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PROBLEM STATEMENT
Democracy as a form of government became "the only reliable foundation on
which a new world order of international security and prosperity can be built” (Diamond,
1995, p.9). For diverse reasons, international actors promote democracy outside their
borders. In the last decades, democracy promotion became a new commodity of
international actors foreign policy agenda. However, democracy promotion is not a new
concept, it has been used centuries ago when ancient Athens pushed for democracy on
her allied states (Huber, 2009).
The European Union (EU) faces several concerns that forced it to restructure its
foreign policy in the Eastern and Southern EU neighborhood. The concerns mainly are,
immigration issues, regional security, energy security and religious extremism (Pearce,
2007). EU endorses a democracy promotion policy as a way to overcome those concerns
(Pearce, 2007). In the last 10 years, the EU used European Neighborhood Policy (ENP)
as its main instrument for democracy promotion in their neighboring countries . ENP was
created to achieve the goal of a EU-neighborhood populated by peaceful countries, which
preferably share EU values (Johansson-Nogués, 2004).
As the most popular Southern Mediterranean EU neighboring country, Euromed
Survey places Egypt as a key power in the geopolitical redesign of the Mediterranean
(IEMed, 2013). This could be due to several factors: Egypt reside in a strategic position
as a land-bridge between two continents and a link between two principal waterways, the
Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. Whereby, significant amount of Oil, gas and
22% of all the world’s container traffic goes through the Egyptian Suez Canal or through
pipelines across Egypt which connect Egypt directly to European economy and energy
security. Egypt is an opinion leader for much of the Arab countries and moreover it had
an influence on African and Muslim counties, where by Egypt position matter to EU in
international organizations. Egyptian has the strongest military power in the Arab world,
where by it contribute to Middle eastern and Mediterranean stability and security. Egypt
has a history of raising a history of raising of religious extremism, whereby it can export
terrorism to the neighboring EU and harm its security. So, If Egypt goes into turbulence,
the prices of many commodities would be disturbed across the EU, Mediterranean and
European security will be affected, EU energy security will be impacted and the Middle
East peace process will be troubled. All these factors contribute to the geopolitical
importance of Egypt and made it a country of interest to the international actors
especially the EU. European Union has been engaged in promoting democracy in Egypt
for the last two decades, on one hand by several partnership programs that give
conditional incentives to the government for applying democracy and on the other hand
by support the procedures of democracy by activities like election monitoring missions.
In 2011, democratic movements went to a new level and major events happened
in the political and social climate in Egypt. Egyptians took part in huge demonstrations to
call for a democratic transition of political power. As a result, longtime president
Mubarak had to step down. The following period was characterized by a series of
constitutional changes, legislation changes, consecutive referendums and elections in a
very rapid and complicated manner. The response of the EU was fast and clear: EU
officials and member states representatives have voiced support to democratization and
offer to help in its process to realize a consolidated democracy in Egypt. However, it is
not clear whether EU democracy promotion policy has been responsive enough to the
rapid changes taking place in the country.
Several studies investigate the development of democracy promotion policy of the
EU in similar transition periods in the recent history. However, due to the proximity of
the events, there are limited studies that address the changes of the EU democracy
promotion policy in Egypt after the events of 2011. This study addresses this gap by an
attempt to investigate the changes in the European Union democracy promotion policy in
Egypt after the events of 2011. This attempt raise several questions such as, what was the
EU democracy promotion policy before 2011, what is the importance of democracy
promotion in Egypt to the EU, what is the type of democracy promoted in Egypt by the
EU, what is the strategies and activities used by the EU to promote democracy in Egypt,
what changes had occurred on these domains (if any) after the events of 2011, and finally
what is the effect of local events on EU democracy promotion policy?.
This study takes a an analytical case study comparative approach, to examine the
change in European Union democracy promotion policy toward Egypt, juxtaposing
European Union democracy promotion policies in Egypt at different points of transition
including the period from 2004 until January 2011 and multiple points in the transition
period from January 2011until the 2014th presidential election results announcement at
June 2014. The study builds on content analysis of EU documents in the form of bilateral
agreements, reports, diplomatic statements, strategic papers, cooperation projects, action
plans issued by the European Union covering the study subject in the study periods.
Furthermore, the study will build on several in-depth interviews with a variety of
European Union policy stockholders to voice their perspectives on the changes of the
European Union democracy promotion policy toward Egypt.
The study applies an agency oriented model of foreign policy analysis. This
model was proposed to introduce the idea that discourses construct the reality (Tomic,
2013). Tomic build the model based on both discourse analysis (Tian & Dijk, 2011) and
discursive institutionalism (Schmidt, 2008). The model is designed especially to analysis
EU foreign policy as an international none state actor using EU discourses and its
context.
The results of the study will highlight the role of external actors in promoting
democracy in countries of interest as those actors spend considerable time and financial
resources to encourage countries along their path to democracy. Thus, research is needed
to ensure that these efforts yield positive contribution to the transition to democracy and
also they are well understood by targeted groups. Moreover, the study will provide in-
depth analysis of the European Union democracy promotion policy in Egypt and its
changes over the study period in reflection to the local context. Such information will
shed light on the factors affecting the EU policies and will help clarifying the motives,
strategies and action of EU in intervening in democracy matters of Egypt which is
necessary for both sides, inside EU to justify the actions and spending, and inside Egypt
to justify the intervention. The study will analyze the diverse stakeholders shaping EU
democracy promotion policy and their contribution to the final policy outcome. The
findings of this research can be helpful for better crafting new democracy promotion
policies not only in Egypt but also in similar situations of transitions to democracy.
Finally, the study will seek to verify the responsiveness of these policies to the rapid
changes involved in democratic transitions similar to the case of Egypt. Such an attempt
will help EU policy maker to assess their responsiveness toward changing political
climates in the neighborhood.
The study is organized is five sections. Section I: Introduction which include:
statement of the problem, background information about what is democracy, establishing
democracy as an international norm, what is democracy promotion, why to promote
democracy, why EU added democracy promotion to its foreign policy agenda, strategies
generally used to promote democracy and EU democracy promotion strategies. Section
II, the literature review which explain the theoretical framework of democracy promotion
and the historical development of EU democracy promotion in the last decade as present
in the literature. Section III, the methodology which explain the research methods used in
the study and why it was selected. Section IV, the analysis which illustrate the analysis of
the document of the EU and the results of the interviews. Section V, the conclusion and
recommendations.