Acquisition and Performance of Sports Skills

Second Edition
Terry McMorris
WILEY SportTexts
Second Edition
Terry McMorris University of Chichester, UK
Praised for its clarity and sport focus, this new edition of Acquisition and Performance of Sports Skills, provides students with the theoretical and practical background that is necessary for an understanding of the basics of skill acquisition and performance. To refl ect the debate among researchers into psychomotor learning – the ecological versus the cognitive approach – the author includes examples from both schools of thought, thus ensuring a balanced approach.
As well as a major update of the text, examples and recommended reading, the new edition includes problem-solving tasks and, in each chapter, a report and brief critique of a relevant research paper. An accompanying website contains all the fi gures from the book together with a PowerPoint presentation of the key elements of each topic.
• A new edition of an established textbook, that looks at skill acquisition fi rmly within the context of sports performance.
• Clearly written, carefully structured and well illustrated with a colour plate section.
• Excellent pedagogy including learning objectives, problem-solving tasks and end of chapter questions.
• An accompanying website includes all the fi gures with annotations of the key elements of each topic and end of chapter experiments.
Written by an author with many years teaching, research and practical coaching experience, the new edition of this successful textbook will prove invaluable for students of sport and exercise science taking a fi rst course in skill acquisition, motor learning and/or motor control.
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Acquisition and Performance of Sports Skills Second edition
terry McMorris University of Chichester, UK
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1 2014
Preface xiii Acknowledgements xix About the companion Website xxi
1 Skill, Ability and Performance 1 Learning objectives 1 Skill 2 Classification of skills 3 Ability 6
Genes 8 The ability–skill interaction 10 Summary 12
Theories of performance 12 Information processing theory 13 Ecological psychology theories 17
Conclusion 20 Summary 20
Skill 20 Ability 20 Ability-skill interaction 21 Information processing theory 21 Ecological psychology theories 22
Test your knowledge 22 Part one 22 Part two 24
Additional reading 24
2 Sensation and Perception of external information 25 Learning objectives 25 Information processing theory, sensation and perception 26 Definition of Perception 27 Signal detection theory 28 Pattern recognition 30 Selective attention 33 Visual search 36
Quiet eye 37
Individual differences 37 Summary 39
Ecological psychology and perception 39 Criticisms of the ecological approach 43 Summary 43
Developmental factors 43 Vision 43 Audition 44 Perceptual development and the environment 44
Information processing theory and perception 45 Ecological psychology and perception 47 Developmental factors 47
Test your knowledge 48 Part one 48 Part two 50 Part three 51
3 decision Making and Working Memory 53 Learning objectives 53 Decision making 54
Working memory and decision making 54 Dynamical systems theory and goal achievement 58 Child development 58
Piagetian theory 59 Mental space theory 60 Domain-specificity theories 60 Information processing theory and cognitive development 61 Ecological psychology theories of cognitive development 61 Summary 62
Ageing 65 Research findings and problems with research design 65
Information processing theory and decision making 68 Working memory and decision making 68 Functional brain regions and working memory 68 Dynamical systems theory and goal achievement 69 Developmental issues 69 Research 69
4 Reaction time 73 Learning objectives 73 Reaction time, movement time and response time: definitions 74
CONTENTS vii
Inter- and intraindividual differences 76 Hick–Hyman Law 77 Probability and choice reaction time 77 Psychological refractory period 78 Stimulus and response factors 79 Central executive tasks and reaction time 84 Arousal and reaction time 84 Development and reaction time 85
Ageing 85 Reaction time research findings as evidence for and against information processing theory 85 Summary 86 Test your knowledge 87
Part one 87 Part two 88 Part three 89
5 Anticipation 91 Learning objectives 91 Interceptive actions 92 Information processing theory and interceptive actions 92
Watching the object to be intercepted 93 Action systems theory and interceptive actions 94 Perceptual anticipation 95
Information processing theory and perceptual anticipation 95 Ecological psychology and perceptual anticipation 96 Development and anticipation 102
Summary 103 Information processing theory and interceptive actions 103 Action systems theory and interceptive actions 103 Watching the ball and interceptive actions 103 Information processing theory and perceptual anticipation 103 Ecological psychology and perceptual anticipation 103 Research paradigms in perceptual anticipation 104 Research results 104 Developmental factors 104
