3ust W a r , Peace and Hurnan Rights under IsIamOc and f nternationd L a w

Hilmi M. Abdul Rahman

Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University, Montréal

August 1997

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

@ Hilmi M. Abdul Rahman, 1997

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To the mernory of my late parents, may Allah bestow on them

His mercy and be pleased with them

Author: Hilmi M. Abdul Rahman

Title: Just War, Peace and Human Rights under Islamic and International Law

Department: Inst i tute o f Islamic Studies

Degree Sought: Master of Arts

The present thesis attempts a critical examination of the theory of

war under fslarnic and public international law, in an ef for t to

demonstrate that jihad is a just, defensive, and exceptional form of

warfare, geared to the maintenance of peace, and the protection of human

r ights fo r all people, whether those r ights be exercised alone o r in

association with others, without distinction as to race, sex, language o r

religious belief. Through an examination of the norms of Islamic and

public international law on armed conflict, th is thesis argues that Islamic

law, which governs the doctrine of jihad, i s realistic and practical.

Further, it made a great contribution to international humanitarian law

more than a millennium before the codification of the four Geneva

Conventions of 1949, and eight centuries before the appearance of Hugo

Grotius treatise "De j u r e belli ac pacis libri tres" in 1625.

Furthermore, th is comparative study reveals that the word jihad

might be one o f the most misunderstood terms in the history of Islamic

legal discourse. This analysis also claims that the division of the world

into dar al-Islam ( ter r i to ry of Islam) and dar al-harb . ( te r r i to ry of war),

which is not predicated on a state of mutual hostility, was dictated by

particular events. and was not imposed by scripture. Moreover, th is

discussion provides that Islamic humanitarian la# reg ulates conduct

during a jihad on the basis o f certain humane principles, compatible with

those upon which modern international conventions are based, Finally,

th is thesis concludes that there is a unique relationship between jihad

and the notion of just war, a matter which qualifies i t as the bellum

justum of Islam.

Auteur:

Titre:

Département:

Diplôme:

Hilmi M. Abdul Rahman

Guerre juste, paix et droits de la personne sous le dro i t islamique e t le dro i t public international

Ins t i t u t des études islamiques

Maîtrise en Arts

La présente thése tente de fa i re un examen cr i t ique sur la théorie

de la guerre sous le dro i t publ ic international et le dro i t islamique dans

le bu t d e démontrer que l e jihad est une forme de guerre juste,

défensive e t exceptionnelle, orientGe vers le maintien de la paix, et de la

protection des droits de la personne et ce, qu'ils soient exercés seuls ou

en association avec d'autres droits, sans distinction de race, sexe, langue

ou croyance religieuse. À t ravers un examen des normes du dro i t public

international et du droit islamique relatives aux confl i t s armés, cette

thèse argue que le droi t islamique gouvernant la doctrine du jihad est

r4aliste et pratique. De plus, ce dro i t a contribuer d'une manière

importante au droi t humanitaire international plus d'un miMnaire avant

la codification des quatre Conventions de Genéve de 1949, et hu i t siècles

avant l'apparition du t ra i té de Hugo Grotius "De j u r e belli ac pacis Iibri

t res" en 1625

Par ail

pourrait bien

discours légal

du monde en

eurs. cette étude comparative révèle que le mot jihad

être un des termes les plus incompris de l'histoire du

islamique. Cette analyse prétend &gaiement que la division

jar al-Islam ( terr i to i re de l'Islam) e t dar al-harb ( terr i to i re

de guerre), ce qui ne signif ie en aucun cas qu'ils doivent êt re en

hostilité rnutuelle. a pluLi3t 6té dictée par des événements particuliers, e t

non pas imposée par les fkritures. Du reste, cet exposé démontre que

le dro i t humanitaire islamique régularise la conduite générale durant un

jihad sur le fondement de certains principes humains, compati Mes avec

ceux sur lesquels sont fondées les conventions internationales modernes.

Finalement, cette thése conclut qu'il y a une relation unique entre le

jihad et la notion d'une querre juste, ce qui en fai t le bellum justum de

1 'Islam.

i i i

A c k n o w led gernents

1 would like to express rny sincere gratitude and thanks to

Professors Wael B. Hallaq and Erwin Cotler, my thesis supervisors, for

thei r most j udicious guidance and constructive criticisrn. I would also

take this opportunity to recognize a debt of gratitude to the staff of the

Islarnic Studies Li brary, particularly Salwa Ferahian, and to sincerely

thank the staff of the Law School Library, especially Mary Lourenço, for

their assistance during the preparation of this study. My grateful

thanks go to my friend Reem Meshal for heiping me edit this thesis. 1

am also indebted to Mrs. Alison Morin for her painstaking Gare in typing

this manuscript. Finally, f wish to thank my wife and children for the i r

patience and endless support, since th is thesis was written during time

which rightly belonged to them.

~ o w l s , diphthonqs, oto. @or Otto- 'Rirkiah wuelr etc. r e r i r p u r t o m-0-m)

v

Table of Contents

Abstract

Rhsurne

Acknow ledgements

Note on Transl i teration

Table of Contents

i

i i

iii

i v

v

Introduction 1

1. Theory of War in lslamic and Public International Law 11

II. Jihad and International Relations 60

If 1. Jihad and Civi lians' Personal Ri g hts 1 06

IV. 1s Jihad a Just War? 127

Bi bliography 139

Relying on a number o f minor secondary sources, some Western

scholars have argued t h a t Is lam was spread by the sword, fo rce and

com~ulsion. ' and t h a t a s ta te o f war must oecessari ly e x i s t between

Muslims and the res t o f the no r ld u n t i l the l a t t e r accepts Is lam or

submits t o the power o f the Islarnic state.? They vndoubtedly bel ieve

t h a t every Muslim bears a r e l i g i o u s duty ta k i l l any unbeliever when

j ihad breaks out.' W. Montgomery Watt t r e a t s t h i s issue i n the f o l lowing

statement:

"For macy centur ies most Europeans bel ieved t h a t Is lam was a r e l i g i o n o f violence which spread by the sword.' This was p a r t o f t h d i s to r ted image o f Islam, which, as 1 have argued elsewhere! was the negative i d e n t i t y o f western E u r o ~ e o r Western Chr'stendom - a p i c t u r e o f what it considered i t s e l f not t o be. 18 i Among Western scholars uho propagate t h i s "d is to r ted image" i s

'sobhi Mahmassani, "The Pr inc ip les o f In te rnat iona l Law i n the L i g h t o f Is lamic Doctrine," Recueil des Cours 117 (1966): 241.

' ~ e r n a r d Lewis, The Political Language o f Is lam (Chicago: The Un ivers i ty o f Chicago Press, 1988), 73; Maj id Khadduri , The I s lamic Law o f Nat ions: Shaybant 's S i y a r (Baltimore, Maryland: The John H o ~ k i n s Un ivers i ty Press, 1966) , 13.

' ~ a r o o ~ Hassan, The Concept o f State and Law i n Islam (New York: Un ivers i ty Press o f America, 1981 1, 202: W. Gardner, "Jihad, " The Mosiem World 2: 1 (January 1912): 348.

'on the contrary, S i r Thomas Arnold conceives tha t the expansion o f the Is lamic r e l i g i on has t ranspi red through peacefuf methods p a r t i c u l a r l y preaching. See Thomas W. Arnold, The Preaching o f Islam: A H is tory o f the Propagat ion o f the Mus 7im Fa i th (Lahore, Paklstan: Muhammad Ashraf Publ icat ions, 1961), 115-119.

'W. Montgomery Watt, The Influence o f 1s lem on Medieva 7 Europe (Edinburgh: The Univers i ty Press, 1972) , 72-84.

6 ~ . Montgomery Watt. "The Signi f icance o f the Theory o f Jihad," i n Akten des VII. Kongresses für Arab i s t i k und 1s 7amw issenscha f t , eds. Herausgegeben Von and Alber t Diet r i ch ( G o t t i ngen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 19761, 390.

Bernard Lewis, who views Isiam "as a m i l i t a n t , indeed as a m i l i t a r y

r e l i g i o n , and i t s fo l lowers as fana t i ca l warr iors, enyaged i n spreading

t h e i r f a i t h and t h e i r law by amed might. "' A simi i a r approach uas

adopted by D.B. Macdonald i n h i s a r t i c l e "Djihad' i n "The Encyclopaedia

o f 1slarn. Macdonald claimed t h a t " d j i h a d consis ts o f m i 1 i t a r y ac t ion

with t he ob jec t o f the expansion o f Islam. 1 ~ 9

' ~ e r n a r d Lewis, supra note 2, a t 7 1 . I n t h i s sençe, Max Weber s tated t h a t " Is lam was never r e a l l y a r e l i g i o n o f salvat ion. It i s a war r io r re l i g ion . " See Bryan S. Turner, Weber and Islam: A C r i t i c a l Study (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974), 34; Mr.x Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline o f Interpretive Sociology, 3 vols. (New York: Bedminster Press, l968) , 2: 624-626; Ra1 ph Schroeder, Max Weber and the Socio logy o f Culture (London: Sage Fubl i c a t ions, NW), 65-70.

' ~ h e Encyclopaedia o f Islam, 2nd ed., s.v. "Djihad," by D.B. Macdonald.

' I n h i s book e n t i t l e d "Prmessss de 1 'Islam," Roger Garaudy re fu tes Macdonald's notion. I n the fo l low ing statcment, Gataudy po in ts ou t tha t : "Il est de t r a d i t i o n , chez les Occidentaux, de t radu i re djihad par ((guerre sai rite)), c'est-à-di re guerre entrepr ise pour l a propagation de 1 ' I s 1 am. Le rédacteur de 1 ' a r t i c 1 e «D j i had)) dans 1 ' Encyc 7op6die de 1'1s lam, 1 ' o r i e n t a l i s t e D. B. Macdonald, commence par a f f i mer : <(L'expansion de l ' I s l am par les armes es t un devoir re l i g ieux pour tous l e s musulmans. ))

Ore, djihad ne s i g n i f i e pas ((guerre» (i 1 ex i s te un autre mot pour cela: harb) , mais «e f fo r t» sur l e chemin de Dieu. Le Coran es t parfaitement e x p l i c i t e : «Pas de cont ra in te en matiére de r d ig ion» (II, 256).

Tous l e s textes que l'on a invoqu6s pour f a i r e de l ' I s l a m un épouvantai 1 , une ((reï i g ion de 1 'Bp6e~, ont étB invariablement separés de l e u r contexte. On a, par exemple, appelé ((verset de 1 'épée» l e verset 5 de l a l x e sourate en détachant ((tuez l es poly théis tes par tout où vous l e s trouverez)) du verset precddent ( I X , 4 ) qui précise q u ' i l s ' a g i t de combattre ceux qui ayant conclu un pacte 1 'ont ensuite v i o l & ou ceux qui prdtendent empecher l es musulmans de professer e t de pra t iquer l e u r f o i .

En un mot, s i l a guerre n 'es t pas exclue, e l l e n 'es t accpetke que pour 7a d4fense de l a f o i lorsque ce1 le -c i es t menacée, e t non pas pour la propagation de l a f o i par l e s armes.

La guerre ne se j u s t i f i e , selon l e Coran, que lorsqu'on e s t v ic t ime d'une agression ou d' une transgression , actes que les musulmans eux-mêmes s ' i n t e r d i sent formel lement s ' i 1s obeissent au Coran: ((Combattez dans l e chemin de Dieu ceux qui lu t tent contre vous. Ne soyez pas transgresseurs; Dieu n'aime pas les transgresseurs.)) Le Corân, II: 190.

Moreover, since the breakdown o f the former Soviet Union and the

end o f the Cold War, an or ienta l school o f thought has f lour ished i n the

West. This school, which i s represerited by Bernard Lewis, Samuel

Huntington and Daniel Pipes, deems tha t h o s t i l i t y i s a deep-i-ooted

feature of the Mus1 i m pçyche,10 dnci that ? c ! m has replaced cornmunism as

the new world threat." Bernard Lewis argues that Is lamists display an

antagonism which i s t inged with humil iat ion, envy and fear. I n h i s

a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "the Roots o f Muslim Rage", Lewis states that:

"It should by now be c h a r t h a t ne are facing a mood and a [fundamental Muslim] movement f o r transcending the level o f issues and po l ic ies and the governments that pursue them.

'O~or opposing viewpoints see Fred Hal l iday, Islam and the Myth o f Confrontat ion: Re1 ig ion and Po7it ics in the Middle East (London: 1. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 19961, 112; Michael Jansen, "Terrorism i s a Response t o Western Hypocrisy," i n I s 7am: Opposing Viewpoints, ed. Paul A. Winters (San Diego: Greenhaven Press, Inc. , W S ) , 164-168.

' kh i reen 1. Hunter, "The Rise o f Is lamist Movements and the Western Response: Clash o f C iv i l i za t ions o r Clash o f Interest-s?" i n The I s lamis t D i lemma: The Po l i t ica 7 Role o f 1 s 7amist Novements in the Contemporary Arab World, ed. Laura Guazzone (Berkshire: I thaca Press, 1995), 321. This theory has been ref lected i n the works o f many Western Scholars, pa r t i cu la r l y : Daniel Pipes, " P o l i t i c a l Islam i s a Threat t o the West," i n Is lam: Opposing Viewpoints, ed. Paul A. Winters (San Diego: Greenhaven Press, Inc., 1995), 190; Joseph Grinstein, "Jihad and the Constitution: The F i r s t Amendment Implicat ions o f Combating Rel igiously Motivated Terrorism," The Yale Law Journal 1 0 5 3 (March 1996): 1348; Steven Emerson, "Po1 i t i c a l Islam Promotes Terrorism, " i n 1s lam: Opposing Viewpoints, ed. Paul A. Winters (San Diego: Greenhaven Press, Inc., 1995), 160.

I n h i s work " 1s 1am and Colonia 7 ism, " Rudolph Peters emphasi zes tha t "The I s l m i c doctr ine o f j i h a d has always appealed t o Western imagination. The image o f t h e dreadful Turk, clad i n a long robe and brandishing h i s scimitar, ready t o slaughter any i n f i d e l tha t might come bis way and would refuse t o be converted t o the r e l i gion o f Mahomet, has been a stereotype i n Western l i t e ra tu re f o r a long tirne. Nowadays t h i s image has been replaced by that o f the Arab " t e r r o r i s t " i n battledress, armed with a Kalashinkov gun and prepared t o murder i n cold blood innocent Jewish and Christ ian women and chi ldren. Rudolph Peters, 1s lam and Co7onia 7 ism: The Doctrine o f Jihad in Modern History (The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton Pub1 ishers, W g ) , 4.

This i s no less than a clash o f c i v l l i z a t i o n s - the perhaps i r r a t i o n a l but sure1 y h l s t o r i c reac t ion o f an ancient r i v a l against our Judeo-Christian h e r i t a e, our secular present, and the worldwide expansion o f both. 11 f! Samuel Huntington sei zes and expands upon t h i s not ion o f a clash o f

c i v i ~ i z a t i o n s . ' ~ I n a widaly read a r t i c l e pvblished i n Foreign Af fa f rs

i n the sumar o f 1993, Huntington po in ts out that:

" I n Eurasia the great h i s t o r i c f a u l t l ines between c i v i l i z a t i o n s are once more aflame. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e along the boundaries o f the crescent-shaped Is lamic b loc o f nat ions from the bulge o f A f r i ca t o centra l Asia. Violence a lso occurs between Mus1 ims, on the one hand, and Orthodox Serbs i n the Balkans, Jews i n I s rae l , Hindus i n fndia, Buddhists i n Burma nd Catholics i n the Phi l ipp ines. Islam has bloody borders. 17 Taki ng i n to considerat ion the conscient ious endeavors o f o ther

scholars t o re fu te the abova e l legations,15 a comparative anal y t i c a l

' * ~ e r n a r d Lewis, "The Roots o f Mus1 im Rage, " The A t lmt i c Wonthly 266 (September IWO), 60.

1 3 1 0 ~ o t Agai n: A Survey o f Islam and the West, " The Economist (August 6-12, 1994): 3.

''~amuel P. Huntington, "The Clash o f C iv i l i za t i ons?" Foreign A f f a i r s 72 : 3 (Sumer 1993): 35. I n h i s l ec tu re on "Clash o f C i v i l i z a t i o n s o r Clash o f De f i n i t i on?" dei ivered i n London, February 1995, and i n Montreal, October 1996, Professor Edward Said, o f Columbia Univers i ty , has refuted Huntington's theory. Said impl ied t h a t Huntington had l o s t h i s edge as one o f the leading p o l i t i c a l theoret ic ians o f the Cold War era, and has since branded Islam as the new enemy, knowing t h a t the issue i s a hot potato i n the West.

I n the same fashion, Judi th M i l l e r , the former Cairo Bureau ch ie f o f the New York Times, has alleged, i n her 574-page book, t h s t Is lamic m i 1 i t an ts , s ince the days o f the Prophet Muhammad, were bloody, fanat ic , and in to le ran t . She attempts t o conf i rm tha t on1 y Westerners bel ieve f i r m l y i n the inherent d i g n i t y o f the ind iv idua l and the value o f human r i g h t s and lega l equa l i t y f o r a l l . See Jud i th M i l l e r , God has Ninety- Nine Names Report ing from a M i 7 i tant Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, l996), 88-94.

