A CONTRIBUTION T O T H E HISTORY OF T H E

VILLANCICO DE NEGROS

by

NATALIE YODOYOZOYA

A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN PARTIAL F U L F I L M E N T O F

T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E O F

M A S T E R O F ARTS

i n

T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES

(Department of Hispanic and Italian Studies)

We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard

T H E UNIVERSITY O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A

October 1996

©Natalie Vodovozova, 1996

In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced

degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it

freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive

copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my

department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or

publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written

permission.

Department of M'Sp^^C M a ^ ^ ' ^

The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada

Date Oc-6o ^W. JQ7 J<?96

DE-6 (2/88)

ABSTRACT

The villancico originated as a Spanish popular song. The cultivated poets of

Spain started to explore the artistic possibilities of the villancico from about

the second half of the fifteenth century. From the end of that century date

the earliest religious compositions known to us in the form of a villancico.

In the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the religious

villancico developed into a genre musically and poetically distinct from the

secular compositions of the same title. The new genre combined the qualities

of a song and a minor theatrical form, undergoing the influence of various

poetic, musical and theatrical genres, both native and foreign. Among the

characters contributed to the villancico by the Spanish theatre is the figure

of the Negro.

This study is a contribution to the history of the villancicos put in the

mouths of black Africans. Black slaves and freedmen played a conspicuous

role in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century economic and social life of

Spain, Portugal and Spanish America. After an outline of the history of the

black African presence in these areas, and the use of black speech modes in

Peninsular and Spanish American letters, we study the existing printed and

ii

manuscript sources of the preserved villancicos de negros, and then offer a

philological and linguistic study of a selection of sixty-eight negros that have

been collected for this work.

The earliest negros we know about had been performed in the last two

decades of the sixteenth century in the Capilla Real in Madrid. The earliest

surviving negros are those by Luis de Gongora, while the latest date from

the end of the eighteenth century, both in Spain and in Spanish America.

Villancicos negros have the same structure as other types of religious villan-

cico of the time. They were written for all principal church celebrations, and

contain numerous allusions to contemporary social habits. The speech modes

of the negrillas—lingua de pretos and habla de negros—represent a mixture

of realistic observation and stereotyping. For instance, distorted Spanish or

Portuguese forms may alternate with correct ones in one and the same com­

position. Moreover, while some of the represented grammatical features of

black speech modes run parallel to those found in now existing Iberian-based

C r e o l e s , others—like the ceceo of eighteenth-century negros—betray insuffi­

cient linguistic accuracy.

iii

T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S

Abstract • ii

Table of Contents iv

Acknowledgement v

INTRODUCTION , ' , 1

Chapter One The Secular villancico 5 The Religious villancico 9

Chapter Two Black Africans in the Iberian Peninsula and Spanish America 24

Chapter Three Black Portuguese and Spanish in Hispanic Letters 38

Chapter Four Negros 45

Chapter Five Description of the negritos Used in this Study 53

Chapter Six Analysis of the negrillas 71

Chapter Seven The Language of the guineos 108

Conclusion 125

Bibliography 128

Appendix An Anthology of villancicos de negros 146

iv

A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T

I wish to express my deep gratitude to my thesis director, Professor Derek C. Carr, for suggesting to me the topic of this study, for his genuine interest in the progress of my work, scholarly counsel, the care he took in helping me to prepare the final draft of the thesis, and for his trust. I also wish to thank Professor Arsenio Pacheco Ransanz for his advice, helpful discussions and comments, and his generosity with his time. I also express my gratitude to the staff of the Interlibrary Loan department of the U B C Library—Patrick Dunn, Cheryl Niamath, Patrick Patterson, and David Truelove—for their co­operation and patient understanding, and to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of British Columbia for granting me a University Graduate Fellowship for 1995-96.

I N T R O D U C T I O N

The villancico as a literary and musical genre was cultivated in Spain

for at least four hundred years, from the second half of the fifteenth century

to the second half of the nineteenth. Although the complete history of the

villancico is still non-existent, the tradition has been studied in numerous

works of a more or less partial nature. Some of them treat purely literary

aspects of the villancico, others, only its musical characteristics, while a few

studies combine the two approaches.

The philological studies comprise Sanchez Romeralo's monographic treat­

ment of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century villancico, and St. Amour's dis­

sertation on the evolution of the secular villancico into a Christmas carol.

Later stages of villancico history are covered in a more sketchy way in in­

troductory studies by Rodrigues Lapa, Mendes dos Remedios, Mendez Plan-

carte, J. I. Perdomo Escobar, M . Alvar, and C. Bravo-Villasante to their

editions of certain selections of villancicos—villancicos gallegos from the Na­

tional Library in Lisbon, villancicos from the Library of the University of

Coimbra, villancicos by Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, villancicos from the Cathe­

dral of Bogota, villancicos from Malaga, and villancicos from the collection of

1

the National Library in Madrid, respectively. J o s e Subira attempted a clas­

sification o f villancicos in his article "Villancico literario-musical. Bosquejo

historico." A brief, but valuable outline of the history of the villancico bar-

roco is also to be found in I. Ruiz de Elvira Serra's preface to the catalogue

of the seventeenth-century villancicos from the National Library in Madrid.

The works that emphasize the musical side of the villancico include S.

Rubio's study of the form of the polyphonic villancico, and the prefaces of

M . Querol Gavalda and R. Stevenson to their editions of certain selections

of villancicos. These editions in themselves point to an increasing interest in

these polyphonic compositions, as do the recent dissertations in the field: one

devoted to the villancicos of the Guatemalan composer R. Antonio Castel-

lanos (by D. Lehnhoff), another to the villancico repertory of San Lorenzo

El Real de El Escorial (by P. Laird).

The studies that unite both musical and literary aspects of the villancicos

are not numerous, for they require a rare combination of expertise in the two

fields. Among these can be named the two-volume work by G. Tejerizo Rob-

les, based on his dissertation; a chapter in J . Lopez Calo's book devoted to

seventeenth-century Spanish music (Siglo XVIT), the cited articles by Isabel

Pope, and the introductory study of P. Aizpurua to the second edition of the

2

villancicos published by Alonso Cortes.

In most of the quoted studies, the selection of the villancicos is made on

a "geographical" basis. However, the study of Tejerizo Robles concentrates

on the villancicos written for a specific feast (Christmas), while the work of

Rodrigues Lapa, Os vilancicos. 0 vilancico galego nos seculos XVII e XVIII,

centers around a certain "ethnic" villancico group. The study by Rodrigues

Lapa can be taken, in a sense, as a starting point for this dissertation, devoted

to yet another type of the villancico: villancicos en habla de negros.

Although villancicos de negros have scarcely been studied in their proper

context—as a subgenre of the religious villancico—, they did attract the at­

tention of various scholars, for various reasons. J. Lipsky in Latin-American

Spanish (104-07) and W. Megenney in "Rasgos criollos" (163), regard them

as written manifestations of seventeenth-century black Spanish. For V. Men-

doza ("Algo del folklore negro en Mexico" 1101-03), they form part of African-

American folklore. For the compilers of the anthologies of black poetry (Man-

sour, Albornoz), they form part of the poetic tradition that culminated in

the poetry of N. Guillen. The most valuable study of the villancicos de ne­

gros, however, was written by a musicologist, R. Stevenson. His article "The

Afro-American Musical Legacy to 1800" combines musical, historical, and

3

philological approaches to this branch of the villancico tradition (486-98).

In this dissertation we try to bring together what is currently known about

the Baroque villancico (Chapter One), and to situate the sixty-eight villan­

cicos used in this study in the context of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-

century religious villancico (Chapters Four, Five, and Six). No music has

been studied, and no manuscript sources used. We give the description of

the contents of the selected villancicos de negros, then analyse the histor­

ical and social data they provide (Chapter Six), and study the linguistic

modes in which they are written (Chapter Seven). To correlate the "socio-

historical" data contained in the villancicos with what we know about the

history of black Africans in Europe and the Americas, a brief outline of

the black African presence in the Hispanic world is offered in Chapter Two.

Chapter Three provides an introduction to the use of black speech modes in

Hispanic letters.

4

C H A P T E R O N E

T H E S E C U L A R VILLANCICO

1.1 From the second half of the fifteenth century, Spanish Cancioneros

began to include popular songs by the side of the cultivated ones. The

interest towards the popular might have originated in the court of Alfonso

V in Naples, whence it was communicated to the courts of Aragon, Navarra

and Castilla (Sanchez Romeralo 50).

One composition in the Cancionero de Herberay des Essarts (compiled

between 1461 and 1464), receives the name villancillo. A related term, vil-

langete, occurs in the Cancionero de Stuniga (thought to have been compiled

in Naples after 1458). Both terms are used to designate songs to be sung

by villanos, or peasants, and both antedate yet another related term, villan­

cico, first documented in the Cancionero musical de la Biblioteca Colombina

(compiled before 1490) on fol. 53r over Pedro Lagarto's "Andad, pasiones,

andad" (Stevenson, Spanish Music 252). Formerly, it was thought that the

name villancico had occurred earlier, namely, in the title of the composi­

tion "Villancico . . . a tres hijas suyas," written around 1445 and vari­

ously attributed to Suero de Ribera and the Marques de Santillana. Sanchez

5

Romeralo shows, however, that since this poem is known only through its two

sixteenth-century versions, the name villancico might have been attached to

it later, when the term became common (Sanchez Romeralo 35).

1.2 Well into the first quarter of the sixteenth century villancico appears

to have been a rather broad term. It could mean, for instance, a song with

an initial refrain. In the Cancionero musical de Palacio that contains com­

positions dating from the 1430s to 1521, 425 out of the surviving 458 songs

receive this denomination. As R. Stevenson says, "the original indexer [of the

CMP] calls everything in Spanish with a prefatory refrain a villancico. He

also gives this name to a Spanish song if any individual section in it, not nec­

essarily the first, is repeated" (Spanish Music 252). Villancico could mean a

song that used popular verses and tunes, especially the refrains of the popular

villancicos separated from their popular strophic development (glosa). The

above-mentioned poem attributed to Santillana was called villancico because

it included four such refrains. Finally, the refrains of the popular villancicos,

separated from their popular glosas were also called villancicos.

1.3 The "classic" sixteenth-century villancico is a well defined literary-

musical form that may be described as follows:

(a) poetic form. An initial refrain of two to four lines (lines 1-3 in the

6

example below) is followed by one or more coplas of seven lines, the first

four receiving the name mudanza (lines 4-7 in the example given), the fifth

line constituting the enlace (line 8), and the remaining two the vuelta that

returns to the rhyme of the refrain (lines 9-10). The refrain is repeated after

each copla:

(1) Mas vale trocar (2) plazer por dolores (3) que estar sin amores.

(4) Donde es gradecido (5) es dulce el morir: (6) bivir en olvido, (7) aquel no es bivir. (8) Mejor es sufrir (9) passion y dolores (10) que estar sin amores. . . . (Encina 109)

(b) musical form. The refrain has its own music; the four lines of the

copla have their own music, too; the last three lines of the copla return to

the music of the initial refrain, which is not repeated. In other words, the

musical villancico, although in itself tripartite, retains only two sections of

the literary villancico (Pope, "Development" 12; Rubio, Villancico polifdnico

17-19; Alonso Cortes 19-20).

This is the form used for their villancicos by Juan del Encina and Lucas

Fernandez, the early important contributors to the popularity of the genre. It

7

is also the form that may be traced in all major sixteenth-century song-books

containing villancicos: Cancionero de Medinaceli (mid-sixteenth century),

Cancionero de Upsala (published 1556), Recopilacion de sonetos y villancicos

by Juan Vasquez (published 1551), and Canciones y villanescas espirituales

by Francisco Guerrero (published. 1589).

1.4 The form of the secular villancico did not change in the 17th century,

despite the many vicissitudes endured by its religious counterpart (see below).

Such 17th-century composers as Pedro Rimonte and Juan Bautista Comes

composed both kinds of the villancico, keeping them structurally distinct.

Because of their growing popularity, the villancicos a lo divino soon became

the only kind of composition to be designated by this name. The secular

villancicos were now called tonos or tonos humanos (Stevenson, Vilancicos

Portugueses viii).

1.5 The origin of the literary-musical form described in 1.3 is still being

debated. Included among its antecedents are: kharchas—borrowed popular

songs inserted by cultivated Hebrew and Arabic poets as a conclusion, or

final strophe, to the muwaSs'ahas (the earliest kharchas date from the mid-

eleventh century); a few troubadour songs in the Galician Cancioneiros of

the thirteenth century; many of the Cantigas de Santa Maria collected for,

8

or composed by, Alfonso X towards the end of the thirteenth century; finally,

a couple of songs included by Juan Ruiz in the Libro de Buen Amor (four­

teenth century). Certain points of contact also exist between the villancico

and Galician-Portuguese cantigas de amigo, the Italian frottola, the French

virelai, the Arabic zejel, as well as with the form generically called frauenlied,

or feminine song, that stands at the beginning of all European folk poetry

(Sanchez Romeralo 315-80; Pope, "Development" 13-15; Pope, "Form" 208).

T H E RELIGIOUS VILLANCICO 1

1.6 The earliest religious villancicos known to us are modeled on the sec­

ular ones. One of the earliest writers of religious villancicos, Fray Ambrosio

Montesino, used to write new words to the tunes of preexisting secular vil­

lancicos (St. Amour 103, Frenk 60-63). The Franciscan monk Fray Ifiigo de

Mendoza directs the following villancico to the Christ-Child in his play Vita

Christian. 1480):

Eres nina y has amor, ique haras cuando mayor?

by changing "nina" to "nifio" (Sanchez Romeralo 16-17). The procedure

was common in those days; sometimes entire books could be converted a

1This is the sense in which we shall employ the word villancico for the rest of this study.

9

lo divino, such as Sebastian de Cordoba's Las obras de Boscdn y Garcilaso

trasladadas en materias Christianas y religiosas (Granada 1575).

St. Amour suggests that originally the villancicos a lo divino could be

sung in the liturgical drama. She bases this hypothesis on the following

reasons:

(a) there is evidence of the use of songs in the early liturgical drama;

(b) at times, the songs could take the form of a villancico, appropriate to

be sung by shepherds, whose participation in the Christmas cycle is based

on the Gospel account of the Nativity (Luke 2: 8-20). Besides, villancicos

were familiar to the audiences of the contemporary secular theatre. After the

villancicos became equally familiar to the audiences of religious plays, they

could be performed apart from the plays, as religious compositions in their

own right (St. Amour 118-19).

Of major importance for the further development of the villancicos was

their introduction into the Church service itself. Originally, they were per­

formed in the place of the responsories at matins that had traditionally been

sung in Latin. The credit for this innovation is given to Fray Hernando de

Talavera, the first Archbishop of Granada. It is worth repeating here the

oft-quoted passage by Talavera's first biographer:

10

En lugar de responsos hacia cantar algunas coplas devotisimas, correspondientes a las liciones. Desta manera atraia el santo varon a la gente a los maitines como a la misa. . . . En aquesto tambien, como en otras cosas que adelante se dira, fue este sefior murmurado, que viendo el enemigo cuanto desta manera era nue-stro Senor servido e por consiguiente el desamparado, movio a algunos que dixesen que [no] era bien mudar la universal costum-bre de la Iglesia, y que era cosa nueva desirse en la iglesia cosa en lengua castellana; y murmuraban dello fasta decir que era cosa supersticiosa; pero viendo este varon eminente cuanto de lo dicho nuestro Senor era servido y cuanto el pueblo animado y conso-lado, tenia estos ladridos por picaduras de moscas y por saetas echadas por manos de niiios (qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica 254).

Fray Jose de Sigiienza, one of his later biographers, adds:

de donde quedo la costumbre en toda Espaiia de hacer estas fiestas y regocijos de musica en los maitines y oficio divino (Historia de la Orden de San Jeronimo; qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica, 255).

1 . 7 Whether Talavera indeed was the initiator of the novelty with which

he has been credited is likely to remain an open question. What is certain

is that from the mid-sixteenth century it became the annual duty of choir­

masters to compose music for a certain number of villancicos for well-defined

occasions.2 These villancicos were to be performed only once and only in the

institution for which they had been written.3 In reality, however, this con-

2 See the following lines from the prologue of Francisco de Guerrero to his Viaje a Jerusalem: "Y como tenemos los deste oficio [=maestro de capilla] por muy principal obli­gation componer changonetas y villancicos, en loor del santisimo nascimiento de Jesucristo . . . y de su santisima madre, la virgen Maria nuestra Senora" (qtd. in St. Amour 113).

3 See, for instance, the following excerpt from the Memorias del Cardenal D. Diego de

11

dition was never wholly fulfilled. Because the villancicos became exclusive

property of the maestros de capilla, they were often exchanged, wholly or in

part, between the chapelmasters of various institutions. Both textual concor­

dances between the preserved villancicos, and the surviving correspondence

between the choirmasters point to an extensive exchange.4 From at least

the second half of the seventeenth century the festive villancicos used to be

published—first, after their performance, later, before it, so that the audi­

ences could follow the presentation. The printed booklets were sold around

the city by blind pedlars (Garcia de Enterria 148-51; Catdlogo xv).

There is little direct data about the authors of the librettos of the villan­

cicos. The manuscript copies indicate only the name of the composers, while

the published chap-books give the name of the institution where the villan­

cicos had been performed or were about to be performed, and sometimes the

name of the choirmaster. Early students of the villancico believed that the

Guzman regarding the matins of the 1610 Christmas celebration in the Capilla Real in Madrid: "empecaronse los maytines que a mi gusto no fueron buenos y la causa fue estar el maestro [de capilla] malo y ser todos los villangicos de fuera, lo qual nunca se ha de hazer, sino que quando el maestro no pudiere hazerlos avise con tiempo para que los haga el tiniente . . ." (qtd. in Moll 82).

4See Lopez Calo, "Corresponsales" (passim). In one of the letters the author has to insist that the villancicos he is sending are new: "Lo que aseguro es que las letras son nuevas, porque me las acaba de hacer mi poeta" (letter 84). See also Laird 295-306, 321-22, 330-31.

12

composers themselves wrote the lyrics (Rodrigues Lapa, Os vilancicos 12).

Documentary evidence, although scanty, suggests that at times the cathe­

dral would employ a poet for the purpose of supplying the librettos (Lopez

Calo, La musica 265-67). At other times, some cleric from within the in­

stitution, given to pious versification (or comissioned by the authorities),

would produce the festive pieces (Lopez Calo, La musica 265-67; Jammes,

Etudes 234). Renowned poets did not despise the genre; Gongora, Lope de

Vega, Agustin Moreto, Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz are some of the illustrious

names connected, in various degrees, with wZ/emdco-writing. Some poets,

like Manuel de Leon Marchante, dedicated an important portion of their ca­

reers to villancico-writing, as is clear from the list of the works of this author

collected in his two-volume Obras poeticas posthumas (Catalogo, 224-33). In

seventeenth-century literary works, students and professional versifiers ap­

pear as the librettistas of the villancicos. The "famoso pastor estudiante

Grisostomo" used to write autos and villancicos for Christmas (Quijote Part

1, Ch. 12), and Quevedo's Don Pablos earned his living by composing vil­

lancicos and oraciones de ciegos at some point of his varied life (El buscon,

Ch. 9).

1.8 In the times of Talavera, the principal celebrations for which villan-

13

cicos were composed were Christmas and the Epiphany; more rarely, the

Assumption and the Nativity of Our Lady (Lopez Calo, La musica 259-60).

Later on, villancicos appear to be written for all the principal feasts of the

Church, not to mention a variety of less specified occasions: Corpus Christi,

Pentecost, Easter, Marian feasts, Missions, local Saints, professions of nuns.

The parts of the Church service where villancicos could be performed were

also extended. Apart from the responsories at matins, they now included the

graduals and offertories of the Mass, and the Calenda, or conclusion, of the

canonical hour called prima hora (its structure may be seen in Rubio, Forma

57).

1 . 9 The seventeenth-century religious villancico was no longer a two-part

composition. The early seventeenth-century composers, Pedro Rimonte and

Juan Bautista Comes, wrote villancicos consisting of three musically distinct

parts, which they called tonada, responsion and coplas. At first, the poetic

text of the first two parts was identical. Later, both music and verse of all

three parts became distinct. The three-part structure remained the basis of

the villancico; each of the parts, most notably the second one, was further

elaborated. Later in that century the first two parts of the villancico were

named introduccion and estribillo.

