5 A Social History of a Changing Environment: The Don

5 ASocialHistoryofaChangingEnvironment:TheDonRiverValley,1910–1931

jennifer bonnell

Notfarfromthespotwhere,atpresent,theDon-streetbridgecrossestheriver,on thewestsideandto thenorth, livedfora long timeahermit-squatter,namedJosephTyler…HisabodeontheDonwasanexcavationinthesideofthesteephill,alittlewayabovetheleveloftheriverbank…Tothesouthofhiscavehecultivatedalargegarden,andraisedamongotherthings,thewhitesweetedibleIndiancorn,anoveltyhereatthetime;andveryexcellenttobacco.

Scadding1873:228–9

Henry Scadding’s 1873 description of Joseph Tyler’s cave is the firstdetailedrecordinwhatwouldbecomealonghistoryofhomelessnessinToronto’sLowerDonRivervalley. AccordingtoScadding’saccount,Tylerwasanindustriousandinventiverecluse,aveteranoftheAmeri-can Revolutionary War who manufactured and sold ‘pitch and tar’tomerchantsintown,andferriedtheHelliwellbrewery’sbeerinhis‘magnificentcanoe’whentheroadsweretoomuddytouse.Hewasapuzzlingfigure–Scaddingnotesthe‘mysteryattendantonhischoiceoflifeofcompletesolitude[and]hiscarefulreserve.’Hischoiceofloca-tionwasequallymysterious:theLowerDonRiverinTyler’stime(the1820sand1830s)wasseparatedfromthetownofYorkbythewoodsofthegovernmentreserve,makingTyleramandistinctlyonthemargins.WhetherTylerchosetoliveontheLowerDonorwaspushedtherebycircumstanceisdifficulttodetermine.Certainlyhislivelihoodofpitchproductionandpineknotcarvingwouldhavebeenfacilitatedbyalo-cation close to the forest, and the riverprovidedeasy transportationintotown.TheuncertaintysurroundingJosephTylerisemblematicof

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thehistoryofpeopleonthemargins–indeed,thefactthatheisnamedandsomedetailsofhisliferecordedismorethanwehaveformostofthepeoplewhofoundthemselveslivinginthevalley,forvariousrea-sons,overthelasttwohundredyears.

Aconnectionexists,Isuggest,betweendominantperceptionsoftherivervalleyasamarginalspaceattheedgeofthecityanditsfunctionas a repository for marginalized people. Toronto is not the only citytowitnessaconnectionbetweenravinesor ‘lowlands’andmarginalhousing:Kellogg’s1909Pittsburgh Survey reportedon‘squatters’and‘disreputable families’ living in the polluted area of ‘Skunk Hollow,’andMinneapolis’s‘BohemianFlats’sharedasimilarreputationamongnineteenth-century reformers (Kellogg 1914).1 Certainly, land valueand perceptions of risk were at work.2 Ken Cruikshank and NancyBouchier’sstudyofsquattersandworking-classfamiliesinnineteenth-century Hamilton is illustrative in demonstrating the geographicconnections between industry, polluted and poorly drained lands,and working-class neighbourhoods (Cruikshank and Bouchier 2004;BouchierandCruikshank2003).Despitesubstantialwork inCanadi-anhistoriographyonmarginalizedgroupsand, intheenvironmentalhistoryliterature,ondegradedspaces,fewstudieshaveexaminedthelinksbetweenthoseplacesandpeoplerelegatedtothemarginsofur-banenvironments.Whilemoststudiesintheenvironmental-inequalityliteraturedescribetheunequaldistributionofenvironmentalhazardsinracializedorworking-classneighbourhoods(see,forexample,Platt2005;Hurley1995;Bullard1990), fewinvestigate thecongregationofmarginalizedpopulationsinalreadydegradedspacesorinurban/ru-ralborderlands.3Evenfewerexplorethelinkbetweenhomelesspeopleand degraded environments.4 How such spaces were constructed asmarginal,andtheattractionstheyheldforhomelesstravellers,haveyettoreceivedetailedtreatment.

Pointingtothisconnectionbetweenmarginalityofplaceandofhu-manpopulationsconjuresanumberoftheoreticalpitfalls,nottheleastofwhichbeingchargesofenvironmentaldeterminism.Urbangeogra-phershavelongattemptedtoshedthelegacyofearly-twentieth-cen-turyscholarssuchasRobertParkandErnestW.Burgess,whoappliedideas fromthenascentfieldofecology toargue that competition forscarcenaturalresourcessuchaslandorwaterledtothestratificationofsocialgroups indifferent ‘niches’ throughtheurbanenvironment.Inasmuchasenvironmentaffectedbehaviour,theyconcluded,poorerenvironmentsproducedpopulationsmorepronetocrimeanddeviance


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(Park1952;Parketal.1925). Iamnotsuggestingthatenvironmentalfactorsalonedeterminedtheactionsofthosewhosoughtrefugeinthevalley.Thefactorsthatpulledandpushedpeopletothevalley,andthatfuelledcorrespondingperceptionsofmarginality,werecertainlymorevaried and more complex. Instead, I seek to draw attention to whatemergesfromthesourcesasanindisputablyobservablephenomenon:the congregation of people widely perceived as ‘social undesirables’within what was widely perceived as an undesirable or problematiclandscape.Inmakingthisconnection,Iseektostressthatenvironmentdidplayaroleinthesepeople’severydaylives:whileitwascertainlynottheonlyfactordrawingthemtothevalley,thepresenceofrelativelyunoccupiedlandclosetothecitycentremusthavepresentedsomede-greeofattractiontothosewithoutregularworkorshelter.Otherfac-tors, suchas theactivediscouragementofvagrancy inmostpartsofthecity,andtherelativeabsenceofpolicingauthorityinravinespaces,likelyalsoplayedaroleinattractinghomelesspeople.

Inanattempttounderstandbettertheforcesatworkinrelegatingcertainpopulationsandplacestothemargins, I turntoCanadianla-bourhistorianIanMcKay’sprovocativecalltore-evaluatethecentralroleofliberalisminshapingCanadianhistory.AsMcKaysuggests,theextension of a liberal project of rule across early-nineteenth-centuryCanadacreatedasocio-politicallandscapeofcentresandperipheries,insidersandoutsiders(2000).‘Centres’inthisanalogyrepresentthoseplacesandpopulations inwhich liberal idealswereeffectively takenup,suchastherationalstreetgridsofurbancentres,thesingle-familydwelling,thehegemonyoftheurban(male)middleclass;‘peripheries,’byextension,werethoseplacesandpopulationswithinwhichaliberalpracticespersisted,oractivelyresisted,theriseofaneworder:theCa-nadian north, aboriginal communities, labour unions.As McKay ex-plains,the‘individuals’atthe‘conceptualnucleus’ofliberalismshouldbeconsiderednotas‘actuallivingbeings’butratheras‘theentityeachoneofthemmight,ifpurifiedandrationalized,aspiretobecome’(625).In this way liberalism categorized certain individuals as deficient –among them, ‘women, workers, ethnic minorities, andAmerindians’all‘[marked]outas“Other”’bytheliberalmodel(626).