%ee, f o r example, Gustave Le Bon, La Civi l isat ion des Arabes (Paris: L i b r a i r i e de Firmin-Didot e t cle, 18841, 110-154; John Kelsay, Is lam and War (Louisvi 1 l e , Kentucky: Westminste-./John Knox Press, 1993), 29-36; Marcel A. Boisard, Jihad: A cornitment to Universa7 Peace

study, based on the primary sources o f Is lamic and pub l i c in ternat iona l

law, reveals t h a t Islam's so-called "bloody borders" and Lewis-

Huntington's theory on jihad are f i c t i v e constructs. This study attempts

a c r i t i c a l examination o f the theory o f war i n Is lamlc and publ ic

in ternat iona l 1aw i n an e f f o r t t o formulate an a l te rna t i ve view and

demonstrate t h a t j ihad i s a just, defensive, and exceptional forin o f

warfare geared t o achieve the ideal Is lamic pub1 i c order, and t o secure

j u s t i c e and equal i t y among a l 1 people." To do so, the f i r s t chapter o f

t h i s thes is w i 11 discuss i n a comparative fashion the concept o f war and

be l l i ge ren t occupation i n Is lamic and pub l ic in ternat iona l law. It wi11

t r y mainly t o es tab l ish c lear and sa t is fac tory answers t o the fo l lowing

questions: what are the motives o f jihad i f i t s primary aim i s not t o

convert unbel ievers by force, o r t o expand the Islamic state? 1s jihad

a holy war? 1s Majid Khadduri correct i n surrnising t h a t j ihad i s

equivalent t o the Chr is t ian concept o f the crusade?" I s there an

obl igatory s ta te o f war between Muslims and the res t o f the world as

argued by Bernard Lewis and Maj id ~haddur i?" What i s the concept o f

war and be l l igerent occupation i n Is lamic in ternat ional law? What are

t he charac ter is t i cs o f the duty o f jihad? What are permissible and

forbidden acts o f h o s t i l i t y according t o the doctr ine o f jihad? and when

(Indianapol is, Indiana: The American Trust Publications, 1988), 23; and Rudolph Peters, Jihad in Hediaeval and Modern Is7am (Leiden, The Nethetlands: E.J. Bri11, I W i ) , 3.

I6naj id Khadduri, supra note 2, a t 17 .

lgOernard Lewis, " P o l i t i c s and War," i n The Legacy o f Islem, eds. Joseph Schacht and C. E. Bosworth (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1974) ; 175; M a j i d Khadurri, supra note 2, a t 13.

6

can jihad be terminated?

On the other hand, chapter two examines the Islamic state's

re la t ions wi th other nations i n l i g h t o f the doctr ine o f jihad. It

invest igates the legal status of protected minor i t ies and enemy persons,

the i r r i ghts ard obl l gations under Islamic Law, and demonstrates that the

d iv id ing o f the world i n t o dar al-Is7m and dar al-harb, a by Muslim

j u r i s t s , was dictated by par t i cu la r events, and d i d not necessitate a

permanent state of hosti 1 i t y between these t e r r i t o r i e s . Furthemore,

t h i s chapter w i l l show tha t Huslim j u r i s t s fourteen centuries ago

developed an Islamic theory o f internat ional re lat ions, i n the modern

sense of the term, t o regulate i nter-state re lat ions between d8r a 7-Is lam

and other t e r r i t o r i e s i n times o f peace and armed con f l i c t . Thus,

Is lamic laws on concluding t rea t ies and mutual re lat ions, namely,

rec i proci ty , d i plomatic intercourse, fote ign trade, a rb i t r a t i on and

neutral i t y w i 11 be the object o f a comparative discussion.

Chapter three t r i e s t o address the cruc ia l question, " t o what

extent d id Islamic humanitarian law contr ibute t o the protect ion o f

c i v i l i ans ' persona1 r igh tsdur ing wars and arnied disputes?" To t h i s end,

a number o f these r igh ts w i l l be examined i n l i g h t o f the noms o f

Islamic and internat ional law o f human r ights, pa r t i cu l a r l y the r i gh t t o

l i f e , the proh ib i t ion o f t o r t u re and inhuman treatment, and the r i gh t t o

respect o f one's re l ig ious be l ie fs , customs and t rad i t i ons . A l 1 t h i s

indicates tha t c i v i l l ans ' r i gh ts are not only recognized by Islamic law,

but a r e a k o protected by prac t ica l , r e a f i s t i c legal and administrat ive

rules, which were desi gned t o ensure the i r appl i c a t ion without

d i s t i nc t i on o f any kind. Moreover, t h i s chapter reveals tha t Islamic

7

humanitarian law regards the r i g h t t o 1 i f e as a sacred r i g h t . and holds

t h a t any transgression against t h i s r i g h t be considered a crime against

the e n t i r e comnunity.19 On the othar hand, i t u i l l be seen t h a t the

i nd i v i dua l ' s r i g h t t o f r eea~m o f b e l i e f , inc lud ing the r i g h t t o choose

one's r e l i g i o n , i s e x p l i c i t l v guaranteed bv Is lamic law, and t rea ted es

a corn~onent o f the i nd i v i dua l ' s fundamental r i g h t t o the f reedm o f

op in ion and expression. 2 O

Chapter f ou r i s devoted t o formulat ing a c l e a r response t o t he main

issue o f t h i s thes is , namely " i s jihad a j u s t war?" To begin with, t h i s

chapter attempts t o work out exac t ly what i s meant by " j u s t war" bv

s c r u t i n i z i n g the chrono1ogical development o f the term w i t h i n i t s

h i s t o r i c a l context. Through an examination o f the relevant major primarv

j u r i s t i c works o f both Western and Muslim wr i t e r s , t h i s chapter concludes

t h a t j ihad i s a defensive war, based on c e r t a i n humane p r i nc ip les , a11

o f which argues f o r it being considered a " j u s t war."

The sources o f Is lamic in te rna t iona l law and the sources o f ~ u b l i c

in te rna t iona l law, as ind icated i n A r t i c l e 3 8 W o f the s ta tu te o f t he

In te rna t iona l Court o f Just ice, bear s i m i l a r i t i e s . The t e x t s o f

in te rna t iona l covenants may be compared t o t he t e x t s o f the Ho7.v Qur'an

and the t r u e Prophetic hadt ths . I n many respects, the i n te rna t i ona l

agreements are equivalent t o the t r e a t i e s made bv the Prophet Muhammad,

the r iqht ly-guided Ca1 iphs ( a 1-Khu7afa' a 1-RBshidDnI and l a t e r Mus1 irn

ru le rs . Moreover. t he opinons o f Western scholars o f ten p a r a l l e l the

legal opinions and works issiied Sy Mus1 i m . ju r i s ts .

Methodological ly, i n examining t he theory o f jihad. t h i s study

r e l i e s heav i l y on t he Ho7.v Our% and t h e Prophetic T rad i t i ons as law.

The p r i n c i p l e s o f jihad occupy twenty e igh t chapters (sura l , which i s

one-fourth o f t he Ha7.v QurJBn. Furthermore, i t should be made c l e a r t h a t

the main features o f the theory o f j ihad are e x p l i c i t l y ou t l i ned i n t he

Holy Qur'an. whi l e j u r i s t i c ~ o r k s . ~ ' from c lass i ca l . medieval and modern

t imes, focus on the consequences o f jihad, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e d i v i s i o n o f

" ~ e e f o r example: Abu al-Hasan al-Mawardt . a 7-Ahkam a 1-Su 7 tan iyya wal-Wi 7a.mt a l - D t n i y . (Cairo: 'Dar a l - F i k r 111-~ib$a'wal-fuasht, ' 1983), 32-58 [ he re ina f t e r al-Mawardt 3 ; Abu Muhammad C A l t Ibn Hazm, a 7-rsa7 f t al-Nuha 1 la b i 7-Athar, 12 vols. (Bei'rut: Dar al-Kutub a l Cl lmïyya. 19881, 1 1: 333-362 [ here ina f te r Ibn Hazm] : Ab0 al-Wal t d Huhammad Ibn Rushd. Bida.vat a 7-Mujtahid wa Nifrayat' a 7-Muqtasid. 2 vo l S. (Bei r u t : Dar al-MaCrifa. 1986). 380-407 [he re ina f t e r I b n Rushd): Abu vacla a l -Farra ' . a 7-AhKBn, a 7-Su ltani.v.va (Cai ro: MatbaCat Mustafa al-Babf a l -Halabt . 1938). 23-44 [he re ina f t e r a l - F a r d ' 1 : ' ~ 1 3 ' " a l -DT n a l - ~ ~ s ~ n ~ .' K i t ab ~ a c i a ' i ~ al -sana' iC f t T a r t t b al-shara'ic, 7 vols. (Cairo: al+atbaCa a l - Jamal iyya. 1910). 7:97-142 [here ina f te r al-KBsanf] : Imam al-Harama~n Ab0 al-I4aCal t al-Juwaynt . Gh i .n th a 7-Umam f t I l t i v a t h a 7-Zulam (Alexandria: Dar al+aCwa 1 il- ab^ wal-Nashr, 1979). 260-264 [he re ina f t e r al-Juweynt] : Muhammad I b n 1 d r f s a l - s h a f i C t , K i t ab al-Umm. 7 vols. K a i r o : al-Hay'a alLMisr ivya alJArnma li 1-Kttab, 19871, 6:202-336 [he re ina f t e r a l - shaf ict ] : Muhammad Ibn lsmact 1 al-sancanf , Subu7 a 7-Sa 7am Sharh Bu71?gh a7-Mamm min' ~ a n f Adi77at al-Ahkam', 4 vo ls . (Be i ru t : Dar ~ a k t a b a t a l - Hayat, 19891, 4: 53-100 [here ina f te r al-sanCant] : Muhyt a l -D tn Yahva Ibn Sharaf a l - D t n al-Nawawt. Minhaj a l - T d l i b t n (London: W . Thacker'b Co.. 19141, 457-471 [he re ina f t e r al-Nawawf] ; Muwaffaq a l -D tn I b n Qudama and Shams a l - D i n ' ~ b d al-Rahman Ibn Qudama. a 1-bfughn t wa Ya 7 f h i a 1-Sharh a 1- Kabtr . 12 vo ls . ( B e i h t : Dar a l -K i tab a l - ' ~ r a b t . l983) , 10:48-635 [ he re ina f t e r al-Mughnf 1 ; Shah Waliv A l l ah al-Dahlawt, Huj ja t A 7 lah a l - Ba l igha. 2 vo ls . (Bei r u t : Dar a l+aCr i fa , n.d. ) . 2: 170-f78 [here ina f te r al-Dahlawt] : Sharns a l -D tn Ibn Qayyim al-Jawjiyya, Zad a l - ~ a % d f t Hu& Khayr a 7-'lbad. 2 vols. (Cai ro: M t b a C a t Mustafa al-Babt al-Halabf . 1950). k38-43 [he re ina f t e r I bn al-dayyim] : Stiams a l -D tn a l -Saiakhsr , K i t86 â 7-MabsDt. 30 vo ls . (Cai ro: natbaCat al-saCada, 1324 A.H. 1, 10: 2- 144 [he re ina f t e r a'l-sarakhst ] : Shams al-Islam Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya, "&da f t Qi ta l a l -Kuf far , " i n ~ a j m d a t Rasa't7 I b n Tavmiyya. ed. Muhammad Hamid a l -Faqf ICairo: I4atbaCat al-Sunna al-Muhammadiyya. 19491, 116-146 [he re ina f t e r Rasa' i 1 I b n 'Taymiyya] : Shavkh a lAIs lam Ahmad Ibn Tavmivya: a 1-Si,uasa a 7-~ha+ iyya f f Is Iah a 7-& f wa 7 - ~ é f ivva (0e i ru t : Dar al-Kutub a l - '~ rab iyva , 1966). 102-144 [ he re ina f t e r Ibn Tavmi~va] : Shavkh a l - Is lam Burhan a l -D fn al-Marghinant. aï-Hida.va Sharh Bidavat al-Mubtada. 4 vols. (Bei r u t : Al-Maktaba al- Is lamivya. n . d . 1, '2: 135-156 [he re ina f t e r a l - Marqhi nan f ] .

9

the world i n t o the t e r r i t o r y o f Islam (d8r a7-Is78m) and the t e r r i t o r y

o f war t dar a 7-harb) ; t rea t i es ; peaceful mutual re la t i ons : treatment o f

c i v i l i a n s i n times o f war, wounded combatants, and pr iconers o f war.

Before we proceed f u r t h e r w i t h our examination, a c l a r i f i c a t i o n o f

t h e terms j u s t i c e ('ad71 and human r i g h t s (huqUq a 7-' ibad . f reguently

employed i n t h i s study, i s due. Although no consensus has ever been

reached on the d e f i n i t i o n o f these terms, one may argue t h a t according

t o the Ho7y Qur'an j u s t i c e embodies equi ty and fa i rness between

i nd i v i dua l s and communities of mankind. Just ice can thus take h g a l ,

e t h i c a l , soc ia l , p o l i t i c a l and theologica l forms. When we approach the

concept o f j u s t i c e i n the doc t r ine o f jihad, our a t t en t i on i s necessari 1 y

drawn t o the concept o f j u s t i c e among nations, which i s essen t i a l l y a

legal and procedural concept. On the other hand, human r i g h t s i n Islam,

a re 1 inked t o human i n te res t s sanctioned by Qur'anic i n j unc t i on and

protected by Is lamic law. These basic r i g h t s include: respect o f

r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , customs and t rad i t i ons ; a r i g h t t o l i f e , and the

p r o h i b i t i o n o f t o r t u r e o r inhumane treatment: ch i ld ren 's r i g h t s t o l i f e ,

custody and education; t he r i g h t t o ind iv idua l ownership and p r i va te

property; and the r i g h t t o freedom o f thought, op in ion and expression.

I n l i g h t o f the theory o f jihad, Is lamic concepts o f j u s t i c e and human

r i g h t s are in tegrated and overlapping, as the doc t r ine o f j ihad includes

not ions o f human r i gh ts , the equa l i t y o f a l l people, and the need f o r the

r u l e o f law.

F i n a l l y , t h i s thes is intends t o counter the d i s t o r t e d image o f

jihad, as i t i s one o f the most misunderstood terms i n the h i s to ry o f

I s l am ic lega l discourse. This issue cannot be addressed wi thout examining

1 O

and elucidating some o f the f iner points o f the doctrine o f jihad

according to the primary sources of Islarnic international law, t o which

we now turn.

1, Theory of W a r in Islamic and Pub1 ic International L a w

I bn Khaldun, the pioneer Arab soc io log is t , observed t h a t humanity

has experienced wars and d isas ters o f i t s awn making, since the beginning

o f human çociety , which are rooted i n a vengeful human imoerative."

Since then, war has devetoped as a soc ia l phenmenon and accwnpanied

humani t y on i t s sojourn through h i s to ry . Moreover, today, war rernains

a path t o which modern nat ions resor t i n securing t h e i r var ious

in te res ts , i n s p i t e o f so-called c i v i l i z a t i o n a l s t r i d e i n the development

of the human mind and thouqht.''

The r u l e o f "might i s r i g h t " was the mode o f in te r -s ta te

settlements. I n the Grecian era, war was an absolute prerogat ive o f

nations, exercised without res t ra in t . Nevertheless, ancient Rome drew

a l ine between the so-called " just" war and "unjust" war, and upheld,

whax they termed, " the vo ice o f God and Nature". The Romans, who bel ieved

i n t h i s doctr ine feared the wrath o f God o r nature, when waging an unjust

! I c~bd al-Rahman Ibn Khaldun, Muoaddimat Ibn Khaldun (Be i ru t : Dar a l - Qalam, 1984), 27'0.

'j1n a study on world wars i n h i s to ry , frorn 1496 B . C . to 1861 A.D., t ha t i s a period o f 3,357 years, it was concluded tha t there was only a short period o f 227 years o f peace as opposed t o 3 ,310 years o f war: one year o f peace per 13 years o f war. I n a more recent study, i t was found, furthermore, t h a t i n 5,555 years, from the beginning o f known human h i s to ry u n t i l 1990, a total o f 14,531 wars have been fought. Since the end o f World War I I , the world has wi+.nessed 270 wars, some l a s t i n g f o r no more than a feu months o r even weeks, but some f o r much longer. This means tha t humani t y faces a new war every four months or so. See Herbert K. Ti l lema, International Armed Confi ict Since 1945: A Bibliograohic Handbook o f Wars and M i 7 itary Intervent ions (London: Westv iew Press, 1991), 276-286.

w a d ' I n turn, the a t t i tudes adopted by the heavenly re l i g ions were

d i f f e r e n t one from the other. Judaism permitted war and imposed no

res t r i c t i ons on i t s conduct Chr is t ian i ty , on the other hand,

rejected the use o f force, " f o r al1 those who take up the sword, sha l l

perish by the sword."" Islam, hwever, viewed war as a necessary e v i l

i n exceptional cases sanctioned by Allah i n defence o f Islam, i t s

protect ion, and as a deterent against aggression. Furthenore, such

conduct 1s t o be regulated by a fundamental respect f o r the freedom o f

b e l l e f o f al1 c o m n u n i t i e ~ . ~ ~

1. War and Belligerent Occupation l n Islamic Legal Theory: Aims and Concepts

By examining the theory o f war i n Islamic internat ional law, Sayyed

"W. E. Hal 1, In ternat iona 7 Law (Oxford: The Clarenaon Press, l924), 446.

'$The Holy Scriptures, Joshua V I : 21; 1 Samuel 15:Z-3; and Deuteronomy 20: 16-17. For more detai 1s see Gustave Le Bon, Les premieres civ17isat ions (Paris: C. Harpon e t E. Flammarion, 1889), 81; Maurice Crouzet, H i s t o i r e général des civ i l i s e t ion, 7 vols. (Paris: Presses Univers i ta i res de France, 1986), 1:270; Paul O , Hanson, "War and Peace i n the Hebrew Bible," In te rp re ta t ion 38: 4 (October 1984) : 341 ; Robert Carro l l , "War i n the Hebrew Bible," i n War and Society i n the Greek World, eds. John Rich and Graham Shipley (New York: Routledge, l993), 36- 40; Susan Nidi tch, War i n the H P Bib7e; A Study i n the Ethics o f Violence (New York: Oxford Univers i ty Press, lQQ3), 128-137.