14

The introduction and coplas used to be strophic (a variety of metres, from

penta- to endecasyllables), and the estribillo used to be through-composed

and metrically irregular. The Baroque villancico, as opposed to the Renais­

sance one, used an elaborate musical accompaniment (the sixteenth-century

villancicos seem to have been written for unaccompanied voices). Besides,

it was arranged for up to four choirs (sixteen voices in total), while the six­

teenth century villancicos had been performed by one choir of three to five

voices (Rubio, Forma Al; Alonso Cortes 17).

It is hard at this point to tell precisely when and how the third part

intruded into the structure of the villancico or, indeed, to assert a contin­

uous development from the sixteenth-century composition of that name to

the seventeenth-century one. It is certain, however, that the popular lyric,

including popular villancicos, nurtured the new genre continuously. Many

resourses of popular poetry—for intance, similes and comparisons of a folk

character, exclamations and imitation of the sound of the instruments, not

to mention the folk tunes and refrains borrowed en masse by the new form—

appear in the long history ofthe villancico as one ofthe endless sources ofthe

author's inspiration (Frenk 73-76; Rubio, Forma 71-74). Similarly, the liter­

ary tendencies of the time did not go unreflected. Elegant plays on words and

15

the use of their sonority in some of the villancicos, and intellectual acrobatics

in others, betray the pen of cultivated poets acquainted with contemporary

literary trends.

1.10 Talavera, who had composed many villancicos himself, "procuraba

que las letras que se cantaban dixesen lo mismo que las lecciones e los re-

sponsos, porque los que no sabian latin entendiesen lo que aquello era y lo

supiesen de coro" (Fray Siguenza, Historia de la Orden de San Jeronimo;

qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica 259). The villancicos quickly outgrew the

secondary role originally allotted to them, and began to be composed for

their own sake and in ever-growing numbers. In more than one sense the

genre could not be contained within its own limits. It assimilated the influ­

ences of several contemporary musical and scenic genres, both national and

foreign. The Spanish genero chico (jdcaras, entremeses, coloquios pastoriles,

didlogos burlescos, bailes, mojigangas, sainetes) contributed characters, the

Italian opera and cantata, new musical forms.5 The latter appeared as intru­

sions in the structure of the villancico. New parts, with names like pastorela,

tonadilla, minuet, seguidillas, recitado-aria were placed between the estribillo

5For the influence of the teatro menor on villancicos see Garcia de Enterria 149-50.

16

and the coplas, and could be repeated after the coplas (Alonso Cortes 22).

Since it was a common practice to suppress various parts of the villancico,

the new elements could even stand by themselves, without any of the basic

villancico parts, while the composition continued to be called villancico.

Stock characters from.the teatro menor now began to appear in the vil­

lancicos, perhaps because in many cases the authors of the latter were well-

versed in both genres.6 Of the many types introduced,7 some spoke their

specific language. The most frequent foreign and dialectal types are Por­

tuguese, French, Italians, Germans, Basques, Catalans and Asturians. In

Spanish America, Indians. These could speak their respective languages, or,

more often, their respective versions of Castilian, as also did representatives

of the Iberian minorities: Moors, negroes, and gypsies.

The use of characteristic speech modes was not alien to the spirit of the

liturgical drama. There is a scene in Inigo de Mendoza's Vita Christi in

which the shepherds speak in a rustic dialect. The author introduced it, as

he explained, "para poder recrear, / despertar y renouar / la gana de los

lectores" (Lihani 12-13). The same reason for the use of odd characters in

6It is known that choirmasters, too, wrote music for secular theatre (Chase 122).

7For more detail, see Garcia de Enterria 152.

17

the villancicos is adduced by E. M. Wilson in his attempt to explain the

phenomenon:

The carols were for public rejoicings. They did not, could not, express intimate, highly refined states of mind. Instead the poets strove to display the simple sense of joy which all could share. The feelings of a bishop or a grandee towards the central mys­teries of Christianity are not necessarily different from those of a charwoman or a bricklayer, but the bishop and the grandee will express their feelings in a different way. To express religious joy so that all men and women could share in it, these poets took the humblest kinds of people as their spokesmen, and made gip­sies, slaves and even criminals declaim the basic feelings which others could have expressed with greater verbal refinements. The fact that these people spoke with a peculiar accent, or in broken Spanish or in thieves' cant added a humorous piquancy to their words. The audience could, at the same time, share the feelings of the speaker and laugh at the way he spoke. The apparent in­congruity of the situation increased both its edification and its humour. Christ was born for all men, shepherds as well as Magi; need we blame the poets for including also gipsies, negresses, Por­tuguese and bravos? (E. M . Wilson 127)

1.11 We come now to the most difficult of the problems associated with

the villancicos, namely, their representation. Were they only sung, or were

they staged as a real dramatic performance? Were they performed in the

Church building, or outside? Were special costumes ever used?

No direct testimony is available to answer any of these questions. Lopez

Calo, studying the indirect evidence provided by the Adas of the Cathedral

of Granada, came to the conclusion that roughly before 1550 the villancicos

18

were only sung there, while from about the middle of the sixteenth century

they became to include "elementos ajenos al canto", by which he means

unprofessional dance (that of the choir boys, for example) (Lopez Calo, La

musica 275).

The Adas of the Cathedral of Granada, those of the Cathedral of Las

Palmas, and the documents from Segovia published by Flecniakoska, show

that at times the participation of professional dancers was solicited for the

presentations of Corpus Christi (La musica 274; De La Torre Nos. 510, 511;

Flecniakoska docs. 12-17, 20, 23-26, 28 and others). Studying the dramatic

quality of Gongora's letrillas, Jammes concluded that those of them writ­

ten in dialogue form (and his negros fall within this category) must have

been performed (Jammes, Letrilla 93-96). T . Taylor thinks that the villan­

cicos were represented both during processions and in the choir area of the

church itself (T. Taylor 70-71). The following possibilities, therefore, may be

summarized:

(a) villancicos other than those written for Corpus Christi were sung

inside the church building, in the choir area, and sometimes they might have

been accompanied by (unprofessional) dance;

(b) villancicos for Corpus Christi were sung inside and outside the church

19

building, in the latter case as part of the procession, and could be accompa­

nied by professional as well as unprofessional dance. (We shall discuss the

use of costumes in 6.7).

1.12 In the second half of the eighteenth century the villancico began its

evolution towards a simpler model, in accordance with the general taste of

the time. The orchestra became less varied and numerous, and polychoral

arrangement was abandoned in favour of one choir once again. In this form

the villancico survived in the churches of Spain and Spanish America well

into the second half of the nineteenth century (Alonso Cortes 17-18).

1.13 What reasons are there to account for the lasting popularity of the

villancico? A partial answer was given by E. M . Wilson (see above); revealing

information is also contained in the condemnations and even bans of the vil­

lancicos by contemporary ecclesiastical and secular authorities, moralists and

the most illustrious of minds. A few of the most illuminating are reproduced

below:

Year 1539 Quando ipse persone representationem facture uenient ad Eccle-siam, nulla sint tympana siue tabals, neque trompete, nec aliquod aliud genus musicorum, neque niger, neque nigra siue famula, nec crustula, siue flaons aliquo modo projiciantur (Chapter decree of the Cathedral of Gerona about the presentation of a play Les tres Maries).8

8Qtd. in Donovan 102.

20

Year 1596 Mando que en mi Real Capilla no se canten villancicos, ni cosa alguna de romance, sino todo en latin como lo tiene dispuesto la Iglesia. Yo el Rey (From the Real Decreto del Rey Felipe II de ii de junio de 1596)?.

Year 1613 No quiero decir que el uso de los villancicos sea malo, pues esta recebido de todas las iglesias de Espafia, y de tai manera, parece no se pueda hacer aquella cumplida solemnidad que conviene, si no los hay. Mas tampoco quiero decir que sea siempre bueno; pues no solamente no nos convida a devotion, mas nos destrae della; particularmente aquellos villancicos que tienen diversidad de lenguajes. . . . Porque el oir agora un portugues y agora un vizcaino, cuando un italiano y ciiando un tudesco, primero un gitano y luego un negro, ^que efeto puede hacer semejante musica sino forzar los oyentes, aunque no quieran, a reirse y burlarse y hacer de la iglesia de Dios un auditorio de comedias, y de casa de oration sala de recreation? Que todo esto sea verdad, hallanse personas tan indevotas, que, por modo de hablar, non entran en la iglesia una vez el ano, y las cuales, quiza, muchas veces pierden misa los dfas de precepto, solo por pereza, por no se levantar de la cama; y en sabiendo que hay villancicos, no hay personas mas devotas en todo el lugar, ni mas vigilantes que estas, pues no dejan iglesia, oratorio ni humilladero que no anden, ni les pesa el levantarse a media noche, por mucho frio que haga, solo para oirlos (Pietro Cerone, El Melopeo y Maestro).10

Year 1630 Felipe II quito los villancicos de su Real Capilla: ya se han vuelto a introducir, y de modo que en las fiestas, el canto llano del oficio, es como de aldea, y no es oido, ni visto, y los villancicos se celebran con suma solemnidad, y parece que se tiene como principal, y el oficio divino como por accesorio . . . De aqui es que los villancicos hechos en lengua Guinea o Gallega o en otras que no son sino para mover a risa y causar descompostura; y otros hechos a imitation, o en la letra o en el tono, de los cantares o letras profanas y que despiertan la memoria dellas, en ninguna manera debrian cantarse en la iglesia ni en el coro . . . (Fray

9 Qtd. in Moll 82. 1 0 Qtd. in Lopez Calo, Sigh XVII118.

21

Martin de la Vera, Instruction de Eclesidsticos) . n

Year 1726 Toda la gracia de las cantadas que hoy suenan en las iglesias, consiste en equivocos bajos, metaforas triviales, retruecanos pueriles. . . . Pero aiin no he dicho lo peor que hay en las cantadas a lo divino; y es que ya que no todas, muchisimas estan compuestas al genio burlesco. Con gran discrecion por cierto, porque las cosas de Dios son cosas de entremes. ,̂Que concepto daran del inefable misterio de la Encarnacion mil disparates puestas en las bocas de Gil y Pascual? (Padre Feijoo, La musica de los templos).12.

Year 1752 Y en algun modo estan hoy profanos los templos, porque todos los lienzos burlones y festivos que finge y dispone la optica y perspectiva para los coliseos, patios y corrales, ya son mas frecuentes en la iglesia que en el Buen Retiro, y ya van juntando en las sacristias caudales de bastidores y morteros; y para que lo acabes de creer, sabe que hasta en los carteles convocatorios a la devocion, que ponen por esas esquinas para sefialar es dia festivo, lo primero que advierten es que predicara el Padre Fulano, y este renglon es de letra bastardilla, y despues, de letrones muy hidropicos: asistird la musica de las Senoras Descalzas, o del Rey, con violines, etc.; porque temen que no asista la gente si no las dicen que hay tambien holgueta entre la devocion; y el templo donde no suenan miisicas festivas, y la iglesia que no tiene sabor a coliseo, esta desierta lo mas del ano (Diego de Torres Villarroel, Suenos morales).13

Year 1787 ^Y como estamos nosotros en el ano de 1787, uno de los mas ilustrados o luminosos del nuestro siglo? /Hemos desterrado de nuestro Parnaso aquella chusma de versificadores bufones que inducfan en el templo del Dios de majestad inefable los profanos conceptos y chistes insulsos que los Gentiles no hubieran oido sin ira en los Fanos torpes de sus inmundas Deidades? ^Como celebramos hoy la Encarnacion y Nacimiento admirables del Hijo de Dios vivo? /.Todavia halla nuestra consideration devota en el Portal glorioso de Belen al tosco Pascual, al malicioso y juglar Bato, al atrevido y desvergonzado Anton? jAh! Alii estan llenando de estiercol las limpias pajas donde esta reclinado el Nino

n Q t d . in Rubio, Forma 54. 1 2 Qtd. in Perdomo Escobar 78. 1 3 Qtd. in Alonso Cortes 62-63.

22

Jesus, atormentando los castos y delicados oidos de su Purisima Madre y del Santo Esposo Joseph; e irritando a las bestias del establo, que obsequian con su silencio a aquellos Santos Huespedes mas dignamente que los Pastores charlatanes con sus coplas (Jose Mariano Beristain, "Reflexiones sobre los villancicos de Nochebuena" ),14

1.14 The vogue for villancicos did not remain for long the peculiarity of

Church service in Spain alone. No doubt, the notorious mobility ofthe mae-

stros de capilla in those days contributed to the dispersion of the villancicos

in Catalonia and Portugal. In the Cathedral of Majorca the first villanci­

cos seem to have been sung in 1575 (St. Amour 114). In the Cathedral

of Valencia the villancico tradition was firmly established in 1613-1619 and

1631-1642, when Juan Bautista Comes was choirmaster (Ripolles vi). The

first part of the catalogue of the library of King Joao IV shows the abundance

of villancicos written by Portuguese composers in the 17th century (Primeira

parte). Their late appearance and the preponderance of villancicos written in

Spanish point to their borrowed caracter in Catalonia and Portugal (Mendes

dos Remedios 43; Rodrigues Lapa 8).

1 4 Qtd. in Alonso Cortes 63.

23

C H A P T E R T W O

B L A C K A F R I C A N S I N T H E I B E R I A N P E N I N S U L A A N D

S P A N I S H A M E R I C A

2.1 The history of black Africans in the Iberian Peninsula goes back

at least as far as the Roman colonization: Romans brought with them the

black slaves they had obtained after the conquest of North Africa. This

source apparently continued to furnish black slaves during Visigothic rule

and Moorish domination (Jason, "Language" 336). As late as at the end of

the fourteenth century, when the provenance of slaves begins to appear in

bills of sale, the majority of blacks still appear to come from North Africa

(Verlinden, L'esclavage 359). The blacks in that region became especially

numerous when, after the introduction of the camel, the Sahara turned into

an important commercial route connecting North Africa (Magrib, Ifriquin,

Egypt) with Sudan, Senegal and Niger. The caravans pulling northwards

used to carry black slaves, among other merchandise.15 Up to the fifteenth

century, negroes formed but a small part of the Iberian slaves.

Commercial relationships with West Africa began to be established since

1 5 This information and the following account are based on the cited works of A. Rumeu de Armas.

24

the end of the thirteenth century, when Genoese, Majorcans, Catalans and

Andalusians started exploring that region in successive expeditions. Private

initiative prevailed, until Enrique III of Castile took interest in these matters

by organizing the conquest of the Canary Islands in 1402. The successors

of Enrique III did nothing to secure the position of Castile in West Africa.

The commercial traffic that since the fourteenth century had connected the

ports of Lower Andalusia with those of the Kingdom of Fez and those to

the south of Cape Aguer, remained in private hands. One of the types of

commodity brought home by Andalusian merchants was Moorish or Negro

slaves, obtained through purchase or barter on the West-African coast (see

a vivid account of the mechanics of this lucrative commerce in Fosse 181).

In Portugal, Prince Henry the Navigator took personal interest in the

exploration of West Africa. He encouraged maritime and inland expeditions

to these parts, inaugurated by the successful voyage of Gil Eanes to Cape

Bojador in 1434. Henry the Navigator received a monopoly over the region

south to Cape Bojador in 1443. After about the year 1446, the interests of

Portugal in Africa concentrate on two goals: securing their position in the

Kingdom of Fez, and the exploration of Guinea.

Since Castile was interested in these regions too, the interests of the two

25

in West Africa clearly clashed, which resulted in a latent hostility between

the two countries. The situation was resolved in 1479, when a treaty was

signed between them in the Portuguese town of Alcagovas. By this treaty,

Portugal received all of Guinea, and exclusive rights in all the lands to be

discovered in Africa, while Spain gained the Canary Islands and a strip of

coastal land between the Kingdom of Fez and Guinea, over which to expand

its political influence. One of the consequences of this repartition was the

monopoly of Portugal, confirmed and expanded by later treaties, over the

slave traffic from Africa.

As a result, Spain became dependent on its neighbour to get workers

for her. She did obtain some slaves directly, through commerce with the

Kingdom of Fez (as shown above), and through the raids (cabalgadas) her

residents were in the habit of making over the coast across from the Canaries.

Although the number of slaves thus obtained cannot be ascertained, it was

sufficient to provide the Canary Islands with all the work force needed, and

to convert the capital of Gran Canaria, La Ciudad Real de Las Palmas, into

the largest slave-market of the archipelago. Moreover, the Catholic Monarchs

gathered their fifth from the booty obtained in these raids, unwilling to lose

their share in the lucrative business. However, even if these sources of slaves

26

were significant throughout the fifteenth century, their importance in later

centuries is overshadowed by Portuguese slave importation.

The Portuguese slaving factories extended from Sierra Leone to Angola.

The earliest of them was founded in Arguin in 1449; that of San Jago of

the Islands of Cape Verde, in 1458; San Jorge de Mina, in 1481; the one on

Santo Tome, in 1486. The slaves brought to these factories came from the

Gulf of Guinea, Senegambia and places further inland. They stayed in the

factories for various months, awaiting shipment to the port of destination

(Franco Silva 47-48). They were shipped to the Atlantic Islands, Lisbon,

Seville, Cadiz, Puerto de Santa Maria, Valencia and, later on, to the Spanish

American ports, Veracruz, Cartagena de Indias, Portobelo (Lipski, Latin

American Spanish 95). Many slaves were brought to Lisbon prior to their

transportation.

The beginning of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade is counted from the year

1510, in which two hundred and fifty negroes purchased in Lisbon were sent

to America on orders from king Ferdinand (Rawley 55). Until 1518 the

slaves destined to America had to pass through Seville; after that date, they

were transported directly from West Africa (Franco Silva 73). Until 1640,

Portugal was the most important, if not the only, supplier of slaves to the

27

Spanish overseas colonies; black Africans imported to Spanish America until

that date came from Upper Guinea and Angola (Rawley 58).

2.2 There is still no reliable comprehensive study of the total percentage

of the black population present in all the territories concerned at all the

periods in question. Specialists in the field acknowledge unanimously the

extreme difficulty of providing exact numbers. Reasons for that are the

incompleteness of importation records, undocumented illegal trade, and the

deficiency of censorial procedures in those days. The most recent estimates

are given below.

In Portugal blacks always constituted a minority. Saunders estimates a

minimum of 35,000 blacks in the middle of the 16th century in all of Portugal;

the concentration was higher in the south than in the north of the country.

In Lisbon, Evora and the Algarve blacks could form about 11-12% of the

total population (10% slaves and 1-2% freedmen). In 1633 the number of

blacks in Lisbon rose to 15% (Saunders 47-61).

In Valencia, the annual import of slaves between 1479 and 1516 averaged

two hundred and fifty a year, sometimes reaching the annual amount of five

to six hundred (Cortes 57). Cortes Lopez suggests for 1591 2.5% slaves in

the Kingdom of Valencia, 80.40% of which are blacks (La esclavitud 204).

28

For Spain, Cortes Lopez gives the following estimates (La esclavitud 204-

05):

- Andalucia: 2.44% of slaves (3.5% in Granada, Almeria and Malaga;

3.07% in Sevilla, Cadiz and Huelva; 1.3% in Jaen and Cordoba).

- The rest of the Peninsula: 0.22%.

In Sevilla, blacks formed 68% of the total number of slaves. In eastern

Andalusia, Moorish slaves outnumbered blacks, while towards the north (Ex-

tremadura and both Castiles), the negroes were more numerous than other

groups. Cortes Lopez estimates at 65% the average percentage of blacks out

of the total number of slaves throughout Spain at the end of the sixteenth

century.

The numbers below represent slave imports into Spanish America during

the entire period of the slave trade (Curtin 46):

Cuba: 702, 000 Puerto Rico: 77,000 Mexico: 200,000 Venezuela: 121,000 Peru: 95,000 La Plata and Bolivia: 100,000 Chile: 6,000 Santo Domingo: 30,000 Colombia, Panama, and Ecuador: 200,000 Central America: 21,000 Total: 1,552,000

29

The imports, and the proportion of blacks to whites, and of both these

groups to the Indians, fluctuated at various periods in various locations.