WhatiscompellingaboutMcKay’sreconnaissanceor‘re-knowing’ofliberalismisitspotentialtolinktheprocessesthatmarginalizedcertainpopulationswithsimilarimperativesatworkinclassifyingdifficultorunpredictableenvironmentsasmarginalor‘waste’spaces.Hisarticula-tionofliberalismasitwasexpressedinnineteenth-centuryCanadaem-


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phasizesthesimplificationofcomplexsystems,thedesiretoeradicateunpredictability,andtheattempttoextendarational,managerialethosacrossterritoryandpopulations.Appliedtotheland,theliberalvisionof individuals ‘asseparatefrom,andactingupon,thenaturalworld’correspondinglycastenvironmentaspropertytoimprove,rationalize,make productive (2000: 631–2). Environments that resisted improve-ment,thatprovedsomehowdifficulttooccupy,tomakeindustrious,ortogainvaluefrom–mountain-sidesandrivervalleys,desertsandwet-lands–weredismissedbythislogicasmarginal,deviant,uncoopera-tive,wild.That‘peripheral’populationsshouldexistwithinperipheralenvironmentsshouldnot,perhaps,besosurprising.Examplesareallaroundus: the impoverishedruralcommunitiesof thecentralAppa-lachia; theisolatedFirstNationsreservebattlingcontaminatedwaterandfewopportunities;thefishingcommunitypursuingdiversestrate-giesofsubsistenceontheAtlanticcoast.AsculturalgeographerRobShieldshasobserved,socialdivisionshavespatialexpression.Placesonthemargin,inhisassessment,becomeplacesleftbehindbytherushofmodernity–liminalspacesthatinvertoractivelysubvertdominantvaluesofcivilizationandrationality(Shields1991).TheDonRiverval-leyinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,Iargueinthediscussionthatfollows,wasoneofthoseplaces.

Thischapterdrawsuponnewspaperarticles,localhistories,histori-calphotographs,andmunicipalreportstosketchahistoryoftheinter-actionsbetweenpeopleandplaceintheDonRivervalley.Ihavechosentofocusnotontheworking-classcommunitiesthatgrewupalongsidetheindustrializedareasofthelowervalley(southoftheforks),butonpeoplewhoexperiencedevenlesssecurity–thosewhoturnedtothevalley itself for refuge. Throughout the chapter, I return to a centraldialecticofperceptionandexperience–thetensionbetweenthewaysthevalleyand its inhabitantswereperceivedby themoreprivilegedresidentsofthecentreandwhatwashappening,asbestwecandiscernfromthelimitedsourcesthatexist,‘ontheground.’Placeitselfbecomesa source inpiecing together theexperiencesofpeoplepushed to theedgesofsociety.Thekindsofthingspeoplesoughtinthatplace,andtheopportunities itpresented–expectedandotherwise–givesomesenseofthemotivationsofmarginalizedgroupsinchoosingthevalleyoverotheroptionsforreliefhousing.Iwillbeginbysketchingabriefoverviewofthefactorsthatrelegatedanenvironmentoncecentraltothedevelopmentof thetownofYorktoonethatwasperipheralandstigmatizedbythelatterdecadesofthenineteenthcentury.Fromthere,



5.1 The Don River Watershed. (Courtesy of Toronto and Region Conservation Authority)


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Iwillturntotheexperiencesoftwogroupsofpeoplewhosoughtref-ugeinthevalleyintheearlytwentiethcentury.

A Marginal Environment

ForJohnGravesSimcoe,UpperCanada’sfirstlieutenantgovernor,theshelteredcurveoftheeastendofTorontoBayanditstributarystreamspresentedalandscapeofpossibility.Arrivingintheareainthesummerof1793,Simcoenotedtheharbour’snaturaldefensibilityanditspoten-tialtosupplythefuturetownofYorkanditsenvironswithlumber.‘AttheBottomoftheHarbour,’hereportedtoactingcolonialadministra-torAluredClarkeinMay1793,‘thereisaSituationadmirablyadaptedforaNavalArsenalandDockYard,andthereflowsintotheHarbouraRiver[theDon]theBanksofwhicharecoveredwithexcellentTimber’(inFirth1962:4).Satisfiedwithhisassessmentofthearea’spotential,hehadhissurveyorAlexanderAitkinlayoutaplotforthefuturetownofYorkimmediatelywestofthemouthoftheDon,atthebaseofto-day’sParliamentStreet.Heestablishedafour-hundred-acrereservefor‘governmentbuildings’westoftheriver(stretchingfromthelakeshorenorth to today’s Carlton Street and west to Parliament), and by 179,the first parliament buildings had been erected near the intersectionoftoday’sParliamentandFrontStreets(Adametal.1885:211;seefig-ure5.2).BeforereturningtoEnglandin1796,Simcoeawardedgener-ousfarmlotsinthevicinitytomilitaryofficersandfavouredofficialswithin his inner circle. For many grantees, holdings along the Doncomplementedalreadyvaluablepropertiesclosertotown.Theycoulddabblewithfarmingalongtheflatsoftheriverwithlittlepressuretocreateviableoperations.Some,likeSimcoe’ssecretaryJohnScadding,farmed their holdings with relative success (Robertson 1894: 194–5).Otherschoseinsteadtoerectlavishsuburbanmansionsontheirlandsoverlookingthevalley(OntarioDepartmentofPlanningandDevelop-ment1950,part1:34).ThiswasparticularlytruewestoftheriveralongYongeandDavenportStreets,wherecountryestatessuchasRosedaleprevaileduntilmid-centuryandbeyond.TheareaaroundtheLowerDon,then,enjoyedafleetingdesirabilityinthefirstyearsofsettlement.By theearly1800s,however,developmenthadbegun tomovenorthandwestfromSimcoe’soriginaltownplot.Althoughprominentinhab-itantsofYorkcontinuedtospeculateinlandsabuttingtherivervalleyinthe1810s,by1820theareahadbecomesaddledwithanincreasinglyundesirablereputation(Ganton1974:14).



5.2 Detail from William Chewett, Map of York, 1802 (Toronto Public Library, MS1889.1.6). Note government reserve (labelled ‘Government Park’) in cen-tre of map west of Don River and ‘Governmt House’ (parliament buildings) on lakeshore northwest of the river mouth.


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Anumberoffactorsworkedagainstthedesirabilityofthelowerval-leylandsinthisperiod.FromtheearliestdaysofEuropeansettlement,certain problems were especially pronounced in the east end. Mostprominentamong thesewas the feverorague that tormentedsettlerpopulationseachsummer.Characterizedbyalternatingsymptomsofsevere fever and shaking chills, the ‘ague’ or ‘lake fever’ was an al-most inevitable, if rarely fatal, aspect of life in Upper Canada in thelateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies.Nowunderstoodasastrainofmalaria (fromtheeighteenth-century Italianmal’aria),adis-easespreadbythebiteoftheAnophelesmosquito,atthetimetheaguewasthoughttoresultfrominhaling‘badair.’Inalettertoaformerem-ployerinQuebecCityinSeptember1801,TorontoprinterJohnBennettwrote:‘Iamjustrecoveringfromaseverefitoffeverandaguewhichconfinedmetobedfortendayspast–nobodycanescapeitwhopre-tendstolivehere…Thereisamarshabout[half]amilefromwhereIlivefromwhichathickfogariseseverymorning–peopleattribute[thefever]ingreatmeasuretothatandtothelowanduncultivatedstateoftheCountry’(inFirth1962:242).Gasesproducedbydecomposingor-ganicmattertookontheominouslabelof‘miasmas’–disease-produc-ingvapours–andtheplaceswheresuchorganicmatteraccumulated,suchasswampsandwetlands,becameplacestofear,avoid,and,bestyet,destroythroughdrainageandfill.