6 Motor control 109 Learning objectives 109 Central nervous system–peripheral nervous system interaction 110
Types of feedback 113 Summary 119
Information processing theory and efferent organization 119 Motor programmes 120 Summary 123
viii CONTENTS
Ecological psychology and motor control 123 Visual guidance of movement 125 Summary 126
Development and motor control 127 Neurological and physiological growth 127 Adolescence 128 Ageing 129 Theories of motor development 129 Ecological psychology and motor development 130 Motor performance 131 Ageing 132
Practical implications 132 Mini-games 133 Conditioned games 133 Gender issues 134 Physical stress during performance 134
Summary 135 Brain and motor control 135 Proprioception 135 Motor programmes 135 Ecological psychology and motor control 135 Developmental issues 136 Theories of motor development 136 Motor performance 136
7 Memory 141 Learning objectives 141 Information processing theory and short-term memory 142
Sensory information store 142 Short-term memory 142 Forgetting in short-term memory 143 Short-term motor memory 144
Information processing theory and long-term memory 147 Long-term motor memory 147 Declarative long-term memory 148 Non-declarative long-term memory 148
Regional brain functions and memory 149 Development and short-term and long-term memory 150 Ecological psychology and attunement to affordances 151 Summary 152
Sensory information store 152 Short-term memory 152 Short-term motor memory 152 Long-term memory 153 Long-term motor memory 153 Declarative memory 153
CONTENTS ix
8 Learning i: types, theories, Styles and Measurement 157 Learning objectives 157 Types of learning 158
Explicit learning 158 Implicit learning 159 Mental rehearsal 163
Cognitive theories of learning 163 Fitts and Posner’s three stage theory 164 Gentile’s model of learning 164 Adams’ closed loop theory of learning 165 Schmidt’s schema theory 166 Anderson’s adaptive control of thought (ACT*) theory 167 Observational learning theory 168
Dynamical systems theory and learning 168 Learning and coaching/teaching styles 170
Learning styles 171 Coaching/teaching styles 172
Optimal periods of learning 176 Measuring learning 176 Types of tests used to infer learning 179
Summary 182 Cognitive theories of learning 182 Dynamical systems theory and learning 183 Learning styles 183 Coaching/teaching styles 183 Practical implications 184 Measurement 184
9 Learning ii: instruction, Practice, transfer of training and Feedback 189 Learning objectives 189 Instruction 190
Analogy as a form of instruction 191 Focus of attention 191 Demonstration 192 Mirror neurons 193
Practice 193
x CONTENTS
Contextual interference 199 Dynamical systems theory and practice 200 Transfer of training 201 Transfer theories 202
Bilateral transfer 204 Feedback 205
Observation 205 Timing and precision of feedback 208 Summary 213 Feedback formats 213
Practical implications 214 Deciding on session content 215 Deciding on the type of instruction 216
Practice, observation and feedback 217 Observation 218 Feedback 219
Summary 221 Instruction and demonstration 221 Practice 221 Deliberate practice 221 Variability of practice 221 Contextual interference 221 Dynamical systems theory and practice 222 Transfer of training 222 Feedback 223 Practical implications 223
Test your knowledge 224 Part one 224 Part two 226 Part three 227 Part four 228
10 Motivation, Arousal, and Learning and Performance 229 Learning objectives 229 Motivation 229 Motivational theories 230
Self-determination theory 230 Achievement motivation theory 231 Achievement goal theory 232 Summary 233 Practical implications 233
Developmental issues 234 Arousal and performance 235
Arousal-performance theories 235 Regional brain functions and arousal 240 Practical implications 241 High levels of arousal 243
Summary 247
CONTENTS xi
Motivation 247 Arousal 248 Theories of arousal-performance interaction 248 Regional brain functions and arousal 249 Practical implications 249
11 conclusion 253 State of the art 253
Skill 253 Abilities 254 Perception 254 Decision making 255 Reaction time 255 Anticipation 255 Motor control 255 Memory 255 Learning 256 Practice 256 Arousal and performance 256
Information processing theory versus ecological psychology theories 256 Neuroscientific input 258
Appendix 1: Writing an Academic Paper 259 Version one 259 Version two 260
Appendix 2: test Your Knowledge Answers 263 Chapter 1 263
Part one 263 Part two 263
Chapter 2 263 Part one 263 Part two 264 Part three 264
xii CONTENTS
Chapter 6 270 Part one 270 Part two 271
Chapter 7 272 Part one 272 Part two 272
Chapter 9 273 Part one 273 Part two 273 Part three 274 Part four 274
Appendix 3: calculating variable error 277
References 279 index 291
