Adiction Harm Rdd

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    Given the immediacy of the threat posed by human

    immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficincy

    virus (HIV/AIDS) in the mid-1980s, it was probably

    important to be explicit about harm reduction not neces-

    sarily addressing drug consumption   per se   when first

    describingthis approach [4]. However, as this paper notes,

    harm reduction remains anathema to some who see it as

    the thin endof thedrug legalization wedge, despite efforts

    to dissociate these explicitly [5]. Some detractors even

    accuse those who support harm reduction of having

    vested interests in maintaining the drug problem [6].

    As Hall suggests [7], those of us who fought for harm

    reduction two decades ago would probably find it hard to

    let go of this term, especially given the weight of evidence

    of its success now amassed. Indeed, from a pragmatic

    perspective its retention at this point in time is question-

    able, given how polarizing and occasionally divisive it can

    be. In particular, the more narrow ‘pure’ definition,

    which states that harm reduction   necessarily doesn’taddress drug consumption, could be perceived as protest-

    ing too much. This definition certainly has little utility in

    day-to-day clinical practice, as injecting and sexual risk

    behaviour and drug-related harms are often also affected

    by level of AOD use, drug users’ needs in this regard fluc-

    tuating widely in both the short and long term.

    While other taxonomies could replace harm minimi-

    zation, including harm reduction (for example primary,

    secondary and tertiary prevention), it might be too late

    for this, as the World Health Organization, other United

    Nations organizations and many countries in the

    world have now embraced this terminology [8].Perhaps, at this point in time, it should be

    re-emphasized that the harm reduction approach is the

    first step in a continuum of care that extends to

    abstinence-based AOD strategies. In this sense, harm

    reduction is both a cure  and  a care-based approach [4]

    consistent with acceptinga duty of care as a compassion-

    ate and caring community, and while harm reduction

    encompasses abstinence as a desirable goal, it recognizes

    that when abstinence is not possible, it is not ethical to

    ignore the other available means of reducing human suf-

    fering [9].

    Declarations of interest

    None.

    Keywords   Abstinence, drug policy, harm minimiza-

    tion, harm reduction, zero tolerance.

    I NGRI D VAN BEEK

    Kirketon Road Centre, South Eastern Sydney and Illawarra

    Area Health Service, Sydney, NSW, Australia.

    E-mail: [email protected]

    References

    1. Weatherburn D. Dilemmas in harm minimization. Addiction

    2009;  104: 335–9.

    2. Ministerial Councilon DrugStrategy.TheNationalDrug Strat-

    egy: Australia’s Integrated Framework, 2004–2009. Canberra:

    Commonwealth of Australia; 2004.

    3. Zinberg N. E. Drug, Set, and Setting. New Haven: Yale Univer-

    sity Press; 1984.4. Buning E. The role of harm reduction programmes in

    curbing the spread of HIV by drug injectors. In: Strang J.,

    Stimson G.V., editors. AIDS and Drug Misuse. London: Rout-

    ledge; 1990, p. 153–61.

    5. Single E. Defining harm reduction. Drug Alcohol Rev   1995;

    14: 287–90.

    6. House of Representatives, Standing Committee on Family

    and Human Services.   The Winnable War Against Drugs:

    The Impact of Illicit drug Use on Families. Parliament of Aus-

    tralia. 2007. Available at:   http://www.aph.gov.au/house/

    committee/fhs/illicitdrugs/report/fullreport.pdf (accessed 9

    September 2008).

    7. Hall W. What’s in a name? Addiction 2007;  102: 691–2.

    8. Ball A. L. HIV, injecting drug use and harm reduction: apublic health response. Addiction 2007;  102: 640–90.

    9. Gunn N., White C., Srinivasan R. Primary care as harm

    reduction for injection drug users.   JAMA   1998;   280:

    1191–5.

    HAR M R EDU CT ION IS NOW T HE

    MAINSTREAM GLOBAL DRUG POLICY

    For almost a century, the paramount objective of global

    drug policy has been reducing drug consumption. In

    1989 the US government argued [1]: ‘we must come to

    terms with the drug problem in its essence: use itself.Worthy efforts to alleviate the symptoms of epidemic

    drug abuse-crime and disease for example—must con-

    tinue unabated. But a largely ad-hoc attack on the holes

    in the dike can have only an indirect and minimal effect

    on the flood itself’. Governments allocated relevant

    resources overwhelmingly to supply control [2] for what

    has been perceived as an essentially criminal justice

    problem.