Beforethediscoveryofthemalariaparasitein1880andsubsequentdiscoveriesofmosquitoesasvectorsoftransmission,placeitselfborethemantleofdiseaserisk.Certainenvironmentswereconsideredmore‘unhealthy’ thanothers. In1803, forexample,Sir IsaacBrock report-edinalettertomilitarysecretaryJamesGreenthatthesoldiersquar-tered in theBlockHouseat themouthof theDonwere ‘falling illoftheAgueandFeveringreatnumbers,’whilethegarrisonatthewestendoftown‘continuesinperfecthealth.’TheevidenceconfirmedhissuspicionsabouttheenvironmentaroundtheLowerRiver,‘[shewing]plainlythatthecharactergivenofthesituationoftheBlockHouseistoowellfounded’(inFirth1962:72).Aquarter-centurylater,petitionerstotheUpperCanadianlegislaturein1830stressedthe‘inconvenienceandunhealthiness’ofthesiteoftherecentlyburnedParliamentHouse,locatedatthefootofParliamentStreet justwestoftheDonmarshes,intheircalltoreconstructtheParliamentbuildingsnearthelieutenantgovernor’sresidenceinNewTown(westoftheoriginaltownplot).‘Nopersonhavingaregardtohealthwouldselect[thesiteneartheMarsh]foraresidence,’ theyargued; ‘theuntenantedStateofhousesadjoin-



ingthesaidMarsh,confirmtheminthisopinion’(inFirth1966:30–1).Aguewasnottheonlydiseaseassociatedwiththemarsh;asJacksonshows in thisvolume, fearsofcholerawereused to justifyextensiveimprovementplansfortheAshbridge’sBaymarshinthe1890s.

ConeveryBoltonValenciushasprovidedusefulcontextforthisno-tionof‘unhealthy’landscapesinher2002monographThe Health of the Country.Fornineteenth-centuryAmericans,Valenciusremindsus,theenvironmentdidnotstop ‘at theseemingboundaryof theskin,’butinstead,‘thesurroundingworldseepedinto[one’s]everypore,creat-ingstatesofhealththatwereasmuchenvironmentalastheywereper-sonal’(12).Shecontinues:

Factorsofsurroundings–thesoddenvegetationoflocalbottomland,therotand ‘scum’atopanearbystream, thewindsthatblewoverswamp-landasoversoldiers’fortifications–affectedthehealthofenvironmentsastheywouldthehealthofpeoplewithinalocale.Placeandpersonwereswayedbythesamekindsofforces;sloughsandforestsunderwentthesameprocessesasdidlaggingrecruitsandambitiousfarmers.(107)

Justaselevatedsiteswithfresh,circulatingairwereconsideredsalubri-ous,solow,marshyareaswhereairandwateralikewerethoughttostagnatewereconsideredinsalubriousandmalevolent(89–90).Mias-mas‘enteredthebodyasbreathorfluid,andtheyoperatedwithinitjustastheydidwithinterrain.Theycarriedtheenvironment’simbal-ance,disturbance,orputrefactionintothedepthsofthebody,express-ingwithin the individual thesickly tendenciesof the locale’ (110–14;see also Melosi 2001, 2000; Tarr 1996). For Brock’s soldiers and thepetitioners to the Upper Canadian parliament, then, the marshlandsaround the mouth of the Don were inherently unhealthy. Ironically,despitemistakentheoriesabouttheoriginofdisease,fearsofmiasmawerenotentirelymisplaced.Brock’sobservationsaboutthedispropor-tionate frequency of ague among soldiers at the eastern blockhousecorroborate other anecdotal sources in suggesting that malaria casesweremorenumerousinareasadjacenttothemarsh.5Indeed,theslow-movingwatersoftheDonmarsheswouldhaveprovidedanexcellentbreedinggroundformosquitoes,andeffortsmadetoavoidthese‘un-healthyplaces’andtoshutoutthedangerous‘nightair’oftenhadtheeffect of shutting out mosquitoes as well. (For further discussion onmiasma,seeJackson,thisvolume.)

Asthe1830petitiononthelocationoftheparliamentbuildingssug-


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gests, perceptions of unhealthiness also had significant implicationsforthedevelopmentofthearea.Inan1833lettertoViscountGoderich,secretaryofstateforthecolonies,LieutenantGovernorJohnColborneexplainedthatthewestwardexpansionofthecitywastheonlyreason-ableoption: ‘TheEasternpartof theTown isaffectedby theeffluviaof the marshes of the Don, and the rapid increase in the populationrequiresthattheTownshouldbeextendedtowardstheWestward,themost salubrious and convenient site’ (in Firth 1966: 342–3). Torontodid,indeed,‘leanwest’intheyearsthatfollowed,furthermarginaliz-ingthesiteoftheoriginaltownplotnearthemouthoftheDon.Parlia-mentmovedtonewandmorefashionablequartersinthewestendoftown(atFrontandJohnStreets)in1832,escalatingwithitsrelocationthedesirabilityofwest-endrealestate(andthecorrespondingundesir-abilityof theeastend;F.H.Armstrong1988).Whenthecity incorpo-ratedin1834,thelowerrivercametorepresentanofficialmargin,itscurving course forming theeastern borderof the citybetweenBloorandQueenStreets.ThelargelyundevelopedareabetweenParliamentStreetandtheLowerDonfellwithinthe‘CityLiberties,’anambiguousstatus that meant residents enjoyed neither full city rights and serv-icesnorpaidfullcitytaxes.Likeothersuburbanareasaroundthecity,developmentherewasslowerandmoresporadicthaninthemorede-sirable and (marginally) better serviced areas of the new centre, andtended to concentratealongcentral access routes (Ganton1974: 35).6From1834untiltheabolishmentoftheLibertiesin1859,then,theLow-erDonoccupiedaborderlandspacewithintheeverydayexperienceofthecity’sresidentsandintheofficialsphereofcitymapsandjurisdic-tionalboundaries.

Otherfactorscommingledtocementthearea’sstatusasamarginalspace.Relativelypoorsoils,withtheexceptionoftheriverflatssouthofPotteryRoad,reducedthepotentialforsuccessfulfarminginitiatives.Inan1811 surveyof the formergovernment reservebetweenParlia-mentStreetand the river,Deputy-SurveyorSamuelWilmot reportedthat‘thelandconsistedofpoorthinsoilwiththetimberprincipallyde-stroyed,butthatwithgoodmanagementitmightanswerforpasture.’The only valuable timber, he continued, ‘was close to the lakeshore’(Wilmot1811).ThesteepravinelandsofthevalleybetweenBloorandGerrardstreetsfurtherlimitedagriculturalpotentialandcomplicatedaccess to valley holdings. Unpredictable riparian conditions broughtmoreheadachesfor landowners.Seasonalfloodswashedoutbridgesandroadsandoccasionallythreatenedlivestockandoutbuildings,and



unexpecteddroughtsreducedwaterflow,threateningmillandagricul-turaloperationsalike.Forpropertyownerseastoftheriver,thelimitednumberofbridgecrossingsovertheDon,andthepoorqualityofthosethat did exist, made access to their holdings especially challenging.7Thesefactorsaddedfurtherdisincentivestoanareaalreadyblightedbyperceptionsofunhealthinessanddistancefromthegrowingcom-mercial and residential coreofYork.Andyet, asmuchas these con-siderationsplayeda role in reducing thedesirabilityof lands inandaroundthelowervalley,particularlyformiddle-andupper-classbuy-ers,theyalwaysexistedintensionwithpressureinvariousperiodstoexpandthecityeastward,andwiththeincentivesthatcamewithun-desirability:cheaperlandprices;lowertaxesforpropertyowners;and,asthecenturyprogressed,proximitytoindustrialemployers.Asaccessimprovedandpopulationpressuresincreasedthroughoutthecentury,developmentincreasedintheareadespiteassociationsofrisk.