2.3 In Portugal, people of all classes owned black slaves.16 The Crown

owned a considerable number of slaves, some of them black, serving in vari­

ous capacities at the court and, in limited numbers, in the royal industries as

well. The nobility employed slaves only as domestic servants. Monasteries,

convents and hospitals used them for the same labour as they would free ser­

vants. Other classes of owners could use their slaves to replace or supplement

free labour in their own business ventures; they could hire out their slaves'

services to others, or permit them to work and live on their own and pay part

or all of their earnings to the master. Slaves could be employed to perform a

variety of tasks in agriculture, from herding and harvesting to pressing olives

and gathering nuts, herbs and berries in the woods. Both ocean and river

ships were frequently manned by slave crews. In the cities, slaves could be

sent as apprentices to various craftsmen, or be employed by the latter for

occasional labour. Many blacks could become professional workers them­

selves, purchase their freedom and open their own businesses. Many guilds,

1 6 The following account is based on Saunders 62-88.

30

however, such as the goldsmiths', remained closed to them. Female slaves

worked as washerwomen, water-sellers, or street-vendors, selling vegetables,

fruit, fish, chickpeas, olive oil, pasta and snacks. Men were hired out to carry

baskets of meat and fish in the market, or unload fishing vessels. Both men

and women worked as whitewashers. In addition to the above-mentioned

kinds of exploitation, already at the end of the fifteenth century a number

of blacks were employed at sugar cane plantations in the Azores, Madeira,

Santo Tome and Cabo Verde.

2.4 In Spain, the Crown was one of the largest owners of blacks.17 It

received under its authority many of those with imprecise legal status: the

slaves obtained in military campaigns, those confiscated for illegal traffic,

or those shipwrecked and washed ashore, became its property. Royal slaves

were employed in a variety of tasks, their fundamental occupation being in

the galleys. The nobles maintained slaves in their service or for the display

of luxury. Bishoprics, parishes, monasteries, colleges, convents, as well as

secular clergy appear in the documents as owners of slaves. From other

classes of the society, merchants of various categories possessed the largest

1 7 T h e following account is based on Cortes Lopez, La esclavitud 104-16.

31

number of slaves. Next came junk dealers (traperos), masons, lace- and rope-

makers, tailors, cobblers, potters, silversmiths, jurors (jurados), scribes and

moneychangers. Servants and squires also made use of slaves, as did some

institutions, such as hospitals and city councils (the latter as executioners, for

instance). In agriculture, slaves performed all the tasks required, including

the cultivation of sugar cane in the Canaries and some peninsular zones.

Muleteering was a traditional occupation of black slaves. At sea, they were

often used as crew assistants; for example, the brotherhood of boatmen in

Barcelona could own an unlimited number of slaves for this purpose.

2.5 The economic character of black slavery in the Americas was differ­

ent from that in the Peninsula, and the range of occupations also changed.

During the early years, domestic services, craftsmanship and military ser­

vice (as soldiers or squires) were the most important occupations of slaves,

being the continuation of their employment in the Iberian economy. The

Old World antecedents of the American plantation system have already been

mentioned; the first plantation of this kind was established in 1506 on His-

paniola (Cortes Lopez, La esclavitud 183). Besides, slaves were made to work

in cattle raising, gold and salt mines, pearl fisheries, the textile industry, and

as boatmen. In the cities, they were hired out for domestic services; some

32

worked as day-workers and street vendors; female slaves as washerwomen

and men as water-sellers and latrine-cleaners (camungueros).

2.6 In the Peninsula, blacks were considered dull -witted, ugly and, by the

sum of their characteristics, suited to a life in slavery. O n the social scale,

they occupied the lowest step. O n the other hand, because they wil l ingly

embraced Christianity, were good-natured, submissive and often loyal to their

masters, they were generally regarded as big children, looked upon wi th

sympathy and mistreated relatively rarely.

In Spanish America , wi th the change of their economical significance,

their numerical proportion to the whites, and the existence of yet another

oppressed majority—the Indians—, the social role of the black Africans

changed. They opposed white rule by frequent rebellions and escapes; run­

away slaves formed communities in the interior of the mainland and defended

them against the whites (some of these, called palenques, exist even today).

Moreover, blacks felt themselves superior to the Indians and, in the absence

of supervision, frequently mistreated them. In other words, black Africans

became more conspicuous in the social life of the the colonies than they had

been in that of the O l d World . O n the other hand, since they became a

source of considerable revenue for their masters as part of the mining and

33

plantation systems, they received a harsher treatment than in the Peninsula.

2.7 On Sundays as well as on festive days, black slaves were free from

work (although they were expected to fulfil their domestic duties, if these

were their primary functions). On these days they could meet in the city

squares (as they did in la Plaza de Santa Maria la Blanca in Sevilla), or in

the taverns (Franco Silva 105). Freedmen could go on a pilgrimage together

(Gual Camarena 457). The establishing of religious brotherhoods by blacks—

both slaves and freedmen—dates at least to the fifteenth century. One such

brotherhood was formed in 1403 in Sevilla, another one in 1472 in Valen­

cia; there were many in Cadiz (Sopranis, Las cofradias; Gual Camarena, "La

cofradia"). In their petition to form a brotherhood, submitted to the future

King Ferdinand, the black freedmen of Valencia ask for permission to assem­

ble whenever they wish without having to request a special permit from the

relevant authorities; for permission to acquire and maintain a house for their

assemblies; they also ask for permission to own a royal standard "para poder

figurar en los desfiles, procesiones, fiestas y actos publicos" (Gual Camarena

458).

More numerous than in the Peninsula, the black Africans in the Americas

united in brotherhoods according to their tribal origins. "Estas los reunen

34

para el culto, y para la reception de los Sacramentos; mantienen los enlaces

sociales de sus respectivas comunidades, y les proporcionan la participation

en general de sus recreos" ("Idea de las congregaciones", fol. 115). On festive

days these cofradias participated in processions, after which they returned to

the place of their assembly for a bayle, or dancing party.

2.8 In the Peninsula from the second half of the fifteenth century, and

in the Americas after their importation there, blacks appear to have spoken

distorted varieties of the Romance languages. Black Portuguese was referred

to as lingua de pretos, falar guineu or fala guine; black Spanish, as habla

bozal, habla de negros and guineo. The assessment of the linguistic character

of these speech modes is not an easy task. In fact, it is the subject of an

ongoing discussion in the field of Afro-Romance linguistics, because of the

implications it might have for the history of Latin-American Spanish and the

Hispanic Creoles.

The earliest literary specimens of lingua de pretos are considered a pidgin.

Naro thinks it had originally developed in Portugal, while Goodman believes

it had originated in Africa (see the articles cited). The earliest compositions

in habla bozal are considered by Lipski a literary imitation of lingua de pretos

("Convergence" 185-86, "Black Spanish" 56-57, "Golden Age" 8). He also

35

believes that later specimens of lenguaje bozal represent foreigners' Spanish or

an unstable pidgin that "never stabilized to form a Creole or an ethnolinguis-

tically distinct black Spanish anywhere in Spain" (Latin American Spanish

100; "Golden Age" 10). For Granda, on the contrary, the Peninsular habla

de negros represents an authentic Creole ("Sobre el origen" 218-19).

As to the language of blacks in Spanish America, opinions again vary.

Lipski considers it a foreigner's talk or an incipient pidgin emerging with

every new wave of slave importation ("On the Construction" 444; "Conver­

gence" 186-87; Latin American Spanish 111-13). The same point of view

is taken by Laurence and Lopez Morales. Another opinion is expressed by

the scholars who believe that there existed in all of Spanish America (or, at

least, in the Caribbean region) an Afro-Hispanic Creole; for them, the pre­

served bozal texts represent this Creole in various stages of decreolization (see

the cited works by Granda, Megenney, Perl and Schwegler).

In accordance with the monogenetic theory of Creole formation (Whin-

nom, Thompson), the hypothetic Afro-Hispanic Creole is thought to be based

on an earlier Portuguese Creole or pidgin brought to the Americas in the

mouths of the negroes. The existence and the use of this pidgin/creole in

Africa is indeed attested to by the remarks of contemporaries, that also point

36

to the use of Portuguese, in its standard and pidginized forms, as a world

language in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Bal 119-21; Egerod 113-

14; Valkhoff, all the works cited). Some scholars believe that the Portuguese

pidgin was not an independent formation, but could have developed by relex-

ification from Sabir (Whinnom, Spanish Contact Vernaculars 10, "Origin"

522-27; Thompson 113; Hadel 38-42).

37

C H A P T E R T H R E E

B L A C K P O R T U G U E S E A N D S P A N I S H I N H I S P A N I C

L E T T E R S

3 . 1 Black characters make their appearance in Peninsular literature dur­

ing the course of the thirteenth century. Baltasar, one of the Magi in the

Auto de los Reyes Magos (late twelfth—early thirteenth century), is black.

A negro slave appears in the Poema de Yiisuf (mid-fourteenth century). At

about the same time the Galician-Portuguese poet Lopo Lias writes a satir­

ical poem to be sung to a son de negrada. One story of El Conde Lucanor,

"De lo que contesgio a un rey con los burladores que fizieron el pafio", fea­

tures a black slave (Jason, "Negro" 13-15; Russell 245 n.41; Rodrigues Lapa,

Cantigas 385-86).

Up to the second half of the fifteenth century, if a black character appeared

in a literary work, he spoke good Spanish or Portuguese. In the second

half of the fifteenth century, when blacks began to pour into the Iberian

world, compositions that reflected modes of speech different from standard

Portuguese and Spanish began to appear. Below we examine briefly the

genres of Peninsular literature that were affected by the new speech forms.

38

3.2. Coplas and other secular songs seem to have been the earliest genre

to assimilate the new element. Three compositions containing falar guine

appear in the Cancioneiro Geral compiled in 1516 by Garcia de Resende.

The Cancioneiro included many pieces written at an earlier date, and Fernao

da Silveira's composition written "en breue de huma mourisca rratorta, que

mandou fazer a senhora pringeza quando esposou", is thought to be the

earliest piece of literature to record the black speech (it was dated 1455 by

Michaelis de Vasconcelos and Teyssier; see Goodman 150 for objections).

Another poem presents a dialogue between a clergyman and his black maid

whom he accuses of having overturned a barrel of wine (Anrique da Mota's

Didlogo "sobre huuma pypa de vynho que se lhe foy pelo cham"). The

third composition is a much shorter piece by Dom Rodriguo de Monssanto,

"de maneyra que mandaua a hum seu escrauo que curasse huma sua mula"

(Kaussler 1: 172, 3: 106, 277).

Rodrigo de Reinosa appears to be the one who launched the vogue for

black poetry in Spain. His two sets of coplas are preserved in a chap-book

whose date of publication is impossible to ascertain, although Cossio believes

that they were written before the sixteenth century (Cossio lxxvi, lxxviii).

The first one is entitled Comienzan unas coplas a los negros y negras: y de

39

como se motejaban en Sevilla un negro de gelofe mandinga contra una negra

de Guinea. A el llamaban Jorge: e a ella Comba: e como el la requerria

de amores: e ella decia que tenia otro enamorado que llamaban Grisolmo.

Cdntanse al tono de la "nina cuando baileis". And, in the same pliego: A los

mismos negros. Hanse de cantar al tono de guineo (Cossio 111-17).18

T h e a t r e . Portuguese theatre also precedes the Spanish in the employ­

ment of fala guine. Gil Vicente has black characters in four of his plays: three

of them speak broken Portuguese (in Fragoa d'amor [1524], Nao d'amores

[1527] and Clerigo da Beira [1529?]), while a character in Floresta d'Enganos

(1536) imitates black Spanish (Teyssier 227-49; Coelho 45-48; Michaelis de

Vasconcelos 497-8; Hendrix 17).

Antonio Ribeiro Chiado uses black Portuguese in his autos Pratica d'oyto

feguras and L'auto das regateyras; at least three more plays of the escola

vicentina that have come down to us contain black protagonists. Black char­

acters continue to appear on the seventeenth-century Portuguese stage (for

example, in the Apologos dialogaes by Dom Francisco Manoel de Mello).

1 8 Another set of coplas attributed to Reinosa is called Coplas de como una dama ruega a un negro que cante en manera de requiebro; y como el negro se deja rogar, en fin la senora vencida de su gracia le offrece su persona. There, the negro Jorge speaks good Spanish. Weber de Kurlat thinks that the attribution is erroneous, while H i l l considers it well founded (Weber de Kurlat , "Sobre el negro" 382, n.12; H i l l 18).

40

In the eighteenth century they pass to the works of teatro menor (Leite de

Vasconcellos, Esquisse 45-46; Teyssier 249-50).

In the Spanish theatre, black characters speaking distorted Spanish ap­

pear in Feliciano de Silva's Segunda comedia de Celestina (1534), Gaspar

Gomez's Tercera parte de la tragicomedia de Celestina (1536), three plays

by Lope de Rueda: La comedia de los enganados (1538), Eufemia (1542),

Coloquio de Tymbria (?). Contemporary to these plays are Juan Pastor's

Farsa o tragedia de la castidad de Lucrecia, and five farces by Diego Sanchez

de Badajoz: Farsa theologal, Farsa del Moysen, Farsa de la hechicera, Farsa

de la ventera, Farsa de la Fortuna (De Chasca 326).

Lope de Vega has black characters in dozens of his plays; some of them

speak distorted Spanish, as in La madre de la mejor, Servir a senor discreto,

Amar, servir y esperar, La limpieza no manchada, El santo negro Rosambuco

de la ciudad de Palermo and El capelldn de la virgen (Weber de Kurlat, "El

tipo del negro"). Habla de negros appears as well in Tirso de Molina's La

huerta de Juan Fernandez, Calderon's La sibila del Oriente, and Juan de

Caxes's Los trabajos de Joseph (more references to guineo in the Spanish

theatre can be found in Alvarez Nazario, El elemento 120 n. 7.)

3.4. Teatro menor. The presence of the Negro in the Portuguese teatro

41

c

de cordel of the eighteenth century has already been mentioned (3.3). Simon

Aguado's entremes Los negros (1602), Francisco de Avellaneda's entremes

with the same title (1622?), the anonymous Los negros de Santo Tome and

La negra lectora, as well as three entremeses by Quifiones de Benavente (El

negrito hablador, Los sacristanes burlados and El borracho) are but a small

part of those Spanish Golden Age works of the genero chico that featured

negro characters (Castellano, passim; Cotarelo 1: clii).

3.5 Leite de Vasconcellos tells us about the numerous calendars and al-

manachs in lingua de pretos published in Portugal well into the first quarter of

the nineteenth century. Similar literature, though less abundant, continued

to appear there in the latter half of that century, too (Esquisse 47).

In the mid-nineteenth century there appears in Spanish America a costumbrista-

type literature (plays and novels) that recreates negro characters along with

their language. To this movement belongs the play by the Venezuelan-Puerto

Rican author Ramon C. F. Caballero, La juega de gallos o el negro bozal

(published 1852), in which the negro Jose speaks bozal Spanish.19

Our own century witnessed the appearance, growth and decline of poesia

19Partially reproduced in Alvarez Nazario, El elemento 387-93. For more examples of this kind of literature see, for instance, Lipski, Latin American Spanish 108-10, and Coulthard (Ch. 1).

42

negrista, whose most noteworthy exponents are the Cuban Nicolas Guillen

and the Puerto Rican Luis Pales Matos. An important component of this

type of poetry consisted in recreating the local black Spanish.20

3.6 We do not know when habla de negros first crept into the poesia a

lo divino. The earliest such use known to us is a fragment of the Christmas

ensalada La Negrina by the Catalan composer Mateo Flecha el Viejo. The

ensalada as a genre was well-suited for the use of a mixture of languages

(Romeu Figueras, "Las canciones" 749-52, "Mateo Flecha" 39; Frenk 57-

60); La negrina employs Castilian, Catalan, Portuguese and habla de negros,

in that order. Romeu Figueras believes that it was written in 1535 or 1536,

while the composer resided in Valencia and was connected with the Cathedral

thereof ("Mateo Flecha" 33; 54-55). It will serve as a good introduction to

the villancicos en habla de negros to reproduce here the relevant fragment of

La negrina:

- San Sabeya, gugurumbe, alangandanga, gugurumbe, gurumbe . . . , mantenga, sefior Joan Branca, mantenga vossa merge. ,̂Sabe como e nacido,

aya em Berem

2 0For an overview of Afro-Cuban poetry see Coulthard (Ch. 2) and Feldman Harth 794fF.

43

un Nino muy garrido? - Sa muy ben. Vamo a ver su nacimento, Dios pesebre echado esta. - Sa contento. Vamo aya. jSu! veni, que yevera. Bona sa, bona sa, su camisoncico rondaro; ga garano, ga garano, su sanico coyo roso sa hermoso, sa hermoso, gucar miendro yevera. Sansavaguya . . . Alangadanga, gugurumbe, san Sabeya, gurum-gurumbe . . . "Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia!

E d . Angles, Las ensaladas 46-47.

44

C H A P T E R F O U R

NEGROS 2 2

4.1 Villancicos written in languages other than Spanish were designated

with special names. There existed franceses, gallegos, tudescos, Portugueses,

Vizcainos, moriscos and gitanos. Villancicos in black Spanish or Portuguese

used to be called negros, de negros, negritos, negrillos, negrillas or guineos.

4.2 The earliest known negros are those mentioned in the lists, or facturas

ofthe copyists ofthe Capilla Real in Madrid (Moll). Although negros appear

in these facturas without authorship, they may be assumed to belong to

the pen of the maestro de capilla. In the time-span that interests us, this

position was occupied by the Flemish composer Philippe Rogier (1560/61-

1596). There are two negros in these lists that could have been written by

Rogier: "El esclavito de allende" (1590) and "E zanzunbe" (1596). Another

villancico that might have contained a negro fragment is "Villancico a diez,

de quatro lenguas" (1591). All the texts are lost to us.

The fact that Rogier had written more negrillas than mentioned in the

lists of the Capilla Real, is known from the catalogue of the musical library

2 2 The outline of the history of negritos given in this chapter relies heavily on the article of R. Stevenson, "The Afro-American Musical Legacy to 1800."

45

of King John IV of Portugal. The first part of the catalogue of this library,

entitled Primeira parte do Index da livraria de musica de El-Rei D. Joao IV,

was published in 1649; the continuation never followed. The three negros by

Rogier appear on pages 379 and 425 of this catalogue: "Hu, hu, hu, a duo",

"Manani, manana, a 6", "Turo lo neglo que aqi sa, solo et a 4".

4.3 Three guineos of Rogier's pupil Gery de Ghersem, also Flemish, are

catalogued in the same Index (pp. 228, 230 and 231). There are another 54

negros in this catalogue. Two of the most prolific composers of negros in this

catalogue are the Portuguese, Francisco de Santiago (with 18) and Gabriel

Dias (with 16).23 Most of the other composers are catalogued with one

negro each. Since the library of John IV was destroyed during the Lisbon

earthquake of 1755, most of the compositions catalogued are lost forever.

However, because John IV collected only copies of the villancicos, some of

the originals may yet be discovered sometime in the future, when the contents

of the Peninsular and Spanish American cathedral archives are better known.

23Negros formed only a very small part of the composers' repertoire. Santiago's 18, and Dias's 16 negros—large output as compared to that of other composers—pale beside the total number of their villancicos (538 and 536, respectively), catalogued in the same Index. Diego Duron (maestro de capilla of the Cathedral of Las Palmas from 1676 to 1731) wrote a total of 421 villancicos, of which only 12 were negros (Querol Gavalda, "La production musical" 214-15). Rogier appears in the Index with the total of 71 villancicos, oi which only 3 are negros.

46

4.4 The earliest negros whose texts are preserved are those by Don Luis de

Gongora. One of them was written for the Corpus Christi Eve procession in

1609, two others for the Epiphany and Christmas Eve celebrations in 1615 in

the Cathedral of Cordoba (Stevenson, "Legacy" 486; Jammes, ed., Letrillas

Nos. xxxix, liv, lv). Those of 1615 were set to music by Juan Risco, the

choirmaster of Cordoba Cathedral (Jammes, Etudes 234).

4.5 Thirteen negros, ten texts and three texts with their music, are pre­

served in the archive ofthe Capilla Real de Granada (Tejerizo Robles 1: 137).

The Archive of the Cathedral of Avila has preserved only one negro (Lopez

Calo, Catdlogo No. 215). The Musical Archive of San Lorenzo el Real de El

Escorial has four negros, one of them by Antonio Soler (Rubio—Sierra Nos.

