
MichiganYale
11
I!J .
/,
Johns HopkinsMich. St.John HunterJ A
11. Small-scale social structure: properties of structures
6. James A. Davis Chicago7 . Tlm-i.Ti t. Cnyi-T.rri o-h f Mi nh .
era
Dorwin Cartwright Michigan8. Harrison White Harvard9. Francois Lorraine Quebec0. Anthony Coxon Edinburgh
13. Claude Flament Lab. Soc. Res.,4. Samuel Leinhardt Carnegie-Mellon,5. H. Russell Bern, rd W. Virginia
SociologyPsychologySociology
ii
n
n
Anthropology
YesYesYes
Canada YesScotland No
YesNo
France NoYesYes
PositivePositivePositivePositive
Positive
PositivePositive
Elihu Katz JerusalemChicago
Sociology Israel Nolb.17. James Coleman
Edward LaumannEverett RogersMark GranovetterNicholas MullinsJoel Levine
ii YesYesNo
PositivePositiveChicago ii10.
19. Mich. St.Harvard
Communications20. Sociology Yes
YesYes
PositivePositivePositive
21 Indiana ;:22. Dartmouth
23. j . Clyde Mitchell ManchesterJ. A. Barnes Cambridge
Anthropology England No" England No24 Cambridge
25. Bo Anderson Mich. St. Sociology YesAnthropology Yes
PositivePositive26. Norman Whit ten Illinois
" No27. Douglas Wnite PittsburghV. Animals
28. Scott Boorman Pennsylvania Sociology No
Cognitive: properties of relations
11. Patrick Doreian Pittsburgh12. Richard Roistacher Illinois
111 . Large-scale
g
ocial structure: implications of general properties
IV. Large-scale social structure:: implications of local properties
Tentative participants continued)
Professional Nonindividual Institution Field US? Contacted Response
VI. Models and methods
Frank HararyRobert NormanPeter KillworthAnatol RapoportPaul Holland
MichiganDartmouthOxford
Mathematics29. YesYesYesYesYesYesNo
PositivePositivePositivePositivePositivePositive
ii30.I!jl. England
CanadaTorontoNBSR
11jl
Statisticsjj.■.-_ Ove Frank Lund ii Sweden.-"-..
Charles Proctor N. Carolina St i ■j_>.
16
NonU.S
CanadaCanada
Canada
Alternates
Professionalindividual Field
Charles KadushinIvan Chase
SociologySociologySociologySociologySociologySociologySociologyPsychologyPsychologyPsychology
Howard AlditchNancy HowellPaul BernardMichael SchwartzBarry WellmanRenato TagiuriJames KuetheJulian Morrisett
Institution
ColumbiaDartmouthCornellTorontoMontrealSUNY S.B.TorontoHarvardSUNY Buf .Mich.
17
Brief Notes on the participants
The participants have been categorized by one major area of research
involving network concepts (Roman numeral). Clearly, these categories
are arbitrary and overly constrictuve since many of the listed individuals
have at one time or another engaged in research in several different or
overlapping categories. Furthermore, the categories are designed to
emphasize differences in concerns rather than similarities. Thus, they
rarely fit an individual well. They are used here solely for organizationalpurposes.
(I) The first category contains individuals whose relevant research
activities have concentrated in the area- of cognitive organization of
social perceptions or attitudes. Primarily social psychologists, the
research conducted by this group runs the gamut of the perceived logical
properties of an affective attitude, as in the work of Heider, DeSoto
and Newcomb, through dynamic models of balance in the work of Hunter.
(II) The second category contains individuals who are sociologists or
social psychologists interested primarily in modeling the extant structure
of bounded small-scale social systems. They include individuals such as
Leinhardt whose interest is in the average properties of local conditions
and others such as Davis, Cartwright, White and Flament who have emphasized
specific global models of structure in social networks.
II) The third group again contains sociologists but here the interest has
focused less on the particular organizational properties of social networks
and more on network structure as a sort of independent variable influencing
other variables of primary concern. Moreover, the social systems studied
by these individuals usually are less well bounded than those of group
18
)
II and include networks of ties between individual members of communities,
professional groups, elites, scientific subgroups, and large institutions.
(IV) The fourth group is one composed principally of anthropologists.
The interest here has emphasized lower order structural conditions in
large unbounded social systems. Anthropologists who study social networks
often identify the concept as a model for general social structural properties
and gather field data on latent ties for evidence of the underlying
structure which, when operationalized by appropriate circumstances, becomes
manifest social organization. Different networks thus lead to different
behavioral organizations and different cultural traditions are fostered
oj these organizational differences.
(V) While this fifth group contains only one individual, the study of
the social organization of animals has a long tradition of reliance on
network concepts. The success of the methods and models used in the
study of non-human social organization must be considered carefully in
light of evolutionary theory and comparative techniques. (See Landau, 1951-1953
(VT) Although some social scientists are highly sophisticated mathe-
matically and methodologically, most are not. In this last group are
both mathematicians and statisticians who have evidenced a continuing
interest in the formal models and methods underlying the use of network
concepts in the social sciences. The group includes graph theorists
such as Harary, survey statisticians such as Frank and data analysts
interested in stochastic graph theory such as Holland.
These individuals have been chosen as participants because of the
significance of their contributions in the past or the very great
uture promise of their work. Many have also manifested a capability
of the conference.
woLe on mtercs the conference
A time of submission of this proposal, 24 of the 35 tentativej.
participants have been contacted by telephone. Each contacted
individual has responded quite positively and enthusiastically andwas willing to commit himself to an original paper or critical
ciscussion.
m
for bridging disciplinary bounds and should, therefore, be able tointeract effectively and productively in the interdisciplinary setting
20
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/ / /
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J
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.;..
_«."*...
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