Limitedsubdivisionofthelandssurroundingthelowervalleytookplaceinthe1830sand1840s.AsIsobelGantonfoundinherdetailedstudyofchanginglandownershipintheLowerDonLands,evidentinthisperiodisanotableshiftfromthewealthy,prominentcitizenswhoownedfarmlotsaroundtheLowerRiverintheearlynineteenthcen-turytoanincreasingconcentrationofmiddle-classandworking-classlandowners(Ganton1974).Proximitytoagrowingnumberofindus-trial employers in the 1860s and 1870s attracted more working-classresidentstoneighbourhoodsonbothsidesofthelowerriver.Clusteredaround ‘railyards,noisome factoriesandpackinghouses,’ theneigh-bourhoodsaroundtheLowerDonwereamongseveralimpoverishedworking-class districts in the city that, J.M.S. Careless wrote in hishistory of nineteenth-century Toronto, emerged ‘between high-valuecentrally located property and the outlying districts, which becamewealthierenclavesforthosewhocouldaffordthepriceofstreetcarfareto work’ (1984: 138).8An urban borderland had been created. Segre-gatedfromtherestofthecitybyitspoverty, itsreputedlyunhealthyenvironment, and its concentration of noxious industries, the areaaroundthelowerriverhadbecome,by1880,amarginalspacewithinwhichtoisolatetheprocessesofproductionandwastedisposalsovitalto theprocessofcitybuilding.TorontowriterandpublisherGraemeMercerAdam’sdescriptionoftheareaimmediatelywestofthelowerriverin1885sumsupthedepthofthearea’sfall.‘Theextremeendof[the]easternsection[ofKingStreet],’hewrote,‘isadrearywilderness,intowhichnomaneverseemstoventureexcepttheaborigines,andin


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whichalltherefuseofthecityseemstoaccumulate…Theunsavouryreputationitbearsfromasanitarypointofviewisprobablyatthebot-tomofitswantofprosperity’(Adametal.1885,part4:287).

Valley Home: Refuge and Subsistence in an Urban Borderland, 1910–1931

Inthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury,politicalandeconomiccircum-stances around the world resulted in heightened levels of homeless-nessincitiesacrossCanada.Inwayssimilartothoseofthepast,butvastlymorevisible,theDonbecameareceivingareaforthosewhoei-thercouldnotorchosenottoseekoutothermeansofshelter.Whilethevalleyremainedanareaofpreference,itwasnotTyler’srefugewestoftheDonbridge that twentieth-century transientschose; instead, theychoseareasstillcapableofprovidingrefuge:thepartiallywoodedflatsof the rivernorthofBloorStreet,andsecludedcopsesalong theup-per branches of the river north of the forks. Indeed, after industrial-izationandthemajorengineeringprojectsof the latenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiestransformedtheriversouthofGerrard,whatremainedofthe‘rural’inthevalleyshiftedfurthernorth.

In thediscussion that follows, themesof transiencemeetwithourestablishedthemesofcentreandperiphery,perceptionandexperience.WhilelargelyunexploredasaphenomenoninitsownrightinCana-dian historiography, transience was central to Canadian experiencein the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Moving between city andcountryinpursuitofseasonallabour,movingwestinsearchofaccessto land and better possibilities, and moving between provinces withdisparateemploymentopportunitiesareiconicCanadianexperiences.Andyet, fornineteenth-andearly-twentieth-centuryobserversalike,transiencewasviewedasbothananomalyandadangerousdevelop-ment.Late-nineteenth-centuryreformerspuzzledovertheconundrumofthe‘pauperizationofthepoor’andtheneedtoseparatethe‘worthypoor’–thosewillingtowork–fromthoseofthe‘professional’class,whoaimedtotakeadvantageofcharitableservices.‘Vagrants’almostinvariablyfellintothislattercategory;perceivedasasignofdecliningmorality, theywererepeatedlysingledoutas targets forhard labouror restricted assistance.9 In McKay’s terms, an entrenched liberal vi-sioncastvagrantsas‘deficient’individualsfortheirfailuretoembraceliberal norms of regular waged work and sedentary living.As citieslikeTorontostruggledwithahugeinfluxofunemployedmeninthe



early1930s, ‘thetransient’wasagainsingledoutaslessdeservingofcitysupportthantheresidentunemployed–apracticethateventuallyspurredinterventionfromprovincialandfederallevelsofgovernmentingeneratingmake-workprojectsforunemployedmeninremoteareasofthecountry.

Likemostmarginalizedpopulations,peoplewhosought refuge intheDonvalleyindifferentperiodsarelargelyabsentfromthehistori-cal record.Censusenumeratorswalked through theneighbourhoodsborderingthevalley,butdidn’tenter thewoodedareasof thevalleytorecordpeople livingthere.Cityreportsonhousingandhomeless-nessdocumentcity-widehousingcrises,particularlyinthe1930sandduring the post-war boom in the 1940s, but rarely reach the level ofspecificityneededtotracepeoplelivingroughinthevalley.Policemendidnotregularlyventureintothevalley,exceptinpursuitofparticularsuspects.Indeed,itispreciselythisabsenceofscrutinythatmayhaveattractedpeopletothevalleyinthefirstplace.AsBouchierandCruik-shanknote intheirstudyofworking-classresidentsandsquatters inHamilton’sBurlingtonBay,‘oneof[thecommunity’s]attractionswasthatitwasnicelysecludedfromthegazeoftheHarbourCommissionandcitypoliceauthoritiesthatworkersonstreetcornersandinbusycitytavernsoftenfelt’(2003:22).Despitethisrelativesilenceintheof-ficial record,public interest in theunfortunateand thealienensuredthatsomecoverageappearedinthenewspapersoftheday.Twogroupsof‘undesirables’receivedsignificantcoverageinTorontonewspapers:Roma immigrantswhocamped in thevalley in the1910sand1920s;andtheunemployedmenwhoformeda‘hobojungle’ontheflatsoftheriverin1930and1931.Drawinguponalimitedrecordofhistoricalpho-tographsandnewspaperarticles,Iwillsketchthemovementofpeoplethroughplace,andexplorethewaysthatplace–includingtopographyandlocalresources–providedforandattractedpopulationswithfewalternatives.