2055, 2087, 2172; Rubio, Forma 78). The Archive ofthe Cathedral of Sala­

manca contains no less than fourteen negrillas (Garcia Fraile). Some of the

negros preserved in the Cathedral of Salamanca were composed by Tomas

Micieces the younger. Those that bear dates cover the span of nearly a cen­

tury: from 1680 (No. 2392) to 1771 (No. 1677). In the Cathedral of El Pilar

de Zaragoza negros were also sung, as is exemplified by the one composed

by Joseph Ruiz Samaniego while he was choirmaster there between the years

1661 and 1670 (Gonzalez Marin 67-85). The brothers Sebastian and Diego

47

Duron (the former, maestro of the Capilla Real in 1691-1706; the latter,

maestro de capilla of the Cathedral of Las Palmas for 55 consecutive years,

1676-1731), both contributed to.the negro genre. Diego Duron wrote no less

than twelve guineos, and Sebastian, at least two (both of which are to be

found among his villancicos preserved in the Guatemala Cathedral Archive).

The villancico division of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid has preserved

an enormous number of seventeenth-century negros (around three hundred,

according to the Catdlogo). A chap-book containing the villancicos sung in

the Real Capilla in 1684 was analysed by Jose Lopez de Toro; the author

reproduced in his article the negro out of this villancico sequence (6-8). The

collection of 16 chap-books from the Cathedral of Malaga was reproduced in

a facsimile edition by Manuel Alvar in 1973; the 1753 set contains a negro.

A pliego containing eight Christmas villancicos by Felix Persio Bertiso, a

native of Seville, was printed in that city in 1677; one negro appears among

them. A better known author, Manuel de Leon Marchante, wrote a number

of negritos, one of which forms an indispensable part of any anthology of

negro poetry.

4.6 The Main Library of the University of Coimbra has at least twenty-

one villancicos negros in its manuscript division (Carlos de Brito xx). A

48

booklet of the Christmas villancicos sung in the Santa Se de Lisboa in 1646,

as well as a booklet of those sung in the Convento de N.S. de Graga de

Lisboa in 1647 (both containing negrillas), are preserved in the Public Library

of Evora (Augusto Alegria, Biblioteca Publica Nos. 463, 466). Leite de

Vasconcellos mentions a booklet he had in his possession, entitled Villancicos

que se cantarao na capella de D. Afonso VI. Alguns em lingua de preto

(Lisboa 1662; Vasconcellos, Esquisse 46, n. 91).24

4.7 The archive of the Cathedral of Valencia includes a number of negros

written by Juan Bautista Comes, who was maestro de capilla there until his

death in 1642. Joan Pujol was choirmaster of the Cathedral of Barcelona in

from 1612 to 1626. His works written during that time and preserved in his

house were inventoried after his death. The catalogue includes "Memorial

dels villancicos que lo molt ilustre capitol de Barcelona te del senyor mestre

Pujol aixi de la festivitat del Corpus com de Nadal" (ed. Angles, Opera omnia

x). Three negros appear in this "Memorial": "Gurugu, gurugu mande, a 8",

"Negros a comeye vamo, a 6" and "Turulu negro del Rey Balthazar, a 8".

One more negro by Pujol is preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid

2 4 We have been unable to locate this booklet.

49

(Angles, Opera omnia, xxii).

4.8 The earliest known composer of negros in Spanish America is a Por­

tuguese, Gaspar Fernandes. From 1606 until his death in 1629 Fernandes

occupied the post of maestro de capilla at Puebla Cathedral. After his death

one of his pupils, who was hired as a musician in Oaxaca Cathedral, took

away with him a book of festival compositions transcribed by Fernandes dur­

ing his stay in Puebla (Stevenson, "Legacy" 495-96). This manuscript was

discovered and catalogued by Stevenson in 1967; it contains fourteen vil­

lancicos negros (the catalogue of this collection may be seen in Stevenson,

Renaissance, or in his "Puebla Chapelmasters" 40-45).

After Fernandes, the position of maestro de capilla was assumed by Juan

Gutierrez de Padilla (ca. 1590-1664), a native of Malaga. The texts of the

Christmas villancicos composed by him were published annually; those of

the years 1649, 1652, 1654 and 1656 contain negrillas (Stevenson, Christmas

52).

The next Puebla choirmaster, Juan Garcia de Zespedes (ca. 1619-78),

and Antonio de Salazar (1650-ca. 1715), both contributed to the negro genre.

The Jesus Sanchez Garza collection (named after its last private proprietor,

and acquired in 1967 by the Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes in Mexico)

50

alone contains three negritos by the latter. Juan de Vaeza Saavedra, another

composer who nourished at Puebla between 1662 and 1667, has one negro in

this same collection.

The sparkling negro pieces of Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz date from 1676 to

1690. Some of them were set to music and performed at Puebla Cathedral,

others in the Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico. Her contemporary, Gabriel de

Santillana, also turned to black themes more than once (Mendez Plancarte,

Poetas 134-36). One of the villancicos by Francisco Moratilla is preserved

in the Colegio de Santa Rosa de Santa Maria de Valladolid (now Morelia)

(Bernal Jimenez 19-22).25

4.9 The musical archive of the Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia), whose

contents were transcribed recently by Perdomo Escobar, contains six negros.

One ecclesiastical library in Cusco (Peru) contains at least five negritos (Var­

gas Ugarte, Nos. I l l , 114, 115, 134, 344). The Cathedral of Sucre (now Bo­

livia) contains one anonymous villancico negro (Garcia Munoz 24). The negro

by Juan de Araujo published by Stevenson under the title "Los negritos",

2 5 Moratilla appears to have been a Peninsular composer. Three villancicos by the composer of this name are catalogued in the Biblioteca Nacional, and the editors have this to say about the author: "El nombre de Moratilla nos era desconocido; acaso se trate de Francisco Moratilla, el cual regia el magisterio de los Santos Justo y Pastor, de Alcala de Henares, en 1735" (Angles and Subira, Catdlogo 2: 25).

51

was also performed in Sucre, while this composer served as choirmaster in

the Cathedral thereof in 1680-1714 (Stevenson, Music of Peru 236-49). The

collection of Julia Elena Fortiin (La Paz, Bolivia) consisting of about three

hundred manuscript works, contains one or more guineos (one was published,

Fortiin 48). The archive of the Monasterio de Santa Clara in Cochabamba

(Bolivia) has at least one negro. Guatemala City Cathedral Archive, as cat­

alogued by Stevenson (Renaissance), preserves 19 negros. Some of them are

written by such distinguished eighteenth-century composers as Manuel Jose

de Quiroz (maestro de capilla in Guatemala in 1738-65; four negros) and

Rafael Antonio Castellanos (maestro de capilla 1765-91 in Guatemala; five

guineos) (Lemmon 11-16).

4.10 The above list of guineo sources is incomplete for various reasons,

two of which are the poor accessibility and partial nature of many archival

catalogues. Further research in this direction should yield many more negros

(not to mention villancicos written in other dialects and tongues).

52

C H A P T E R F I V E

D E S C R I P T I O N O F T H E NEGRITOS U S E D I N T H I S S T U D Y

5.1 Below is a detailed description of the sixty-eight villancicos used for

this study. Thirty-one of them are from Peninsular sources (four in lingua

de pretos and the rest in habla de negros), and thirty-seven are from Spanish

American sources (all, except one, in habla de negros). Whenever possible,

we indicate the precise present location of the villancicos.

1.

First Line: Mariana sa Corpus Christa Author: Luis de Gongora Feast Day: Corpus Christi Date of Composition: 1609 Place of Performance: The Cathedral of Cordoba Secondary Source: Jammes, ed., Letrillas 153-55

First Line: iOh, que vimo, Mangalena! Author: Luis de Gongora Composer: Juan Risco Feast Day: Christmas Date of Composition: 1615 Place of Performance: The Cathedral of Cordoba Secondary Source: Jammes, ed., Letrillas 180-81

First Line: ,̂Que gente, Pascual, que gente? Author: Luis de Gongora Composer: Juan Risco Feast Day: Epiphany Date of Composition: 1615 Place of Performance: The Cathedral of Cordoba Secondary Source: Jammes, ed., Letrillas 182-83

53

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

4. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

5. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

6. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments:

Vamo, Plimo, y adoremo Juan Bautista Comes Christmas before 1643 The Cathedral of Valencia The Archive of the Cathedral of Valencia (Leg X-43) Comes, Obras 2: 14-16 (text and music)

Pue lo negro en lo portale Juan Bautista Comes Christmas before 1643 The Cathedral of Valencia The Archive of the Cathedral of Valencia (Leg X-4) Comes, Obras 2: 24-35 (text and music)

Pues e la Virgen tan beya Juan Bautista Comes dedicated to the Virgin Mary before 1643 The Cathedral of Valencia The Archive of the Cathedral of Valencia (Leg X-20) Comes, Obras 3: 30-38 (text and music)

Tacico, vena comigo Juan Bautista Comes "en una primera misa" before 1643 The Cathedral of Valencia The Archive of the Cathedral of Valencia (Leg VII-11) Comes, Obras 4: 57-64 (text and music) reproduced in the Appendix

54

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

g Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

g Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

10. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

Aqui za mi Dios verdadero Luis Gargallo Christmas 1661 The Cathedral of Huesca Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 104.5 (Catdlogo) Bravo-Villasante 36-37 forms part of a larger villancico. Based on an earlier (sixteenth-century) secular villancico.

Hagamole plaga a lo Reye Mago Luis Gargallo Christmas 1661 The Cathedral of Huesca Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 104.8 (Catdlogo) Bravo-Villasante 41-43 textual concordances with Nos. 10 and 14. Reproduced in the Appendix

Que te cuntale, Thome Joseph Ruiz Samaniego Christmas 1661-1670 La Capilla de El Pilar, Zaragoza The Archivo Capitular (Zaragoza); catalogue number EPA LXX-13 Gonzalez Marin 67-85 (text and music) textual concordances with No. 9

55

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

11. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Author:

12. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Secondary Source:

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

^ Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Author: Feast Day: Date of Publication:

14. Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments:

jAh, Flansiquiya! Francisco Garcia Montero Solano Christmas 1673 La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above; catalogue number B.G.U.G.B.-18-36(11) Tejerizo Robles 1: 178-79 textual concordances with No; 58

Esta noche, los negros Manuel de Leon Marchante Christmas 1676 Albornoz 46

En el portal, muy alegre Epiphany 1676 El Real Convento de la Encarnacion Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 162.6 (Catdlogo) • Bravo-Villasante 88-89 forms part of a larger villancico

^Que vamo a ve, Catalina? Felix Persio Bertiso Christmas 1677 Sevilla? Samuel Pepys's library (No. 1545, 1/13) E. M. Wilson 132 textual concordances with No. 9. Reproduced in the Appendix

56

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

16. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

^ Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

. First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

- /,Flacico? - Ziol. Christmas 1679 El Real Convento de la Encarnacion Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 181.8 (Catdlogo) Bravo-Villasante 111-113 is reminiscent of No. 54

i Flaciquiya, £a donde va? Epiphany 1684 Capilla Real (Madrid) Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (Varios; Mss. 9.373, fols. 183-88) Lopez de Toro 6-8

Ah mi siolo Juanico Antonio Montoro Fernandes de Mora Christmas 1694 La Iglesia de San Mateo de Lucena Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 122.8 (Catdlogo) Bravo-Villasante 63-65

Aquellos negros que dieron Alonso de Bias y Sandoval Christmas 1694 La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above; catalogue number B. N. Barbieri R-34987, 32 Tejerizo Robles 1: 188-89

57

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

19. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

2^ Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

2̂ Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

22 Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Con el zon zonezito del zarabuyi Epiphany 1696 La Capilla Real Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 295.7 (Catdlogo) Bravo-Villasante 185-87

^Que gente, plima, que gente? Alonso Bias y Sandoval Christmas 1699 La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above; catalogue number B.G.U.G.C-38-36(6-ll) Tejerizo Robles 1: 212 the beginning is reminiscent of Gongora's "^,Que gente, Pascual, que gente?" (No. 3)

Azi, Flaziquiya Alonso Bias y Sandoval Christmas 1701 La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above; catalogue number B.G.U.G.V-38-37(6-15) Tejerizo Robles 1: 223-24 textual concordances with No. 24. Reproduced in the Appendix

Los narcisos de Guinea Antonio Navarro Christmas 1717 La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above; catalogue number B.G.U.G.C-38-37(6-14) Tejerizo Robles 1: 229-30

58

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

23. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

24. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

25. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

26. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

Esta noche lo Neglillo Juan Frances de Iribarren Christmas 1753 The Cathedral of Malaga El Archivo Municipal de Malaga; catalogue number XVIII-4-1053bis (n.p.) Alvar (n.p.) reproduced in the Appendix

Los negros vienen de zumba Antonio Soler Christmas 1758 San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial the archive of the above, E 122-9 (Soler); No. 15 (Rubio, Forma) Soler 348 (music in the same volume) textual concordances with No. 21

Apalte la gente branca Esteban Redondo Christmas 1783 La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above (Leg 28-1082) Tejerizo Robles 1: 278-79

Los negrillos esta noche Esteban Redondo Christmas unknown La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above (Leg 29-1095) Tejerizo Robles 1: 307

59

First Line: Author, Composer: Feast Day:

27. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Performance:

2g Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance:

29. Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

^ Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments:

A Belen han venido unknown Christmas unknown La Capilla Real de Granada the archive of the above (unnumbered manuscript) Tejerizo Robles 1: 310-11

Bastiao, Bastiao Christmas seventeenth century O mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra (M.M. 228, fols. 3v-6r) Carlos de Brito 12-30 (text and music) in lingua de pretos; reproduced in the Appendix

Sa qui turo zente pleta Christmas 1647 Coimbra? Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra (M.M. 50, fols. 18v-23v) Stevenson, Vilancicos Portugueses 153-60 (text and music) in lingua de pretos

Afassa! afassa! que vern Christmas 1702 Se de Coimbra Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra Mendes dos Remedios 50-51 reproduced partially in the secondary source; in lingua de pretos

60

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

Ola pleto siolo alfele Christmas 1703 Se de Coimbra Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra Mendes dos Remedios 51-53 reproduced partially in the secondary source; in lingua de pretos

Dame albrigia mano Anton Gaspar Fernandes Christmas 1606-29 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS of Fernandes (fols. lOOv-lOlr) Stevenson, Latin American 120-24; IAMR 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 3-6 (text and music in both) available on disc (Purcell)

Eso rigo re repente Gaspar Fernandes Christmas 1606-29 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS of Fernandes (fols. 234v-244r) Stevenson, Latin American 129-31; "Legacy" 490-95; IAMR 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 11-13 (text and music in all three) the first line is spelt in all editions as "Eso rigor e repente"; available on disc (Purcell)

61

34.

35.

36.

First Line: Composer: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Compositon: Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

Tantarantan a la guerra van Gaspar Fernandes 1606-29 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS of Fernandes (fols. 263v-264) Stevenson, Latin American 141-43; I AMR 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 18-20 (text and music in both) the feast day is not specified and is unclear from the contents

Tururu farara con son Gaspar Fernandes Christmas 1606-29 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS of Fernandes (fols. 217v-218r) Stevenson, Latin American 146-47; I AMR 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 23-24 (text and music in both) a fragment of a longer villancico?

A palente, a palente Juan Gutierres de Padilla Christmas 1649 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington), in the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se cantaron la noche de Navidad en la Catedral de la Puebla de los Angeles este ano de mil y seiscientos y quarenta y nueve (catalogue number W173d) a photocopy of the above the text of this villancico reproduced in the Appendix is taken from Stevenson, Christmas 52. It has also been reproduced in I AMR 6.1 (Fall 1984): 87

62

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance

37. Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance

39. Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Al encarnado Arrebol Juan Gutierrez de Padilla Immaculate Conception 1652 The Cathedral of Puebla Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington), in the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se cantaron en la Catedral de la Pvebla de los Angeles en los Maytines, y fiesta de la Limpia Concepcion este ano de 1652 (catalogue number W173) a photocopy of the above

Al puerto de su esperanga Juan Gutierrez de Padilla Immaculate Conception 1654 The Cathedral of Puebla Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington), in the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se cantaron en la Catedral dela Pvebla de los Angeles en los maytines, y fiesta, dela limpia Concepcion de Nuestra Senora este ano de mil, y seiscientos y sincuenta, y quatro (catalogue number W173a) a photocopy of the above

Ola plimo, ola plimo Juan Gutierrez de Padilla Immaculate Conception 1656 The Cathedral of Puebla Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington), in the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se cantaron en los maytines y fiesta de la Limpia Concepcion de Nuestra Senora, este Ano de 1656 (catalogue number W173b) a photocopy of the above

63

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

40. Date of Composition: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance:

41

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance:

42

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Feast Day:

43. Place of Performance: Secondary Source: Comments:

A siolo Flasiquiyo Juan Gutierrez de Padilla Christmas before 1664 Stevenson, Christmas 79-80; IAMR 6.1 (Fall 1984): 88-89; 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 49-53 (text and music)

Por selebrar este dia Juan de Vaeza Saavedra Christmas 1669 Puebla (Mexico) Jesus Sanchez Garza collection (Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes de Mexico) Stevenson, Christmas 83-84; IAMR 6.1 (Fall 1984): 133-34 the text is obscure

Tarara qui yo soy Anton Antonio de Salazar Christmas 1678 - 1715 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) Jesus Sanchez Garza collection (Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes de Mexico) Stevenson, Latin American 277-79 (music and text); Stevenson, Christmas 82 (the first four coplas) available on disc (Purcell)

Hy, hy, hy, que de risa morremo Christmas Puebla (Mexico) Megenney, "Rasgos criollos" 167-68 available on disc (Purcell)

64

First Line: Author: Composer:

^ Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Author: Composer:

45. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Secondary Source:

First Line: Author: Feast Day:

46 Date of Composition: Place of Performance Secondary Source: First Line: Author: Composer:

47. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance Secondary Source:

No falto en tanta grandeza Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa? Assumption 1676 La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico De la Cruz 211 forms part of an Ensaladilla

Aca tamo tolo Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa? Immaculate Conception 1676 La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico De la Cruz 217

A los plausibles festejos Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz San Pedro Nolasco 1677 La Orden de N. S. de la Merced De la Cruz 223-24

A la voz del Sacristan Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa Assumption 1679 La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico De la Cruz 241

65

First Line: Author: Composer:

48. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source:

First Line: Author: Feast Day:

49. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Author: Composer:

50. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source:

First Line: Author:

^ Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source:

First Line: Author: Composer:

52. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source:

Bueno esta en Latin Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa Assumption 1685 La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico De la Cruz 253-54

Pues, y yo / tambien alivinale Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz San Jose 1690 The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico) De la Cruz 277 forms part of an Ensalada

Perico, con otros Negros attributable to Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa? Assumption 1677 La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico De la Cruz 328

^Ah, Sinol Andlea? attributable to Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Christmas 1678 The Cathedral of Puebla De la Cruz 332-33

Alegres a competencia attributable to Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Antonio de Salazar? Christmas 1680 The Cathedral of Puebla De la Cruz 342

66

First Line: Author: Composer:

53. Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source:

First Line: Author: Feast Day:

54. Date of Composition: Place of Performance: Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

55. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

56. Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments:

En esto entraron dos negras attributable to Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz Joseph Agurto y Loaysa? Assumption 1686 La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico De la Cruz 362

jFlasico, atesio! Gabriel de Santillana San Pedro 1688 Mexico Mendez Plancarte, Poetas 134-35 is reminiscent of "- jFlasico? - Ziol" (No. 15)

Ha negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome Francisco Moratilla Christmas 1723 Morelia (formerly Valladolid, Mexico) The Archive of the Colegio de Santa Rosa de Santa Maria (Morelia, Mexico) Bernal Jimenez 21-22 reproduced in the Appendix

Cucua, cucua Joseph de Cascante Christmas The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia) The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota Perdomo Escobar 277-78 reproduced in the Appendix

67

First Line: Feast Day:

57. Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Feast Day: Place of Performance:

59. Present Location: Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Feast Day:

^ Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments:

First Line: Feast Day:

61. Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

iQue me manda buenzanze? Christmas The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia) The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota Perdomo Escobar 508-09

Teque-leque Julian de Contreras Christmas The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia) The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota Perdomo Escobar 558-63

Toca la flauta Christmas The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia) The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota Perdomo Escobar 568-71; Claro, Antologia lxxviii-lxxix Claro's transcription makes more sense

Turu lu neglo Christmas The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia) The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota Perdomo Escobar 576 Perdomo Escobar thinks it may form part of No. 58

Vengan, vengan Christmas The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia) The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota Perdomo Escobar 601-03

68

First Line: Composer: Feast Day: Date of Composition: Place of Performance:

62. Present Location: Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

63. Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source: Comments: .