To those of us interested in sport, the performance of skills brings a great deal of pleasure. This may be our own performance of a skill or it may be observing others perform. To most people, I think that their own performance brings the greatest pleasure, even if the level is not particularly high. Our efforts may not be seen by many other people but, nevertheless, they still bring pleasure to us. Some individuals reach the top and their performances thrill, not only themselves, but also millions of spectators around the world. Generally, we most readily appreciate the performance of skills in our own sport; however, observation of great performances in other activities can also bring us much pleasure. Even though our knowledge of the sport may be limited, we ‘just know’ that what we are seeing is of high quality. As far as gymnastics are concerned, I am definitely in the same class as the comic character Mr Bean, but during the 2012 Olympic Games I took great pleasure from watching some unbelievable performances. Some of the skills leave you thinking ‘How did they do that?’ Hopefully, reading this book will help explain.
Another source of pleasure from watching skilled performance comes as a coach. Seeing someone perform a skill that you taught them is a very enjoyable experience, especially if it was the result of a great deal of hard work. This book examines what is happening, mentally and neuropsychologically, when we perform skills and how we are able to acquire such skills. The study of these phenomena has made me more apprecia- tive of top-class performance and I hope that it also helps you to enjoy playing, spectat- ing, and/or teaching and coaching even more than you do at present.
This book is primarily designed for those of you embarking on the study of the acquisition and performance of sports skills at degree level. It should also be useful to those who have passed the beginner stage. I hope, however, that it might also be of interest to those who are not formally studying the subject but who have an interest in it. You may be a player, coach or spectator. As the book is primarily aimed at students, it follows the basic format of a textbook. Each chapter begins with a brief outline of the Learning Objectives of reading the chapter. At the end of the chapter, there is a summary of the content in note form, which I hope will help with revisions. Also, there are questions, which will test your understanding and help prepare you for formal examinations. I have
Preface
xiv PREFACE
used a variety of methods of testing. Many you will have come across previously but some may be new to you. At the end of each chapter, I have given some additional readings which I recommend to you. Some of these are at the same level as this book; others take the study of a particular topic further.
Within the text, I have occasionally suggested that you try some things out for yourself. Although I know that many of you will not do this, I strongly urge you to do so because these little activities are designed to help your understanding of the acquisition and performance of skill. I have also set some practical problems for you to solve. These are designed to help you develop the ability to apply theory to practice. They are of particular use to those of you hoping to become coaches (you may already be a coach) or physical education teachers. In each chapter there is a review of a typical research report on an aspect of the topics being discussed. I would, also, encourage you to take time to think about your own experiences and examine to what extent they can be explained by the theories and research covered in this book. Similarly, it is a good idea to talk to other people about their experiences, especially if their backgrounds in sport differ from yours.
This book is part of a series, published by Wiley-Blackwell, and as such will follow the same format as the other books in the series. The idea is to write a ‘user friendly’ text. Many students find the academic style of writing used in many textbooks, even those for beginners, very daunting. Therefore, the books in this series are written in more accessible English. Similarly, we have deliberately refrained from excessive citation of authors. Constantly citing authors is off-putting to beginners and can make the text difficult to read. Despite this, I am well aware that, as you develop your knowledge base and become more experienced, you will be expected to write in a more academic style. There are several styles, which are accepted by sports psychologists. The most commonly used is that described in the Publication Manual of the American Psychology Association (APA). Those of you who are at university should consult with your own tutors and examine your institution’s guidelines to see what style they recommend. In Appendix 1, I have written a short passage in the style that I have used in this book. Following it, I have re-written the passage using APA style. Perhaps the most important factor for you to note is that, in a formal academic style, you must cite authors to support your claims. You cannot, as I have done on some occasions in this text, simply state ‘research has shown’. You need to say which research.