    However, support has been growing recentlyfor focus-

    ing on reducing the adverse consequences of drugs. An

    influential World Health Organization (WHO) Committee

    [3] expressed ‘concern for preventing and reducingproblems rather than just drug use’. Although harm

    reduction type approaches existed long before thehuman

    immunodeficiency virus (HIV), the recognition of an

    acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) pandemic

    in 1981 andthe subsequent realization of the substantial

    costs of HIV spread among and from injecting drug users

    stimulated support for the concept of harm reduction;

    that is, policies and programmes aimed primarily at

    reducing the health, social and economic costs of psy-

    chotropic drugs   without necessarily   reducing drug

    consumption.

    Commentaries   343

    © 2009 The Authors. Journal compilation © 2009 Society for the Study of Addiction   Addiction,  104, 340–346

    mailto:[email protected]://www.aph.gov.au/househttp://www.aph.gov.au/housemailto:[email protected]

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    AIDS is now the fourth major cause of death in the

    world [4], while needle sharing accounts for 30% of all

    new HIV infections outside sub-Saharan Africa or one in

    every 10 new global HIV infections. Since the early

    1990s,it has been evident that a harm reductionpackage

    (including needle syringe programmes [5] and substitu-

    tion treatment [6] for heroin dependence) reduces HIV

    spread without increasing illicit drug use. Although

    harm reduction is among the most effective interventions

    in the HIV prevention and treatment repertoire, Weath-

    erburn [7] mentions HIV/AIDS only once.

    Harm reduction has become accepted so widely

    because of the severity of the global threat from HIV, the

    strength of scientific evidencesupporting[8] the effective-

    ness andsafety of harm reductionand therelative ineffec-

    tiveness [9], high cost and serious collateral damage [10]

    resulting from supply control. Harm reduction is now

    supported by virtually all major relevant United Nations

    organizations, including WHO, Joint United Nations Pro-gramme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), United Nations Office

    on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), United Nations Children’s

    Fund (UNICEF) and the World Bank. Major international

    organizations strongly supporting harm reduction

    include the Red Cross and the Global Fund for AIDS,

    Tuberculosis and Malaria. Although Weatherburn [7]

    recommends dispensing with the term and concept of 

    harm reduction because the United States remains vehe-

    mently opposed, global drug policy should not be held

    hostage because some are in denial any more than is the

    case with HIV control, evolution or global warming. Sci-

    entific evidence must trump ideology.Evidence supporting supply and demand reduction is

    scant. In the United States between 1981 and 2003 the

    retail price of cocaine dropped [11] from $550/g to

    $100/g while purity at the retail level increased from

    40% to 70%. During this period similar changes [11] in

    cocaine price andpurity occurred in Europeand theretail

    price of heroin also declined by 50–80% in the United

    States and Europe. In the decade after UNODC declared

    [12] ‘a drug free world, we can do it!’, global heroin pro-

    duction more than doubled and global cocaine produc-

    tion increased 20% [13]. The estimated [14] benefit from

    a $1.00 investment to reducethe societal costs of cocainein the United States brought returns of 15 cents for coca

    plant eradication in South America, 32 cents from

    attempts to interdict refined cocaine between South and

    North America, 52 cents from investment in US customs

    and police and $7.46 from drug treatment for US cocaine

    users. Nevertheless, the US government allocated [15]

    93% of available resources to drug law enforcement and

    only 7% to drug treatment. A prospectiveevaluation [16]

    of more restrictive drug legislation in the Czech Republic

    found that three of five objectives were not achieved (with

    data inadequate to assess the remaining objectives).

    Many assert that illicit drug use will inevitably

    increase with more liberal drug laws; yet life-time preva-

    lence of smoking cannabis more than 25 times [17] was

    32% among residents in more restrictive San Francisco

    compared to 12% in more liberal Amsterdam using iden-

    tical recruitment and survey methodology. Ever smoking

    cannabis and use of all other illicit drugs were also more

    prevalent in San Francisco.

    A confidential report on drug policy commissioned by

    the UK Cabinet in 2003 noted [18]: ‘a sustained seizure

    rate of over 60% is required to put a successful trafficker

    out of business—anecdotal evidence suggests that

    seizure rates ashighas 80% may beneededin somecases.

    Sustained successful interventions on this scale have

    never been achieved’. The report [18] concluded: ‘The

    drugs supply market is highly sophisticated, and attempts

    to intervene have not resulted in sustainable disruption

    to the market at any level’. A UK parliamentary commit-

    tee concluded [19] recently: ‘if there is any single lessonfrom the experience of the last 30 years, it is that policies

    based wholly or mainly on enforcement are destined to

    fail’.