2 6 ~ h e New Testament, Matthew XXVI : 52 . For addi t i ona l informat ion see Lisa Soule Cahi 11, "Non-resistance, Defense, Violence, and the Kingdom i n Chr is t ian Tradi t ion," Interpretat ion38:4 (October 1984): 380; Roland H. Bainton, Christ ian Attitudes Toward War and Peace: A Histor ica7 Survey and C r i t ica 1 Re-eva luat ion (New York: Abingdon Press, 1961 ) , 38; Victor Puul Furnish, "Mar and Peace i n the New Testament, " Interpretat ion 38:4 (October 1984): 370.

?'The Holy Purtan, I I : 190. I n t h i s respect see al-Marghtnant, supra note 2 1 , a t 135; Rasa'i l I bn Taymiyya, supra note 21, a t 116-118; al-sanCant , supra note 21 , a t 4: 54; al-Sarakhst , supra note 21 , a t 10: 2.

Qutb concludes tha t peace i s the rule, whi la war i s the exception." I n

the fo l lowing statement, Qutb pinpoints the conditions which should be

met by Mus1 ims p r l o r t o t h e i r engagement i n uar:

"In Islam, peace i s the rule, and war i s a necessity tha t should not be resorted to, but t a achieve the fo l lowing objectlves: t o uphold the ru le of A l 7ah on earth, so tha t the complete submission o f men would be exc:uçively t o Him; t o e l iminate oppression, ex tor t ion and i n j u s t i c e by i n s t i t u t i n g the word o f Allah; t o achieve the human ideas tha t are considered by Allahas the aims o f lifn; and t o secure people against te r ro r , coercion and in ju ry .

S imi la r ly , John Kelsay perceives tha t the Islamic t r a d i t i o n

presents evidence o f both senses o f peace: the desire t o avoid conf l i c t ,

and the in teres t i n the achievement o f an ideal socia l order. He proceeds

" I n the fslamic t r a d i t i o n , one must s t r i v e f o r peace wi th just ice. That i s the ob l iga t ion o f believers; more than, it i s the natural obl igat ion o f a l 1 o f humanity. The surest guarantee o f peace i s the predominace o f al-Islam, "the submission" t o the wi11 o f God. One must therefore th ink i n terms o f an obl iga t ion t o establ ish a social order i n which the p r i o r i t y o f Islam i s recognized.. . . The Islamic t r a d i t i o n stresses, not the simple avoidance o f s t r i f e , but the struggle f o r a jus t social order. I n i t s broadest sense, the Islamic view o f peace, 1 ike i t s Western counterpart, 1s i n f a c t par t o f a theory o f s ta tec ra f t founded on notions o f God, of humanity, and o f the re la t ions between the two.""

Accordingly, jihad, i n Islamic legal theory, i s a temporary legal

device designed t o achieve the ideal fslamic publ ic order, and t o secure

'kayyed Qutb, Islam and Universa 1 peace (Indianapolis, Indiana: The Ameri can Trust 'Pub1 i cat ions, 1977), 9. I n f luenced by Ibn KhaldQn 's theory on war, Qutb discussed the unacceptable types o f war according t o Islarnic law. ~ h e i e types are: "Mar based on racia l ism as contrary t o the p r inc ip les o f the oneness o f humanity, wars caused by ambition and exp lo i ta t ion , and wars o f ostentat ion which seek t o magnify the pr ide and pomp o f kings."

" ~ o h n Kelsay, supra note 1 5 , a t 30.

j us t i ce and equd i t y among al1 peoples.ll As a matter o f f a c t , there i s

not a s ingle piece o f evidence i n Is lamic legal discourse which i ns t ruc ts

Mus1 ims t o wage perpatual war against those nations which fa11 outside

o f the sovereignty o f the Is lamic State, or t o k i l l non-Mus1 irns.12

The ch ie f aim o f jihad i s not t o force unbelievers t o embrace

Islam, nor t o expand the boundaries o f the Is lamic s t a d 3 Ibn

Taymiyya, f o r h is par t , notes t h a t the j ihad i s a j u s t war waged by

Muslims whenever t h e i r secur i ty 1s thraatened by the in f ide ls . "

Ki11ing unbelievers who refuse t o adopt Islam i s worse than d isbe l i e f ,

and inconsistent wi th the s p i r i t and the message o f the Holy Qur'an. This

po in t i s i 1 lus t ra ted by Ibn Taymiyya, who argues tha t "if the unbel i eve r

were t o be ki11ed unless ha becmes a Muslim, such an act ion would

const i tu te the greatest compulsion i n re l ig ion , " f5 which contradicts the

Qur'anic verse LB ikrgh f f a7-dtn (Let there be no compu1sion i n

r e l i g i ~ n ) . ' ~ Ibn Tayrniyya deemed lawful warfare t o be the essence o f

j i h a d and a means t o securing peace, j us t i ce and equity. No one i s t o be

' ' ~ a j i d Khadduri , supra note 2, a t 17.

I2~bdul rahman Abdul kadi r Kurdi , The 1s h i c State: A Study Based on the Islamic Holy Constitution (London: Mansel 1 Publ ish ing Limited, l984), 97.

3 3 ~ u d o l p h Peters, supra note 15, a t 3 .

3r~asa' i 1 Ibn Tayrniyya, supra note 21, a t 123.

j5 Ibid. This po in t was emphesized by Maryam Jarneelah, a contenporary American Muslim scholar, who deems tha t "Jihad i s never used t o cornpel anybody t o embrace Islam against h i s wi11; i t s purpose i s only t o re- establ i s h our f reedom o f operation. " See Maryam Jarneelah, A Man i fes to o f the 1s lamic Movement (Lahore, Paki stan: Mohammad Yusuf Khan Publ icat ions, t979), 41.

l l ~ h e Holy Qur'an, II: 2 5 7 .

k i l l e d f o r being a non-Muslini, f o r the Holy Our'an regards the subversion

of f a l t h and oppression es worse then rnans la~~hte t . ' ' Th is po in t i ç

emphasized i n the Qur'Bnic verse " fo r tumult and oppression are worse

than s ~ a u ~ h t e r . " ~ ~ According t o the basic Qur'anic rule o f f i gh t i ng ,

Muslims are ins t ruc ted t o " f i g h t i n the cause o f A 7 78h those who f i g h t

you, but do no t t ransgress l i m i t s , f o r Allah loveth not

t r a n s g r e s ~ o r s . " ~ ~ Ibn Teymiyya marks out the fo l low ing motives behind

j ihad: t o defend Mus1 ims agai n s t real or an t ic ipa ted attacks; t o

guarantee and extend freedan o f be l l e f ; and t o defend the mission ( a 7-

ddwah) o f ~ s l a m . ' ~ Based on the above argument, one concludes t h a t

peace i s the r u l e and war i s the exception i n Islam, and t h a t no

obi i ga to ry s ta te o f war e x i s t s between Muslims and the rest o f the world,

nor i s jihad t o be waged u n t i l the world has e i t h e r accepted the Is lamic

f a i t h o r submitted t o the power o f the Is lamic s ta te , as Bernard Lewis

and Maj id Khadduri suggest." Jihad i s a defensive war launched w i t h

the aim o f establ i sh ing j u s t i c e ( 'ad l ) and pro tec t ing basic human r i g h t s

(huquq a ~ - ~ i b a d ) .12

Jihâd cannot be understood out o f i t s h i s t o r i c a l context, and can

''Ibn Taymiyya, supra note 21, a t 107.

38 ~ h e Holy Qur'an, 11: 192.

3 g ~ b i d , II: 191.

4 0 ~ a s a ' i l Ibn Taymiyya, supra note 21, a t 116-117.

' ' ~ e r n a r d Lewis, supra note 2, a t 73; Majid Khadduri , supra note 2 , a t 13.

'2~hmed Zaki Yamani , "Humanitarian In te rna t iona l Law i n Islam: A General Outlook," Michigan Yearhook o f International Lega7 Studies 7 (19851, 190.

easi l y be mis interpreted i f approached i n terms o f l a t t e r day occidental

conceptionsmb3 There i s no exact equivalent i n Is lamic lega l discourse

t o the concept o f the "ho1 y var* ' i n Western christendom." Xslamic law

does not separate between s t a t e and r e l i g i o n and does not, as such,

necassari ly base the j i h a d on r e l i g i o u s motive^.'^ Furthermore, there

i s no resemblance between the concept o f the jihBd, as ;t r e l ig ious

c o l l e c t i v e duty, and the Chr is t ian concept o f the crusade. Maj id

Khadduri's a l legat ion tha t , " the j i h a d was equivalent t o the Chr is t ian

concept o f the f rusa de",'^ was refuted by Rudolph Peters, uho argues:

"'Holy War' i s thus, s t r i c t l y speaking, a wrong t rans la t i on o f ' j i had ' ,

and the reason why i t i s nevertheless used here i s t ha t the term has

becorne current i n Western 1 i terature. "" I n other words, the

descrip%ion o f the j i h a d as a "holy var" i s u t t e r l y rnisleading.''

L i ngu is t i ca l 1y speaking, the term jihad i s a verbal noun derived

from the verb $?hada, the abstract noun juhd, which means t o exer t

oneself, and t o s t r i v e i n doing th ings t o one'e best capab i l i t i es . I t s

'h. Montgomery Watt, Is leminic Po 7 i t ica 7 Thought: The Basic Concepts (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univers i ty Press, 1968), 15.

%uce Lawrence, "Holy War ( j i h a d ) i n Is lamic Re1 ig ion and Nation- State Ideologies," i n Just War and Jihad: Histor ice7 and Theoret ical Perspectives on War and Peace i n Western and Is l~mic Traditions, eds. John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), 142.

' S~udo lph Peters, supra note 15, a t 4 .

% a j i d Khadduri, supra note 2, a t 15.

" ~ u d o l ~ h Peters, supra note 15, a t 4.

"W. Montgomery Watt, supra note 43, a t 18; Patr ick Bannerman, Is lam in Perspective: A Guide to I s lam ic Society, P o l i t i c s and Law (London: Routledge, 1988), 86.

meaning i s , i n fac t , extended t o comprise a l1 tha t i s i n one's power o r

capacl ty.I3 Techni cal 1 y, however, jimd denotas the exert ion o f one's

power i n A f lah 's path, encmpassing the struggle against ev i 1 i n whatever

f o r n or shape i t arises.'' This d e f i n i t i o n i s forwarded i n s im i la r

words i n the d i f f e ren t works o f Muslim scholars. I n h i s lega7 work

~ a d a ' 1' a 1-sanri'ic, al-Kasant s t ipu la tes that , "according t o Islamic law

(al-sha# al-Islamr), j i h a d i s used i n expending ability and power i n

st ruggl ing i n the path o f Allah by means o f l i f e , property, words and

However, the exercise o f j ihad i s the respons ib i l i t y o f the I M o r

Cal iph, who i s the head o f the Muslim s t a t d 2 I n other words, the Imam

declares the cal1 o f j ihad, not the publ ic. This point was made by Ab0

YOsuf, who states that "no army marches without the permission o f the

" A ~ O al-Qaslm al-Zamakhshart, Asas a 1-Ba78ghe (Bei ru t : Dar a l - l4aCrifa l i l - ~ i b a ~ a wal-Nashr, n.d.), 07; Muhannad Ibn Ab7 Bakr al-Razf, Mukhtar a 7-bihah (Bei ru t : Maktabat Lubnth, 1988), 48; Muhammad Ibn Manzor, L isah '8 l L c ~ r a b a 7- Nuhf t, 3 vol. (Bai rut : Dar Lisah a l - (~ rab . . n.d: ) , 2: 190.

S imi lar ly , Abo al- l la al-Mawd~dt advocates that " j i h a d means struggle t o the utnost o f one's capacity." See S. Abu a l - ~ ~ l a a l - Mawdodt, Towards Understanding 1s Tarn (Bei ru t : The Holy Qu'an Publ ish ing House, 1980), 140.

IO~hrnad a 1-Wwt, Bu 7ghat a !-SB 7 f k 7 i-Aqrab a 7-Masa 7 f k , 2 vol. (Beirut ' Dar alLFikr 1 i 1 - ~ i b d a wal-Nashr wal-~awzt~, 19801, 1: 330 [hereinafter al-Sawt]; ~ a k a n Moinuddin, The Charter o f the Islamic Con ference and le'ge 7 Framework o f Econm i c Cu-operat ion Among I t s Elember States (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1987), 22; Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law o f Islam (Balt-imore: The Johns Hopkins Press, l955), 55; Moulavi Cheragh A l i , A Cr i t ica7 Exposition o f the Popular Jihad (Delhi, India: Idarah-1 Adabiyat-1 Del 1 i , 1884; Rudolph Peters, Jihad i n Classica 7 and Modern Is 1am (Princeton: N. J. : Markus Wiener Publ ishers, 1996), 1.

51al-~asant l supra note 21, a t 7 : 97.

5Za l -~ughn t , supra note 21, e t 10:373; Noor Mohemmad, "The Doctrine o f Jihad: An Introduction," Journa 7 o f Law and Religion 3 (1985): 390.

Im8ine1* 'j Sim i la r l y , AbO al-Hasan al-Mawardt devotes a chapter i n h i s

work a7-Ahmm al-Su7taniyya t o the duties o f the Imam. The s i x t h o f . *

these basic dut ies, he argues, i s the f i g h t i n the path o f A 7 78h. a l -

Mawardr emphasizes the f a c t t h a t a war cannot be waged without the

permission o f the ni am.^'

Unl ike s h t C i t e scholars. who hold tha t j ihad can only be exercised

under the leadership o f the r i g h t f u l ~rnarn.~~ and contrary t o the view

held by the K h a r i j i t e s who bel ieve that j ihad i s the s i x t h p i l l a r o f

~ s l a r n , ~ ~ Sunnite j u r i s t s conceive o f j ihad, i n accordance w i t h the nature

o f i t s ob l iga t ion , as a c o l l e c t i v e duty ( fa rd k t f a y a ) on the one hand,j7

and an i nd i v idua l duty ( f a r d %y") on the ~ t h e r . ~ ' When war i s waged

against i n f i d e l s l i v i n g i n t h e i r own country, j ihad i s a c o l l e c t i v e

duty; t h a t i s t o Say tha t jihad i s an ob l i ga t i on incumbent upon the

' ' A ~ T J Yusuf yaCqab Ibn Ibrahtm, Kitab al-Kharaj (Bei rut : D8r a l - Hadatha, l99O), 349 [here inaf ter Ab0 Ynsuf] .

j4al-~awardt , supra note 21, a t 33.

"A. Querry , Droi t Musu Iman: Recue i 7 de 70 i s concernant les Musu Iman s c h y i t e s , 2 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1871-1872). 1: 321-325; Abu ~ a ' f a r Muhammad Ibn J a r t r al-Tabarî, Kitab Ikht i 7af al-Fuuaha ', ed. Joseph ~ c h a c t i t (Leiden, The ~e the r lands : E.J. B r i l l , 19331, 12.

' ( ' ~ b d al-Qahir al-Baghdadt. a 1-Farq Bavn a?-Firao (Be i ru t : Dar a l - ~ a ' r i f a 1 i 1-~iba'a wal-Nashr, n.d. ), 84: Ab0 a l - fa th Muhammad ( ~ b d al- K a r t m al-Shahra'stéfnt , a ?-Mi 7 a l wa7-Nihal (Beirut: * Dar' al-F i k t lil- ~ i b a ~ a wal-Nashr, nad . ) . 116-117; Maj id Khadduri. suDra note 5 0 , a t 67- 69.

or should the bel ievers a l 1 go f o r t h together: i f a contingent from every expedit ion remained behind, they could devote themselves t o studies i n re l i g ion , and admonish the people when they return t o them." The Ho7y Qur'an, IX: 123.

5 1 ' ' ~ ~ ye fo r th , (whether equipped) l i g h t l y o r heavi ly, and s t r i v e , and struggle, wi th your goods and your persons i n the cause o f A7 7ah. That i s best f o r you i f ye knew." The Ho7.v Qur'an, IX: 42.

19

Muslim community as a whole, which, i f accomplished by a su f f ic ien t

number o f them, exempts the res t from being indicted f o r i t s neglect.

I f , however, no one performs t h i s duty, al1 ind iv idual Huslims, q u a l i f i e d

t o take par t i n the jihad, are s i n r ~ i n ~ . ~ ~ Jihad i s considered an

ind iv idua l duty " f a r d Ceyn" when i n f ide ls invade Hus1 i m t e r r i t o r y . In

t h i s scenario, jihad becomes a duty incumbent upon a l1 the inhabitants

o f the occupied t e r r i t o r y including the poor, women, minors, debtors and

slaves u i thout previous permissions.60

For h i s part, Bernard Lewis argues that "jihad, i n an of fensive

war, i s an ob l iga t ion which i s incumbentupon the Muslirn comuni ty as a

nhole ( f a r d k t faya); i n a defensive war, it becomes a persona1

ob l iga t ion o f every adul t male Muslim ( fa rd 'ayn) . Two things may be

highl ighted for c r i t i c l s m i n tha t statement: the use o f the term

offensive war, and the misunderstanding o f Musl i m obl i gations where jihad

pertains t o ind iv idua l duty. I n po in t o f f a c t , on1y one k ind o f jihad

i s acknowledged by Islarnic 1aw - the defensive one; whether it i s waged

against i n f i d e l s l i v i n g i n t h e i r own country o r when they a t t ack Mus

ter r i to ry . " With regards t o the other claini i n t h i s staternent,

should be made c h a r tha t jihad i s an ob l iga t ion upon every Musl

1 i m

it

i m ,

ig~udolph Peters, supra note 50, a t 3.