Almost all introductory texts on the acquisition and performance of sports skills follow an information processing theory approach. Although other theories have been known for some time, this theory has had the greatest following. In the first edition of this book, I focused, not only, on information processing theory but also on ecological psychology theories, especially dynamical systems theory. Both approaches remain popular and it is impossible for you to read research and theory papers in the area without coming across both of them. Therefore, I feel that we must include both in this edition.
Information processing theory is based on a cognitive approach to explaining our actions. Information processing theorists try to explain the role of the brain in the acquisition and performance of skills. Most of the evidence for what is happening in the brain has come from theoretical inputs, research with animals using pharmacological interventions and observation of humans with brain damage. In recent times, we have seen dramatic improvements in technology which have led to the development of devices such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and positron emission
PREFACE xv
tomography (PET) scanners, which have improved our knowledge of brain activity tremendously and allowed for a neuroscientific study of skill acquisition and performance. In the first edition of this book, I occasionally included comments on the functional roles of different regions of the brain involved in skilled performance and skill acquisition, in this edition I continue with that but to a greater extent.
Unlike information processing theory, ecological psychology theories are not interested in cognition; they are more concerned with explaining performance from what we can actually see. Ecological psychologists like to talk about what we observe directly. Due to the fact that the two theories differ in their fundamental approaches, sometimes they are complementary, other times they are diametrically opposed and sometimes the explanations of action are simply from different perspectives. Each of the theories has its strengths and weaknesses, and explains certain factors very well but others not so well, or even not at all. This latter point leads me to another aspect of the study of skill acquisition and performance, and indeed the study of almost all sports science. Many phenomena can only be partially explained. There is a great deal that is not be fully understood at this moment in time. To some students this is galling. They expect answers. To others it is exciting. You may be the person that explains some phenomenon that has puzzled scientists for years. While this might be unlikely, the chance of increasing knowledge about a topic, just a small amount, is not as remote as you might think. As you progress through your studies, the opportunity to carry out research projects occurs. These will not be great Nobel Prize winning studies but may still advance our knowledge. Some of my past undergraduate students have carried out research projects that have subsequently been published in academic journals. You too could achieve that distinction. Many of you will not aspire to publications but simply want to increase your own knowledge base. Whatever your reasons for reading this book, I hope that you get even half as much pleasure from studying skill as I do. I must admit that studying it does not beat actually performing the skills.
content and changes from the first edition The content of the individual chapters and the changes to the chapter texts from the first edition, are outlined in the subsections below. In general, the book follows the same pattern as the first edition, with each chapter beginning with a brief summary of the expected learning outcomes; followed by the main body of the chapter; then follows a summary of the content in note form; and finally a series of questions to test your learning. There are two format changes within the body of the text; the addition of tasks to be undertaken by the reader and, in each chapter, a report and very short critique of a typical research paper in that particular area of motor learning and control. With regard to the questions at the end of each chapter, I have added some essay-type questions to most of the chapters. Within the body of the text in most chapters, specific subsections have been added on the regional brain functions involved in the processes being examined and developmental issues with regard to the topics being covered. The former is not meant to be an introduction to neuropsychology or psychobiology but its inclusion should help the understanding of how the cognitive changes occur. The developmental factors have been included in response to review- ers and should be of particular value to those of you wishing to work not only with children but also with the elderly.
xvi PREFACE
Before examining each chapter separately, we should note that, compared to the first edition, I have changed the titles of some of the chapters, to better describe their content. I have also re-ordered some of them, which I hope will make more sense to the reader.
chapter 1 Skill, ability and performance This is an introductory chapter which begins with the examination of the nature of ability and skill, and how they interact. This is followed by outlines of information processing theory and ecological psychology theories. As one might expect with an introductory chapter, there are few changes from the first edition. I have, however, elaborated on Gentile’s classification of skills and included a short subsection on genetics and ability.
chapter 2 Sensation and perception of external information In the first edition, this chapter was simply entitled ‘Perception’. The new title for the chapter is more descriptive of the content. The nature of sensation and perception are examined, as in the first edition, but with more detail on the functional roles of brain regions involved in sensation and perception. Ecological psychology explanations of perception are also examined.