    Any sensible drug policy will always combine ele-

    ments of supply reduction, demand reduction and harm

    reduction. The critical question is the relative allocation

    of resources to supply, demand and harm reduction

    required to minimize harms to the community. Drugs are

    primarily commodities subject to the inexorable law of 

    supply and demand. The fall of communism showed that

    ignoring powerful market forces carries heavy penalties.

    Drugs should be regarded primarily as health and socialproblems, with harm reduction accepted as the guiding

    principle.

    Declarations of interest

    None.

    Keywords   Abstinence, drug law enforcement, effec-

    tiveness, harm reduction, HIV/AIDS, prohibition.

    ALEX WODAK

    Director, Alcohol and Drug Service, St. Vincent’s Hospital,

    Darlinghurst, NSW 2010, Australia.

    E-mail: [email protected]

    References

    1. Office of NationalDrug ControlPolicy. National Drug Control

    Strategy. Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office;

    1989.

    2. Wood E., Tyndall M. W.,SpittalP. M., Li K., Anis A. H., Hogg

    R. S. et al. Impact of supply-side policies for control of illicit

    drugs in the faceof the AIDS and overdose epidemics: inves-

    tigation of a massive heroin seizure.  CMAJ   2003;   168:

    165–9.

    344   Commentaries

    © 2009 The Authors. Journal compilation © 2009 Society for the Study of Addiction   Addiction, 104, 340–346

    mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]

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    3. World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug

    Dependence. Twentieth Report. Geneva: World Health Orga-

    nization; 1974. Available at: http://whqlibdoc.who.int/trs/

    WHO_TRS_551.pdf (accessed 9 September 2008).

    4. Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS)

    and World Health Organization.   AIDS Epidemic Update.

    Geneva: UNAIDS; 2007. Available at:   http://data.

    unaids.org/pub/EPISlides/2007/2007_epiupdate_en.pdf 

    (accessed 9 September 2008).

    5. Wodak A., Cooney A. Do Needle syringe programs reduce

    HIV infection among injecting drug users: a comprehensive

    review of the international evidence.  Subst Use Misuse

    2006;  41: 777–816.

    6. World Health Organization, United Nations Office on Drugs

    and Crime & UNAIDS.  Substitution Maintenance Therapy in

    the Management of Opioid Dependence and HIV/AIDS Preven-

    tion: Position Paper of the WHO, UN Office on Drugs and Crime

    and UNAIDS . Geneva: WHO; 2004. Available at:   http://

    www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/en/

    PositionPaper_English.pdf. (accessed 9 September 2008).

    7. Weatherburn D. Dilemmas in harm minimization. Addiction

    2009;  104: 335–9.

    8. Committee on the Prevention of HIV Infection AmongInjecting DrugUsers in High-Risk Countries.Preventing HIV 

    Infection among Injecting Drug Users in High-Risk Countries:

    An Assessment of the Evidence. Washington, DC: Institute of 

    Medicine of the National Academies (The National Acad-

    emies Press); 2006. Available at:   http://books.nap.edu/

    openbook.php?record_id=11731&page=R1 (accessed 9

    September 2008).

    9. McSweeney T., Turnbull P. J., Hough M.   Tackling Drug

    Markets and Distribution Networks in the UK; A Review of the

    Recent Literature. London: Institute for Criminal Policy

    Research; 2008.

    10. Friedman S. R., Cooper H. L. F., Tempalski B., Keem M.,

    Friedman R., Flom P. L.  et al.  Relationships of deterrence

    and law enforcement to drug-related harms among druginjectors in US metropolitan areas. AIDS  2006;  20: 93–9.

    11. Executive Office of the President, Office of National Drug

    Control Policy.   Technical Report for the Price and Purity of 

    Illicit Drugs, 1981 Through the Second Quarter of 2003.

    Washington, DC: Rand Corporation; 2004. Available at:

    http://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/publications/price_ 

    purity_tech_rpt/price_purity_tech_rpt.pdf (accessed 9 Sep-

    tember 2008).

    12. Storti C. C., De Grauwe P. Globalization and thePrice Decline of 

    Illicit Drug: CESifo Working Paper No. 1990. Munich: Ifo

    Institute for Economic Research; 2007. Available at: http://

    www.cesifogroup.de/pls/guestci/download/CESifo%20

    Working%20Papers%202007/CESifo%20Working%20

    Papers%20May%202007/cesifo1_wp1990.pdf (accessed 9September 2008).

    13. United Nations International Drug Control Programme

    (UNDCP). General Assembly Twentieth SpecialSession: A Drug-

    Free World, We Can Do It. Geneva: UNDCP; 1998. Avail-

    able at: http://www.un.org/ga/20special/presskit/pubinfo/

    gassbro.htm (accessed 9 September 2008).