6 0 ~ b ~ [ ~ b d A l lah Muhammad al-Qurtub t , a 7-&mic 7 i-Ahkam a 7-Qur 'an, 20 vols. (Bei r u t : Dar a l - ~ u t u b a l - C ~ lmiyya, l988) , 8: 186 [hereinaf ter al -Qurtubt] ; Ibn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 1:381; al-Juwaynt, supra note 2 1 , a t '260-261 ; al-K&éfnt , supra note 21, a t 98; al-Marghtnant , supra note 21, a t 2: 135; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 10: 364; al-Nawawt, supra note 21, a t 457-458; al-SBwf , supra note 50, a t 330.

'bernard Lewis, supra note 2, a t 73.

62~eedless t o Say, the adject ives added cur rent l y t o the term jihad, l i k e 1slBrn.t and Muqaddas, are nul1 and deceptive.

20

whether adul t , minar, male, fernale, r i c h , poor, debtor o r slave, only

when i t i s f a r d (ayn. I n t h i s case, j ihad, therefore, must be p e r f o m d

by the levde en messe o f every competent Muslini person.63

However, as a c o l l e c t i v e duty, jihad i s incumbent upon every Mus1 i m

male, who i s mature, sane, f ree, healthy and capable o f adequate

support." Indeed, being e Muslin, adu l t and sane are the three

nacesçary condi t ions f o r bulngh e l - t a k a l t f ( lega l c a p a ~ i t y . ) ~ ~ I n t h i s

respect, fernales, according t o the Prophet, are only t o be engaged i n

nun-combative jihad; such as h a j j and (urnra (pilgrimage and the so-called

minor p i lgrimage t o ~ e c c a ) .16 Thus, Is lam exempts women f rom su f fe r i ng

wars' d lsasters and witnessing k i l l i n g and bloodshed. I n s p i t e o f t h i s ,

however, women have taken p a r t i n the j ihad, side by side w i t h men, from

the outçet o f the Is lamic mission, nursing the wounded;'' t ranspor t i ng

"Ahrned Rechid, "L'Islam e t l e d r o i t des gens, " Recuei 7 des cours 60 (1 937) : 466-467.

6 r a l - ~ u g h n t , supra note 21, a t 10: 366.

~b id.

6 6 ~ b o c ~ b d A l l a h Muhammad I b n 1smaCt 1 al-Bukhart , Sahth a 7-Bukhart, 8 vols. (Bei rut : Dar' a l -F ik r l i l - ~ i b a ( a wal-Nashr,' ' 1981)~ 3:220 [here inaf ter a l - Bukhart] ; Ahmada Ibn ( ~ 1 t Ibn Hajar a l - c ~ s q a l a n t , Fath a l - B W t bi-Sharh Sahfh a7'Bukh~rf, 13 vols.' (Bei rut : D a a l - blaCr'ifa, n.d. ), 6:75 [heiefna'fter Fath a l - B B ~ T ] .

6 1 ~ b ~ Muhammad 'Abd al-Mal i k I bn Hi sh~m, a 1-S t r a a 7-Nabawiyya, 4 vols. (Bel r u t : Dar a l - J t l , 1987), 3: 137 [here inaf ter I b n Hisham]; Khayr a l -Dtn a l - Z i r i k l t , a l -~~ la rn : QLMPs Tarajim Ti-Ashhar e l -Ri je7 wal-Nisa' m i n e rab wal-hiustacribtn wal-Mustashriqtn, 8 vols. (Bai ru t : Dar a l - C ~ l m l i l -Ma lay tn , l98O), 3: 15; Muhammad Ibr! Ahman al-Sarakhsf, Sherh Kitab a 7-Siyar a 1-Kabtr 7 i Muhamad Ibn a 7-Hasàn a 1-Shaybanf, 5 vols: (Cai ro: I4atbacat Shari ka t al-1~1anat al-Sharqi'yya, 1971-1972), 1 : 184-186 [here inaf ter al-Siyar al-Kabt r].

the injured;" cooking and pouring watsr i n t o the mouths o f the

s o l d i e r ~ ; ~ ' çcout ing and intel 1 igenca;l0 f ia rce combat;'' and army

~onnand.~' The cond i t ion o f freedom, nantioned e a r l i e r , i s there

because a slave i s normaliy lnvolved i n tak ing care o f h i s master's

affairs.13 i n f ac t , the prophet used t o teke the pladge ( a l - b a / a ) o f

f ree people fo r Is lam end jihad, and t h a t o f slaves fo r Islam only.lb

The s t i p u l a t i o n o f good heal th means t h a t the j i h a d i s t should be f ree o f

any permanent physical d i s a b i l i t y such as blindness, larneness o r a

chronic disease. The Ho7y Qur'an e x p l i c i t l y excludes tha t : "no blame i s

there on the b l i nd , nor i s there blame on the lame, nor on the i l 1 ( i f

6 e a l - ~ u k h a r t , supra note 66, at 3:222; Khayr al-DTn a l - Z i r i k l f , Ibid. ; al-Sarakhst , supra note 21, a t 10: 70; al-Siyar al-Uabtr, supra note 67, a t 1:185.

6 9 ~ b 0 al-Husayn Musl i m Ibn al-Haj jaj al-Na s8bUrt, Sehrh Mus 1 im. 5 Y vols. (Bei rut : Mu'ssasat '1zz al-Dtn li 1 Tlbâ a wal-~ashr; f987), 4:89 [here ina f te r Musl i m ] ; al-Bukhart, Ibid. *

%bn Hisham, supra note 67, a t 2:95, and 1:295.

" A ~ Q a l ' ~ b b ~ ç Ahmad Ibn Yahya al-Baiadhurt, Kitab FutOh al-Buld8n (Bei rut : D8r a l - ~ a s h r '1 i 1-~arni'iy'ytn, 1957), 162 and 184 [ h e r e h a f t e r a l - Baladhurt ] : Abu ~ a ' f a r Muhamnad Ibn J a r f r al-Tabart , 73rf h a 7-Tebart: 7 à r t k h a 7-Umam wa 7-Mul0k,* 6 vols. (Bei ru t : MÙ'ssasat C ~ z z a l -Dtn 1 il- ~ i b a ' a wal-Nashr, l987), 2:201, 286, 291 and 298 [here ina f te r al-Tabart] ; Ibn Hishlfm, supra note 67, a t 3: 136-137; Muslim, supra note 69, %t 4:88- 89; al-Si yar al-Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 1 : 184.

the b a t t l e o f al-Jamal, cA'isha, the w i fe o f the Prophet, comanded the army t o oppose ' ~ 1 t I bn Ab t Tal ib . 3 e e Abu a l -F ida9 a l - H a f i z I b n Ka th t r , al-Bidaya wd-Nihayu, 14'vols. (Beirut: Maktabat a l - Hacai i f , n.d.1, 7:238 [here ina f te r Ibn K a t h t r ] ; al-Tabart, I b i d . , 2539.

' l a l - ~ u w a ~ n i , supra note 21, a t 262; al-Marghfnanf, supra note 21, a t 135.

7 '~s lamic lau gives precedence t o tha service o f the mastar over taking p a r t i n the jihad, because the f i r s t i s a persona1 duty, whi le the second i s a general obl igat ion.

he does not j o i n the war)."15 I n another versa, the Holy Qur'an exempts

the person who cannot earn h i s own household's d a i l y l i v i n g expenses,

unless he i s sponsored by the Musl i m s tate, tex tua l l y : "There i s no blame

on those who are i n f i rm, o r i I l , o r who f ind no resources t o spend (on

the cause), i f they are sincere ( i n duty) t o Allah and His Apostle. "16

F ina l l y , the mujahid (Muslim f i g h t e r ) should seek h i s parents' permission

before tak ing pa r t i n the jihad7 and, i f ha i s indebted t o any person,

inc luding dhinmts,li must ask f o r an excuse frm h i s c red i to r . l4

As long as Islam has sanctioned j ihad f o r the very reasons quoted

above, i t i s only natura l t h a t m i l i t a r y act ions w i l l take place,

culminating, as it were, i n the Huslirn army's en t ry i n t o the t e r r i t o r y

o f war (&Ir al-harb) and r u l i n g over. This i s the so-called a7-fath m m

(conquest o r v i c to ry ) . According t o 1 isan a rab a 7-Uuhf . . t, i n

1 i n g u i s t i c usage, the word a 7-fath means enter ing the house o f war and *

conquering it! A 1 lah promises the Prophet o f the Conquest o f Mecca,

saying: "When cornes the help o f Allah and v ic to ry . In t h i s sense,

Holy O u r J ~ n , X L V I I I : 17.

I61bid, I X : 91.

' ' a l - ~ u w a ~ n t , supra note 21, e t 262; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 381.

' ' ~he f ree non-Mus1 i m subjects 1 i v i n g i n Musl i m countr ies, who enjoyed pro tec t ion and safety i n re tu rn f o r paying the c a p i t a l tax. See Fakhr a l -Dtn e l - T a r t h t , ~ajrnd al-Bahrayn, 6 vols. (Bei rut : Dar wa Maktabat al-Hi la1 ,' l98$), 6:66 [hereinafter a l - T a r t h t ] ; Ibn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 1:322; Muhammad Rawwas GIalcajf and t h i d Sadiq QunaibT, #&am Lughat a 1-Fuqaha' (Bei t u t : Dar al-Nafa' l s , f988) , '95.

7 9 a l - ~ i y a r al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 4: 1448-1457.

Bo~uhammad Ibn Hanznr, supra note 49 a t 2: 1044.

~ h e Ho l y Our 'an, CX: 1.

23

a i - f a th i n Islam i s synonymous with *

i n te rna t iona l law, regardless o f the

and a l - fa th , which fo l lows it, are

bel 1 i gerent occupation, i n modern

object ives underlying each. J ihad

therefore a response t o a numan

request t h a t righteousness and j u s t i c e p reva i l , t h a t wrong doing be

abolished, and that the message o f A17ah be conveyed t o a l l .

87-Fathwas regulated by Is lamic in te rnat iona l law. Muslim j u r i s t s

t reated issues re la ted t o a l - f a t h and the en t ry o f the House o f War i n

several works. Foremost among these uorks stands K i tab ai-Siyar a l -

Kabfr o f Muhammad Ibn al-Hasan al-Shaybanf, which included the I .

p r i nc ip les and ru les governing the conduct o f the Is lamic s ta te during

87-fath. Where Hugo Gro t ius 1s considered as t he leg i t imate fa ther o f

the pub l ic in te rna t iona l law, Muhammad Ibn al-Hasan al-Shavbant, f o r h i s *

par t , i s seen as the fa the r o f Is lamic in te rnat iona l law. Among other

Is lamic in te rnat iona l law j u r i s t s i s a l -~wz& (88-157 A.H. ) who wrote

extensive1 y on Mus1 i m conquestç and expedi tien." I n a 1-Sfvar a 1-Kabtr,

al-Shaybanf establ ishes the ru les which govern the conduct o f the

conquests, inc luding s p e c i f i c ru les f o r deal ing w i t h war spo i l s ( a l -

ghana ' l m ) , prisoners o f war ( a Pasra), the wounded and the dead.

Furthemore, he establ ishes important in te rna t iona l ru les f o r s e t t l i n g

disputes, t rea t i es , peace and the r i g h t s and dut ies o f the inhabitants

of conquered t e r r i t o r i e s .

However, Is lamic in te rnat iona l 1 aw d i d not make a terminological

d i s t i n c t i o n between be l l i ge ren t occupation n i t hou t the use o f force and

aic~bd al-Rahman Abu ' ~ m r al-AwzaCt, "Ki tab Siyar a l - ~ u z a ~ t " , i n Kitab al-Umm, 7 Yols. ed. Abo 'Abd A l lah Muhammad Ibn I d r t s a l - s h a f i C t (Cairo: al-Hay'a al-Misr iyya a~-~Anma l i l - K i t a b , 19871, 6: 318 and 324 [here inaf ter a l - ~ w z a ~ t i .

bel 1 igerent occupation through the use of force. E i ther case i s ca l led

fath whether Muslim armed forces enter the dar 87-harb i n the wake o f a

f i g h t i n g o r peacefu l ly i n the l i g h t of agreementsw For example, when

Muslim amies entered Mecca without f i gh t i ng , t t waç ca l l ed a fath,"

and when these amies entered I r a q and al-Sha'am (greater Syr ia ) , it was

also called a fa th . However, I s lamic lew draws a d i s t i n c t i o n between

invasion and m i 1 i t a r y occupation i n t h e i r respect i ve sense i n modern

in te rna t iona l law. I n Is lamic in te rna t iona l law, invasion i s d i f f e r e n t

from fath; . i n the former, a group o f Muslims invades enemy garr isons to

achieve spec i f i c m l l i t a r y object ives wi th no p r i o r i n ten t i on t o stay i n

d8r al-harb, a f o r example, the Tabnk expedit ion. I n the l a t t e r , f a t h

involves the t rans fe r o f sovereignty over dür a 1-harb t o the Mus1 i m army

and annexation o f t h a t land t o dBr a 7-Isf8m.

I n t h i s respect, i t i s usefu l t o mention t h a t Gustave Le Bon

concludes i n h i s book "La c i v i 1 i s a t i o n des Arabes" t h a t the Arabs d i d not

use fo rce as much as they used magnanimity i n t h e i r attempt t o spread

Islam. The world's nat ions, he adds, have never known as merc i fu l and

to le ran t a conquerer as the Arabs. Moreover, the Arabs were the on1y

conquerers who con jo ined jihad w i t h tolerance towards the f o l lowers of

other r e l i g i o n s whom they conquered but 1 e f t them f ree t o pursue t h e i r

own re1 ig ious p rac t ices. Such mercy and tolerance were cornerstones i n

lL3~ohammad Ta1 aat A1 Ghunaimi , The Mus 1 i m Concept ion o f Internat iona 1 Law and the Western Approach (The Hague, The Netherlands: Martinus N i j h o f f , 19681, 21-22 [here ina f te r A l Ghunaimi]; al-Tabarr, supra note 71, a t 2:197.

*

" ~ l f red Morabia, Le gihdd dans 7 ' Is lam médi&a 1: Le ccconbet sacré» des origines a u ~ 1 1 ' sidcle (Paris: A lb in Michel, 1993), 77-81; Muhamad Ibn Ishaq, S t r a t RasD7 Allah, trans. Aw Guillaume (Karachi, Pakistan: Oxford 'Univers i ty Press, 1955), 549 [here ina f te r i b n Ishaq]. .

the expansion o f the conquests and the conversion o f many nations t o the

r d igion, regulations and language o f the conquefor .'$ In t h i s

connect ion, al-Bal8dhurY and al-Tabar t reported that the people o f *

Sughd, a small town close t o Samarkand, cmplelned t o 'urnar Ibn ' ~ b d al-

' A Z ~ Z , the Umayyad cal iph, tha t Qutayba Ibn Musl irn al-Bahi 1 f , a Musl i m

commander, has conquered t h e i r c i t y without p r i o r not ice t o the three

options normelly of fered t o conquered peoples by Muslim con men der^.'^ They said: " A 7 7ah has made known equity and just ice, and Qutayba has

oppressed and betrayed us, as well as usurped our town. " '~mar Ibn ' ~ b d

a l - ' ~ z ~ z wrote the fo l lowing message t o Sulaymtin Ibn AbT al-Sura, the

Muslim governor o f Samarkand:

"The people o f Samarkand have cmplained t o me tha t Qutayba oppressed and maltreated them, and eventually expelled them from t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . On account o f that , i f you receive t h i s l e t t e r , l e t the case be heard by the judge, and i f the judgrnent i s i n the i r favour force out the Arabs t o t he i r camps outside the town."

F ina l ly , when the judge ~ a r n t ' Ibn Hadir . adjudicated tha t the Arabs

rnust withdraw t o t h e i r camps i n order t o face the people o f the town on

an equai foot ing and offer them t h e three options, the people o f the town

w i l l i n g l y accepted the ex is t ing s i tuat ion, chose peace, and embreced

Islam i n r n u l t i t ~ d e s . ~ ~

' '~ustave Le Bon, supra note 15, a t 110-154.

86a l -~ughnt , supra note 21 , a t 8: 361; al -Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 10:31; a l -sha f iC t , supra note 21, a t 4:172; al-Siyar al-Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 1:78.

8 7 ~ b o abHasan ' ~ l t Ibn a l -Ath t r , al-Kamil f t al-Tartkh, 12 vols. (Bei rut : Dar al-Kutub a l -C~lmiyya, 19661, 5: 22; al-Baladhurf , supra note 71 , a t 97; al-Tabarf, supra note 71 a t 3352.

8

2. The Concept o f War and Belligerent Occupation i n Public In ternat iona l Law

It can be in fer red from the above t h a t the concept of jihad i n

Is lamic internat ional law i s based on the premise that an arrned c o n f l i c t

ar ises between the Muslim s t a t e and non-Muslim s t a t e f o r the purpose o f

deter r ing aggression, protect ing Islam, and defending the in teres ts o f

the Hus1 i m state." Nevertheleçs, the concept o f war i n in ternat ional

7aw i s , on the other hand, arnbiguous. For example, we f i n d t h a t while

internat ional 1aw j u r i s t s attempt t o f i n d a spec i f i c d e f i n i t i o n f o r the

concept o f war, the internat ional Law Comnission o f the United Nations,

for i t s par t , decides not t o include the concept o f war i n i t s agenda,

on the grounds tha t the United Nations Charter considers war an i 1 legal

act ion. 8 9

I n an attempt t o conclude a spec i f i c d e f i n i t i o n o f war i n

internat ional law, it i s imperative therefore that we discuss various

views posited by l eg is ts working on internat ional Iaw. Indeed, these

v i ews Vary a great deal among themselves i n t h i s respect. To most

leg is ts , war i s a real eventual i ty which cannot be stemmed by law, but

law cornes a t a l a t e r stage i n the process o f war, regulat ing i t s actions

and attempting t o safeguard i t s humane standards o f conduct. To others,

war i s seen as a state between two o r more disputing part ies, which

requires the 1awYs intervention t o regulate i t s act ion i n re la t i on t o

r i g h t s and commitments a r i s ing from the conduct of war.