First Line: Feast Day: Date of Composition:

64. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line: Feast Day:

gj.'. Place of Performance: Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Los coflades de la estleya Juan de Araujo Christmas , 1680-1714 The Cathedral of Sucre (Bolivia) The Archive.of the Cathedral of Sucre Stevenson, Latin American 31-44; IAMR 6.2 (Spring-Summer 1985): 37-45 (music and text in both) the first South-American negro to reach print (Stevenson, "Legacy" 498)

Esa noche yo baila Christmas 18th century? El Monasterio de Santa Clara, Cochabamba (Bolivia) the archive of the above Claro, Antologia lxxv-lxxvii reproduced in the Appendix

Pasacualillo Christmas 1753 Cusco (Peru) The Archive of the Seminary of San Antonio Abad, Cusco; catalogue number 344 (Vargas Ugarte) Claro, Antologia lxxi-lxxiv

Turu lu negro Christmas Cusco (Peru) The Archive of the Seminary San Antonio Abad, Cusco; catalogue number 111 (Vargas Ugarte) Stevenson, Latin American 1-2 (music and text)

69

First Line: Composer: Feast Day:

66. Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Date of Composition:

67. Feast Day: Place of Performance: Present Location: Secondary Source:

First Line: Composer: Date of Composition: Feast Day: Place of Performance: Present Location:

gg Secondary Source: Comments:

Antoniya, Frasiquia, Gasipa Fray Felipe da Madre de Deus Christmas The Cathedral of Guatemala City (Guatemala) The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular Stevenson, Vilancicos Portugueses 71-83 (music and text)

Negros de Guarangana Rafael Antonio Castellanos 1788? Christmas The Cathedral of Guatemala City (Guatemala) The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular Lehnhoff 158 (music in the same volume)

Afuela, afuela Rafael Antonio Castellanos 1788 Christmas The Cathedral of Guatemala City The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular Fortiin 41-46 in her edition, Fortiin gives 1748 as the date of composition of this negro. Since it is catalogued both in Stevenson, "Guatemala" 198 and Lemmon 15 as a villancico by Castellanos written in 1788, we keep this date. This may be a case of two villancicos with identical letra and different musical score.

70

C H A P T E R S I X

A N A L Y S I S O F T H E NEGRILLAS

6 . 1 Although the structural parts of the villancicos negros are not always

indicated in the editions, the majority adhere to the "classic" tripartition into

the introduction, estribillo, coplas.26 Some have only coplas, or only estribillo;

some have these parts, but lack the introduction, and one negro contains a

recitado-aria addition ("Afuela, afuela"). The introduction and the coplas

are strophic; the estribillo is through-composed, and it may be as short as one

line, or as long as the rest of the villancico. The introduction and coplas may

be composed of 4, 8, 10, or 12 usually octosyllabic lines, although penta-,

hexa- and heptasyllabic metres also occur. As in other types of the villancico,

the estribillo, being through-composed, lacks metrical regularity.27

6 . 2 Of the sixty-eight villancicos taken into account in this study, forty-

eight are written for Christmas, ten for the Immaculate Conception and the

Assumption of St. Mary, four for the Epiphany, three for the patron saints

2 6 We refer, of course, to the negros preserved in their entirety. 27See Alvar 31-43 about the diversity of metres employed in the eighteenth-century

villancicos from Malaga, and about the Italian influence on the metrics of recitado and aria.

71

(San Pedro, San Jose and San Pedro Nolasco), one for Corpus Christi, and

one for the celebration of a new mass.28

In her study of Christmas villancicos, Sister St. Amour divided them by

their contents into four groups. In the first group, the emphasis is on the

figure of the Christ-Child; next come the villancicos that retell the events

immediately preceding the birth of Christ and take the form of dialogues

between St. Mary and St. Joseph, or the latter and the innkeeper; the

villancicos that were written for the post-Nativity feasts, such as.the Cir­

cumcision; finally, the pastoral type, featuring the shepherds of Bethlehem

who learn of the birth of Christ and depart for the manger. It can be im­

mediately perceived that the fourth type is by far the most suitable for the

introduction of new characters—Galicians, gypsies, Germans and negroes.

And, indeed, all the negros de Navidad belong to this type.

6.3 Often the Christmas villancicos represent a negro or a negress an­

nouncing to his or her kinsmen the miracle that has occurred in Bethlehem:

- jOh, que vimo, Mangalena! jOh, que vimo! - <i,Donde, primo? - No portalo de Belena. - lE que fu?

2 8 0ne more negro, "Tantarantan a la guerra van", is written for an unspecified celebra­tion, and it is unclear from the context what it could be used for.

72

- Entre la hena mucho Sol con mucha raya. . . . (2.1-7)

Or:

-Dame albrigia, mano Anton que Jisu nage en Guinea . . . (32.1-2)

Or else:

- Toca la flauta, siola Flancica, tocala ve, qui mi caio de risa. - iQue aia nueba? - Que lan diosa chiquitiia a naciro ya en Bele. . . . (59.1-7)

In other villancicos no announcement is represented; instead, the blacks are

shown on their way to the manger:

- ^Que vamo a ve, Catalina? - Dioso que nace siquito en pajita y peseblito como hijo de gayina. . . . (14.1-4)

Esta noche lo Neglillo, vestira de moginganga, viene turu en una manga, con sonaja y tamburillo a vel al Ziolo Manue. . . . (23.1-5)

2 9 The first digit here refers to the number of the poem according to the preceding list (see 5.1); the digits after the point indicate the lines of the poem that are being quoted.

73

Or:

Sa aqui turo zente pleta, turo zente de Guine; tambor, flauta y cassaeta y carcave na sua pe; vamoso fazer huns fessa o menino Manue. . . . (29.1-6)

Or:

- jA palente, a palente! - iQue quele, senol neglico? - Que bamo a lo portalico a yeva a nifio plesente. . . . (36.1-4)

For a change, in one of the villancicos the scene is set in Africa, where the

audience is invited to listen to the blacks returning from their visit to the

manger:

Vamos a su tierra a oirlos; contaran como les fue en el Portal, que no siempre han de venir a Belen. . . . (18.5-8)

Sometimes, it is the joy of the blacks and their desire to take part in the

celebration that serve as the beginning for the villancicos:

Hy, hy, hy, que de riza morremo, ha, ha, ha, contenta,. que aregria que temo pos la santa nacimento deste Deoso que nace na seno . . . (13.1-5)

74

Or:

Al plimiyo que adoramo hazele fiesta quelemo . . . (56.5-6)

Before departing for the manger, blacks prepare both gifts and entertainment

for the Child. The gifts are often of the humblest kind:

- que yevamo, soblina, a la naciro plimito? - Vn capisaya branquito. - ^Y que mas se yeva? - Maneciya de cablito. - ^Y que mas se yeva? - De cafia lo cabayito. - ^Y que mas se yeva? - Una danza de neglito. . . . (14.5-13)

Or:

yebemole asi su un sayo unas pafias y un sombrero. . . . (32.19-20)

And:

Lebalemo tulona, nuesa pino mondara, aseytuna y alcaparra, camueza y melocotona. Y llebalemo mantiya, aunque turu bale cara, para la miga cuchara, y miele pala papiya. . . . (10.65-72)

The items to be brought are monotonously repeated in a variety of combi­

nations:

75

Yevan cienso, chaculate, oro, mirra, pinonate, de calicante turrone, caixina de canelone, grana branca, e cururara, panara Ingresa, cuchara, e para hazer almendrara, guego mas bronco que tii. . . . (9.19-26)

And:

Si tlaemo culasiona, glagea con canelona, manzana, pela y tulona, aunque no la ha de come. . . . (58.141-45)

Neither St. Mary nor St. Joseph are forgotten:

- ,/Parira no yeva nara? - A la siola Malia yevamo a su sefiolia manteyina cururara, guante polviya picara, abanico, galgantiya, manto con punta le Flande, do libla de sucalcande, y confite con que beba. . . . (14.37-45)

And:

Lebalemo a la siola, pala abrigaya frasara amariya y cururada, que tlaemo desde Angola. Y a Jusepe le dale tora una samarra entera,

76

que paleza consejela si se la quiele pone. . . . (10.73-80)

The entertainment they prepare includes music, dancing, singing and acting:

- que yeva tu? - Tamboletiyo le gugulugii, con que baila tu y Andles; y turo neglo y tura Guinea aleglamo lo Nino Sesii (10.15-19)

And more:

Azuntamo turo zente cos flauta y os bitangola, cos birimbao, cos viola, cos arpa e cascaue; aregremo esse siola, os menino e Sa Zuze. . . . (43.14-19)

Sometimes it is to quiet the weeping Child that the blacks bring their music:

- Ha negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome, vaya de vuia de festa y place, y arruyemos al nifio que nace en Bele con la tonadiya del Zanguangue. . . . (55.1-4)

Very often the negroes describe in these villancicos the musical instruments

they are going to play:

Tura instrumenta se escuche; toquemo como pelsona chirimingula y baxona, culnetiya y sacabuche que se ciela como estuche,

77

y si le toca un negliyo, a pulo de inchal el carriyo, atluena como alcabus. . . . (55.24-31)

The blacks of one of the villancicos announce: "Benimo cargara / de dusienta

estlumentiya" (13.28-29). The instruments mentioned are not always of a

conventional kind:

Yo solito quielo tocal la multelo, sono la pandelo, cantala e coldelo . . . (59.11-14)

One villancico centers around the play that the blacks represent about the

Nativity:

- Vengan, vengan, que lo plegona la negla, que la negla lo plegona con vose de caramela; vengan a ber comeria nueba, que la negla representa del Dioso recien nacido y su madle helmosa, beya; que ya empiesa, que ya empiesa, cayar: que ya salen a cantar, jcayar! . . . (61.1-13)

Another, about the series of pasos with which negroes propose to entertain

the Child:

78

Pue que ega la noche buena en que lo neglo no ayuna, si a de salir paso alguna, saiga al paso de la gena

Saquemo el paso del huerto, pue la noche turu es flores, y admiremo a los pastoles de ber neglo con consierto

Si lo neglo solisita daye gusto al sagalito, al paso de huir a Ejipto benga con la borriquita. . . . (64.49-52, 57-60,

65-68)

The negroes of No. 57 represent an entremes; those of No. 31, several dances.

The villancico No. 40 shows them disguising themselves as parrots and mon­

keys. Yet another guineo shows negroes about to present a mogiganga:

Esta noche lo Neglillo vestira de moginganga viene turu en una manga con sonaja y tamburillo a vel al ziolo Manue. . . . (23.1-5)

The blacks are often shown conscious of the importance of their role as en­

tertainers:

- jAh, mi siolo Juanico! - iQue dise, siolo Alosico? - Que ya sabe su melse, que estamo en lo Portalico

79

en que turu lo Neglico la noche de Nasimienta ha de andal como pimienta en honra de lo Chiquito. . . . (17.1-8)

Sometimes, they are shown in the process of preparing for their show:

- ^Flasico? - Ziol. - Tlaygame vozase un faciztol. - ^No me dila, que quele faze? - Quielo hazel un Viyansico, turo de zol-fa-mi-re. - lY como ha de ze? - Zin zanguangua, Gurupa, gurupe, Ni zambucutu, Usia, usie. . . . (15.1-10)

In another type of villancico de Navidad, black protagonists describe the

events at the manger and depict the characters present. For instance, the

negroes of No. 18 declare that they have seen the Child, St. Mary, St.

Joseph, shepherds with a variety of gifts, Gypsies dancing (while St. Joseph

was keeping an eye on the mule so that they would not steal it), the Magi

("dos re marfil eran, / uno re azabache", 71-72), and other negroes who

brought along a camel loaded with gifts. In this type of villancico a black

character may introduce himself first:

Yo soy Anton molinela, y ese nifio qui nacio

80

hijo es li unos lablalola: li tura mi estimation. . . . (42.4-7)

Some Christmas villancicos have little to do with the argument they are

supposed to treat. The negro sung in San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial in

1753 depicts a negro and a negress who get into the festive church under the

cover of the night ("que de noche loz gatoz son pardoz") and describe the

singers, musicians and especially the instruments they play in a naive and

funny way. The only allusion to Christmas is in the following estribillo:

Turulu neglu e turu la negla, i vengan a ver al zior nacimienta! . . . (24.17-20)

Some of the eighteenth-century negros from Granada no longer have the

spontaneous freshness and naivety that characterize the earlier specimens of

the genre. Instead, they speak directly of the concepts of the Christian faith,

at times in an unusually elevated language:

Bendita la Mare tuya y bendito San Jose: esta polque te palio, polque no es tu pare Aquel. . . . (25.42-45)

And

Eze branco cuelpecito

81

con el tiempo ze ha de ver denegrido y en un palo zolo por quelerme bien. . . (26.34-37)

6.4 The villancicos de Reyes do not differ much from those written for

the Nativity. One of the Magi is represented as black. In Gongora's negro

two shepherds meet the black king (this time it is Melchior), who comes to

offer incense to the Child. In another villancico the negro chocolate-makers

are bringing their product to please the Child; the reference to the Feast of

the Ephiphany is slight:

- Antoniya, ,̂donde va? Cuenta me da. - A ver el Infante elmosa, que nace tan podelosa que a la Negla blanca ala. Vamo aya; que ya yega el Rey Neglo, y podemo canta gulungua, gulungua. . . . (16.7-15)

Negroes in the Epiphany villancicos may be depicted arriving at the manger

to divert the Child and the Magi:

En el portal, muy alegre Unas sonajas tocando Entro un Negro, tan obscuro, Que no se via la mano. Por divertir a los Reyes, Empezo a cantar con garvo . . . (13.1-6)

82

And:

Con el zon zonezito del zarabuyi, Haremo a lun Reye de Reya reir. . . . (19.1-2)

They assert and pride themselves in their relationship with the Black King:

A lun Rey de Inciensa Dexale venil, Que zamo pintara De un mismo barniz. . . . (19.58-61)

i

6.5 The villancicos to St. Mary commemorate the Immaculate Concep­

tion and the Assumption of the Virgin to heaven. Sor Juana's "Aca tamo

tolo" depicts a negro who kills the serpent (Devil) that tried to bite the Vir­

gin. Other negros of the Immaculate Conception feast are not as inventive:

they picture blacks exalting the purity of the Virgin:

Negro soy, y aunque bogal, por decir dare la vida que es la Virgen concebida sin pecado original . . . (6.8-11)

In the Assumption type, blacks are shown discussing the departure of the

Virgin and expressing their sadness:

- Cantemo, Pilico, que se va las Reina, y dalemu turo una noche buena.

- Iguale yolale,

83

Flacico, de pena, que nos deja ascula a turo las Negla.

Si las Cielo va y Dioso la lleva, ^pala que yola, si Eya sa cuntenta? . . . (44.1-12)

Some of the villancicos of the Assumption end with a request to the Virgin

to deliver the negroes from their slavery:

- Mas ya que te va, ruegale a mi Dios que nos saque lible de aquesta plision. . . . (48.36-39)

And:

- Ay, Siiiola, lible Negla que estrela pisandi esta; jdame una de la que pisa, pue que a mi me sevila! . . . (53.22-25)

In one of the villancicos a negro camotero (street-vendor) comes to bring the

Virgin his humble offerings:

- Espela, aiin no suba, que tu negro Anton te guarra cuajala branca como Sol.

Garvanza salara, tostada ri doy, que complo Cristina mase de un toston. . . . (48.21-28)

84

Sometimes, the negroes dance to celebrate the event:

- Pues privini la tambo, porque en fiesa la Suncio no se esta queda la pie. . . . (50.10-12)

And:

- Flacica, turu la Negla hoy de guto bailala, polque una Nenglita beya e Cielo va gobelna. . . . (53.17-20)

6.6 Villancicos for other occasions—Corpus Christi (No. 1), patron saints

(Nos. 46, 49, 54), and the celebration of a new mass (No. 7)—are variations

of the ones already described.

The villancico de Corpus represents two negresses on their way to join

the festive procession. They discuss whether they deserve being present near

the Sacrament:

Samo negra pecandora, e branca la Sacramenta. . . . (1.7-8)

Then, they describe the procession they are witnessing, with flattering allu­

sions to the bishop of Cordoba (Jammes, Etudes 233):

- ,̂Si viene la Obispa santa?

la mano le besara, que mano que tanto da en Congo aun sara bien quista. . . . (1.34, 38-40)

85

In the villancico "Tacico, vena comigo", a negro persuades his fellow-slave

to go listen to a new mass; they discuss what they are going to see:

Veremo una sacerote cantar la Kirie Leyson, vestira una camison y una pulida capote . . . (7.15-18)

The cheerful introduction of Sor Juana to her villancico for San Pedro

Nolasco (46.1-8)—

A los plausibles festejos que a su fundador Nolasco la Redentora Familia publica en justos aplausos, un Negro que entro en la Iglesia, de su grandeza admirado, por regocijar la fiesta canto al son de un calabazo—

contrasts with the actual contents of the coplas:

Eya [=San Pedro Nolasco] dici que redimi: cosa palece encantala, por que yo la Oblaje vivo y las Parre no mi saca. . . . (46.17-20)

In the negro for San Jose (No. 49), the black character invites himself to take

part in a quiz about St. Joseph, that has been offered to the choirboys:

- Pues, y yo tambien alivinale; lele, lele, lele, lele, jque pulo ser Neglo Sefiol San Jose! . . . (49.1-4)

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Finally, Gabriel de Santillana's negro for San Pedro shows two blacks, Fran­

cisco and Manuel, preparing their instruments to join the chant of the matins:

- Flasico, atesio! - iQui lisi, Manue? - Fiesa li San Perro Este noche es. - Ya yo lo sabe. - Cantal lo Mastine, mus toca tambe. . . . (54.1-7)

6.7 The authors of the villancicos negros, as we have seen above, tried

to imitate, or recreate artistically, to the best of their linguistic sense, the

speech of the black part of the population. This they did with the practical

aim to guide white performers so that they could perform the villancicos for

the best amusement of their audiences. That the performers did not differ

from those that sung other villancicos, in Latin, Spanish and other languages

and jargons, can be seen from the following introduction to a villancico negro

by Sor Juana that forms part of a larger Ensalada. After the coplas in Latin,

the introduction is continued:

- Bueno esta en Latin; mas yo de la Ensalada, os prometo que lo que es deste bocado, lo que soy yo, ayuno quedo.

Y para darme un hartazgo, como un Negro camotero quiero cantar, que al fin es

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cosa que gusto y entiendo;

pero que han de ayudar todos. (Tropa) - Todos os lo prometemos. - Pues a la mano de Dios, y transformome en Guineo. . . . (48.1-12)

It would seem likely that after the last line the singers put on masks, "trans­

forming" themselves in negroes. Disguise as a black character was often used

in the contemporary theatre. For example, one character in Gil Vicente's

Floresta d'Enganos manages to pass himself off as a black maid by dressing

himself in female clothes and speaking in guineo. Four thieves, three men

and a woman, in the entremes Los negros de Santo Tome disguise themselves

as negroes and thus avoid imprisonment. The disguise they use cannot be

simpler: one of the thieves appears on the stage "con unas mascaras de ne­

gros y sus bonetes y tamborillos"; a few lines later a stage direction says:

"Ponense las mascaras y empiezan a taner y a danzar. . . ." (Cotarelo 1:

138). They sing, of course, in guineo.30

6.8 The fragment by Sor Juana cited above also shows that villancicos en

habla de negros were liked and much better understood by the public than

3 0 Cf . also a similar practice among the Morris dancers in 17th-century England: "las danzas moriscas existentes por entonces en Inglaterra . . . conservaron, durante muchos afios, como signo autentico de su origen, algunos detalles, por ejemplo, las bandas de cascabeles en las rodillas y tobillos, o la costumbre de pintarse de negro los danzantes el rostro" (Pfandl 258).