Roma Travellers, 1910s and 1920s

IntheirillustratedhistoryofimmigrationtoTorontointheearlytwen-tieth century, Robert Harney and Harold Troper made reference togroupsofRoma10migrantswhocarvedaspaceforthemselvesattheedgeofsociety:‘Movingaboutinfamilygroupsorsmall“tribes,”theirwagonsoroldcarsappearedinandaroundTorontoatcertaintimesofyear.TherivervalleysalongtheHumberandDonweretheirfavourite


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campsites and those who did not come into the centre of the city todobusinessspenttheirtimefishingandmakingsweetgrassandreedbaskets’(1974:38).Astheseobservationssuggest,Toronto’sriverval-leysprovidednotonlyrefuge fromauthorities (examples fromotherNorthAmericancitiesshowthatRomafamiliesoftenfacedimprison-mentorejectionwhenconfrontedbylocalpolice),11butalsoasourceofsustenanceandlivelihood.TorontophotographerJohnBoydSeniordocumentedthepresenceofRomafamiliesonthebanksoftheHumberRiverin1918.Hisimagesshowwomengatheringwaterfromtheriverandcookingmealsonfiresfuelledbydriftwoodfromtheriverbanks.WhiletheseimageswerecapturedinToronto’sothermajorrivervalley,itisclearfromthedocumentaryrecordthatRomafamiliesalsocampedalongtheDon.Theimagesarerichwithdetail,andprovideanexcel-lentcompaniontothescanttextualrecordsavailableonRomatravel-lersintheTorontoareaintheearlytwentiethcentury.

5.3 Roma woman carrying water at camp on Humber River, 12 October 1918. (John Boyd, Sr, City of Toronto Archives, series 393, item 15386)



5.4 Roma woman peeling potatoes at camp on Humber River, 12 October 1918. (John Boyd, Sr, City of Toronto Archives, series 393, item 15391-1)


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Anarticle in theToronto Daily Star on5November1910describedaRomacampsitenearthewestbranchoftheDon(attheendofSou-dan Avenue, near the intersection of today’s Eglinton and BayviewAvenues), noting in patronizing terms its distance from mainstreamCanadianexperience:

Tuckedawayinthebushesaroundthelastbendofalongroadtothenorthofthecity,milesfromarailroad,andagoodwalkfromanyotherhumanhabitation,arefourlittlewhitetents,thedwellingplaceoftheremnantsofagypsytribe.Theyhavepreparedforthewinteronlybybuildingleafsheltersoverthedoorwaysofthetentsandtheretheywillstaythroughstormandsunshineuntilthewanderlustseizestheirgypsyfancies.

Atthetime,thisareaofthevalleyremainedruralandlargelywooded,withlargefarmsoccupyingtheneighbouringtablelands.Notthepol-lutedenvironmentofthelowervalley,theareaneverthelessoccupiedamargininitsruralityanditspositionjustoutsidethecitylimits.Dif-ficulttoharnessforproductiveuses,thevalleylandsatthistimewerealsolargelyunoccupied–anotherdrawfortravellersseekingsanctu-ary.Livingat thecamp ‘asone large family,’ the reporternoted, ‘arefourmen,threewomen,threechildren,twobears,andababoon.’Asbesthecouldobserve,thegroupmadeamodestincomebytakingupcollectionsafter‘thebearandmonkey[gave]exhibitionsonthestreets’andfromfortunesthat‘thewomenofthepartytell…totheunwary.’Itseemsthereporterwaslefttodrawhisownconclusionsaboutthepossiblerelationshipbetween thewomenandmen in thecamp,andthepurposeof theirstay inthearea. ‘Theyarenot thesociablesum-mercampingparty,’hereportedwithdisappointment,‘thattheirtentsmightimply’;norarethey‘overfondofstraycallers.’

Despitetherelativeisolationofthecamp,localresidents–apparentlyconcernedthat‘thesegypsiesmighthavetoomanyofthestorybookgypsycharacteristics’–attempted‘toshow[theRoma]thattherewereotherpartsmorefavorabletotheirrace.’Thearticledoesn’telaborateonthemeanswithwhichthegroupwasmadetofeelunwelcome.Accord-ingtothereporter,thefamiliesrespondedby‘promptly[purchasing]’theproperty.Having‘shownthemselvestobelawabidingcitizens,andpeopleofwealth,’harassmentbyneighboursandauthoritiespurport-edlyceased.Thereporter,however,couldn’tresistthespeculationthatthegroupwouldnevertheless‘beoffforotherpartswhenthespring-time comes around’; with them, he concluded, will go ‘the covered



wagonandthecollapsiblestoves,theoldhayhorse,andthescratchinghensthattheyhavetakenuntothemselves’(Toronto Daily Star1910c).Hereisinterestingevidenceofthe‘Other’asa‘doubtful[prospect]forliberal individualism’(McKay2000:626).While thepurchaseof landgrantedthisparticulargroupofRomasomelimitedrespectas‘proba-tionaryindividuals,’theirethnicitycementedtheirstatusasoutsiderstothedominantliberalethos.Nofurthermentionofthegroupappearsinthelocalpapersuntil4February1911,whenthe Globereportedthata‘bandofgypsieswhohavebeenencampedaroundEglintonforsometime’wastakeninbyDominionImmigrationOfficers‘preparatorytobeingdeportedtotheUnitedStates.’Apparentlythegroupconsistedof‘anumberofmen,women,andchildren,fourwagons,severalhorses,andfourbrownbears.’WhileitisdifficulttobecertainifthiswasthesamegroupdescribedbytheDailyStarinNovember,thelocation‘nearEglinton’suggestsso.Arearesidentshadapparentlycomplainedofthegroup’s‘persistentbegging,’addingtoChildren’sAidSocietyreportsthatchildrenhadbeenobserved‘runningoutinthesnowbarefooted.’12

Tenyearslateragroupofeight‘Serbiangypsy’familiesoccupiedasitefurtherupriver,onthewestbranchoftheDonneartheintersectionofYongeStreetandYorkMillsRoad(TorontoDaily Star 1920b).Unlikethe1910camp,thiscampwaseasilyvisiblefromtheroad.AnarticleintheGlobe on1June1920notedthatthecampwassituated‘notmorethanonehundredyardsfromYongeStreet…sothatpassingmotor-istsmayeasilybebeguiledtovisit theirencampmentandhavetheirfortunestold’(Globe1920a).Thecamp’sroadsidelocationinthevalleyprovidedthedualadvantages,thearticlesuggests,ofaccesstotheriverforcooking,bathing,anddrinkingwater,andaccesstoasourceofreve-nuethroughroadsidesales.Meninthecampapparentlyworkedinthecityaschauffeursandcoppersmiths,andsupplementedtheirincomewithroadsidesalesofusedcarsandcarparts.Asthereportermilledabouttryingtogetaninterviewwithoneofthewomenofthecamp,heobservedchildren,apparently‘toonumeroustocount,’swimmingintheDon.Theyswimwiththeirclotheson,henoted,‘[jumping]intothewaterandthen[waiting]forthesuntodrythem.’Itwasn’tlongbe-forethecampraisedtheireoflocalresidents.Complaintsthroughoutthesummerof1920about‘theconditionofthingsatthegypsycampatYorkMillsbridge’weredirectedtothecountypoliceandhealthau-thorities(Toronto Daily Star 1920a).ThesituationwaslastmentionedintheDaily Star on21 August,whenthecolumnistspeculatedthat‘thegypsiesarepreparingtomovetotheirwinterquarters’(1920c).