chapter 3 decision making and working memory In the first edition this was Chapter 4 and was entitled ‘Decision making’. It was decided to move it to Chapter 3 as I thought that it fitted in better here. The inclusion of working memory in the title better explains the content than simply using the term ‘decision making’ alone. The nature and roles of working memory are covered in far more detail than in the first edition. There is a section examining how development affects working memory and hence decision making. The regional functions of the brain, with regard to decision making and working memory, are also examined. Finally, discussion of diffi- culties with regard to undertaking research in this topic are covered in more detail than in the first edition.
chapter 4 Reaction time The title of this chapter is self-explanatory, it examines reaction time. Compared to the first edition, there are a few additions, most notably a section on developmental issues and a subsection on central executive tasks and reaction time.
chapter 5 Anticipation In this chapter, we examine perceptual anticipation and interceptive actions from both information processing theory and ecological psychology theories perspectives. Compared to the first edition, more detail is included concerning the role of working
PREFACE xvii
memory and the nature of tau and tau dot. A section on developmental issues is also included. Recent, more ecologically valid research is also discussed.
chapter 6 Motor control In this chapter, we compare information processing theory and ecological psychology theories concerned with motor control. There is more detail concerning the role of the brain, in particular regional brain functions, from an information processing theory perspective and more detail of ecological psychology explanations of motor control than in the first edition. There is also the addition of a developmental section.
chapter 7 Memory As working memory has been examined in Chapter 3, in this section we focus on short-term and long-term memory. Sections on development and brain functions have been added and the section on long-term memory includes detail on both declarative and non-declarative memory.
chapter 8 Learning i: types, theories, styles and measurement The new title sums up exactly what is covered in this chapter. Compared to the first edition, more has been included with regard to implicit learning and a new section on learning styles has been included. There is also a subsection on coaching styles and how coaching and learning styles might interact. Regional brain function during learning and recall are also examined.
chapter 9 Learning ii: instruction, practice, transfer of training and feedback In the first edition, this chapter was entitled ‘Practice’, although it did include transfer of training and feedback. It seems more sensible to also include instruction and hence the full practical learning experience for the athlete. Apart from the inclusion of instruction and demonstration, there has been increased detail on contextual interference and deliberate practice. There is also a longer section on practical implications and more information in the measuring learning section.
chapter 10 Motivation, arousal, and learning and performance In the first edition, this was entitled ‘Arousal and performance’, although it did cover arousal and learning also. Therefore learning was added to the title and so too motivation, which was not covered at all in the first edition. There is also a section on regional brain functions and arousal, and how this affects performance.
I would like to begin by acknowledging the help and support that I have had from Celia Carden at Wiley, both in the first and this edition. Without Celia’s help it would never have materialized. I would also like to thank the graphics staff at John Wiley & Sons for the wonderful work that they have done. Finally, I would like to thank all those people whom I played with and against, whom I coached and/or taught, who taught me, who were willing ‘guinea pigs’ in my experiments and lastly but by no means least, those with whom I have had hours of conversions about skill acquisition and performance.
Acknowledgements
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Acquisition and Performance of Sports Skills, Second Edition. Terry McMorris. © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2014 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Companion website: www.wiley.com/go/mcmorris/acquisitionsportsskills
1
In the first part of this chapter, we examine what is meant by the term ‘skill’ and how we divide skills into different classifications. The reader is urged to consider the efficacy of these classifications and to question the value of their usage. The second part of the chapter examines ability. The use of the word ability can be misleading. Its use in everyday language compared to its usage in psychology can cause some confusion. Moreover, the reader may wish to question the whole concept of abilities, as defined by psychologists. In the third part of the chapter, we examine the inter- relationship between skill and ability. Finally, the chapter concludes with overviews of information processing theory and some of the ecological psychology theories of skilled performance.
Learning objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to: understand what is meant by the term ‘skill’ be able to place skills into categories be able to analyse the factors underlying skilled performance understand what is meant by the term abilities understand the theories of ability understand the skill–ability interaction understand the basics of information processing theory understand the basics of ecological psychology (action systems and dynamical
systems) theories.