%ami A. Aldeeb Abu-Sahlieh, Les Musulm~nans face eux dro i ts de l 'home: reiigion & d r o i t & p o l i t i q u e (Bochum, Gemany: Winkler, 1994),

273-275.

' j ~ e r s c h Lauterpacht, "The Problem o f the Revision o f the Law o f War, " The B r i t i s h Year Book o f ïnternationa7 Law 29 (1952): 361.

In t h i s respect, Fauchi l le defines war as:

"La guerre est un 6 t a t de f a i t contra i re h 1'6tat normal de l a cornmunaut6 internat ionale qui est l a paix, dta t de f a i t dont a rhsolution, l a f i n , le but ultime est c e t t e paix elle- meme. 11

Oppenheim, f o r h i s part, defines i t as:

"War i s a contention between two o r more states through the i r arnied forces, f o r the purpose o f overpowering each other, and imposing such conditions o f peace as the v i c t o r phases. Wat i s a fac t recognized, and with regard t o many r,oints regulated, but not established, by internat ional law."

On the other hand, Hyde argues tha t nar i s "A condit ion o f armed

host i 1 i t y between states. "$*

I t i s c lear from these de f in i t i ons that a l1 law experts gravi tate

towards one def i n i t i o n despi t e ostensible differences. I t i s therefore

plausible t o define war as a condit ion o f animosity a r i s ing between two

o r more part ies, thereby terrninatlng the peaceful s ta te o f CO-existence

between them through resort ing t o arms i n s e t t l i n g dfsputes.

Moreover , i nternat i onal 1 aw i s a recent phenornenon, dat i ng back

only t o the wr i t ings o f Hugo Grotius and the Treaty o f Westphalia o f

1648, which recognized states as un i ts enjoying equal r l gh ts and

respons ib i l i t ies w i th in the internat ional community. It can be said that

wars have raged ever since, as preva i l ing internat ional practices do not

impose any res t r i c t i ons against countries resort ing t o power i n the i r

g d ~ a u l Fauchil le, T r a i t 6 de dro i t interna2ional public, Tome I I , Guerre e t neu t ra l i t é (Paris: Rousseau, 1921), 5.

"L . Oppenheirn, International Law, vol. 2, Disputes, war and Neutra1 i t y , 7th ed. , revised by Hersch Lauterpacht (London: Longmans, Green and Co., Inc., l952), 202.

''charles Cheney Hyde, In te rna t ions 7 Law Chief l y es Interpreted and Appl ied by the United States, 3 vols. (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 19451, 3: 1686.

respect ive re la t i ons , regardless of the emergence o f the so-called j u s t

wars, and Grot ius ' exclusion o f prevent ive wars.'' That i s why Grot ius '

theory on the d i s t i n c t i o n between jus t and unjust wars d i d not i a s t long,

and was overshadowed, i n the centur ies a f t e r him, by the p r i n c i p l e t h a t

s ta tes may resor t t o war as a leg i t imate r i g h t o f sovereignty; a

p r i n c i p l e maintained u n t i l t he conclusion o f the Hague conventions o f

1907. j4

Reference t o the Covenant o f the League o f Nations reveals t h a t

A r t i c l e s 11 and 12 do indeed dea1 w i t h tne use o f f o r ce among nat ions,

whereas A r t i c l e 12 a lso ob l iges member s tates t o submit any d ispute among

them t o an a r b i t r a t i o n counci l , and not t o resor t t o war u n t i l three

months has Iapsed since the a r b i t r a t i o n ru l i ng . A r t i c l e s 13 and 15

provide t h a t s ta tes should implement t h i s r u l i n g i n good f a i t h , whereas

A r t i c l e 1 f o r i t s par t , includes the imposit ion o f sanctions against

a s ta te t h a t resor ts t o war contrary t o i t s commitments not t o do so

according t o A r t i c l e s 12, 13 and 1 5 . ~ '

I n 1924, t he Geneva Protocol s ignatur ies committed themselves no t

t o resor t t o nar except i n c e r t a i n cases spec i f ied by A r t i c l e 2 o f t h a t

Protocol . I n 1925, member states s ign ing the Locarno Treaty agreed among

themselves not t o reso r t t o war against each other except i n c e r t a i n

cases." A t the i n i t i a t i v e o f France and the United States. the General

" ~ o s e f L. Kunz, "Bel h m Justum and Bel lum Legale,.' A J I L 45 (1951 ) : 529.

"L. Oppenheim, supra note 91, a t 180.

" ~ e r h a r d von Glahn, Law Among Nat ions: An In t roduc t ion t o Pub7 ic Internationa7 Law (New York: The Macmillam Company, 1970), 518.

~b id.

Treaty f o r the Renunciation o f War (the Briand-Kellogg Pact, o r Pact o f

Paris) was signed i n Paris on August 27, 1928, by representatives o f 15

governments; a t a l a t e r stage, several other states also signed it. I n

i t s f i r s t a r t i c l e , the Treaty condemns the use o f power i n solv ing

internat ional disputes, and denounces it as a means o f maintaining

nat ional sovereignty i n in ternat iona l relat ions. A r t i c l e 3 bans

aggressi ve wars completel y .j7

The United Nations Charter does not use the word "war" except i n

i t s preamble i n which member states pledge not t o use armed force f o r

other than c m o n interest . A r t i c l e 1 provides that among the purposes

o f the United Nations i s the promulgation o f e f fec t i ve measures for the

prevention o f threats t o internat ional peace and securi ty, and f o r the

suppression o f acts o f aggression.g8 A r t i c l e 2 (4) proclaims that

rnember states commit themselves t o r e f r a i n from threatening o r ac tua l ly

using fo r ce against the safety o f the t e r r i t o r y o r pol i t i c a l independence

o f any s t a t d g The Charter, however, proclairns tha t rnernberç,

i nd i v idua l l y or co1lect ively1 may use armed force i n s e l f defence, i f an

armed aggresçion i s perpetuated agai ns t them. Nevertheless, the

Geneva Conventions signed i n the wake o f World War I I , i n 1949, are seen

as sorne o f the most important agreements t o establ i sh in ternat iona l

j 7 k o n Friedman, ed., The Lav o f Wer: A Documentery History , 2 vols. (New York: Random H O U S ~ , 1972), 1 : 468; Quincy Wrlght, "The Meaning o f the Pact o f Paris," A J I L 27 (1933): 41.

' h i t e d Nations Charter, signed a t San Francisco, 26 June 1945. Entered i n t o force on 24 October 1945.

l%osef L. Kunz, " Indiv idual and Col lect ive Self-Defense i n A r t i c l e 51 o f the Charter o f the United Nations," A J I L 41 (1947): 873.

30

p r i n c i p l e s i n the laws o f war and armed disputes,

Ever since the s ign ing of the U.N. Charter, the United Nations has

f a i l e d t o prevent wars, as a r e s u l t o f the f a c t t ha t t h e Charter could

not es tab l i sh a workable a l t e r n a t i v e capable o f prevent ing the use o f

fo rce once d isputes have erupted i n t o armed conf 1 i c t s . Another argument,

i s t h a t the Great Powers have continued t o bend the i n te rna t i ona l laws

t o t h e i r own desires, and t o r e t a i n t he r i g h t t o veto any and a11 the

Secur i ty Counci l 's resolut ions.

I n te rna t i ona l 1aw experts do indeed draw a d i s t i n c t i o n betwaen the

co ld war and the actual war, as we11 as between acts o f revenge exercised

by some s ta tes against other states, i n order t o achieve c e r t a i n ends

without terminat ing the s ta te of peace between the war p a r t i e s and

replace i t with be l 1 igerency. Furthemore, the a r t i c l e s related t o war

i n i n te rna t i ona l law have def ined the p r i n c i p l e s by which war could be

begun; the conduct o f the waring s ta tes dur ing the process o f m i l i t a r y

operations; the type o f weapons t o be used; and the re la t i ons o f the non-

waring states w i t h those engaged i n the war through 1ega1 p r i n c i p l e s

s tated i n the law o f n e ~ t r a l i t y . ~ ~ '

I n add i t i on t o in te rna t iona l t r e a t i e s and conventions governi ng the

conduct o f m i l i t a r y act ions among the waring par t ies, and seen as the

primary sources o f the laws o f war, there are a lso other sources f o r t h i s

law, such as customary pract ices and i n te rna t i ona l laws acceptable t o the

i n te rna t i ona l community. Among such prac t i ces and Iaws, i n add i t i on t o

the Nuremberg judgments, 1945-1946, t he Tokyo war crimes t r i a l , 1948; the

s ta tu te o f t he I n te rna t i ona l C r i m i na1 Tr ibunal f o r the Former Yugoslavia,

"IL. Oppanheirn, supra note 91, a t 634-652.

1993; and t h e In te rna t i ona l Tr ibunal f o r crimes i n Rwanda, 1994, are

r u l i n g s and p r i n c i p l e s t h a t have been concluded from cour t mar t ia ls ,

p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the aftermath o f World War 1 and World War l l a t o i

Nevertheless, be l 1 igerent occupation, which i s sometimes known as

occupatio be77ica i n in te rna t iona l humanitarian law, does n o t d i f f e r ,

from a procedural po in t o f view, from t h a t o f fath i n Islarnic

i n te rna t i ona l 1 aw. However , the fi r s t suggested def i n i t i on o f

b e l l i g e r e n t occupation i s included i n A r t i c l e s 42-56 o f the Hague

~ q u l a t ions, ' O 3 A r t i d e 2 of the 1949 Ganeva conventions, ' O b and A r t i c l e

1 (3-4) o f the 1977 Addi t iona l rotoc col . 'OS McNai r , however, suggeçts

th ree phases through which bel 1 igeren t

occupation and t rans fe r o f sovereignty as

made i n l i g h t o f a t r e a t y o r by subjugat

occupation goes: i nvas

a consequence o f concess

ion and annexation o f a g

ion,

ions

i ven

loZ~mong war crimes t r i a l s ara the T r i a l o f Captain Henry Wirz, 1865; Court-Marti a l o f Major Edwin F. Glenn, 1902; Court-Marti al o f General Jacob H a Smith, 1902; Court-Martial o f Lieutenant Preston Brown, 1902; Prosecution and Punishment o f Major War Crimes o f European Axis, 1945; H i ro ta , Dohi hara, and Kido v. General MacArthur, 1948; the Eichmann T r i a l , 1961; and Court-Martial o f Wi l l iam L. Calley, J r . , 1971.

The Hague Convent ion I V Respect ing the Laws and Customs of War on Land, signed on October 18, 1907, entered i n t o force on January 26, 1910. J. B. Scot t , ed. , The Hague Convent .ions and DecIarat ions o f 1899 and 1907, 3rd. ed. (New York: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press, 1918), 100-127 fhere ina f te r The Hague I V ; Hersch Lauterpacht, supra note 89, a t 360.

' ' '~he f o u r Geneva Conventions o f August 12, 1949, common A r t i c l e 2, 75 U.NIT.S. (1950) 31-41?.

' 0 5 ~ r o t o c o l 1 Addi t i o n a l t o the Geneva Conventions o f 12 Auguçt 1949, and Re ia t ing t o the Protect ion o f V ic t ims o f I n te rna t i ona l Amed Confl i c s t , signed a t Geneva on December 12, 1977, entered i n t o force on December 7, 1978, UK Misc. 19 (IW?), Cmnd. 6927 [here ina f te r Protocol 11

t e r r i t o r y . Oppenheim argues tha t :

"Bel 1 i gerent occupation i s invasion p lus tak ing possession o f enemy country f o r the purpose o f ho ld ing it, a t any r a t e temporari 7y. The d i f fe rence between mere invasion and occupation becomes apparent from the f a c t t h a t an occupant se ts up som k ind o f admin is t rat ion, whereas the mere invader does not. 18 l f i

Furthermore, Hyde, f o r h i s par t , concieves that : "be l l i ge ren t

occupation i s t h a t stage o f m i l i t a r y operat ions which i s i n s t i t u t e d by

an invading force i n any par t o f an enemy's t e r r i t o r y , when t h a t fo rce

has overcome unsuccessfu1 resistance and establ ished i t s own m i l i t a r y

author i t y there in. From these d e f i n i t i o n s it i ç c l ea r t h a t

bel 1 igerent occupation i s the stage i n war which immediately occurs a f t e r

the be l 1 igeren t s ta te succeeds i n en ter ing the enemy t e r r i t o r y and places

i t under i t s actual domination, culminat ing i n t he sessation o f f i g h t i n g

and the end o f m i l i t a r y operations.

It must be emphasized t h a t in te rna t iona l humanitarian law d r a ~ s a

d i s t i n c t ion between be l 1 i gerent occupation and m i 1 i t a r y occupation on the

one hand, and t h a t o f invasion on the other . Be11 igerent occupation

cornes as a stage i n the wake o f f i g h t i n g and armed m i 7 i t a r y operations,

as, f o r example, the occupation by the Axis forces o f European

t e r r i t o r i e s dur ingwor ld War II. M i l i t a r y occupation, on the other hand,

occurs as a resu1t o f the mutual surrender o f antagonis t ic forces p r i o r

t o the outbreak of war. I n f a c t , a d i s t i n c t i o n i s drawn between

occupation and invasion, i n t h a t the l a t t e r does not es tab l i sh any new

1 0 6 ~ o r d McNair and A.D. Watts, The Lega7 Effects o f War, 4 th ed. (New York: Cambridge Un ivers i ty Press, 1967) , 319.

"'L. Oppenheirn, supra note 91, a t 167.

'%harles Cheney Hyde, supra note 92, a t 2: 361.

33

actual administrat ion i n the transgressed t e r r i tory, but i s , rather, a

kind o f attack and re t rea t without the imposit ion o f a s tate o f complete

domination over a t e r r i t o r y and the eradicat ion o f i t s e n t i r e

res stance. 'O9

I n t h i s respect, 7. J. Lawrence has pointed out tha t bel l igerent

occupation const i tutes a three-phase process, namely: a s ta te o f war and

arrned dispute a r i s ing between two nat ions i n which one succeeds i n

invading the other 's t e r r i t o r y and occupying it t o t a l l y or i n par t ;

second, an in ter im actual state o f war ar i s ing between two nations i n

which the arined forces o f one occupies the t e r r i t o r y o f the other and

places it under i t s own control. I n t h i s case, be l l igerent occupation

i s not seen as a legal condit ion but a de facto s i tua t ion establ ished by

the conditions o f war and the v i c to ry o f the second party over the f i r s t ;

and t h i r d , occupation should be actual, and must not a r i se unless the

armed forces o f one nat ion imposes i t s author i ty over the occupied

t e r r i t o r y o f the other, and subject ing i t t o i t s rn i l i t a ry author i ty . 110

Is lamic internat ional law, however, has not sanctioned be l l igerent

occupation i n i t s modern sense, f o r the Ho7y Qur'an considers tha t a

transgression against the r i gh ts o f the others, "do not transgress

l i m i t s , f o r Allah loveth not t r a n s g r e s ~ o r s , " ~ ' ~ and " l e t there be no

hosti 1 i t y except t o those who prac t i se oppression. " I l 2 In ternat ional

l o g ~ b i d . , a t 362; Paul Reuter, Dro i t in ternat ional public (Par is : Presses Univers i ta i res de France, 1958), 344.

"'T. J. Lawrence, The Principles o f In ternat ione 1 Law, 7 th ed. (London: Macmillan, 1927), 177.

" ' ~ h e Holy Qur'an, II: 190.

%bid., 11: 193.

humanitarian law considers b e l l i g e r e n t occupation t o be nul1 and void,

an act o f i l l e g a l aggression, unless it takes place as a form o f

l e g i t imate self-defence, o r sanct ioned by the United Nations f o r the sake

o f maintaining world peace and secur i ty . ' 1 3 This i s what the United

Nations Charter s tates, and what has been emphasized by the U.N.

Resolut ion 3734, i n i t s 25th session by a ma jo r i t y o f 140 votes, which

s ta tes t h a t nations commit themselves t o r e f r a i n i n g from threats to , o r

actual use o f force, against the secur i t y o f any t e r r i t o r y , o r the

p o l i t i c a l independence o f any other nat ion.

According t o in te rna t iona l humani t a r i a n law, bel 1 i gerent occupation

does not abrogate the sovereignty o f the v i c t i m state, nor does i t

t ransfer t h a t sovereignty t o the be l l i ge ren t one, but ra ther maintains

the sovereignty o f the occupied na t ion over i t s own t e r r i t o r y regardless

o f the f a c t t h a t such sovereignty i s suspended during the per iod o f

i n t e r i m occupation. I t was V a t t l e who became the f i r s t j u r i s t t o endorse

t h i s p r i nc ip le . Towards the end o f t he 19th century such views became

more acceptable f o l 1owing t h e i r incorporat ion i n t o the laws o f land

warfare. "' I n t h i s respect, Fauch i l le s tates t h a t be l l i ge ren t

occupation, i n i t s capacity as an i n te r im actual s tate, cannot replace

the o r i g i n a l au tho r i t y over t e r r i t o r y by tha t o f the occupation.'15 In

t he same fashion, Liewel lyn Jones notes t h a t sovereignty i s not

dam Roberts, "What i s a M i l i t a r y Occupation?" The B r i t i s h Year Book o f In ternat iona 1 Law 55 (1984) : 293.