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Whiletheevidencehereissketchyandlacedwiththeprejudicesofits presenters, it nevertheless supports the hypothesis forwarded byHarneyandTroperthatToronto’srivervalleysprovided–temporarily,atleast–refugeandmeansforsubsistenceforimmigrantfamiliestrav-elling with limited resources.As Boyd’s images remind us, the rivervalleysprovidedaccesstowaterfordrinking,cooking,andbathing,todriftwoodforcookingfires,tofish,andtograssesforbasketmaking.They also provided a degree of refuge from ‘stray callers’ and pow-erfulauthorities.SomehistoriographicalcontextonRomaexperienceinnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryNorthAmericaisusefulhere.AsMarleneSwayhasshown,RomafamilygroupsintheUnitedStatesandCanadausednomadism,multipleoccupations,andtheexploitationofreadily available natural resources as strategies of economic adapta-tion. Descending in large part from Roma populations who came to

5.5 Approximate locations of two Roma camps along west branch of Upper Don River, 1910–20. (Map by Jordan Hale)



NorthAmericaduringthelargeimmigrationofeasternEuropeansinthe1880sand1890s,manyRomagroupspursuedanomadiclifestyleduenot‘towanderlustasmuchastopressureexerteduponthemby…hostsocieties’(Sway1988:39,44).Followingoccupationsthatweretypically ‘seasonal, temporary, marginal, and even precarious,’ theymovedfromplace toplaceandengaged inanumberofoccupationssimultaneously (110).Carrepairsandused-carsales,occasional farmlabour,scrap-metalrecovery,fortunetelling,andotherformsofenter-tainmentwereamongthe typicaloverlappingandgenderedoccupa-tions(Sway1988;Sutherland1975).

Theuseof thenaturalenvironmentasameansofsubsistenceandlivelihood also has a long tradition in Roma historiography. Swayrecordstheuseoffallenbranchesandscrapwoodtoproducebowls,spoons,andchildren’stoys,andthecollectionofhollyandheatherforseasonalsaleinnineteenth-centuryEurope(1988:101).Mayallnotestheuseofgrassesandwoodfromcamplocationstomanufacturebrooms,doormats, baskets, clothes pegs, skewers, and walking sticks in thesameperiodinruralEngland(1988:58).AsHarneyandTropersuggestandSwayconfirms,manyofthesecraftoccupationswereextendedtoNorthAmericanenvironments.ThelocationofRomacampsalongtheDoninthefirstdecadesofthetwentiethcenturymayhavebeendueinpart,thesesourcessuggest,toaccesstonaturalresources.Strategicplacementalongtravelcorridorsforfortunetellingandused-carsales/repairoccupationswaslikelyalsoasignificantfactor,asthe1920campatYongeandYorkMillsRoadsuggests,aswasdistancefromthegaje,ornon-Roma,population,asbothtabooinfluencesonRomaculturalnormsandpotentialsourcesofthreat(Sway1988;Sutherland1975).

The ‘Hobo Jungle’ of 1930 and 1931

Transience in the valley took on much greater visibility during the1930s,whenunemployedmenestablisheda largehobo jungle in theflatsofthelowervalley,northofBloorStreet.Sometimeinthefallof1930agroupoftransientsfoundrefugeinabrickfactoryinthevalley,andrumoursbegantocirculateabout theDonvalley ‘kiln-dwellers.’Some investigative journalism by the left-leaning Toronto Daily Star locatedthecampinearlyDecember–thereporterapparentlyhaving‘trampedonenightalmostthefulllengthoftheDonvalleysearchingfor[themen]’beforebeingtippedoffweekslaterbyayounghomelessmanwhohadspenttimeatthesite.‘Lastnight,’hereported,‘during


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bitterwindsandnear-zero[Fahrenheit]weather, forty-twohomeless,jobless,andpennilesswanderingmenslepton“hot-flops”intheDonvalleyyardsoftheTorontoBrick[Company].’Thereporterexplained:bricksbakedinaseriesofhugechambers,orkilns,oftentookuptoaweektocool.‘Whiletheyarecooling,[themen]climbrightinsidethekilns, stretch themselves out on the hard, warm bricks and seek thesolaceofsleep.’Howdidtheycometofindshelterinaworkingbrickfactory?Thereporterwascareful topointout that these ‘decentandrespectable’menwerenottrespassers:

Thesemenarenotbums.Theyarenot tramps.Norare theyhoboes…TheyareresidentsoftheDonvalleyyardsoftheTorontoBrickCo.astheinvitedguestsofFrankE.Waterman,generalmanagerofthatcompany,whohasnotonly issued instructions tohis staff that themenare tobeallowedtheprivilegesofhisbrickyard,buthehasonseveraloccasionsstoutlyresentedtheintrusionofpolicemenandplainclothesmen.(Toronto Daily Star1930:2)

Thisemphasisonthemen’sessentialrespectabilitystandsinmarkedcontrasttoperceptionsoftheRoma.WhileconcernsaboutCommunistsympathiesandanxietiesaboutthepresenceof‘professionaltramps’inthejunglebetrayedunderlyingsuspicionsaboutthecharacterofmenwho had ‘let themselves fall’ into such circumstances, overall thesemenreceivedawarmerreceptionthanthoseidentifiedbytheirethnic-ityandeconomicpracticesashopelesslyandpermanentlydepraved.

Basedonthedocumentaryevidence thatsurvives, theresidentsoftheDonvalleyjungleseemedtoshareanambiguousrelationshipwiththoseinthecityabovethem.FrequentreferencesaremadeintheDaily Star coverageofthecamptocriticismsandcondemnationofthecity’scharitable institutions. Inhabitants of the camp apparently ‘couldn’tunderstand why every restaurant in Toronto didn’t let them eat thewastefood…Theywhole-heartedlydoubtedthatthenewCentralBu-reauofRegistrationforhomelessmenwouldmakeanydifferencetotheirplight’(Toronto Daily Star1930).WhileinstitutionalresponsestoDepression-erahomelessnessandunemployment fellbackonearlierapproaches–sortingthe‘resident’fromthe‘alien’homelessandfocus-ingsupportonmarriedratherthansinglemen,thepublicresponsetothemeninthevalleytendedtobemoregenerous.AstheGlobe reportedinthelastdaysofthecamp,‘[themen’s]self-imposedrigorandinde-pendence,theirvigorouscryforworkandnotcharity,haveappealedto



thepublicimagination.Theymadegoodascitizensoutofluck’(1931c:4). Reverend Peter Bryce made numerous visits to the ‘jungle’ to re-portonthemen’swell-being,andchurchandwomen’sorganizationsacrossthecityorganizeddonationsoffoodandclothing.Inaremark-abledocumentthatreinforced–intheirownwords–representationsofthevalleyresidentsas‘ordinarycitizensdownontheirluck,’the‘caveandshackdwellers’ofthevalleyscriptedaletterofthanksonascrapofcardboardandposteditattheedgeofthevalley.