    14. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) 2008.

    World Drug Report. Vienna: UNODC; 2008. Available at:

    http://www.unodc.org/documents/wdr/WDR_2008/

    WDR_2008_eng_web.pdf (accessed 9 September 2008).

    15. RydellC. P.,Everingham S.S. Controlling cocaine.Supplyversus

    Demand Programs. Prepared for the Office of National Drug

    Control PolicyUnited States Army. Santa Monica:RAND Cor-

    poration; 1994.   http://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_ 

    reports/MR331/ (accessed 9 September 2008).

    16. Zábranský T., Mravcík V., Gajdošíková H., Miovský, M. PAD:

    Impact Analysis Project of New Drugs Legislation (Summary

    Final Report). Prague: Office of the Czech Government, Sec-

    retariat of the National Drug Commission; 2001. Available

    at: http://www.ak-ps.cz/client/files/PAD_en.pdf (accessed 9

    September 2008).

    17. Reinarman C., Cohen P. D. A., Kaal H. L. The limited rel-

    evance of drug policy: cannabis in Amsterdam and in San

    Francisco. Am J Public Health 2004;  94: 836–42.

    18. Cabinet Office Strategy Unit.  Strategy Unit Drugs Project.

    Phase 1 Report: Understanding the Issues. London: Cabinet

    Office; 2003. Available at:  http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/

    Sites/www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/strategy/work_areas/%7E/

    media/assets/www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/strategy/

    drugs_report%20pdf.ashx (accessed 9 September 2008).

    19. Select Committee on Home Affairs. The Government’s Drugs

    Policy: Is It Working?   London: House of Commons; 2002.

    Available at:   http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/

    cm200102/cmselect/cmhaff/318/31803.htm (accessed 9

    September 2008).

    DILEMMAS IN HARM MINIMIZATION:

    A RESPONSE TO MY CRITICS

    Let me begin by emphasizing a couple of points: I did not

    (as Wodak says) [1,2] recommendthat weabandon harm

    reduction because the United States is vehemently

    opposed to it. Nor did I (as Strathdee & Patterson [3]

    allege) fail to mention the benefits of treatment. These

    commentators were so eager to slay the dragon that they

    ended up tilting at windmills.

    My concern was with harm minimization (namely,

    macro harm reduction), not micro harm reduction. Theproblem I raised was this. If commitment to harm mini-

    mization helps to improve our policies and programmes

    then it ought to be possible to determine which policies/

    programmes best minimize harm. This is impossible,

    because (a) there is no common metric in which drug-

    related harms can be compared; (b) many drug-related

    harms are difficult, if not impossible, to measure; and (c)

    reducing one type of drug-related harm often increases

    others.

    Wodak [2] and Strathdee & Patterson [3] respond by

    defending needle and syringe exchange programmes

    (NSPs) and attacking supply control, but I acknowledgedthe benefits of NSPs and the harms caused by supply

    control. There is no argument here.

    If supply control policy produced nothing but harm

    one of the major dilemmas in harm minimization would

    certainly disappear. Supply control policy in the United

    States does not seem to have been very effective, but there

    are three points to note about this. First, it is generally

    accepted that prohibition makes illegal drugs more

    expensive than they would otherwise be. This is impor-

    tant, because higher illegal drug prices mean lower

    demand for illegal drugs [4] and lower drug-related harm

    Commentaries   345

    © 2009 The Authors. Journal compilation © 2009 Society for the Study of Addiction   Addiction,  104, 340–346

    http://whqlibdoc.who.int/trshttp://data/http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/enhttp://www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/enhttp://books.nap.edu/http://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/publications/price_http://www.cesifogroup.de/pls/guestci/download/CESifo%20http://www.cesifogroup.de/pls/guestci/download/CESifo%20http://www.un.org/ga/20special/presskit/pubinfohttp://www.unodc.org/documents/wdr/WDR_2008http://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_http://www.ak-ps.cz/client/files/PAD_en.pdfhttp://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/strategy/work_areas/~http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/strategyhttp://www.publications.parliament.uk/pahttp://www.publications.parliament.uk/pahttp://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/strategyhttp://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/strategy/work_areas/~http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/http://www.ak-ps.cz/client/files/PAD_en.pdfhttp://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_http://www.unodc.org/documents/wdr/WDR_2008http://www.un.org/ga/20special/presskit/pubinfohttp://www.cesifogroup.de/pls/guestci/download/CESifo%20http://www.cesifogroup.de/pls/guestci/download/CESifo%20http://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/publications/price_http://books.nap.edu/http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/enhttp://www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/enhttp://data/http://whqlibdoc.who.int/trs

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