"'~rnmerich de Va t t l e , Le d r o i t des gens, ou principes de la l o i nature77e, appliqués A 7a conduite e t aux a f fa i res de nations et des souverains, 2 vols. (Paris: Chez Janet e t Cote l le , 18201, 2 3 7 4 .

l l i~au l Fauchi 1 l e , supra note 90, a t 215.

t ransfered t o the b e l l i g e r e n t nat ion, whether i t s occupation takes place

peaceful l y o r by m i l i t a r y means. '16

Thus, p r i o r t o t he Hague's agresments o f 1899 and 1907, be l 1 igerent

occupation used t o impl y the annexation o f occupied t e r r i t o r i e s and t h e i r

subjugat ion t o the occupying army's author i t y . However, t h i s imp l ica t ion

has become nul1 and void and the annexation o f occupied t e r r i t o r y o r the

abrogation o f nat ions ' sovereignty i s no longer seen as a necessarv

consequence o f occupation, Accordingly, Kelsen, i n h i s i n te rp re ta t i on

o f the legal s ta tus o f occupied Germany under the A l 1 ies, f o l lowing World

War 1 , argues f o r Germany's r i g h t t o maintain complete sovereignty over

i t s own t e r r i t o r y despite the suspension o f i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . t 17

The modern p r i n c i p l e o f sovereignty o r ig ina ted i n the s ix teenth

century w i t h the ernergence o f the nat ion-state, and found i t s expression

i n the i n te rna t i ona l arena a f t e r the establishment o f the United Nations

i n 1945. Nonetheless, Is lsmic in te rna t iona l 1aw recognized t h i s r i g h t

as ea r l y as the seventh and e igh th centur ies. In L 'Arménie ent re Byzance

e t 7'Islam depuis 7a conquête arabe jusau'en 886, Joseph Laurent states

t h a t ~ u ~ a w i y a Ibn Abt Sufyan, the f i r s t Umayyad r u l e r , recognised the

sovereignty o f t h e Armenian people - L e . the r i g h t t o preserve an

independent ident i t y and t o exerc ise cont ro l over t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y - i n 653 A.D. Another case i n po in t i s t h a t o f the people o f Samarkand v.

Qutayba IbnMus7im i r : 702 A.D. The Muslim judge agreed w i th the claims

'"F. Liewel 1 yn Johnes, Mi 7 i tary Occupation o f A 7 ien Terr i tory i n T ime o f Peace: Transact ions of the Grot ius Society (London: Macmi 1 1 an, 1923) , 159.

ans Kelsen, "The Legal Status o f Genany According t o the Declarat ion o f B e r l i n , " AJït 39 (1945): 518.

of the people o f Samarkand, and passed a judgment against Qutayba Ibn

Muslim, the leader o f the Muslim army. The judge ru led t h a t the Muslim

army must withdraw from the c i t y , and take i m e d i a t e steps t o enable the

people o f Samarkand t o exercise t h e i r r i g h t t o t e r r i t o r i a l sovereignty

end se l f-determi nat ion, peaceful l y and f ree l y . ' la

3. Types of Jihûd

I n the course o f discussing the theory o f j i h a d , a considerable

number o f contemporary scholars have confused the types and modes o f

j ihad. Nevertheless, whi l e Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya d is t inguished fou r

types o f j ihad: the s t rugg le against the s e l f ; the s t rugg le against e v i 1 ;

the st ruggle against ,ion-believers; and the st ruggle against

hypocrite^,"^ al-Mawardt , f o r h i s pa r t , d iv ided j ihad i n t o two general

categories: wars o f pub1 i c i n te res t , and wars against po ly the is ts and

" ' ~ l e n E. Buchanan, "The R i ght t o Self-deterrninat ion: Anal y t i ca l and Moral Foundations, " Arizona Journa 7 o f I n t e r n a t iona 7 and Comparative Law 8 : 2 (Fa11 1991): 47; I n g r i d Delupis, In ternat iona7 Law and the Independent State (Glasgow: The Un ivers i ty Press, f974) , 3-8; James Grawford, The Creation o f States in Internat iona7 Law (Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1979), 26-27 ; Joseph Laurent, L 'Armén i e entre Byzance et 1'1s 7am depuis 7a conquête arabe jusqu'en 886 (Paris: Fontemoing, 1919), 53; Nathaniel Berman, "Sovereignty i n Abeyance: Self-determination and In te rna t i ona l Law," Wisconsin I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law Journal 7 : 1 ( F a l l 1988) : 52; Pat r ick Thornberry, "Self-determination, Minor i t ies , Human Rights: A Review o f I n te rna t i ona l Instruments, " I n t e r n a t iona 1 and Comparative Law Quarterfy 38 (October 1989): 877; al-Tabart , supra note 7 1 , a t 3 5 5 2 .

I

%bn al-Qayyim, supra note 21, a t 1 :39-40: Sufyan Ibn (~yayna advocates t h a t A 1 7ah gave the prophet Muhammad fou r swords t o s t r i v e against unbel ievers: "The f i r s t against pb ly the is ts , which the prophet himself fought with; the second against apostates, which AbO Bakr fought with; the t h i r d against the people o f the Book, which %mar fought with; and the fou r th against dissenters, which ' ~ 1 t fought wi th." a l - Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 10:3.

apoçtates.'20 I n a s i n i l a r m i n , other Muslini j u r i s t s spel led out two

types o f jihad: the greater jihad and the lesser jihad?' The f i r s t

type deals wi th the struggle aga1nst the s e l f and e v i l , and may be

performed by heart; and t e second type deals with the s t r i v e against

apostates and non-bel ievers, which can be accompl ished by tongue, weal t h

and sel f . '22 Based on the above categorization, and tak ing i n t o

cons iderat ion the current adaptation o f the ~ h a r tCa i n a contemporary

vein , 12 ' types o f jihad c m be subsumed under two categories: the moral

struggle (greater j ihad) and the armed struggle ( lesser j ihad). The

f i r s t type i s d i rected against the self and evi 1 , whi le the second type

deals w i th Muslims (highway robbers, rebels, apostates and unjust

r l e s ) , and wi th non-Mus1 i m ç (pol y the is ts and scr ipturar ies,) . 1 2 '

liOal-~awardt. supra note 21 , a t 50.

%nna E. Arzt, "The Treatment o f Re1 ig ious Dissidents Under Classical and Contemporaty Islamc Law," i n ReIigious Human Rights i n G loba 7 perspect ive: Re 7 igious Perspect ives, eds. John Witte, J r. and Johan . van der Vyver (The Hague, The Netherlands: Martinus N i j h o f f Pub1 ishers, 1996), 388.

'21a1-~wzact, supra note 82, a t 330; a l - fe r ra ' , supra note 21, a t 25, 35, 38 and 41 ; Ibn Ham, supra note 21, a t 333-361; al-Kasant, supra note 21, a t 134-140;'al-Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 98-124.

I2%haykh C~mar ( ~ b d al-Rahman, the leader o f a ]-Jihad Movement, lec tur ing on jihad i n Det ro i tq i n 1991. See Jihad in Amerka (WNEI t e lev i s ion broadcast, NOK 21, l W 4 ) , ave i lab7e in LEXIS , News L i brary, Curnws F i l e .

12r~ontamporary Musl i m scholars 1 ike al-Mawdildt , al-Bannéi, Qutb and C ~ b d al-Rahman cal1 upon Musl ims t o wage j ihad against unjust fiuslim rulers. fhese teachings have been used by the m i 1 i t a n t s o f al-Jihad Movernent t o j u s t i f y the assassinat ion o f Anwar al-Sadat , the Egyptian president on October 6, 1981. See Michael Youssef, RevoIt Against Modernity: Mus 7 im Zea lots and the West (Leiden, The Netherlands: E. 3. Bri11, 1985), 177; Tamara Sonn, " I r regu lar Warfare and Terrorism i n Islam: Asking the Right Questions," i n Cross, Crescent, and Sword: The Just i f icat ion and L imitation o f War i n Western and Is lamic Tradition, eds. James Turner Johnson and John Ke1 say (Westport , Connecticut:

Since t h i s study i s based on the ru les o f Is lamic and pub l i c

i n te rna t i ona l law, it i s best t o concentrate on the armed jihad; which

includes the st ruggle against Muslim d iss idents and un jus t r u l e r s even

i f they c la im t o be Muslims; and the st ruggle against non-Muslims:

po l y the i s t s and scr ip tu rar ies . It i s c lear t h a t the f i r s t type o f

f i g h t i n g (against Musl i m s ) f a l l s w i t h i n humanistic law, which deals w i t h

the r i g h t s o f c i v i l i a n s and f i g h t e r s i n times o f peace, wh i le the other

type (agai n s t non-Mus1 ims) fa1 1s under humani t a r i a n i n te rna t iona l law,

which deals w i t h the r i g h t s o f c i v i l i a n s and combatants i n t imes o f

in te rna t iona l conf l i c t . 12 '

A. J imd aga inst Hus 7 i m D iss idents and Un just Ru 7ers

However, jihad against d iss idents, highway robbers, rebels,

apostates and unjust r u l e r s i s ir; accord w i t h the Musl i r n community's need

t o insure pub1 i c secur i t y , soc ia l s tab i 1 i ty , and lega l ~ r d e r . ' ' ~

Highway robbers ( a 7-Muh~rib~n) , are a group which ra ises weapons t o take

by force the property and l i f e o f t r ave l l e r s . This crime i s def ined as

grand theft, l iS and expl i c i t l y discusçed i n the Holy Qur'àn:

Greenwood Press, IgQO), 141.

' " ~ e l ~ i n g on the works o f Mus1 i m j u r i s t s , Maj id Khadduri c a l led t h i ç type o f j ihad "j ihad against unbel ievers" . Although he d i d not mention these works, one can argue t h a t t h i s naming i s inaccurate since he t reated sc r i p tu ra r i es on the same foo t i ng as po ly the is ts . In f ac t , the Ho7y Qur'an i s extremely s t r i c t i n d is t ingu ish ing bztween the t,wd categories.

! 2 5 Ahrned Zaki Yarnani, supra note 42, a t 192.

' ' ' ~ 1 ~ Aly Mansour, "Hudud Crimes," i n The I d a m i c Criminal Justice System, ed. M. C h e r i f Bassiouni (New York: Oceana Pub1 ica t ions , Inc., 1982), 196.

"The punishment o f those who wage war against Allah and His Prophet, and s t r i v e w i th might and main f o r mischief through the land i s executlon, o r c ruc i f i x ion , o r have t h e i r hands and t h e i r feet cut o f f fram opposite sides, or e x i l e from the land. That i s t h e i r disgrace i n t h i s world, and a great torment i s t h e i r s i n the hereafter."

A l though Mus1 i m j u r i s t s disagrae on the degrea of punishment ,12j

al-Farra' arrgues tha t punishment should be devised according t o the

robbers' circumstances and not t o t h e I r capacity:

"For murder accmpanied by plunder: beheading followed by c ruc i f i x ion ; f o r murder only: beheading; f o r plunder only without loss t o l i f e : the amputation o f hand and foot on a l ternate sides; and f o r ra i s ing arms with the in tent o f plunder a murder only: deportation t o another t e r r i tory. "

Fight ing against a 7-Bughüt ( rebels) , who secede f rom the Mus1 i m

c m u n i t y , o r rebel against the I m (Muslim r u l e r ) i s based on the

fo l lowing Qur'anic verse:

"And i f two par t ies among the Bel ievers fa1 1 i n t o a quarrel , make ye peace between them, but i f one o f them trangresses beyond bounds against the other, then f i g h t ye [ a l 7 1 against the one t h a t transgresses u n t i l it compltes wi th the command o f A I l m ; but i f it comp1 ies, then make peace between them wi th j u s t i c a n d b e f a i r ; forA71ah lovesthose whoare f a i r [and j us t ] . ?3!

From the verse above, one may deduce tha t rebe1 s ( a 7-bughat) remain

Muslims despite t h e i r rebel l ion, and are allowed t o l i v e i n securi ty i n

Muslim t e r r i t o r y i f they reconcile themselves t o peace.132 This i s uhat

1 2 ' ~ l y Aly Mansour, supra note 127, a t 199.

130a1-~arr8 ' , supra note 2 1 , a t 41 .

13' ~ h e Ho 7y Our 'an, X L I X : 9 .

13'~ohn Kelsay, supra note 15, at 8 6 ; Khalid Abou E l Fedl, "Ahkam al - Bughat: i r regu la r War and the Law o f Rebell ion i n Islam," i n Cross, Crescent and Sword: The Just 7f icat ion and L i m i t a t ion o f War i n Western and 1 s 7amic Tradit ion, eds. James Turner Johnson and John Kelsay (Westport , Connecticut: Greenwood press, I W O ) , 153 ; A l Ghunairni , supra

was advocated by ' ~ 1 t Ibn Abt T d l i b , the fourth r i g h t l y guided Cal iph,

who instructed h i s army before the bat t l e o f the Came1 (a7-Jamal),

regardi ng the rebel forces:

"When you defeat them, do not k i 11 t h e i r wounded, do not behead the prisoners, do not pursue those who return and re t reat , do not enslave t h e i r wmen, do not mut i la te t h e i r dead, do not uncover what i s t o remain covered, do not approach t h e i r property except what you f i n d i n t h e i r camp o f weapons, beasts, male o r female slaves: a l 1 the res i s t o be inher i ted by t h e i r he i r s accordlng t o the Qur'an. 3 3 1

Un1 i ke highway robbers or apostates, the punishment f o r a rebe1,

according t o al-Mawardt, i s not capital,ll' since t he aim o f f i g h t i n g

them i s not t o e l iminate them, but t o prevent them from disrupt ing peace

and s e c ~ r i t ~ . ' ~ ' This opinion cannot be taken for granted, as other

j u r i s t s argue that rebels may be treated 1ike apostates and po ly the is ts

i f they have been forewarned o f the batt le.136 A case in point i s the

j ihad o f C ~ l f I b n Abf TB1 i b against the Khdrijts. Before he crushed

them i n the b a t t l e o f al-Nahruwan, he sent c ~ b d Al lah Ibn '~bbas t o warn

them and, thereby, t o diminish the loss o f Mus1

mentioning tha t rebels, according t o al-Mawardt ,

so-ca11ed a de facto s ta te i n the modern sense

i m l i fe.13' It i s worth

a re e n t i t l e d t o what i s

o f the term. They can

1 1 3 ~ b ~ al-Hasan ( ~ 1 t Ibn al-Husayn al-l4ascudt, MurOj a l-Dhahab wa ~ d a d i n el-Jawhar, 4 vols. (bei rut : Dar al-Fikr, 1973), 2:371 [hereinaf ter al-f4asCud t 1.

114al-~awardt, supra note 21, a t 54.

1 3 5 a l - ~ ~ s a n t , supra note 21, a t 140.

l%bn H a m , supra note 21, a t 3 3 3 ; al-Sarakhst , supra note 21 , a t 128-129.

137a l -~a r ra ' , supra note 21, a t 39; al-Harghtnant , supra note 21, a t 170; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 54,

col l e c t revenue taxes and conclude t rea t ies w i t h f o r e i g n states. 138

However, the j ihad against al-bughat (rebels) may correspond t o the

f i gh t i ng referred t o i n a r t i c l e 3 o f the 1949 Geneva Convefition 1 f o r the

Amel i o r a t ion o f the Condition o f Wounded and Slck 1 n Armed Forces i n the

~ i e l d , ' ~ ' as wel l as t o the 1977 Geneva Protocol II Addit ionel t o the

Geneva Conventions o f 12 August 1949, and Relating t o the Protect ion o f

V ic t ims of Non-Internat lonal A m d Conf 1 1 cts. l k 0 A compari son between

the norms o f Geneva Conventions, and i t s para l le l s i n Islamic

internat ional Tau, reveals that the regulat lons o f the Geneva Conventions

re la t ing t o armed conf l i c t o f a non-international nature are weaket than

those contai ned I n the same conventions per ta i n i ng t o internat ional arrned

con f l i c t . On the contrary, however, the regulations o f Islamic

internat ional law perta in ing t o non-international armed conf 1 i c t are

stronger and more humane than those re la t ing t o internat ional armed

ccnf 1 i c t o f the same 1 aw.

Wagi ng war against apostates ( a 7-Murtaddùn) , who renounce Islam

13aa1-~awardt, supra note 21 , a t 54; el-Sarakhst , supra note 21 , 130.

13'The Geneva Convention I for the Amelioration of the Condition o f the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Fie ld of August 12, 7949, 75 U.N.T.S. (1950) 31-83 [hereinafter The Geneva 11. See Jean P ic te t , Humanitarian Law and the protection of War Victims (Geneva: Henry Dunant Ins t i tu te , 1975), 53.

''O protoco 7 I I Addit ion8 1 to the Geneva Convent ions of August 12, 7949, and Re7ating t o the Protection o f Victims o f Non-Internationai Armed Conf Iicts, 1125 U.N.T.S. 609 (opened f o r signature on December 12, 1977 and entered i n t o force on December 7, 1978) [hereinaf ter Protocol I I ] . See Theodor Meron e t a l . , "Appl icat ion o f Humanitarian Law i n Non- f nternational Armed Conf 1 i c t s , " American Society o f Internat iona 7 Law Proceedings 85 (1991): 84.