The card, dated 4August 1931 and signed by eight men, reads asfollows:

Towhomitmayconcern:thisistosaythatwedwellersoftheDonFlats(otherwise known as the ‘cave and shack dwellers’) do hereby wish tothankallthosewhohavetriedtohelpusoutinanywayandparticularlythosekindenoughtosendanysuppliesinwayoffoodleftoverfrompic-nicsetc.whichmighthaveotherwisegonetowasteandwe’llbegladtoacceptinfutureanykindnessthatthisnoticemighthappentobringtous.Hopingthatthingswillsoonbebetterweremainthankfullyyours.13

Public fearsabout thenumberofmencongregated in thevalleyalsoexpressedthemselvesinthelocalnewspapers.Aroundthesametimeasthethank-youcardwasproduced,concernsaboutCommunistagita-tioncentredaroundtheDonvalleycampledtowarningsintheconser-vativenewspapersthat‘alldriftersshouldbeclearedoutofthecitiesbeforewinter’tostemthepossibilityofrevolution(Globe1931b:1).Theaccusations met with vehement indignation from the Daily Star and,reputedly,frominhabitantsofthevalleycamp.

AskedwhytheychosethevalleybrickworksratherthantheHouseofIndustry(ashelterforthepoor)oroneofthecity’snightmissions,one of the men responded, ‘We’ve still got a little pride left’ (Globe1931b),addingthattheyfoundbeggingonthestreetsdemeaning.Thissentiment was repeated frequently in the Star’s coverage of the Donvalleycamp,andinaccountsofhobojunglesinotherpartsofthecoun-try(McCallum2006;Wade1997).ItwasexpressedespeciallyclearlyinalettertotheeditoroftheDaily Star fromananonymousjungleresi-dentinJuly1931.IdentifyinghimselfasaFirstWorldWarveteranwhofoundhimselfhomelessinthesamecityhehadenlistedfromyearsbe-fore,hewrotethathewas‘ofahuskybuildandsuitedtomanuallabor.’‘BeforeIwillacceptcharityorlineupinabreadline,’hecontinued,‘Ioffermyservicesforroomorboard.’Hesignedtheletteronlywithhis


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5.6 Card of thanks, 4 August 1931. (Courtesy of East York Foundation Collection, Todmorden Mills Museum, City of Toronto)



location: ‘DonValley’(Toronto Daily Star 1931b).Anotherlettertotheeditorfromaresidentofthehobojunglesuggested,interestingly,thatworkcouldbecreatedfortheunemployedmenofthevalleybycreat-ingaprojecttostraightentherivernorthofBloorStreetandtoremoveunnecessaryweedsand trees from thevalley (MacArthur1931).Theprojectnevermaterialized.

If pride was one reason these men chose the valley, the shrinkingavailabilityofotherformsofreliefwasanother.Afollow-uparticleintheDailyStaron19June1931countedthreehundredmeninthevalley‘following[the]recentclosingofallcitymissionsandshelters,withtheexceptionoftheHouseofIndustry.’Thebrickworkspopulationhadexpandedtoonehundredmen;anadditionaltwohundredslept‘onthebanksofthemuggyDonriverwiththeskyasablanketandtheearthasamattress’(Toronto Daily Star1931a:1).14Laterthatsummerthejungleexpandedagain,withapproximatelyfourhundredmencampedalongtheflatsoftheDonRiver.AsReverendPeterBryceobservedinatourofthevalleyinAugust1931,somemensleptinboxcarsanddugouts;othersfashioned‘mostingenioushuts’–‘bivouacsofrushes…boundtogetherbystriplingssewnthroughwiththatch’(Bryce1931:1).

Therivervalleyprovidednaturalamenities,suchaswaterfordrink-ing,cooking,andbathing,reedsandsaplingsforhutconstruction,anddriftwoodforcampfires;italsoyieldedresourcesfromthehistoryofhu-mansettlementinthearea.AlocaldumpinthevalleynorthoftheBloorStreetViaduct(thesiteoftoday’sChesterSpringsMarsh)providedabountyofdiscardedobjects thatmenusedtofurnishtheirmakeshifthomes:apictureframe,anoldtrunk,aradioantenna(butnoradio),andasemi-functioningkerosenelampweresomeoftheobjectsmentionedinBryce’s1931report.ThemostobviousattractionoftheDonvalleysite,however,beyonditsproximitytothecitycentre,weretheraillinesthatranthroughthevalley.AsformerEastYorkmayorTrueDavidsonrecalledinher1976memoir, ‘Thejunglebecameknownamongstthefraternityofthoseridingtherods,andalmosteveryfreightthatcamedowntheDonbroughtmoreinhabitantstothearea’(Davidson1976:82).AstheDepressionworsenedandever-increasingnumbersofunem-ployedmenfromacrossthecountrycongregatedinthevalley,mayorsfromTorontoandEastYorkvowedtocrackdownonoutsidersseek-ingreliefwithintheircitylimits.Torontopolicevowedto‘watcheveryfreighttrain’to‘stoptransientsfromforcingthemselvesonthemunici-pality’(Globe 1931b).Thecomingwinter’sreliefserviceswouldbepro-videdtolocalresidentsonly,andnottransientsfromotherareas,the


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mayorswarned.Thegaphadwidenedforthemenofthehobocamp.Nolongerthe‘respectablemen’temporarily‘downontheirluck,’theinhabitantsofthejunglewereportrayedincreasinglyasanalienthreattothecity’sstability.InMcKay’sterms,theyhadbecomeoutsiderstothedominantliberalorder,ratherthantemporarytransgressors.

Thejungle,itseemed,hadtogo.InlateSeptember1931theProvinceannouncedthat2500unemployedmenwouldbedraftedfromcongest-edSouthernOntario centres forworkon theTrans-CanadahighwayprojectinNorthernOntario(Globe 1931d).Furtherdraftsfollowed,andby the beginning of October the ‘peculiar and varied habitations’ ofthejunglehadbeendemolished,theirresidentstransferredtonortherncampsor removed to temporary shelters (Globe 1931d: 1).As theTo-ronto Daily Starreported,itseemsthemenoftheDonvalleyjunglehadfaredremarkablywellfortheirordeal:of213menexaminedbymedi-caldoctorsbeforejoiningthefirstroad-buildingcontingent,onlythreewererejectedasunfitforhardlabour.Nodiseaseswerereported,andnocasesofmalnutrition–infact,theincredulousreporternoted,themenonthewholeweremorelikelytobeoverweightthanunderweight(Sinclair1931).

ThesesnapshotsprovidedbynewspaperaccountshintatthewaysthatbothRomafamiliesandDepression-erahoboesusedtheenviron-mentaroundthemtoenhancewhatmusthavebeenafairlymarginalexistence.Bothgroups,itseems,chosethevalleyforaccesstocertainamenities, such as water, firewood, and material scavenged fromnearbylandfillsites.Distancefromauthoritiesmayalsohavebeenim-portant,as theexperienceofRoma travellers inotherpartsofNorthAmerica,andthejungleresidents’aversiontoinstitutionalizedshelter,suggests.Thebrickworksmanager’s‘stoutresentment’oftheintrusionofplainclothesmenalsosuggestsalimiteddegreeofprotectionafford-edtohomelessmenunderhisroof.Initsroleasasemi-ruralspaceontheedgeofthecityand,initslowerreaches,anindustrialandheavilypollutedspace, theDonRivervalleybecameaplaceonthemargins.Devaluedbymorefortunateinhabitantsofthecity,itbecame,asIhaveargued,aplaceforpeoplepushedtotheedgesofsociety.Despitede-velopmentsoverthelastfortyyearsthathaveseenmuchofthevalley‘revalued’asarecreationallandscape,insomerespectsnotmuchhaschanged:makeshifttentsofthehomelesscanstillbeseenonthebanksoftheriverinthelowervalley,andasrecentlyasthespringof2008,theCityusedthevalleyasareceptacleforhugeamountsoffilthy,salt-lacedsnowfromthecity’sroads.