2 CH 1 SKILL, ABILITY AND PERFORMANCE
The basis of the explanations of skill and ability used in this chapter are found in information processing theory. Some references to ecological theories are made. However, in general, ecological psychologists tend to use terms such as action and movement to describe skill. They are not concerned about classifications as such. They are interested in how the person’s genetic make-up affects their performance, but have little interest in trying to put labels on these factors.
Skill There are many definitions concerning what we mean by skill. Fortunately most have several common features. It is generally accepted that skill is learned, consistent and specific to the task. Moreover, it is goal oriented, i.e. the person is aiming to achieve some specific outcome. This outcome can be quantitative, determined by the performance of a movement that can be measured objectively; or qualitative, measured by subjective judgement. Therefore, in this book we will use the following working definition of skill: skill is the consistent production of goal-oriented movements, which are learned and specific to the task.
In order to examine further the nature of skill, we can focus on each of the components, of our working definition, one at a time. First, skills are learned rather than innate. Although we often hear people say that someone is a ‘born’ footballer or tennis player, this is not correct. Even the very basic skills, such as walking, running, striking and jumping, need to be learned. Subsequent skills that we acquire, such as catching a ball, doing a somersault or hitting a tennis ball, are refinements of the basic skills and need to be learned. Moreover, we cannot say that we have acquired a skill until we can perform it consistently. We have all seen examples of ‘beginner’s luck’. The novice golfer who hits their first ever tee shot ‘straight down the middle’ often sees little more of the fairway in that first round of golf.
While I doubt that anyone would question the fact that we cannot say that we have acquired a skill until we can perform it consistently, I think that some readers may have difficulty in accepting that a skill must be learned. I know that many of my students have problems with this concept. It is my belief that the difficulty arises due to what we mean by learning. To most people learning a skill is explicit, i.e. we consciously set out to perform something that we have seen or are told to do. However, learning can also occur implicitly or subconsciously. We often acquire skills without instruction, by simply setting out to achieve a goal. This can be seen when babies learn to crawl in order to reach an object that they wish to touch. They have received no instruction but still manage to crawl. Implicit learning, however, does not only take place in early child- hood, it can happen any time when we set out to achieve a goal (see Chapter 8). The key factor is that we can only achieve the goal by learning to carry out the movement.
Whether we learn a skill explicitly or implicitly, the skill is specific to the goal we are trying to achieve. In other words, each skill is unique. That does not mean that there will not be similarities between skills or that the ability to perform one skill will not make the acquisition of another skill easier. The uniqueness of skills can be seen by compar- ing skills that are very similar to one another. As an example, I will use the lofted pass and chip pass in soccer. Both are struck with the same part of the foot and in both instances the ball needs to be struck beneath the mid-point. In order to go in a straight line, it needs to be kicked along the central axis. For the lofted pass, however, the striker
CLASSIFICATION OF SKILLS 3
must follow through after contact. For the chip, there is very little follow through and the point of foot–ball contact is much nearer to the bottom of the ball. The uniqueness of the two skills can be seen by the fact that soccer players who are good at performing one of the skills are not necessarily good at performing the other. However, many are good at both skills. The differences between ‘similar’ skills can also be seen from the fact that even running with a Rugby ball in your hands is different to running freely. Running while dribbling a hockey ball is very different from free running, or even just running while carrying a hockey stick, without having to dribble the ball.
In the previous two paragraphs, we introduced the notion that skill is a goal-oriented activity. The nature of the goal will determine the way in which we evaluate the level of its performance. The goal of many skills is to perform some act that is measured solely by a quantitative outcome. Examples of this are activities like running the 100 m, throw- ing a javelin and passing a netball to a team-mate. Performance of such skills can be objectively measured. The running of 100 m can be measured in time or by competition against other runners; the javelin by how far you throw; and the netball pass by the accuracy. In such skills it is the outcome that is crucial, not how you look while performing the skill. In lay language, skill to perform such tasks often gets mixed up with how one looks while performing the skill. Psychologists call the latter form. Form, however, is not the important factor in such skills but outcome is. It is true that many skilful performers, whose outcome is very good, also demonstrate good form (Maria Sharapova for example). However, there are skilful performers who do not look graceful (e.g. the England soccer player Peter Crouch).