"'~hrned Zaki Yamani , supra note 4 2 , a t 195.

t o t a l l y , o r i n part,'" i s jus t i f i c rd by the Prophatic t r a d i t i o n :

" A Muslimts blood shall not be l a w f u l l y shed except f o r three causes: atheism a f t e r belief; adultery a f t e r marriage; o r k i l l i r ~ g , ~ ~ ~ person otherwise than i n r e t a l i a t i o n f o r another person.

Before tak ing any ac t ion against apostates, Muslim j u r i s t s

emphasize tha t the Imam should negotiate w i th them f o r three days, t r y i n g

t o persuade them t o return t o ~ s l a r n , ~ ' ~ as Allah says: "bot i f they

repent, establ i sb regular prayers, and g i ve regular char i t y , then open

the way f o r thern."lg The Imam should do the same w i t h apostates who

separate thernsel ves and become a de facto state exerci s i ng soverei gnty

over pa r t o f the t e r r i t o r y o f Islam (d8r 87-Idam), o r who j o i n the

t e r r i t o r y o f war (dar al-harb)." The apostates have t o return t o

Islam o r accept the chal lenye o f jihad. I n other words, they must choose

between Islam or the sword;!'l they cannot be given aman ( ~ a f e ~ u a r d ) " ~

142~postasy punishments would not apply t o the insane, minors, the intoxicated, o r those who becarne Mus1 ims under coercion. Apostate women would not be k i l l e d , but imprisoned un t i1 returning t o Islam. See al - Kasant , supra note 21, a t 7 : 134; Maj id Khadduri , supra note 2 , a t 2 0 5 , 215 and 227; a l -Marghtnmt, supra note 21, a t 2:165 and 170; a l - Sarakhst, supra note 21, at 10: 98 and 123 .

1 4 J ~ u s l i m , supra note 69, a t 3 : 506-507.

"'al-farral, supra note 21, a t 3 5 ; al-KBsBnt , supra note 21, a t 7: 135; Miijid Khadduri, supra note 2, a t 195.

l b b ~ a s a n t , supra note 21, a t 7 : 136; al-Siyar al-Kabt r, supra note 6 7 , a t 5:1938.

' " ~ h i s issue has been expressed i n the fo l lowing verse: "Shi i l l you f i g h t , o r they shal1 submit [ t o Islam]", The Hofy Qur'an, X L V I I I : 1 6 ; al - Sarakhst , supra note 21, at 10: 98-99.

148al-farra' , supra note 21, a t 37.

43

or allowed t o becnie dhi i iuni~."~ If apostates choose the sword a f t e r

being n o t i f ied and warned, jihad should be waged against them on t h e same

terms t h a t jihad i s waged against harbts ( the people o f the t e r r i t o r y of

war).15' Cases i n point were the secassion o f the t r i b e s o f Arabia,

except Quraysh end Thaqtf , e f t e r the death o f the prophet, 15' and the

Karmathians (al-Qaràmita) i n the Abbaside era. The Arab t r i b e s who

refused t o re turn t o Islam were s w e r e l y fought by Ab0 Bakr, the f i r s t

cal iph, and the Karmathians were crushed by al-Muktaff bi-Al lah, the

Abbaside cal i ph. Mus1 i m j u r i s t s professed t h a t apostates and t h e i r wives

could not be e n s l a ~ e d , ' ~ ~ nor could the i r property be conf i scated."'

I f an apostate were k i l l e d , h i s property before renouncing Islam, would

be d i s t r i bu ted arnong h i s Muslini heirs,li5 while his property, a f t a r

apostasy, would be teken over by the Islamic state as f a y l (booty).lb6

However, bei ng t reated 1 i ke non-Mus1 i m

t o Islamic in ternat ional law, are not

combatants, apostates, according

responsible f o r losses sustained

l b id.

%l-sarakhçt, supra note 21, e t note 67 , a t 5 : 1941,

10: 114; al-Siyar al-Kabt r, supra

t51a1-~erra' , Ibid. ; al-Tabert , supra note 71, a t 2: 157.

" ' ~ l b e r t Haurani, A History o f the Arab Peoples (Cambridge, Massachusetts: f he Bel knap Press o f Harvard Universi t y Press, 1991 ) , 40 ; Ibn Kath t r , supra note 72, a t 11:82.

'5Sal-~asan t , supra note 2 1, a t 7: 136; Maj i d Khadduri , supra note 2 , a t 216-217.

l''al-~asanf , Ibid. ; al-Margh tnanr , supra note 2 1 , a t 2 : 165.

lS5t4ajid Khaddurl, supra note 2, a t 196; al-Marghtnanf, fb id .

156a l -~a r ra ' , supra note 21 , a t 36; al-Kasant , supra n ~ t e 21, a t 7:139; Majid Khadduri, supra note 2, a t 201; al-Marghfnant, Ib id . ; al- Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 10: 101.

as a resu l t o f war,15' and t h e i r negotiators and ambassadors are

e n t i t l a d t o diplamatic i m u n i t y i n the modern sense o f the

The primary sources o f Is lamic law g ive f i n a l au thor i ty t o the

leaders o f the Islamic S t a t e (u7U al-amr), and emphasize the need fo r

t h e i r obedience and cornpliance by Muslims co l l e c t i v e l y and ind iv idua l ly .

The law concernlng t h i s issue i s expounded i n the Ho7y Qur'Bn as follows:

"O ye who bel ieve! Obey A 1 ]ah, and obey the Prophet, and those charged w i th author i ty among you. I f you d i f f e r i n anything among yourselves, refer i t t o A 7 lah and H i s Prophet i f you do bel ieve i n Allah and the Last Qy; t ha t is best, and most su i tab le f o r f i n a l determination.

Honever, Is l amic law regulates the re lat ionships between Musl ims

and t h e i r leaders. The subjects o f the Is lamic s ta te owe a duty o f

obedience t o the Irrl;c)m, who i n re turn has t o defend t h e i r in terests,

enforce Islamic law, and establ i s h publ ic çecur i ty . I b o A l though rnany

Musl i m j u r i s t s argue tha t revo l t ing against a corrupt Imam i s worse than

tyranny, 16' the QurJ8nic verses and Prophetic t red i tons exhort Mus1 ims

t o disobey the Imam, and even nage jihad (sa7 7 a7-sayf') against h im i f

%aj i d Khadduri , supra note 2, a t 202; al-Mughnf , supra note 21, a t 10:73.

l S g ~ h e Prophet t o l d the ambassadors o f Musaylama al-Kadhdhüb "the l i a r " when they ar r ived a t the Madf na: "By A77ah i f you were not ambassadors, I would have ordered you t o be beheaded." See Ibn Hisham, supra note 67, a t 4: 183.

l5j7he H d y Qur'an, I V : 59.

' " A ~ u al-Hasan C ~ l t al-Mawardt , Adab a 1-Dun* we 7-Of n (Mecca: Dar al-Bat l i l - ~ a s h r , 1987), 138,

161a l -~a r ra ' , supra note 21 , a t 20; Qamaruddin Khan, The Pol i t ica 7 Thought o f Ibn Taymiyah (Delhi , India: Adam Pub1 ishers & D i s t r ibu tors , 1988), 213; Shams al-Islam Ibn Qayyin al-Jawziyya, 7am al-bfuweqqiC t n Cari Rabb a l-cll lamtn, 4 vols. (Cai ro: al-Maktaba al-Ti ja r iyya al-Kubra, 1955) , 3: 6-7 [hereinaf ter 1~1am al-bIuwaqqictn] .

he deviates frm the r i g h t path, fo r "no obeddence t o any creature i n

disobedience t o the Creator. "'O I n other words, i f the 1- conniands

something which vlolates the rules stated i n the Qur'an and the Sunna,

the Muslims' duty o f obedience, 1s nul1 and ~ o i d . ' ' ~ I n h i s f i r s t

speech, a f t e r h i s ascension t o the pos i t i on o f the f i r s t guided Caliph,

AbD Bakr addressed the bel ievers: "Obey me as long as I remain loya l t o

A 7 I'Bh and H i s Prophet, but i f 1 d i sobey them none shou 1 d accord obedi ence

t o ma. "16' This po in t f inds support i n the Pur% and !d i th (prophetic

t r a d i t i o n ) . Al lah puts the disbel ievers and the ru le rs who do not

enforce Al lah 's laws, on an equal footing, " i f any ( ru lers) do f a i 1 t a

judge by what A71ah has revealed, they are (no bet ter than)

unbel ievers. "16' Through the glesses o f t h i ç concept, the Prophet said:

"The greatest jihad i s a just word t o a ty rant ru ler . In light o f

' " A ~ u Muhammad ' ~ l t Ibn Ham, al-Fas7 f t al-Hile7 val-Ah& wal- Nihal , 5 vols*. (Beirut: Dar a l - ~ t 1, l985), 5:28 [hereinafter a l -Mi la l w a l - ~ i hall ; Fekr a l -Dtn al-Razt , al-Tafs t r al-Kabt r , 32 vols. (Bei r u t : Dar Ihia' al-Turath a b C ~ r a b t , l98O), 4: 42-43 [hereinafter al-Razf ] ; The Ho7y 'Cur'an, II:124, V:47, 48, 50; al-Juwaynt, supra note 21, a t 88; Qamaruddin Khan, supra note 161, a t 205-210; ShihBb al -Dt n al-Sayyid Mahmd al-AlDst al-Baghdadt , RPh a ?+dan t f t Tafs tr a 7-Qur 'an a 7- C ~ i t m val-sad al-Mathant, 29 vbls. (Beirut: Dar Ihya' al-Turath a l - ( ~ i a b t , 1980), 1: 376-378 [hereinafter el-Al~st].

1 6 f a l - ~ a w a r d t , supra note 21 , a t 15-16; Noel Cou1 son, "The State and the Ind iv idua l i n fslamic Law," The Internat ion87 and Comparative Law Quarter7y 6 (1957): 57; Norman Anderson and Noel Coulson, "The Moslem Ruler and Contractual Ob1 igations, " New York Univers i ty Law Review 33 (1958): 921.

l%bn Kath t r , supra note 72, at 6:301; al-Tabarf, supra note 71, a t 2: 105.

1 6 6 ~ b ~ C ~ b d al-Rahman Ahmad 1 bn shucayb al-Nasa ' 7, Sunan a 1-Nasa ' f , 8 vols. (Cairo: Al-Maktaba a l -T i j a r i yya al-Kubra, 1930), 7:161 [hereinaf ter al-Nasa't] .

the above argunent, it i s obvious t h a t the ba#a (homage) i s a contract

between the r u l e r and the ruled which, i f breached by any o f the two

contract ing part ies, warrants a jihad against the v i o l a t o r u n t i 1 he

f o l lows the r i g h t path.'''

B. J ihâd Aga inst Non-Wus 1 ims

The other k ind o f Iesser jihad 1s f i g h t i n g against non-Muslims,

po1 ythe is ts and scr ip turar ies (Ah7-a I -Kitab). This externa1 j ihad may

be ca11ed internat ional jihad. As indicated ea r l Ie r , it i s important t o

emphasize tha t j ihad, i n any case, i s adefensive war. I n other words,

according t o the Qur'an and the Prophetic t rad i t i ons , Hus1 ims are not

a l 1owed t o wage jihad against po ly the is ts and scr ip turar ies before they

attack Muslims o r breach t h e i r conduct w i th thernmt6'

I n discussing t h i s point, Majid Khadduri advocates tha t "no

compromise i s permitted wi th those who f a i l t o bel ieve i n God, they have

e i the r t o accept Islam or f ight. . ."169 "When A l l a h sent the k t o f Hls

Prophets t o ca l 1 them (scr ip turar ies) t o the t ru th , they accepted bel i e f

i n A 7 lah but not i n His Prophet o r the Qur'Bn. Hence, the scr ipturar ies,

l i k e the polytheists must be punished."170 I n examining these

statements, 1 reca l l one o f Wael Hallaq's logical observations:

"Rat iona l i ty i n drawdng inferences means t h a t the conclusion o f an

argument must fol low from the premises and must not go beyond them; i t

167a l -~awardf , supra note 21, a t 40.

16 '~he Ho7y Qur'an, 1 : 190.

' ' ~ a j i d Khadduri , supra note 50, a t 75.

''O 1b id. , a t 80.

must be t rue i f the premises are true. To disprove Khadduri >s

argument, and t o show the i r r a t i o n a l i t y o f h i s inferences and h i s

steraotyped concl usions, one must refer t o the Ho 7y Qur 'an, Prophetic

t rad i t i ons and precedents wi th in the framework o f Islamic legal theory.

It i s obvious that Khadurrt attempts t o demonstrate the def i n i t i v e

h o s t i l i t y of Islam t o a l 1 non-Muslims. I n other words, he argues that

polytheists and scr ip turar ies are l i a b l e t o punishment since they f a i l

t o believe i n Islam; the polytheists should choose Islam o r the sword,

while the scr ip turar ies can choose one o f three: Islam, the p o l l tax

( j i zya ) , o r the sword.l12 As has already been explained, waging jihad

against non-Muslims on account o f t h e i r denial o f Muhammad's mission i s

a t variance wi th the Qur'anic teachings. This c r i t i c a l point has been

expressed i n the fo l lowing verses:

" L e t there be no compulsion i n religion."l13 " i f it had bsen your Lord's w i l l , a l1 who are on earth would have believed ( i n Islam). Do y u want t o compel mankind, against t h e i r w i l l , t o bel ieve. '"' "And say, the t r u t h i s from your Lord. Whosoever w i , l e t him believe, and whosoever w i l l , l e t him disbel ieve. "Those who bel ieve ( l n the Qur'an), those who fo l low the Jewish scriptures, and the Sabians, Christians, Magians, and Polytheists, A77ah wi11 judge between them on t Day o f Judgment, foi- A77ah i s witness o f a l1 things. Jf

1 7 1 ~ a e l 8. Hallaq. "On Inductive Corroboration, Probabi l i ty and Certainty i n Sunnt Legal Thought," i n I d a m i c Law and Jurisprudence, ed. N. Heer (Seattle: University o f Washington Press, 1990), 3.

1 7 2 ~ a j i d Khadduri, supra note, 50, a t 80.

' " ~ h e Holy Qur'an, II: 256.

%bid., X V I I I : 29.

II6 ~ h e Ho l y Pur 'an, X X I I : 17

"You have your r e l ig ion and 1 have mine. "17'

Furthemore, one must make reference t o the Islamic concept o f

re l ig ious l i b e r t y and tolerance, as wel l as t o Islamic respect paid t o

the People o f the Book (Jews and Christ ians) as outl ined i n the fo l lowing

Qur 'an ic verses:

"Those who bel ieve ( i n the Qur'Bn), and those who fo l low the Jewish (scriptures), and the Christ ians and the Sabians, and who bel ieve i n A 7 ?ah and the Last Day, and work r i ghteousness, sha l l have t h e i r reward wi th e i r Lord. On them shal l be no fear , nor sha l l they grieve. 1 fQ' "And dispute ye not w i th the People o f the Book, except w i th means bet ter (than mere disputat ion) unless i t be wi th those o f them i n f l i c t wrong (and in jury) . l fg

Accordingly, Muslims are not allowed t o f i g h t against the

scr ipturar ies and polytheists unless they commit an aggression. Even i n

the ba t t l e f i e l d , Muslim soldiers were prohibited from s ta r t i ng tne war.

Although non-Muslims s t a r t k i l l i n g Muslims, the l a t t e r are not allowed

t o do the same u n t i l they show them the k i î ied person and Say t o them:

Would it not be bet ter fo r you t o achieve peace and securi ty by embracing

Islam o r by concluding a covenant sagefuarding peace? I f they accept

Islam, o r choose t o remain scr ipturar ies under safe conduct and quarter

(aman), they would be en t i t l ed t o enjoy a11 the r igh ts and obl igat ions

dictated by Islamic la^.^^* I f none o f the choices above are accepted,

Il7 l b i d . , C I X : 6 .

18%4ajid Khadduri argues t h a t i f the People o f the Book prefer t o remain scr ip turar ies a t the sac r i f i ce o f paying the p o l l tax, they suf fer cer ta in disabi 1 i t i e s which reduce them t o second-class c i t izens. Khadduri , however, does not mention any o f these disabi 1 itien. 8ee Majid Khadduri, supra note 50, a t 80; Majid Khadduri, "The Islamic Theory o f

i e r s are permitted t o wage jihad i n defence o f the i r f a i t h and Musl.fm sold

land. Th

t rad i t i ons :

i s approach i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the fo l lowing Prophetic

"Narrated ( ~ b d Al lah Ibn Abt A w f l l , the Prophet, during sme o f h i s bat t les , got up among the people and said: O people! Do not wish t o face the en y ( i n a b a t t l e ) and ask Allah t o Save you from calamities. 3 . w

"The Prophet instructed I4uc8dh Ibn Jabal, when he sent him a t the head o f the Muslim army t o ccnquer the Yemen. He said: Do not f i g h t thern before you cal1 them [ t o be converted i n t o Islam o r t o conclude a covenant]. And i f they decline, do not f i g h t them u n t i l they take the i n i t i a t i v e , and when they do so, wait u n t i l they slay one o f your men. Then show them the body o f the s l a i n and Say t o them: 1s there no bet ter way than th is? I f Cod converts one s ingle man through your examle, it wi11 be bet ter f o r you than t o own the whole world.

4. The üevelopnent of the Doctrine of Jihad

A closer look a t the verses o f the Holy Qur'an would reveal t h a t

jihad developed through four stages: the f i r s t was tha t o f forb idding

Muslimç from f ight ing. la3 This i s the e a r l i e s t period i n the l i f e o f

the Muslims when they were st111 a weak community i n Mecca p r i o r t o the

h i j r a (emmigration t o Medina) and the establ ishrnent o f the Islamic state.