88

the compositions in Latin: "Cosa que gusto y entiendo". Leon Marchante,

a Peninsular author of villancicos, and a contemporary of Sor Juana's, also

testifies to the popularity of the guineos:

Los negros que estan cansados de ser, cada Nochebuena, anis de los villancicos, porque con frio se beba. . . . (12.12-15)

And yet another (this time, anonymous) testimony:

turu lo Neglico la noche de Nasimienta ha de andal como pimienta en honra de lo Chiquito. . . . (17.5-8)

The last two fragments are reminiscent of Cerone's lament over the same

matter: "en sabiendo que hay villancicos . . . ni les pesa el levantarse a

media noche, por mucho frio que haga, solo para oirlos".

6.9 Besides the exploiting of habla de negros, the readiness of the blacks

to sing and dance, and their important role as entertainers, the favourite

device of the authors of villancicos en guineo is the juxtaposition of black

and white and related concepts (sun-shade, light-darkness), as well as the

wealth of comparisons between the colour of the blacks and various objects

of reference. Thus we read in Sor Juana:

- jVaya, vaya fuera,

89

que en Fiesta de luces, toda de purezas, no es bien se permita haya cosa negra! . . . (45.6-10)

•>

And in Gongora:

Hormiguero, y no en estio,

negros hacen al portal. . . . (3.25-26)

Humo al fin el humo ha dado. . . . 3 1 (3.32)

Samo negra pecandora, e branca la Sacramenta. . . . (1.7-8) Mas tinta sudamo, Juana, que dos pruma de crivana. . . . (1.24-25)

The blacks are said to have caras tiznadas, caras de tinieblas, vultos az-

abachados, caras and gargantas de bayeta, bocas de noche, color adusta; they

go sin narices, have hocicos de hongo and sudan tinta. One villancico speaks

of "la cara de Guineo" (13.7). They are referred to as los Musicos de Az-

abache, los Azabaches con alma, los de la color adusta, los carbones, las

tinieblas, while they are also made to call themselves fidalgos de cravao.

Los Azabaches con alma su cantico comenzaron, y novedad fue en Maitines ver las tinieblas cantando,

says Sor Juana (53.5-8).

3 1 About the black King who came to offer the Child incense.

90

jAdios, Luz, que los maitines se han convertido en tinieblas! —

echoes Leon Marchante (12.16-17). Subtler plays of concepts also occur, as

when a negress speaks to St. Mary in these terms:

- Di la luzu qui displesia tu pie, la unu dala, polo que sin ti quedamus e continua eculila (=oscuridad). . . . (53.27-30)

Often blacks fear to frighten the Child with their dark faces:

- Y si a lo nifio que yora le pantamo, que halemo? - Vno bayle baylemo . . . (36.7-9)

j Al tomarlo [=el chocolate], lo coco no le [=al Nino] faltala, polque la nuesa cara de coco sera. . . . (16.49-52)

Cayemo tambe; la Nino se panta de milal a neglo su cara tisnala. . . . (52.33-36)

Sometimes it is the white folks that fear blacks would scare the Child:

- jFuera alia! No piense el Nino que es coco el Rey que a adoralle va. . . . (3.22-24)

The contrast of black and white is emphasized by references to the white­

ness of Mary and the Child:

91

y el branquiyo esta como asuca

fresca requeson, que a tus manos beya parece el cold. . . . (48.32-34)

Many authors use the juxtaposition of black and white to show their

sympathy towards the oppressed race:

La alma sa como la denta, Crara mana,

asserts Gongora (1.9-10);

il alma rivota blanca sa, no prieta,

confirms Sor Juana (45.11-14). Strong resentment is reflected in the following

lines of the Mexican poetess:

La otra noche con mi conga turo sin durmi pensaba, que no quiele gente plieta, como eya [=San Pedro Nolasco] so gente branca.

Solo saca la Panola; jpues, Dioso, mila la trampa, que aunque neglo, gente somo, aunque nos dici cabaya! . . . (46.21-28)

The "nigra sum" topic is repeated frequently: 3 2

3 2 T h e topic originating from the line of the Song of Songs: "Quamquam nigra sum formosa".

. . . (17.50)

92

y un saclistan que es negliyo, echando de la gloliosa, el "Niglo suni sed formosa" canto al son del archilau. . . . (55.53-56)

A n d :

- Someme [=asomeme], y vendome a rosa de Jericongo, Maria, - Entra , dijo, pr ima mia , que negra so, mas hermosa. . . . (2.30-33)

A variation, or extension of the topic might be seen in the following:

aunque tenemo fosico, zamo gente muy onrara. . . . (13.26-27)

6.10 A s would be expected, negroes are often made to speak about free­

dom in these villancicos, and sometimes complain about their servitude. A

street vendor asks M a r y :

- Mas ya que te va, ruegale a m i Dios que nos saque lible de aquesta plision. . . . (48.36-39)

A n d a negress asks M a r y :

A y , Si i iola, lible Negla que estrela pisandi esta . . . (53.22-23)

Often the blacks hope that the new-born C h i l d w i l l redeem them:

93

Nacimo de huns may donzera huns Rey que mia Deuza he, que ha de forra zente pleta que cativo he. . . . (29.31-34)

Los narcisos de Guinea, de Mozambique y de Goa

a pedir vienen al Nino su libertad por graciosa, y no sean mas esclavos . . . (22.1-2, 5-7)

Flutai, pequenina, minha colagao! (Que turn, que tao) Forrai os pletinho, siolo Zezii! . . . (28.57-61)

naze Ion Dios que llorando esta y biene a los neglos a dal libelta. . . . (58. 2-5)

The complaint, or rather, resentment, is seen in the following fragments

Eya [=San Pedro Nolasco] dici que redimi: cosa palese encantala, por que yo la Oblaje vivo y las Parre no mi saca. . . . (46.17-20)

And:

Negla sela la pendona, y negla la tlompetela, y negla la Regidera que gobierna plosesiona; negla sela la sayona, neglo cucurucho e falda,

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y negla sera la espalda de quien quisiere agotar. . . . (64.80-88)

6 . 1 1 From the villancicos negros can be extracted a wealth of informa­

tion about the life of blacks, their social position, their origin, occupations,

recreation, and so on. It is to these that the rest of this chapter is devoted.

Occupation. Negroes are mentioned as working at textile manufacturing

(al Oblaje), as being day-workers (samo neglito / que andamo jolmal [58.7-

8]), street vendors (they are mentioned as selling, for example, sweet potatoes

and chickpeas). One villancico features negro chocolate-makers; two others

show them at work as town-criers. From other sources we know that the

latter was an occupation usually reserved for blacks (Claro, Chile 40, 52).33

Treatment. The practice of sprinkling boiling lard (pringar) over the

wounds received by slaves after a whipping is mentioned twice in these vil­

lancicos:

- iQue tene? ,/Pringa senora?

one negress cheerfully asks another in one of the Gongora's negrillas (1.6).

3 3 See also a colourful description in Villaverde: "Enfrente . . . se hallaba un negro en mangas de camisa y a su lado un hombre bianco, vestido decentemente, quien leia en voz baja de un legajo de papeles abierto, que a guisa de libro sostenfa en ambas manos y el primero repetfa en voz alta . . ." (1: 294-95).

95

In a villancico by Comes one slave persuades another to go and listen to a

new mass; the other, more cautious, asks:

- iY si nosamo no pinga? [=^Y si nuestro amo nos pringa?] (7.5)

And they discuss if, indeed, that could happen. This practice must have

been particularly associated with black slaves; it is often mentioned in other

contemporary literature, always for humorous effect.34

Whites apparently used to greet blacks, whenever they happened to see

them, by a sneezing sound called estornudo (Brooks 240).35 This habit is

often mentioned in the negrillas:

En la chuculatiya pimiento no abla, polque como sa negla, hara estolnudar. . . . (16.49-52)

(Negro) jAchu molena! (Negra) Plimo, iqne ez ezo? ^ha comido pimienta? (Negro) Tomen tabacu y haranse corrientaz. . . . (24.24-28)

Mila, Ciolo, que halan el "guachi", y yo no queliba pol eso cantal. . . . (27.33-34)

The following lines show that negroes perceived this greeting as an insult:

3 4For instance, in the entremes Los negros by Simon Aguado, and in Quevedo's Boda de negros.

3 5 In Quevedo's Boda de negros: "Hundiase de estornudos / la calle por do volvian; / que una boda semejante / hace dar mas que un pimiento".

96

que los biancos no vengan bullal de los neglos hablandonos "guachi", porque a tolos nos hacen labial. . . . (27.62-64)

Blacks address one another as hermano, primo or pariente. The insults

applied to them are perro, caballo and bellaco.

Origin. References to the blacks' places of origin include Congo, Ethiopia,

Guinea, Santo Thome, Angola, Goa (Goba?), Mozambique (and, specifi­

cally, Sofala), Puerto Rico and Panama. Sometimes a tribal designation is

given (lucume, conga, carabali, mandinga and matamba); the following stanza

shows blacks from an unidentified place:

Negros de Guarangana, tan de pocos conocidos al son de sus largas unas asi le cantan al Nino . . . (67.1-4)

Names. All negroes are christened with European names. The most

common masculine names that appear are Francisco and Anton. Next are

Tomas, Pero, Andres, Manuel, Miguel and Gaspar. Others (Bias, Juan,

Pascual, Pablo, Sebastiao, Jorge, Alonso, Guillermo, Clement, "Gelomiya",

"Juzepilla", Martin and Bastolo) occur once. One negro is called Mamede.

The names almost always occur in diminutives. Feminine protagonists are

less numerous in the guineos. The names Juana and Catalina appear twice;

97

Clara, Magdalena, Francisca, Cristina, Maria and Esperanza, once each.

Musical instruments. The "conventional" ones that are mentioned are:

hornpipe, sackbut, shawm, clarion, horn (trompa, bocina), churumbela36 bu­

gle, flute, Aragonese flute, bagpipe, bassoon, organ, large lute (archilaud),

rabel (an ancient pastoral bow instrument), trumpet, tambourine, jingle

bells, castanets, and rattles. The instruments specifically associated with

negroes are drums (tanbore/tamburillo/tamboretillo, zambacate, tambaco),

kettledrum, calabash, cacambe, guache, birimbao and marimba.37 The bi-

tangola, although unidentified, appears three times (see Megenney, "Rasgos

criollos" 173, for conjectured roots for this word). Mortars, jugs, pails and

pots are also mentioned as musical devices.

Dances. These are numerous and varied:

- caballero: "^Quiele el cabayelo?" (17.29);

- cameron: "voy a bayla yo a Belena / pultilica y camalon" (42.11-12);

- canario: "bayle el canario y viyano" (40.36); "/De canalio tene gana?"

(17.31);

- capona: "le baylamo la Capona" (11.59);

3 6 "Genero de instrumento musico que se tafie con la boca, en forma de chirimia" (Co-varrubias, article "Churumbela").

37See Ortiz, Los instrumentos 2: 59, 79; Mendez Plancarte, Obras completas 373 and Claro, Chile 33 for the description of some of these instruments.

98

- cuacuarani: "baylando y cantando / cuacuarani" (41.10-11);

- chacona: "y tucamo chacona" (21.10); "Vaya, vaya la chaconsiya, / que

es a gusto de la persona" (17.35-36); "tucando la guitarriya / por folia o por

chacona" (22.72-73);

- chucumbe: "toca pue / chucu-chucumbe" (37.20-21);

- floreta: "tocamo la Bandurriya, / danzamo Floreta al son" (68.38-39);

-folia: "Toca viyano y follia / bayaremo alegremente" (33.26-27); "^Quiele

su melse folia?" (17.25); also see chacona;

- garimbola: "turos los pastores / le bailen la garimbola" (22.70-71);

- guineo: "le dansamo lo guineo / aunque no haya cascabe" (11.55-56);

- gulugu / gurugu: "tamboretiyo le gugulugii / con que baila tu y Andles"

(14.16-17); "Toca, plimita / la guitarrilla / del gurugu / al Nino Jezii" (12.8-

i i ) ;

- gulumbe / gurumbe / gulumpe / gurupe: "pues bailemo usia, / la pranta

se mueve / de alegre que sa / gurumbe" (56.7-10);

- matachin: "entle la botalga plonta / vestira de Matachin / pala dal al

bayle fin" (23.24-27);

- pandorga: "juntamo nossa pandorga" (28.3);

- pavana: "^Tanalemo la pavana?" (17.27);

99

- puertorrico: "uno bayle baylemo, / y sera la pueltorico" (36.9-10);

- saltaren: "baylandole el Saltale" (11.76);

- sangualangudn: "nos bolvelemo a Guinea /-baylando el sangualanguan"

(39.90-91);

- villano: see canario and folia;

- zalambeque: "que tuque instlumenta / pala el zalambeque" (21.18-19);

",fVaya el salambeque?" (17.23); "jAl sonecillo indiano / del zarambeque /

anden las mudanzas / firmes y alegres!" (12.18-21);

- zarabanda: "y a lan Dioso que sa yoranda / le cantemo la salabanda"

(51.10-11);

- zulambaque: "vaya, plima, vaya / de zulambaque" (57.3-4).

The following tonadillas are also mentioned:

- cumbe: "toca la cumbe, / que al Nino le agrada / aquesta tonada; /

cante su merce" (25.22-25);

- gulungua: "y podemo canta / gulungua, gulungua" (16.14-15);

- run-run: "que se duelme lo nifio Jesii / con el sonsonetiyo de la run-run"

(55.13-15);

- tapalatd: "arruyemos al nifio que esta en el poltal / con la tonadiya del

Tapalata" (55.9-10);

100

- zambucuti: "arruyemos al nine- que quele dolmi / con la tonadiya del

zambucuti" (55.6-7);

- zanguangue: "y sanguangue cantalemo, / que sa famosa letliya" (55.34-

35); "y arruyemos al nifio que nace en Bele / con la tonadiya del zanguangue"

(55.3-4);

- zarabuyi: "con el zon zonezito de zarabuyi / haremo a lun Reye de Reya

reir" (19.1-2).

In addition, these unspecified tonadillas are mentioned:

A moler, a moler empezad, porque al son de las piedras podremos cantar tonadillas de Angola y de Panama. . . . (16.33-37)

Of the above dances and tunes, some appear in Covarrubias, Diccionario

de Autoridades, Cotarelo's classic study, in the Glosario de afronegrismos by

F. Ortiz, or other sources:

caballero (Cotarelo 1: ccxxxv-xxxvi);

canario (Dice. Aut., article "Canario"; Cotarelo 1: ccxxxvi; Perdomo

Escobar 603);

capona (Dice. Aut., article "Capona"; Cotarelo 1: ccxxxvii-xxxviii);

cumbe (Dice. Aut., article "Cumbe"; Glosario 154);

101

chacona (Dice. Aut, article "Chacona"; Cotarelo 1: ccxl-xlii);

chucumbe (Mendoza 1103);

floreta (Dice. Aut., article "Floreta");

folia (Covarrubias, article "Folia"; Dice. Aut, article "Folia"; Cotarelo

1: ccxlv);

guineo (Covarrubias, article "Guineo"; Dice. Aut., article "Guineo";

Cotarelo 1: ccl-li);

gurumbe (Glosario 248);

matachin (Cotarelo 1: cclii, cccviii ff.; Covarrubias, article "Matachin");

pandorga (Covarrubias, article "Pandorga", Dice. Aut., article "Pan­

dorga"; Cotarelo 1: cclv);

pavana (Dice. Aut, article "Pavana"; Cotarelo 1: cclv-lvi);

run-run (Dice. Aut, article "Run Run") 3 8 ;

saltaren (Dice. Aut., article "Saltaren"; Cotarelo 1: eclx);

villano (Dice. Aut., article "Villano"; Cotarelo 1: eclxiii);

zarabanda (Dice. Aut, article "Zarabanda"; Cotarelo 1: eclxv);

zarambeque (Dice. Aut., article "Zarabanda"; Cotarelo 1: eclxxi);

3 8 The meaning given is "lo mismo que Rumor".

102

zulambaque (Perdomo Escobar 509).

We have been unable to trace the rest. Some of the dances or tunes

mentioned may be the fruit of imagination of the authors, as some scholars

have implied; others might be traced further.39

6.12 The guineos are very rich in seemingly senseless words that appear

typically in the refrains to create the rhythm and communicate to the pieces

an African flavour. Some of these are onomatopoeic, imitating sounds of the

instruments, or accompanying the movements of an energetic dance: he he

he; ha ha ha; ho ho ho; hy hy hy; le le le; rorro ro; achihe, achihd (rattles?);

ah ah ah; uh uh uh; husihe husihd (appears with various spellings: ussie,

ussid; usie, usid; usihe; usihd); tarara, tantarantan; tururu, farara; que tao

palatdo tao tao tao, que turn polotum turn turn turn (drums); aha aha; tan

tan tan; funfunrrumfun; tuturutu tu. Others are composed of independent

words, sometimes with a syllable ot two added or removed, or a sound or two

changed. The most frequent of these are:

- gulugu (gurugu, gulungu, guruguo, gulugue, gulungud, gugulugu, gulu-

3 9 The number of seventeenth-century dances surprised even contemporaries. A tes­timony of that is in the following lines from the entremes by Cervantes, La cueva de Salamanca: "Digame, senor mfo, pues los diablos lo saben todo, ^donde se inventaron todos estos bailes de las Zarabandas, Zambapalo y Dello me pesa, con el famoso del nuevo Escarraman?"

103

guluge);

- gulumbe (gulumbd, gulumpe, gulupd, gurupe);

- teque-leque;

- dale que dale (daye que daye).

The following also occur: gudn gudn gud; zarangudn; cucud; cambule; zam-

bambii; elamu, calambu, cambu; chucumbe; tenge que tenge; sumbacasu cu-

cumbe; guache; salandanga mandinga; surunga surumba; tumba catumbe;

tumbere tu; bombono, bombone. Some of these words were so firmly associ­

ated with negros that a black musician in one of them declares that he wants

to compose a villancico

Zin zanguangua, Gurupa, gurupe, Ni zambucutii, Usia, usie. . . . (15.9-12)

Sor Juana seems to have employed authentic expressions from some African

languages:

- jHa, ha, ha! - jMonan vuchila! jHe, he, he, cambule!

- jGila Coro gulungii, gulungii, hu hu hu! - jMenguiquila

104

ha ha ha! (47.9-17)

Analysing the above list, we can pick out the words with established or

conjectured independent meaning: gulugu, gulumbe, zambambu (zambomba),

guache, mandinga chucumbe; dale que dale40 tumba, cumbe (Glosario 154),cu-

cumbe (Glosario 155), calambu (cucalambe)?; Glosario 95), teque (Glosario,

article "Tenguerengue"), leque (Ortiz, Los instrumentos 2: 302). Others re­

main to be identified.

6.13 We have mentioned earlier that villancicos in general sometimes

appear with textual borrowings. The villancicos collected for this study offer

some examples of this.

Negrito No. 8, "Aqui za mi Dios verdadero", relies on the listeners' knowl­

edge of the earlier secular villancico from which we reproduce the beginning:

Anda, vete con Dios, moreno, aqui quere negro mori santero.

Entra vn negro en Malalena y vase ar artar mayor, suplacano a nuesa Sifior qui le fasa la pansa llena; en aquesto el Cura vinera: ^que hazemo aqui, cabayero?

4 0 This reduplication of the verb "dale" (from Spanish da + le) occurs in Philippine Creole Spanish (Whinnom, Spanish Contact Vernaculars 96). Other reduplications that occur in these villancicos are, for instance, "manda que manda" (22.13), "toca que toca" (22.18), and "templa que templa" (21.61).

105

Aqui quere negro mori santero. . . . (Becco 19-21)

Our negrito paraphrases and refers to the old villancico:

Aqui za mi Dios verdadero, y aqui quiere Neglo morir Santero.