I could go on and on giving examples of performers who demonstrate good form and good outcome and athletes whose style does not follow the coaching manual or which is not aesthetically pleasing. The way in which each person achieves a particular goal will differ due to their individual make up. Biomechanists will tell you that very few people, if any, are capable of performing in the way in which biomechanical models of the ‘correct’ performance suggest. This is because biomechanical models are based on the assumption that the individual possesses a normal range of movement, normal bone structure and so on. Very few of us are totally ‘normal’ physically. There are very few people who are totally symmetrical, for example. Individual differences will result in people performing the same skill in very different ways.
While a lack of style is acceptable for a skill in which the measurement is an outcome, a breakaway from the accepted norm when performing, would be unsuitable for a skill that is subjectively measured on the basis of its aesthetic appeal. Such qualitative skills are found in gymnastics, dance and ice-skating. In these skills, form, rather than outcome, is the measurement of skillfulness.
classification of skills In the previous section, we highlighted the fact that skill is goal oriented. As a result, many psychologists think that, rather than classifying skills, we should simply state the goal of a skill and not try to place it into a specific category, along with other skills. While I tend to agree with this line of thought, I think that it is important that we examine the attempts to classify skills for two reasons. First, the classifications used are a good introduction to the analysis of specific skills. Second, you will come across these classifications in your reading, therefore you need to know to what the writers are referring.
The first classification of skill that I will cover is fine motor versus gross motor skills. Fine motor skills are rarely, if ever, found in sport and are skills which require the use of few limbs and are undertaken in limited space (e.g. writing, typing, and sewing). On the other hand, most sports skills are gross motor skills. They require the use of several limbs, often the whole body, and tend to take place in a comparatively large amount of space. Despite the fact that sports skills are gross motor skills, much that has been written about skill acquisition comes from research using fine motor skills. Although the American information processing theorist Robert Singer pointed this anomaly out in the 1960s (Singer, 1968), it is only recently that researchers have begun to examine gross motor skills. It is particularly sobering to realize that much of what we teach coaches and physical education teachers, concerning the teaching and learning of sports skills, is based on research with fine motor skills.
Whether fine or gross, skills have been divided into discrete, serial and continuous. Discrete skills are those with a definable beginning and end, such as a set shot in basketball, a free-kick in soccer or a pitch in baseball. Discrete skills concern the performance of one action in isolation of other actions. On the other hand, serial skills are when we join together two or more discrete skills, such as the triple jump. Like discrete skills, they have a definite beginning and end but one component leads into another. So in the triple jump, the hop leads to the step, which leads to the jump. Many gymnastics movements, particularly in floor exercises, are examples of serial skills. On the other hand, continuous skills have no recognizable beginning or end. The person can start or stop when they choose. Examples of continuous skills are running, walking, paddling a canoe and swimming. This classification can be useful to us when examining some aspects of practice and learning.
One of the most used classifications of skill, and one which you will definitely come across in your reading, is simple versus complex skills. To me, this is the most contro- versial of classifications. The notion of simple and complex skills, as used in the motor learning literature, is based on cognitive theories. This is reflected by the fact that simple skills are said to be those that require little in the way of information processing demands, while complex skills involve much information processing. Simple skills, therefore, would include hitting a golf ball or carrying out a gymnastics routine, where there is little in the nature of decision making and the emphasis is on technique. On the other hand, complex skills would be skills such as passing a basketball. In such a skill, the main factor is not the technical difficulty but the decision of where and when to pass the ball. To call the former skill simple is, in my opinion, to underestimate the neuropsychological demands. Try telling a golfer that it is simple to hit a golf ball accurately!
There is, however, definitely a difference in the demands of skills that require little in the nature of decision making compared to those that require much. Where little information processing is required, technique is the key factor. However, where decision making is important, it is the choice of which technique to use in any given situation that is the major issue. The British psychologist Poulton (1957) did not use the terms simple and complex, but rather open and closed, to distinguish between these kinds of skills. According to Poulton, open skills require much in the way of information processing and take place in environments that are rarely, if ever, completely repeated. The change in environment means that every time the skill is performed, the performer must modify his/ her technique to achieve the same goal, or even use a different technique to achieve the goal. Closed skills, on the other hand, take place in the same or very similar environments,
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therefore the same technique can be used over and over again. Poulton, however, was aware that you could not simply divide skills into two categories. Therefore, he claimed that the open-closed classification was best described as being a continuum. Most sports skills will fall nearer to the open end of the continuum than to the closed, although the shot putt is a good example of a closed skill. The size and weight of the shot, the target area and the size of the circle do not alter from one putt to another.