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Conclusion

Initsfocusonmarginalpeopleinamarginalplace,thischaptercon-tributestoagrowingtrendinrecentCanadianhistoriographytodrawattention to the structures of power at work in designating peopleandplaceswithintheframeworkofcentresandperipheries–thelib-eralorderframeworkthatIanMcKayoutlinedsoprovocativelyinhis2000 prospectus in the Canadian Historical Review. Drawing from theevidenceprovidedbymiddle-classperceptionsofthemarginalized,itseekstogoastepfurtherbysheddinglightonthelivedexperienceofpeople‘ontheoutside’oftheliberalproject–inthiscase,thosewhose‘poverty…irregularhabits,and…problematic, intermittentrelationtotheformalmarketeconomy,particularlytomoneyandwagedwork’stood in sharp contrast to liberal values of order, property, and self-control(Sandwell2003:447).Assessedasmarginalbypowerfulgroupsintheurbancentre,placesliketheDonRivervalley,withitsmiasmaticlowlandsanddifficult-to-developravinebanks,andpopulations liketheRomaandtheDepression-erahoboes,wereamongthecasualtiesoftheliberalprojectofcitybuildinginearly-twentieth-centuryToronto.Herewerereputedlyunproductivecitizenspursuingunorthodoxstrat-egiesof‘gettingby’inalandscapesimilarlydismissedasunproductiveandmarginal.AsIhaveattemptedtoshow,theindividualswhosoughtrefuge in thewoodedareasof theDonvalleywereresilient,flexible,andcreativeactorsintheirownlives.Theysoughtoutthevalleyforthethingsitoffered,asmuchasforthethingstheyweredeniedinotherpartsofthecity,and,forlimitedperiodsoftimeatleast,itprovidedtherefugetheysought.

NOTES

1 ReferencestoSkunkHollowandtheBohemianFlatswereobtainedfromaconversationinitiatedinH-Environment’sonlinediscussionforum,21March2008.

2 AndrewHurley(1995),forexample,showshowmiddle-classwhitesinGary,Indiana,constructeda‘hierarchyofplace’–creatinghomogeneousneighbourhoodspricedoutofreachofthepoor,whileatthesametimeshieldingthemselvesfromenvironmentalhazards.

3 ValerieKuletz’sThe Tainted Desert(1998)isanexceptioninitsfocusonboththemarginalizationofplaceandthehumanpopulationsdependentuponit.



4 ToddMcCallum’swork(2006,2004)onDepression-erahoboesinVan-couverdescribestheestablishmentofahobojungleinaderelictareaofVancouver’swaterfront,butdoesn’texploretheconnectionbetweenmarginalspaceandthemarginalizedpopulationsthatcongregatedthere.Similarly,JillWade’sexcellentarticle(1997)onmarginalhousinginVan-couverdescribessquatterslivingonpollutedforeshorelandsalongBur-rardInlet,FalseCreek,andtheFraserRiver,butdoesn’texplorehowandwhysuchplaceswereconstructedasmarginal.Workon‘marginalplaces’inthecultural-geographyliteraturealsofocusesprimarilyonthepolitical,economic,andsocialfactorsinvolvedinthemarginalizationofparticulargroups,withlittleattentiontothenatureoftheenvironmentsinwhichpeoplefindthemselves(Ruddick1996;M.P.Smith1995;P.Jackson1993;Shields1991).

5 Aneditorialinthe1853–4issueoftheUpper Canada Journal of Medical, Surgical and Physical Science,forexample,inarguingagainstthesitingofthenewTorontoGeneralHospitalintheeastendofthecity,notes‘plentyoflocationsinToronto’whereagueisconsiderablylessprevalentthanintheeastend,where‘scarcelyahousehasbeenfreefromitsvisitation.

6 TheCityLibertiesstretchedeastoftheriverinathinbandfromQueenStreetsouthtothelakeshoreandeasttothefarendofAshbridge’sBay.LandsnorthofQueen,eastoftheriver,fellunderthejurisdictionofYorkCountyuntilthe1880s,whenthecitybegananewroundofannexa-tions.TheabolishmentoftheLibertiesin1859broughtfullcityrightsandresponsibilitiestothesuburbanareawestoftheDonandeastoftheriversouthofQueen.

7 NobridgesexistednorthofGerrardinthelowervalley,forexample,untilthePrinceEdwardViaductwasconstructedin1918.

8 AggregatedatafromassessmentrollscorroborateCareless’sconclusions.Datacompiledforthedecadesbetween1870and1910showthatpropertyvalueswithinthewardsoneithersideoftheriver(StDavid’sWard,partsofStLawrence’sWard,and,after1884,StMatthew’sWardontheeastsideoftheriver)wereconsistentlylowerthanwardswithcomparablepopula-tionsinotherpartsofthecity.

9 JamesPitsuladiscussesthesetrendsastheyplayedoutinthereceptionof‘tramps’inlate-nineteenth-centuryToronto.TheAssociatedCharities’decisionin1881toimplementa‘labourtest’wherebyrecipientsofaidwouldhavetobreakaquantityofstonesorchopkindlingbeforereceiv-ingfoodorshelterwasusedasamethod,Pitsulaconcludes,ofenforcingamiddle-classworkethic‘onadeviating,floatingpopulation.Itwasalsoaninsidiouswayofdenyingtherealityofunemploymentbecausetheauthors


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ofthelabourtestassumedthatthecharacterdefectsofthepoor,nottheunavailabilityofwork,wasthecentralissue’(Pitsula1980:132).

10 Ihaveusedtheword‘Roma’throughouttorefertothediversegroupofpeoplewhohaveself-identifiedindifferentplacesandtimesastheRom,Romani,orRoma,as‘Travellers’andas‘Gypsies.’Despitecontemporaryuseoftheterm‘Gypsy’inearly-twentieth-centuryNorthAmerica,Ihaveavoideduseofthetermforitsderogatoryconnotations.

11 Lyon(1998)documentsthearrestandtemporaryjailingofmaleRomatravellersinPeterborough,Ontario,onchargesofloiteringandobstructionofapublichighway.ForotherexamplesseeActon(1997)andSway(1988).

12 Sporadicdeportationsseemedtocontinuethroughoutthe1910s.InhisannualreporttotheTorontoBoardofHealth,forexample,MedicalOfficerofHealthCharlesHastingsreportsthedeportationofagroupofRomaheviewedas‘sleepingandlivinglikeanimals’(CharlesHastings,AnnualRe-porttotheTorontoBoardofHealth,1914,series365,DepartmentofPublicHealthReports,CityofTorontoArchives).

13 CardofThanks,4August1931,EastYorkFoundationCollection,Todmor-denMillsMuseum,CityofToronto.

14 MichielHorn(1984,12)providessomecontextforboththeheavyburdenexperiencedbyCanadianmunicipalitiesinprovidingreliefandtheat-tempttoclampdownonassistancetotransientsinordertoforcethemoutofthecityandintoreliefcamps.


Documents

5 A Social History of a Changing Environment: The Don