Aqui za, Neglo de antano, que quiele ser Elmitafio, polque tiene desengano de lo mundo pecadero. Aqui za mi Dios verdadero . . . (8.1-8)

The beginning of No. 20, "iQue gente, plima, que gente?" is reminiscent

of Gongora's "iQue gente, Pascual, que gente?" (No. 3). Echoes of the

1661 negro from Huesca, "Hagamole plaga a lo Reye Mago" (No. 9), appear

in two later (or contemporary) villancicos, "Que te cuntale, Thome" (1661-

70, Zaragoza; No. 10) and "/.Que vamo a ve, Catalina?" (published 1677,

Sevilla; No. 14). The 1688 negrilla by the Mexican Gabriel de Santillana

(No. 54) is reminiscent of the 1679 villancico from Madrid, "/,Flasico? -

Ziol" (No. 15). For instance, the latter says:

- iPuez como ha de ze? - Acicuchele, y lo dile: La Tipla dila, fa-zol, Lo Contlalta ala, mi-re, Lo Tenor, be fa-de-mi, Lo Baxone, re-re-re. . . . (15.13-18)

106

And the former goes:

- como ha li se? - Las tipla, fa sol; cumtlata, mi re; tenole, fa mi; bajone, re re! . . . (54.17-21)

Negrito No. 11, "jAh, Flansiquiya!" (Granada, 1673) apparently precedes

the longer No. 58 from Bogota. The 1758 negro from San Lorenzo de El

Escorial, "Los negros vienen de zumba" (No. 24) is a reworking of No. 21,

"Azi, Flaziquiya" (Granada, 1701), unless they both draw on some earlier

source.

107

C H A P T E R S E V E N

T H E L A N G U A G E O F T H E GUINEOS

7.1 The lingua de pretos was studied by Leite de Vasconcellos ("Lingua

de preto", Esquisse 45-48), Michaelis de Vasconcelos (497-98), W. Giese, and

P. Teyssier. The habla de negros was studied by E. de Chasca, M . Alvarez

Nazario ("Notas", Elemento 123-331), H. Jason ("Language"), F. Weber

de Kurlat ("El tipo comico"). The two linguistic varieties were considered

separately (for example, in the studies of Teyssier or Weber de Kurlat), or

together (De Chasca).

In our description of the languages of the villancicos, we shall.adopt the

approach of E. de Chasca and consider the deviations of lingua de pretos from

Portuguese and those of habla bozal from Spanish together. Also, in our study

of these languages, we shall regard them as a system in itself, without refer­

ence to parallel developments in dialectal, rustic or other.linguistic domains

of Spanish/Portuguese. In doing so we follow the guidelines indicated by F.

Weber de Kurlat for habla de negros, which are worth quoting in full: "Creo

que debemos estudiar la fonetica de los negros comb un sistema propio, una

organization peculiar, simplificada, del castellano de la epoca y si bien es

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cierto que encontramos tendencias que coinciden con la lengua de los riisicos

o de otros grupos sociales o dialectales, estas son mutaciones paralelas en el

habla del rustico y en la del negro, o contamination en la creation artistica de

los autores, en tanto que otras . . . son consecuencia del influjo del sustrato

de sus lenguas nativas, influencia poderosa en la reproduction de los sonidos

con que deformaban el castellano" ("El tipo comico" 140).

7 .2 P h o n o l o g y .

(1) Final consonants often fall, unless supported by an additional vowel;

hence the pairs like:

(-s) vamo—vamoso, dejemo—dejemoso, ma - mase; (-r, -1) canta—cantale, pone—ponele, pota—potale, po—polo (por),

pano— panola, crabe—cravela; (-n) plusisio—plocesiona, atesio—atesiona; (-y) Re—Reya; bu—bueya (-z) pa (paz), luzu (luz); also, (-d) libelta, nobela, Mageta.

Lingua de pretos:

(-s) azuntamo, vozo, morremo, Deuza, alfele; (-r) more, faze, toca, forra; (-1) Manue, Gazpalo, amolo, tambolo.

(2) Simplification of consonant groups

(a)"through assimilation:

(-dr-) San Perro, poremo;

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(-rd-) sacerote; (-sc-) Flasico, ecrava, eculila (=oscuridad); (-st-) fieta, taba, sa, metiso, guto, eta, Mageta, vi-

tita (=vestida); (-rs-) mece (-rc-); (-rp-) cuepo; (-rt-) potal, ceto; (-It-) cumtlata (-It-); (-fr-) asafa.

Lingua de pretos:

(-st-) cassaeta, essa/esa, fessa, bessa, afassa.

(b) Through the addition of an epenthetic vowel:

(-sp-) reseponde, Gasipar (-sp-); (-sc-) acicuchele; (-fl-) falauta; (-rg-) guruganta.

(3) b > v: vaylaron, vandela, tanve, Velena, estliviyo, garvo;

v > b: ban, yebar, buelta, buesa, nobela, bel, bonzanse.

Lingua de pretos: v > b: biba.

It is not certain whether this indeed may be considered a characteristic trait

of the black Spanish or Portuguese: the "non-black" villancicos display the

same interchange (printers' choice?)

(4) /d/>/r/,/l/:

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(initial) riabo, rimc-no, rentlo (=dentro), rivota (devota), lunguya (=doncella), londe, lisi (=dice), re/ri/le/li (=de);

(intervocalic) vira, turu, puero, helilas, pulo, picalo (=pecado), piselumble (=pesadumbre);

(part of a consonant group) palre.

Occaionally, -d- falls, as in querio (querido), tos (todos).

Lingua de pretos: (intervocalic) hirmandale, toros.

(5) Interchangeability of / r / and/1/:

(initial) leina, labial (=rabiar), leves, lebano, ruego (=luego); (intervocalic) moleno, culazon, sinula, valita, butilo, pastola, pal-

aben, Malia; (part of a consonant group) pultilica, polta, estleya, plima, mat-

laca, gobelna, neglo, groria, pruma, nobre, copriya, Crara, ecravita, diabro;

(final) labial, quelel.

Lingua de pretos:

(intervocalic) tampelai, chola, palaizo, palece, colagao, gelagao, palente, aregria/aregremo, Donzera, Berem, Guadarupe; '

(part of a consonant group) plegao, ploque, neglo, aleglia, flu-moso, pletinho, glande, plegunta, concruzao, sarva.

(6) rr > r: core (correr), pero, mira (mirra), tiela (rr > r > I).

( 7 ) / A / , / 7 7 / > y o d o r O :

(/A/) acuya, creeya, negriyo, cayar, yena; gaina, paxia (pajilla), ai (alli)a;

(ft}/) siolo, zeol.

Lingua de pretos:

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(/A/) oyo / oio, gaiofa; (/r)/) cassaeta, siolo, mias.

In habla bozal, sometimes / A / > /I/:

lena (llena), caramela (caramillo), molinela (morenillo).

(8) Seseo: viyansico, lus, fosico, amanese, palese, comensa;

ceceo: Diozo, zeolo, tantuz, ziendo, zi, "loz gatoz zon pardoz" (24.35).

It appears that ceceo, or rather, "zezeo" is an invention of the eighteenth-

century authors; this speech tag had been traditionally reserved for gypsies.

(9) /c/,/x/ > /s/ {habla de negros):

siquito (= chiquito), musa (= mucha); Sesii (= Jesus), Suse (= Jose), Susepe, Soseph, sente (= gente);

jzj > jzj (lingua de pretos):

zunta (= juntar), azuntamo (= ajuntamos), Zezii (Jesus), Zuze (Jose), zente (=gente).

(10) Metathesis:

presona, probeza, turmenta (instrumentos), palde, malde, palra (= parla);

Lingua de pretos: cravao, flumoso, flutai, Flunando, ploque.

(11) Instability of unstressed vowels.

Pretonic:

112 .

jej > jij: vizina, trivimenta, privinilu, billaco, siol, sinai;

jej > juj: surpiente, burugungaro, hurmosa, plu-gunto;

joj > juj: currendo, culnetiya, cumtlata, cultes, cunsielta, Batulume, plusision, lunguya, lun Niiio, cururara (=colorada).

Posttonic:

jej > jij: virgi, subi (=suben); joj > juj: tantuz, quisu.

Lingua de pretos (all pretonic):

joj > juj: Zuze; /u/ > /o/\ cholomela; jej > juj: Flunando; jej > /i/: minina, siolo.

(12) Stressed vowels may change, too:

joj > juj: (cun) tesuro, turu, cumu, tuca.

(13) (a) Diphthongs may be simplified:

ie > e: currendo, ben, ceto, parente, trivimenta, nasimento, ] ue > u: pus, fu; ue > o: portorrico, nostla, pos casolita (=cazuela); ai > as: Mastine.

Lingua de pretos:

ou > o: so; ao > a : sa.

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(b) Hiatus may be resolved through the introduction of a semivowel:

Maliya, Guineya, torneya.

(14) Apheresis:

mana (hermana), panta (espanta), crivana (escribano), treya (es-trella), tandarte (estandarte), cienso (incienso), turmenta (in-strumentos), manece (amanecer), miscla (almizcle).

Lingua de pretos:

Bastiao (Sebastiao).

(15) Nasalization:

moginganga, pampangaya, lan 4 1 dunceya, Ion Dioso, Mangalena, Minguel, ninglo/nengre/ninglito, Jesumclisa, pecandora, bosanse, sacanbuche, milanglosa, cambayela.

Not so evident in Portuguese.

(16) Isolated phenomena.

—n— > yod: Beleya (maybe through Belen > Belena > Belea > Beleya, as in torneo > tornea > torneya);

calmino (insertion of -1-); bayar (fall of -1-); rimofio, dimono (—ni— > /n/); guevo (=huevo); pagre, magre (fdj > /g/); cagayera (/&/ > jgj); adzoluto (jbj > jdj); carcave (-sc- to -rc-); jerquia (syncope).

4 1 Alvarez Nazario derives this form from grammatical particles of Bantu languages con­taminated phonetically by the Spanish article "la" and semantically by the Portuguese reduced forms "na, no, nas, nos" ("Notas" 46; El elemento 164-67).

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7.3 Morphology.

(a) Articles may be missing:

"[una] cosa vimo, que creeya / pantara" (2.21-22); "en [la] fiesa la Suncio" (50.11); "a[l] niiio seluimo" (36.19); "queremo que [el] niiio vea" (33.22);

or superfluous:

"perimo al Dioso lisencia / e luego a Reye Gazpala" (68.66-67); Ion Dios; "a lan Dioso que sa yoranda / le cantemo la salabanda"

(51.10-11).

There may be a number-gender disagreement between the article and the

noun it defines:

las Leina (la Reina), las alma (el alma), unas cantaleta(s), unos lablalola(s), las pastola(s), las mula (la mula), las consuelo (el consuelo); la cuepo, la nino Dios, la Santo Papa.

Lingua de pretos:

nos soalho(s), nos gaitinha(s), os fidalgo(s), nos palma(s) de mao, humas danga (uma danga), os zente (a gente).

The loss of final /s / may be partly responsible for this disagreement.

Masculine singular article is sometimes derived from the masculine plural

through the loss of -s:

lo Nifio Jesu, lo Dioso, lo Pesebre, lo Potal, "de cana lo cabayito" (14.11).

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Not to be confused with "lo" as a plural article with final -s lost, as in "lo

pe" (los pies), "lo neglo venimo" (36.13).

(b) Nouns. Often a substantive and the adjective that modifies it disagree

in number and gender:

corason abierta, el Infante elmosa, lo[s] Negro[s] Chuculatera[s], mi sifiula[s] Malia y Jusepe.

Lingua de pretos:

Donzelhina belo, sua filho, suas cabelo[s], dois estrela[s], minha coragao, sua plegao, ou'tros danga, os meus vira, tuas oio, mias Menina.

Again, the fall of final -s may be partially responsible for the phenomenon.

The gender of a noun may be changed:

mucha raya (muchos rayos); la perrera (el perrero); la nascimenta; la bueya; una sola (el sol); jumenta; el arpo.

(c) Pronouns. There are some instances of an indirect object pronoun em­

ployed as a subject pronoun:

in habla bozal:

"mi eztar poztillon" (20.3); "mi quedar . . . reya" (20.6);

in lingua de pretos:

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"mim nao quele senao paz" (30.11), "mim fessa sar plimela" (30.12), "mim tocala os pandeilo" (30.22).

(d) Verbs. The basis of the conjugation is Spanish/Portuguese. There are,

however, numerous deviations:

- deficient conjugation:

"el Nino diosa yoramo" (10.50); "si tu yolamo pol mi, / yo me aleglamo pol tu"

(40.46-47); "Nacimo de huns may donzera / huns Rey que mia

Deuza he" (29.31-32);

lingua de pretos:

"mim tocala os pandeilo" (30.22);

- use of uninflected infinitives:

"esa noche yo baila" (63.1); "zi hayar grazia en el Garzon / a quien plezenta

yevamo, / mi quedar tan reya / como mi Amo" (20.4-7);

"Eya dici: So molena / con las Sole que mira" (44.46-47).

These are usually scattered among the inflected forms. The only negritos

that employ them systematically are "Esa noche yo baila" (No. 63; in habla

de negros) and "Afassa! afassa! que vem" (No. 30; in lingua de pretos);

- finally, some curious forms:

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pinsiaba, sirviaba, quiriaba/queliba.

The tenses of the verbs are those of Spanish / Portuguese. In the villancico

with predominant infinitive forms other means are used to distinguish tenses:

"su hichito ya nace" (63.13); "lo garganta ya causa / . . . / • pechuguera yo tene" (63.58-60).

The verbal form that unites all of the villancicos is the phonetic/semantic

derivation of Portuguese/Spanish verbs ser/estar. sar/sa (or, more rarely,

ta). It is used concurrently with regular Spanish/Portuguese copulas (cor­

rectly or incorrectly inflected), and may stand for all persons in the singular

and third person in the plural, while in the first person plural it takes the

form samo (tamo), when correctly inflected:

- sa(r) for soy/estoy:

"jAy, Jesii, como sa mu trista!" (1.5); "aunque negra, sa presona" (1.21); "hormiga sa, juro a tai" (3.27); "saro bu" (2.17);

lingua de pretos:

"mim fessa sar plimela" (30.12); "sar contenta" (30.17);

- sa for eres/estds:

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"sa hermosa tu" (1.14); "lE que sara, primo, tu?" (2.16);

- sa for es/estd:

"la alma sa como la denta" (1.9); "^Quien sa aquel?" (1.26); "jque sa cosa buena!" (44.38); "sa yoranda" (51.10); "sa siempre / milando la Iglesia" (44.29-30); "sa cuntenta" (44.20); "mano que tanto da / en Congo aiin sara bien quista"

(1.38-39); "sara muy galana" (44.21);

lingua de pretos:

"sa un Donzelhina belo" (28.27); "sa Deuz . . . / e noso palente sa" (28.31-32); "como sar linda / os minina" (30.41-42);

- sa for son/estan:

"sa lo moleno ya / cayendo . . . de risa" (40.7-8); "sa turu negla fea" (33.21);

lingua de pretos:

"sa os zente pleto / os fidalgo de cravao" (28.38-39);

- samo/tamo:

"si debota samo, / peldone mi amo" (10.6-7); "samo negra pecandora" (1.7);' "samo enfadado ya" (3.17);

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. "tamo lena li glolia" (47.19); "aca tamo tolo" (45.1);

- sando (gerundive of sar/sa):

"sando ronca y resfriara, / cantalemo mal, sifiole" (=estando; 51.19-20).

7.4 Syntax.

(a) The indicator of direct/indirect object, location and direction "a" is often

eliminated:

— direct/indirect object indicator:

"sola saca [a] las Panola" (46.25); "^Que vamo a ve, Catalina? / - [a] Dioso que nace

siquito" (14.1-2); " tambie sabemo / cantalle [a] las Leina" (45.3-4); "[a] la Reya mio / incienso ofrece sagrado" (3.30-

31); . • " ui[&] Parira no yeva nara?" (14.37);

- location indicator:

"[a] la Oblaje nos deja" (44.28); "yo [a] la Oblaje vivo" (46.19); "turu la ninglito / se pone culbata, / que vini lan

fieta / [al] piscueso colgala" (52.9-12); , .

- direction indicator: • .

"va subiendo [a] lo sumo" (47.33); "venga cun la tandarte / mafiana [a] la Prucisio"

(50.32-33);

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"[a] las Cielo va" (44.17); "vini [a] lan fieta" (52.11).

(b) Preposition "de" is sometimes eliminated:

"entlamo la tlopa [de] Gazpala" (68.3); "ra Gualda / re reye [de] Guineya" (68.6-7); "vestira [de] una camison / y una pulida capote" (7.17-18); "entle [de] Angola Pampangaya" (23.19); "en fiesa [de] la Suncio" (50.11).

(c) An auxiliary verb/copula may be missing:

"[he] acabada de yegar" (16.22); "donde ya [esta] Pilico, escrava no queda" (46.10); "iguale [es] yolale" (44.5); "samo negra pecandora / e branca [es] la Sacramenta" (1.7-8).

(d) The word order conforms to that of Spanish/Portuguese.

7.5 V o c a b u l a r y is predominantly Spanish / Portuguese. The negros of

both linguistic varieties may contain words of African origin pertaining to

the place of their origin, dance, music and musical instruments. All these

have been studied earlier (see 4.18). Some of the words we could not iden­

tify (apart from those employed in the refrains), for instance, cambinga and

machi. The early villancicos in habla de negros may contain identifiably

Portuguese words: menin(o), chorar, and the definite articles, or prepo-

sition+article: "a mula un coz me tiro" (2.36); "escravita do nasimento"

(2.15). *

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7.6 Analysing the language of the sixteenth-century Portuguese texts

containing lingua de pretos, W. Megenney asks: "^Representa esto una ver-

dadera reflexion del habla negra . . . o es simplemente un artificio estilistico

comun que fue ampliamente usado por los autores peninsulares que deseaban

crear la impresion de cierto estilo de habla?" ("Fenoraenos criollos" 335-36).

This question applies directly to the language of the villancicos en habla de

negros. Although a definitive answer cannot be given, a few considerations

might be discussed here.

Black Africans in the Peninsula and Spanish America apparently spoke

the peninsular languages with various degrees of proficiency. It follows then,

that an imitation, although faithful, of any one model, can never have pre­

tensions at universality. Moreover, various authors at various periods and

in various locations had different opportunities for the direct observation of

black speech. Perhaps not all of them were in a position to observe the

speech of blacks in their own household (as was Gongora, for instance).42

Black Africans were distributed unevenly throughout the Peninsula; they

were numerous in the seventeenth and rare in the late eighteenth century.

4 2 Jammes, Etudes 421, n. 34.

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The printed booklets of the villancicos could be easily purchased every

year, and the black Spanish studied and imitated. Other genres of the lit-

eratura de cordel also provided samples of this literary dialect, as also did

stage black Spanish. The authors of the villancicos that could not (or would

not) base their negro-writing on linguistic observation, could easily concoct

an habla, combining a few conspicuous language-traits, phonetic, or lexical.

The recipe given by Quevedo in his Libro de todas las cosas—"Si escribes co-

medias y eres poeta sabras guineo en volviendo las rr 11, y al contrario: como

Francisco, Flancisco; primo, plimo"—may not be an exaggeration, after all.

On the other hand, some of the linguistic traits of the villancicos run par­

allel to those found in various Afro-Romance Creoles. The form sa survives

as one of the auxiliary verbs in the Afro-Portuguese Creole of Cape Verde

(Lopes da Silva 139). The adverb ya marks past tense (or perfective as­

pect) in a variety of Iberian-based Creoles (Lipski, "Portuguese Element" 4).

The elimination of articles, prepositions de, a, and copula, is common to all

Hispanic-based Creoles. Many of the noted phonetic changes—as the loss of

final /s/, / r / , j\j, interchange of liquids, neutralization of / d / , / r / in favour

of /rf, simplification of consonant groups and diphthongs, instability of the

unstressed vowels—are also to be encountered in many ofthe Creoles (Megen-

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ney, "Fenomenos criollos" 362-70). Popular Brazilian Portuguese, that has

been influenced by the native speakers of African languages, displays similar

phonetic changes: yeismo, /z/ > /z/, apheresis, apocopation, interchange of

liquids, simplification of consonant groups and diphthongs (Mendonga 101-

24).

In view of the above, it seems that the language of the villancicos de

negros always represents a combination of observation and stereotyping. The

proportion of the two elements may be different and has to be determined

for each and every author, or even each and every villancico.

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C O N C L U S I O N

(a) Villancicos de negros form a small part of the tradition of religious

villancicos that began to be composed in Spain at least since the end of

the fifteenth century. The habit of writing and performing these villancicos

was so widespread that the term itself was reserved specifically for these

compositions, while secular villancicos began to be designated by the terms

tono or tono humano. Moreover, it appears that villancicos were exported

from Castile to its neighbours, Catalonia and Portugal, in the late sixteenth—

early seventeenth century.

(b) The earliest guineos that we know about were composed in the last two

decades of the sixteenth century for the Capilla Real in Madrid. The latest

villancicos de negros collected for this study are dated 1783 (from Spain) and

1788 (from Spanish America). Thus, the overall popularity of the negro was

undiminished for at least two centuries.