Ann Gentile and colleagues (Gentile et al., 1975) refined Poulton’s classification by trying to give some examples of the differences between closed and open situations. The classification does try to take into account some of the neuropsychological differences in tasks, but is still heavily biased towards the importance of decision making and information processing (Figure 1.1).
It is up to readers to decide, for themselves, how much they like or dislike the idea of classifying skills and indeed which type of classification they prefer. Before leaving the subject however, we need to answer the question of whether it is better to simply break the skill down into its component parts rather than placing it into a definitive category. By breaking down a skill, I mean that we should examine the neuropsychological, perceptual and decision-making demands of the skill.
The advantage of breaking down a skill is that you deal with the specific skill rather than a generalized concept (e.g. open or closed). Also, you are less likely to focus just on the cognitive aspects of the skill to the detriment of the neuropsychological demands. According to Poulton’s classification, making a pass with the inside of the foot, in a soccer game falls well towards the open end of the continuum. Similarly, passing the ball with the outside of the foot and making it swerve also falls close to the open end of the continuum. However, the neuropsychological demands are far greater in the latter, therefore it is a more difficult skill to perform.
Breaking a skill down into its component parts is not as simple as it may seem. Here I will present a breakdown of catching a ball. I will keep it as simple as possible
Open Closed
Environment changing
object moving
Environment changing
object static
Figure 1.1 Diagrammatic representation of Gentile’s open–closed skill classification. Adapted from Gentile, A. M., Higgins, J. R., Miller, E. A. and Rosen, B. M. (1975). The structure of motor tasks. Mouvement, 7: 11–28.
and we will return to it later in the chapter. In order to catch a ball the person must first judge the line and length of flight. They must determine the speed at which the ball is travelling. Then they need to move their hands into the line of flight. They have to decide what style of catch to use, one hand or two, fingers pointing up or down. Immediately prior to hand-ball contact they must ‘give’ (move hands in direction of line of flight), so that the ball does not rebound from a solid surface. They, also, have to close their fingers around the ball at precisely the correct moment. Just a simple skill!
Ability The word ability is used in everyday language to describe either the skills we possess or how well we can perform a skill. We may say that someone has the ability to perform a particular task or that another person has great ability in a particular activity. The word ability is used in psychology in exactly the same way, but it is also used in psychology to describe basic innate actions that underlie skilful performance. It is easy to confuse these abilities with basic skills, such as walking, running, jumping, and so on. However, as we have seen, those skills are learned while abilities are innate. We naturally acquire these abilities as we develop, although they can be improved by practice. The amount of improvement, however, is limited. It is generally thought that it is the amount and type of abilities that we possess that underpin our proficiency in particular skills. Thus, one person has the necessary abilities to become a gymnast, while another may possess the abilities necessary to become a good rugby player.
The idea that we possess innate abilities that affect how well we acquire and perform sports skills has been with us for some time. This basic premise has, until very recently, gone unchallenged. More recently, Ericsson and co-workers (e.g. Ericsson et al., 1993) have claimed that everyone has the ability to perform all skills, if they practise suffi- ciently. This claim is directly opposed to the notion of abilities underlying skilful performance and the genetic nature of abilities. See Chapter 9 for a more detailed account of Ericsson’s theory.
The notion that we are born with certain natural abilities has intuitive appeal. We only have to observe the people around us to see that different individuals possess different talents. We all know people who ‘have an ear for music’ or are good at skills that require the use of their hands. The idea that people have abilities that predispose them to acquir- ing many skills in sport led to the notion of a ‘born’ sports person. It was said that such people possess what is called general motor ability. Anecdotal evidence supports this claim. Many individuals appear to be good at whatever sport they take up. However, empirical evidence from research tends not to support this claim.
task 1.1

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Acquisition and Performance of Sports Skills