(c) The use of habla de negros and lingua de pretos had originated in

secular literature before it was used to enrich the villancico genre. The

earliest use of lingua de pretos dates from the second half of the 15th century,

and the earliest specimen of habla de negros has been tentatively dated by

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the end of that century. The earliest use of the latter for religious purposes

may have occurred in the ensalada by Mateo Flecha el Viejo, La negrina,

written for the Christmas celebration of 1535 or 1536 in Valencia.

(d) From the formal point of view, negritos adhere to the structural pat­

tern of other contemporary villancicos, introduction-estribillo-coplas being

the basis of it. The introduction and coplas are strophic, often consisting of

octosyllabic lines; the estribillo is through-composed and metrically irregular.

(e) Negros were written for all principal Church celebrations: Christmas,

Epiphany, Corpus Christi, Immaculate Conception, Assumption.

(f) Villancicos de negros, in common with other subgenres of the villan­

cico, contain numerous details of contemporary life, customs, and allusions

to many contemporary events. They may be studied, in a sense, as a mirror

of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century social habits.43

(g) The language of the negritos is not uniform; correct Spanish or Por­

tuguese forms alternate with the distorted ones. On the basis of this study

we might conclude that the language of each and every author depends on:

- the model transcribed;

4 3 This is a common trait of the villancicos and the literatura de cordel in general. See Garcia de Enterria 152-53.

126

- the individual linguistic ability of the author;

- the proportion of observation versus stereotyping.

If villancicos de negros are used as linguistic documents presenting to

some extent the speech of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century black

Africans in the Peninsula and Spanish America, they are likely to provide

evidence for the adherents of creole theory and for the exponents of the for­

eigner's talk/incipient pidgin hypothesis alike. On the basis of the linguistic

evidence of the villancicos used for this study, we think that what they rep­

resent can be explained in most cases as Spanish/Portuguese acquired by

adult learners. The negros "Esa noche yo baila" (No. 63; reproduced in the

Appendix) and "Afassa! afassa! que vern" (No. 30), come closest to pidgins

of all the guineos examined (having in mind Lingua Franca and the earliest

specimens of lingua de pretos as examples of Romance-based pidgins).

127

B I B L I O G R A P H Y :

Aguirre Beltran, Gonzalo. La poblacion negra de Mexico, 1519-1810. Mexico D.F. : Ediciones Fuente Cultural, 1946.

Albornoz, Aurora de, and Julio Rodriguez Luis. Sensemayd: la poesia negra en el mundo hispanohablanie. Madrid: Origenes, 1980.

Alonso, Amado. "0 cecear cigano de.Sevilla, 1540." RFE 36 (1952): 1-5.

. De la pronunciation medieval a la moderna en espanol. 2 vols. Madrid: Gredos, 1967.

Alonso, Damaso. "Poesia de Navidad: de Fray Ambrosio Montesino a Lope de Vega." Obras completas. Vol. 2. Estudios y ensayos sobre literatu-ra (primera parte). Madrid: Gredos, 1973. 455-60.

Alonso Cortes, Narciso. Villancicos y representaciones populares de Castilla. Ed. Pedro Aizpurua. Valladolid: Institution Cultural Simancas, 1982.

Alvar, Manuel. Villancicos dieciochescos (la coleccion malaguena de 1734 a 1790). Malaga: Ayuntamiento de Malaga, 1973.

Alvarez Nazario, Manuel. El elemento afronegroide en el espanol de Puerto Rico. San Juan de Puerto Rico: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueiia, 1961.

. "Notas sobre el habla del negro en Puerto Rico durante el siglo XIX." Revista del Instituto de Cultura Puertorriquena 2 (1959): 43-48.

Amado, Miguel. "El lenguaje en Panama: siglo XVII." Boletin de la Academia Argentina de Letras 67 (1949): 339-88.

Angles, Higinio, ed. Las ensaladas. By Mateo Flecha. Barcelona: Diputacion de Barcelona, 1954.

, ed. Opera omnia. By Johannis Pujol (15737-1626). Vol. 1. Publica-

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ciones del Departamento de Musica 3. Barcelona: Biblioteca de Catalufia, 1926.

Angles, Higinio, and Jose Subira. Catdlogo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid. 3 vols. Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1946.

Augusto Alegria, Jose. Biblioteca Publica de Evora: Catdlogo dos Fundos Musicais. Lisboa: Fundagao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1977.

Bachiller y Morales, Antonio. "Desfiguracion a que esta expuesto el idioma castellano al contacto y mezcla de las razas." Revista de Cuba 14 (1883): 97-104.

Bal, Willy. "A propos de mots d'origine portugaise en Afrique noire." Misce-lanea. Ed. Marius F. Valkhoff. 119-32.

Becco, Horacio Jorge. El tema del negro en cantos, bailes y villancicos de los siglos XVI y XVII. Ollantay: n.p., n.d.

Bernal Jimenez, Miguel. Morelia colonial: el Archivo Musical del Colegio de Santa Rosa de Santa Maria de Valladolid (siglo XVIII). San Nicolas: Ediciones de la Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolas, 1939.

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Wilson, Edward M. "Felix Persio Bertiso's La Harpa de Belen." Atlante 2 (1954): 126-36.

Wilson, William E. "Some Notes on Slavery during the Golden Age." HR 7 (1939): 171-74.

Zamora Vicente, Alonso. Dialectologia espanola. Madrid: Gredos, 1960.

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A P P E N D I X A N A N T H O L O G Y O F VILLANCICOS DE NEGROS

The following considerations have been taken into account while preparing this anthology:

(a) geographical. We tried to represent villancicos from various locations, both in the Peninsula and Spanish America;

(b) temporal. We chose villancicos to cover the two hundred years—from the early seventeenth to the late eighteenth century—more or less evenly;

(c) linguistic. One villancico in lingua de pretos and nine in habla de negros represent the right proportion of the negritos used in this study (five of the former variety versus sixty three of the latter). From the villanci­cos in habla de negros we tried to choose those that represent a variety of linguistic models with different proportions of linguistic observation versus stereotyping; /

(d) clarity. Villancicos particularly difficult to interpret were omitted; (e) textual. Only fully surviving negrillas were included; (f) accessibility. The negrillas by Gongora and Sor Juana were omitted

in view of their easy accessibility. This explains why the earliest villancico included is that by Comes.

The available editions of villancicos negros are of very unequal value. Some of them, being transcribed from musical manuscripts, completely lack punctuation and capitals. We regularized the punctuation and the use of capitals throughout. Infinitives with final -r dropped have been accentuated. Whenever we made corrections of transcription (when this could be done with a fair degree of certainty), we indicate the original version in the footnote.

Valencia, before 1643 (No. 7) Juan Bautista Comes

Tonada:

- Facico, vena comigo.44

- /,Adonde me lleva, hermano? - A ver la misa cantano, que samo re turo amigo.

4 4 "Facico" instead of "Tacico"; "vena" instead of "ven a".

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- si nosamo no pinga?45

- jE que no pingara! - jE que si pingara! - jE que no! Gurugu, gurugu, mandinga. - jE que no pingara! - jE que si! - jE que no! - Pues vamo turo y bailemo, vamo y cantemo y dancemo, llevaremo su bendicion.

Responcion (same text as the tonada)

Coplas:

Veremo una sacerote cantar la Kirie Leyson, vestira una camison y una pulida capote; venga y seremo testigo.

Si quiere venir, veremo como con mucho primor alzar a nosa Senor la sacerote poremo; venga y seremo testigo.

Coimbra, seventeenth century (No. 28) Anonymous

- Bastiao, Bastiao, Flunando, Flancico, palente, placero, nozo gelagao, juntamo nosso pandorga, nossa festa de tao balalao!

- Eu so capitao dos pleto d'Angola, tampelai esse bitangola46

45Corrected from "no samo, no pinga". 4 6 We have corrected this from "bi t'Angola", for the word clearly means some musical

instrument, here and in other negros.

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e fazeme uma rojao de guguluga, de tao balalao, de glande folia, que cos fessa, cos aleglia me say pelos oyo minha colagao! - Ploque rezao tanto flugamento ha de guguluga, de tao balalao? - Siolo capitao, que gente pleto zunta debaixo sua plegao.

- Bastiao bem plegunta; nao palece o neglo bessa, esse noite sa de festa, tura gente festeja, que baixa desses alto palaizo, tao glante, tao flumoso, que palece que ser vinho suus oyo quando chola. Sua Mae Nosso Senhora sa un Donzelhina belo, oiro sa suas cabelo, suas oyo dois estrela, sua filho honra par'ela, que sa Deus en concruzao, e noso palente sa! Ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha de gugulugu, de guguluga, que esses campo se abrasa, ploque sol esta no chao!

- Tern muito rezao siolo capitao, a qui sa os zente pleto os fidalgo de cravao, a qui sa nosso folia, turo nosso companhia. Toquemo no bandurinha,

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nos soalho, nos gaitinha, toquemo co pe no mao, de guguluga, de tao balalao! He, he, he, bulico a pe de guguluga, de gugulugue; ha, ha, ha, corre baya de gugulugii, de guguluga, de tao balalao!

Os oyo na ceu, giolho na chao, fagamo lo solfa nos palma de mao! Que tao palatao (tao, tao, tao), que turn polotum (turn turn turn) que turn, que tao gulu-guluga, gulu-gulugii. - Flutai, pequenina, minha colagao! (Que turn, que tao, etc.) - Forrai os pletinho, siolo Zezu! (Que tao, que turn, etc.) Os oyo na ceu, giolho na chao, fagamo lo sol fa nos palma de mao!

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Huesca, 1661 (No. 9) Luis Gargallo

Hagamole plaga a lo Reye Mago, turo lo neglo, e turo lo branco, que venimo en Cameya, y buscamole por estreya, con oro, con cienso, con mirra divina, Diosu chiquitu, Diosu, que nace bonitu, en paxia, e pesebricu, como hijo de Gaina. Traemole a lo chiquitu una danza de neglitu, y uno mono de Tulu; con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, y el gua, gua, gua, y el gue, gue, gue festejamole a su melee, como a uno Nino Sesu.

- Plimo, ique yevan lo Reye en done? - Yevan cienso, chaculate, oro, mirra, pinonate, de calicante turrone, caixifia de canelone, grana branca, e cururara, panara Ingresa, cuchara, e para hazer almendrara guego mas bronco que tu; con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.

- Plimo, ^que yevan al tielno Infante? - Yevalemole pinona, nuesa, y almendra monsara, aceituna, y alcapara, camueza, y melacotona, yevamole valona,

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y a Susepe le dale samarra de consejela, si se la quiele pone; con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.

- Plimo, ique yevan a la parira? - A la Siola Malia yevamo con aleglia bayalde para la cara, manto de gloria con punta, mono, e tanta cosa junta, que para aver de yevayo, sa menester un cavayo tan glande como yo, e tu; con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.

- Plimo, ique yevan de cantulia? No quede a vira instlumenta, que no toque la peliona, chimigula, y baxona, lo sacabucha, y culneta. Tocamole cubetiya, sonagia, e cascabe, y una famosa cansiona por el sol, fa, mi, re; con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.

Seville, 1677 (No. 14) Felix Persio Bertiso

- /.Que vamo a ve Catalina? - Dioso que nace siquito en pajita y peseblito como hijo de gayina. - lY que yevamo, soblina, a la naciro plimito? - Vn capisaya47 branquito.

Orig. "capisa ya".

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- lY que mas se yeva? - Maneciya le cablito. - [Y que mas se yeva? - De cafia lo cabayito. - que mas se yeva? - Una danza de neglito. - lY que mas se yeva? - No yeva mas. ^Y que yeva tu? - Tamboletiyo le gugulugii, con que baila tu y Andles; y turo neglo y tura Guinea aleglamo lo Nino Sesii. Todos. - Guan, guan, gua, he, he, he, usie, usie, hu, hu, hu, gulugu, gulugu.

- <i,Que yeva mi plimo Andles? - Yeva prato de cuscu, que hace al Nino Sesu la monja le santa Ines. Y con lima camalon, aleglia, cafiamon, a ochavito bocarito, panariya, rosquetito, chocho, galbanza tostara, y para hacer rebanara guevo y casolita nueva. - que mas se yeva? - No yeva mas. ^Y que yeva tu? - Tamboletiyo de gugulugu, etc. - ^Parira no yeva nara? - A la siola Malia yevamo a su senolia manteyina cururara, guante polviya picara, abanico, galgantiya, manto con punta le Flande,

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do libla de sucalcande, y confite con que beba. - lY que mas se yeva? - No yeva mas. que yeva tu? - Tamboletiyo le gugulugvi, etc.

G r a n a d a , 1 7 0 1 ( N o . 2 1 ) Alonso de Bias y Sandoval

Estribillo:

- Azi, Flaziquiya; azi, Almentela; azi, Clementiya. - Rigamo: iQue quele? - Que tuque instlumenta pala el zalambeque, que teque, que teque; que zamo Negliya con la instlumentiya, y tucamo chacona, (chacona, chacona) azi, que le aglada a la Reina pulida; tuquemo suliya. Zezii, jque cuntenta que za Nazimenta! - Rigamo: iQue quele? - Que tuque instlumenta pala el zalambeque, que teque, que teque. Zezii, ique cuntenta que za Nazimienta!

Coplas a solo:

Venga apliza, camine, Flazico, velemo de Noso Siolo la festa, que tocan campana a maitine,

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\

que za bona noche re zu Nazimenta. - Rigamo: iQne quele? - Que tuque instlumenta pala el zalambeque, que teque, que teque. Zezii, jque cuntenta que za Nazimenta!

Tlaiga turo zumbrero calaro, cuberto fozico, tapara la geta, que de noche za parda lo gato, y penza lo branco que za cabayera. - Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .

Entlalemo en la Reale Capiya; velemo la ronda que vene muy gueca, cun pultelos y hachas delante, dal vuelta al zopulco donde za lo Reya. - Rigamo: iQne quele? . . .

Entlalemo muy glave en el colo, que za plima noche cun hacha e cun vela; cuchalemo la viyarancica que canta cantole que za mucho diestla. - Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .

Vela tanto de lo zaclistane, que tlae camizona vestira de suela, que uno canta, otlo rabia, otlo riye, otlo toma tabaca, otlo palra, otlo reza. - Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .

Vela un hombre que yaman Bajona, que chupa uno palo, y lo sopla, y lo besa; y otlo toca una cosa tursira, que turo lo neglo ze ezpanta re veya. - Rigamo: /.Que quele? . . .

Otlo alza y abaja la mano, y en merio re turos laz mozcaz ojea. Otlo tiene instlumenta muy grande,

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y tura la noche za templa que templa. - Rigamo: iQne quele? . . .

Hallala alii otloz mil instlumentos, acoldez, sonoraz, con cien difelenciaz, que le ran palabienes al Nino que nace, alegliya rel cielo y la tiela. - Rigamo: ^Que quele? . . .

Malaga, 1753 (No. 23) Juan Frances de Iribarren

Estribillo:

Esta noche lo Neglillo, vestira de moginganga, viene turu en una manga, con sonaja y tamburillo a vel al ziolo Mamie. (Coros) Ay, que turu, turu, turu, zamo loco de plazel, y a lo zon de zonajillo cantaremo pez con pez: achiha, achiha, achiha, achihe, achihe, achihe; jviva el Diozo zeolo Niiio, que come butilo, e mel!

Coplas:

Vaya entlando la Tlompeta, cuchiflando la Carriya; entle Cabayo con Ziya a compasia de lo pe. Ay, que turu, turu, etc.

Entle Angola Pampangaya, y dempueza en zu plezona cambayara tula Mona, tucandu lu cazcabe.

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Ay, que turu, turu, etc.

Entle la botalga plonta, vestira de Matachin, pala dal al bayle fin, zi al Nino paleze ben. Ay, que turu, turu, etc.

P u e b l a ( M e x i c o ) , 1649 ( N o . Juan Gutierrez de Padilla

Estribillo:

- jA palente a palente! - iQue quele, seiiol neglico?48

- Que bamo a lo portalico a yeva a nino plesente; vamo turu de repente ante que vaya pastora. - Y si a lo nino que yora le pantamo, que halemo? - Vno bayle baylemo, y sera la puelto rico; le le le le le le, que la nino duerme.

Copla:

Lo neglo venimo le le le le le le a la nacimenta, le le le le le le tocando trumenta, le le le le le le y a nino seluimo, le le le le le le copriya decimo le le le le le le.

Changed from "que que le".

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Morelia (Mexico), 1723 (No. 55) Francisco Moratilla

Estribillo:

Ha negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome, vaya de vuia de festa y place, y arruyemos al niiio que nace en Bele con la tonadiya del Zanguangue.

Ha plimiyo, ha plimiyo negliyo Martin, arruyemos al niiio que quele dolmi con la tonadiya del Zambucuti.

Ha negliyo, ha negliyo plimiyo Gaspa, arruyemos al nifio que esta en el poltal, con la tonadiya del Tapalata.

Vaya, vaya el sonsonetiyo de la run-run, cu cu cii, cu cu cii, que se duelme lo niiio Jesii, cu cu cii, cu cu cii, con el sonsonetiyo de la run-run.

Coplas:

Al Dioso que sa nasiro49

con sonsonete que alegla, cantamo la gente negla como en Angola un toniyo. Polque se duelme el chiquiyo que desbelaro le vemo, en la cuna le mesemo y le cantamo a la "mu".

Tura instrumenta se escuche. Toquemo como pelsona chirimingula y baxona, culnetiya y sacabuche, que se ciela como estuche;

Corrected from "sana siro".

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y si le toca un negliyo, a pulo de inchal el carriyo atluena como alcabus.

Panderiyo y raveliya con sonaxa tocalemo y Sanguangue cantalemo, que sa famosa letliya. Soplalemo la olganiya con fuega daye que daye, y a manela de atabaye haremo suene el tuntun.

Una xacala tambe le cantamo, entando en eya la mulica con la bueya que saben sol fa mi re. Y cuando plimo Tume la xacaliya empezo, la muliya rebusno y ablo el bueya y dijo "mu".

Al son del tamboriliyo a la Siola Malia la damo con aleglia nolabuena del chiquiyo. Y un saclistan que es negliyo, echando de la gloliosa, el "Nigla sum sed formosa" canto al son del archilau.

Bogota (Colombia) , seventeenth century (No Joseph de Cascante

Cucua, cucua, que valgame dios; o que bueno queda, que valgame Dios.

Estribillo:

1 5 8

A l plimiyo que adoramo, hazele fiesta quelemo; pues bailemo usia, la pranta se mueve de alegre que sa gurumbe; jla gala se la yeva sio Manue! Cucua.

Coplas:

Todo lo neglo quelemo regosija y contenta celebra la nacimenta que de Ion Dios que tenemo. jBayla, plima! Cucua.

A siola Donzeya le dalemo palaben, que al siolo Manue palio tan linda y tan beye. jToca, plima! Cucua.

Cochabamba (Bol iv ia ) , eighteenth century (No Anonymous 5 0

Esa noche yo baila ha ha ha ha con Maria lucume he he he he asta sol que amanece ha ha ha ha plo mi Dios que sa acuya he he he he esa gente comensa

We leave the original punctuation.

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ha ha ha ha aunque pe la buesa fe he he he he su hichito ya nace ye ye ie ie

Poca poca nobela ha ha ha ha Nacie cun Batulume he he he he Puero nega en bona fe ha ha ha ha del chiquillo que aye sa he he he he el manda me a mi canta ha ha ha ha yo canta asta amanese he he he he su hichito ya nace ye ye ie ie

Lu metiso dea falta ha ha ha ha porque ya urta quele he he he he a la mula del plata ha ha ha ha pueso de siolo Jose he he he he y lo nino yolala < la > ha ha ha ha si quera solo yo boi; he he he he su hichito ya nace ye ye ie ie

Las vieja no palese ha ha ha ha por que esa conso lima

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he he he he los canonigo veni ha ha ha ha y la noche celebra he he he he con la cula y sacrista ha ha ha ha y monasillo tambie he he he he su hichito ya nace ye ye ie ie

Lo garganta ya causa ha ha ha ha pechuguera yo tene he he he he y romariso en la pecho ha ha ha ha como otro que esta acuya he he he he que callarito se esta ha ha ha ha y tu no lo ve con ella; he he he he su hichito ya nace ye ye ie ie

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