Internat ional Re1 a t ions and I t s Contemporary Relevance, " i n Is Iam and In te rna t iona 7 Relations, ed. 3 . Harr is Proctor (New York: Frederick A. Praeger Pub1 ishers, 1965) , 26.

lB1a l -~ukhar t , supra note 66, a t 4:9.

leZ~uhanmad Ab0 Zahra, Nazarfyyat a 7-Harb f f a 7-1s larn, 4 t h ed. (Cairo: gazarat al-Awqaf, 19611, 42; a l -~arakhst- , supra note 21, a t 10:31; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 1:78; Wahba al-Zuhayli, Athar a 7-Harb f f a 7-Fiqh a7-Islamf: Dirasa Muqarana (Damascus: Dar a l - F ik r , 1991), 154.

1a311~as t thou not turned thy v is ion t o those who uere t o l d t o hold back thei r hands (from f i gh t ing ) but established regular prayers and spend i n regular char i ty , when (a t length) the order f o r f i g h t i n g was i ssued t o them, behold! a section o f them feared men as o r even more tha t they should have feared A77ah." The H d y Qur'an, IV: 7 7 .

I n t h i s phase, the Prophet s ta r ted the greater jihad ( a l - j i h 8 d 87-Akbar)

by preaching non-violent ly, wh i le Muslirns were insu l ted , abused and

persecuted f o r many yearç by the i n f i d e l s o f ~ a c î a . ' ~ ' The second stage

is the one i n which the Prophet stopped preaching ins ide Mecca and turned

h i s a t t e n t i o n t o the neighboring c i t i e s and countr ies. I n t h i s period,

Mus1 ims were given permission t o f i gh t , as the verse was revealed i n the

wake o f the Musl ims' forced departure from ~ecca."' The t h i r d juncture

i s the one i n which Muslims were given the order t o f i g h t . Th is

s i g n i f i c a n t development occurred fo l l ow ing the establishment o f the post-

H i j r a Muslim society i n Medina, i n a Qur'Bnic verse which was the f i r s t

t o e x p l i c i t l y order Muslirns t o i n i t i a t a a j u s t war.'l6 The f o u r t h phase

i s the one i n which Muslims received the order t o f i g h t against the

po l y the i s t s (a7-Mushr ik~n) a f t e r they had dishonored t h e i r pledges w i th

~ u s l i r n s . ' ~ ~ This i s the stage a t which the Is lamic s t a t e witnessed the

peak o f its st rength i n t he days o f the Prophet and when Musl irns became

"'~slarn S idd iq i , "Jihad: An Instrument I s l a m i c Studies 2 ( 1 9 6 3 ) : 383-384; I bn Hisham, 259; Ibn Ishaq, supra note 84, a t 131.

''''*To thoçe against whom war i s made.

o f I s lamic Revolution," supra note 67, a t 1 : 258-

permission i s given ( t o f i ght) , because they are wronged; and v e r i l y , A - 7 7Bh i s Most ~ o w e r f u l f o r t h e i r aid. (They are) those who have been expel led from t h e i r homes i n def iance o f r i g h t ( f o r no cause) except t h a t they Say: Our Lord i s A 7 7ah. " The H d y Pur 'an, XXII: 39-40.

I s 6 " ~ i g h t i n the cause o f A77ah those who f i g h t you, but do not transgress 1 i m i t s , f o r A 7 7ah l ove th no t transgressors. " The Ho l y Qur 'an, I I : 190.

' 1 7 " ~ i g h t those who bel ieve not i n Al 7ah nor the Last Day, nor hold that forbidden which hath been forbidden by A77ah and H is Prophet, nor acknowledge the r e l i g i o n o f t r u th , (even i f they a r ~ ) o f the People o f the Book; u n t i l they pay the j i zya w i t h wi11ing submission and fee l themselves subdued." The H d y Qur'an, IX: 29.

established as a socia l and p o l i t i c e l force i n ~ rab ia . ' " I n t h i s

period, the young Muslim state had become so v ibrant as t o extend i t s

dominion over the e n t i r e Arabian Peninsula.

5. Forbidden Acts of Hostil ity According to the Doctrine of Jimd

Nevertheless, Islamic international law recogni zes that war, by i t s

nature, Impl ieç violence and s ~ f f e r f n ~ . ' ~ ~ Therefora, as a h igh l y

prac t ica l and r e a l i s t i c law, i t does not require Muslim j i had is ts t o love

t he i r enemies nor t o recaive them wi th damask roses,1i0 but, s t r i c t l y ,

lays down humane ru les governing the conduct o f war, and the treatrnent

o f enemy persons and property. l g l Limi t i ng violence t o the necessi t ies

o f war, Islamic internat ional law d i f fe ren t fa tes between combatants and

c i v i l i ans , as wel l as between m i l i t a r y and c i v i l i a n objects i n time o f

war. l t 2 Furtherrnore, it provides a set o f forbidden acts tha t re la te

d i r ec t l y t o the above categories; combatants, c i v i l i ans , and c i v i l i a n

objects.

With respect t o the f i r s t category, Islamic international law

la8~arni lah Kolocotronis, 1 s lamic Jihad: A Historice 1 Perspective, (Indianapolis, Indiana: American Trust Publications, 1990), 74.

i89~obhi Mahmassani , supra note 1, a t 300.

%arcel A. Boisard, "The Conduct o f Hosti 1 i t i e s and the Protect ion o f the Victims o f Armed Conf l ic ts i n Islam," Hamdard Islamicus 1:2 (Autumn 1978): 10.

191a1-~asan t , supra note 2 1 a t 7: 101-102; al-Marghtnant , supra note 21, a t 2:136-137; al-Mdwardt, supra note 21, a t 38; al-Mughnt, supra note 2 1, a t 10: 542-544; al-Si yar a l -Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 1 : 39-55.

192~uhamined Ibn ' ~ 1 t al-Shawkan t , Nay 7 a 1-Autar Sharh Muntaqa a 7- Akhbar mfb AhBdt th Sayytd a 7-Akhyar, 8 vols. (Ca'i ro: f4at@bacat Mustafa al-Babt al-Halabt , l952), 7: 258-263 [hereinaf ter al-Shawkant] ;* 'a l - sancant , s u k a note 2 1 , e t 4 : 62-64 and 85; al-Sarakhsr , supra note 2 1 , a t 10:30-77; al-Siyar al-Kabt r, supra note 67, a t 4 : 1458-1467.

52

deters Muslim f i gh te rs from the f o l louing acts: (a) s t a r t l ng warfare

before i n v i t i n g t h e i r enemy t o adopt Islam o r t o conclude a covenant.lg3

Even i f the enemy decl ines, Mus1 i rn f ighters are s t i 1 1 bound not t o s t a r t

the f ight ing u n t i 1 t he enemy attecks;lg4 (b) sunmary executions,

decapitation and t o r t u r i ng o f prisoners o f war (al-asni) ; l g 5 (c )

del iver ing a coup de grdce t o the wounded;lg6 (d) burning capt ives t o

death;19' (e) mut 1 l a t i n g dead bodies;lgB (f) treachery and perf idy;lg9

(g) using poisoned ~ e a ~ o n s ; ~ ~ ~ and (h) k i l l i n g o f an anerny hors de

l g 3 ~ a t h al -Bart , supra note 66 a t 6: 11 1 ; al-Kasant , supra note 21, a t 107; Muilim, supra note 69, a t 4:B; al-Sfyar al-Uabtr, supra note 67, a t 1:38-59.

' ' 'a l-~arakhst , supra note 21, a t 10: 31.

' j51bid. , a t 10:32; al-Siyar al-Kabrr, supra note67, e t 1:110-111, 3: 1024-1041; 4: 1148-1158.

' 9 6 c ~ z z al-Dtn Abn H m i d Ibn Abt al-Hadtd, Kitab Nahj al-Balagha, 4 vols. (Beirut: Dar abI4aCrifa, nad.), '3: 425 [hereinafter Nahj a l - Balagha].

' j i ~ b O DawUd Sulayman Ibn e l - ~ s h ~ a t h , Sunan Abf Dawod, 2 vo is . (Bei rut : Dar abJanan, 1988), 2:61 [hereinafter AbO Dmad]; Al-Siyar a l - Kabtr , supra note 67, a t 4: 1467.

' ! I~bo Dawud, supra note 197, a t 2 5 9 ; al-Shawkant, supra note 192, a t 7:262.

' " ~ h e Holy Qur'an expl i c i t l y discusses t h i s point : "If thou fearest treachery f rm any group, throw back (the1 r covenant) t o them, (so as t o be ) on equal terms, f o r A l lah loveth not the treacherous." The Holy Qur'an, VIII: 58. See Muslirn, supra note 69, a t 4:8; Said El-Dakkak, "International Humanitarian Law Lies Between the Is lamic Concept and Posit ive Internat ional Law, " In ternat iona 1 Review o f Red Cross 275 (March-April 1990): 106.

2 0 0 ~ u s l irn j u r i s t s c l ea r l y ru le that using poisoned weapons against an enemy i n warfare i s unlawful. See Ab0 ' ~ b d Allah Muhanmad al - Haghribt , Kitab Mawahib a 7-Ja7f 1 l i Sherh Hukhtasar &ha1 t 7, 6 vols. (Bel rut : Dar al-Fikr, lW2) , 6:291 [hereinaf ter MaÙahib a l - J a l t l ] .

~ w n b a t . * ~ ' Howavar, some o f these prohib i ted acts are re f lec ted i n

several conventions and protocols of internat ional humanitarian law.

Desspite the inc lus ion o f a general clause f o r pa r t i c ipa t ion which

provides that the1r regulations are b indlng only t o the High Contracting

par t ies ,jo2 the fou r Geneva Conventions o f 1949 and i t s Addi t ional

Protocols o f 1977, as wel l as the Hague Conventions o f 1899 and 1907 are

mainly devoted t o the protect ion o f war ~ i c t i r n s . ~ ~ ~ The Hague

Regulations, annexed t o the 1907 Hague Convention I V Respecting the Laws

and Customs o f War on Land, provide i n A r t i c l e 22 that , "the r i g h t o f

ba l l igerants t o adopt neans o f i n j u r i n g the enemy i s not ~ n l i m i t e d . " ~ ~ '

More spec i f i ca l l y , A r t i c l e 23 o f the same regulations p roh ib i t s the

employment o f poison o r poisoned weapons, the k i l l i n g o r wounding o f an

enemy who has 1 a i d down h i s arms, and the employment o f arms or rnaterial

calculated t o causa unnecessary s ~ f f e r i n ~ . ' ~ ~ S i m i l a r l y, these noms

are affirmed by A r t i c l e 3 o f the 1949 Geneva Convention 1 f o r the

Amelioration o f the Condition of the Wounded and Sick i n Armed Forces i n

'OI~ahj al-Balagha, supra note 196, a t 425.

202~aldemar A. Solf, "Protection o f C iv i 1 ians Against the E f f e c t s o f H o s t i l i t i e s under Custurnary Internat ional Law and under Protocol 1," The Americcrn Universi ty Journa7 o f Internat ion8 7 Law and Po7icy 1 (Sumer 1986): 123.

2 0 3 ~ u Wei, "The Application o f Rules Protecting Combatantç and C iv i l i ans against the Ef fects o f t h e Employment o f Certain Means and Methods o f Warfare, " i n Imp lementat ion o f Internat iona 7 Human i tar ian 7aw, eds. F r i t s Ka1 shoven and Yves Sandoz (Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Martinus N i j h o f f Pub1 ishers, W89) , 377.

" '~he Hague I V , supra note 103.

'O5 I b id.

the ~ i e l d s , ~ ~ ~ as wel l as, by A r t i c l e 35 o f the 1977 Geneve Protocol 1

Additional t o the Geneva Conventions o f 12 August 1949, and Relat ing t o

the Protect ion o f Victims o f Internat ional Armed ~ o n f 1 icts. Ig7

Moreover, A r t i c l e 37 o f the same Protocol p roh ib i ts k i l l i n g , i n j u r i n g o r

capturing an adversary by resort lng to perfidy.i08 A r t i c l e 41 also

includes provisions concerning the proh ib i t ion o f extermination o f the

enemy and the k i 11 lng o f an enemy hors de anb bat.^^^ Is lamic internat ional 1an i s rather cautious i n dealing wi th

c i v i l i a n s i n times o f war. It fo rb lds (a) attacking, k i l l i n g and

molest ing o f non-combatant persons. This category includes chi ldren

under 15 years of age, women, o l d men, monks, s i c k and disabled

persons;'1° (b) rape i n war end sexual molestation. Any Mus1 i m f i gh te r

who may commit forn icat ion, rape and other forms o f gender-based sexual

violence i s subject t o stoning t o death or, t o lashing, according t o h i s

status as s ing le or married;211 (c) ethnic cleansing, bru ta l massacres

'06~he Geneva 1, supra note 139.

Z o 7 ~ r o t o c o l 1, supra note 105.

'O8 I b i d .

'O9 I b id.

2 1 0 ~ b 0 Dawud, supra note 197, 2: 60-61 ; Abu M ç u f , supra note 5 3 , a t 344; al-Bukhart, supra note 66, a t 4:21; al-Farra' , supra note 21, a t 27 ; Hasan al-Banna, a 7-Jihad f t Sab t 7 A 7 fah (Cai ro: Maktabat al-Turath a l - I i l a m t n.d . ) , 89; Ibn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 1:382; al-Kasant, supra note 21, at 7:101; al-Mughnt,supra note 21, a t 10541; a l - Nawawt ,supra note 21, a t 459; al-Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 10:32; a1- Siyar a l -Kabtr , supra note 67, a t 4: 1415-1419.

'"blajid Khadduri, supra note 2, a t 126; David Aaron Schwartz, " Internat ional Terrorism and Islamic Law, " Columbia Journa J o f Transnat iona7 Law 29 (1991): 650. I t i s important t o mention that Is lamic internat ional 1aw has prosecuted and considered rape i n war as a war crime, as ear ly as fourteen centuries before the Geneva Conventions

and c o l l e c t i v e blood bath=;''' and (d) k i l l i n g o f peasants, merchants,

and diplmats.213

A closer look a t the provisions o f the in ternat iona l humanitarian

law reveals t h a t p r i o r t o the establishment o f the In ternat iona l Criminal

Tribunal f o r the former ~ugos lav ia , rape was viewed as a secondary human

r igh ts abuse during wara2" Rape was ne i ther mentioned i n the Nuremberg

o f 1949, and the s ta tu te o f the In ternat iona l Criminal Tribunal f o r the Former Yugos1 avia, 1993. I n the case o f Kha I id Ibn a?-Ws 7 i d v. Dirat- Ibn al-Azwar, the former cmplained t o Ibn al-Khattab, the second Musl lm Cal iph, t h a t the l a t t e r , a Musl i m anny comiandeb; had had sexual intercourse w l t h a captive woman dur i ng the Mus1 i m war agai ns t Ban0 Asad. I n response, c ~ a r wrote t o Khal i d ordering him t o stone Ibn al-Azwar t o death. Before Khal i d had received C~mar 's judgment, however, Ibn al-Azuar had passed away. See Ab0 Bakr Ahmad Ibn al-Husayn al-Bayhaqt, a7-Sunan a 7-Kubra, 10 v o l s . (Haydar Abad:' natbaCat M a ' j l i s Da' i r a t al-blaCarif a l - C~thmaniyya, 1925), 91 104 [hereinafte'r al-Bayhaqt) ; Ab0 Ynsuf, supra note 5 3 , a t 336; al-Mughnt, supra note21, a t 10:561; a l -sh8f ic t , supra note 21, a t 7:322.

2'21n s p i t e o f the bru ta l and cruel treatrnent o f the Meccans, the Prophet inst ructed the Hus1 l m army, before marching t o Mecca i n A.D. 630, t o avoid f i g h t i n g or shedding o f blood. The Prophet emphasized t h a t a f t e r he heard sacd Ibn ( ~ b ~ d a , one o f the four cmnanders t o enter Hecca saying: "Today i s a day o f war, sanctuary i s no more," the Pro het P repl ied: "Today i s a day o f narcy, " and he replaced Ibn cubada by A l t Ibn Abt T a l i b. When he conquered Mecca, the Prophet asked the Meccans: "What do >ou t h i n k thet I am about t o do wi th you?" They repl ied: "Good. You are a noble brother, son o f a noble brother." He said: "Go your way f o r you are the freed ones." Slmi l a r l y , (urnar Ibn al-Khattab, the second wel!-guided Caliph, d i d when he conquered Jerusalem l n A:D. 638. 'Umar gave a fonnal pledge (al-'uhda a!-c~mariyya) t o respect the Chr is t ian churches, crosses, and the extended secur i ty t o the people o f the c i t y . As a matter o f fac t , it was the f i r s t t ime i n h is tory tha t Jerusalem was conquered without bloodshed. See Ibn Hisham, supra note 67 , a t 4 ~ 3 6 ; Ibn Ishaq, supra note 84 and 553; I b n Kathf r, supra note 7 2 , a t 4: 292 and 7%; al-Tabart, supra note il, at 2:21 and 304.

2 1 3 a l - ~ i y a r al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 1 :296 and 2:515.

"'M. Char i f Bassiouni, "The C m i s s i o n o f Experts Establ i shed Pursuant t o Securfty Council Resolution 780: Invest igat ing Vio lat ions o f Internat ional Humanitarian Law i n the Former Yugoslavia," Crimina7 Law Forum 5 : 2-3 (1994): 280; Chr is t ine Cl inkin, "Rape and Sexual Abuse o f Women i n In ternat iona l Law," European JcwnaI o f Internat i n n ~ ? Law 5 (1994): 326.

Charter nor prosecuted i n Nuremberg as a war crime under customary

international law,!15 but i t was prosecuted t o a 1 imited degree as a war

crime i n the Tokyo Tribunal .jl6 However, A r t i c l e 46 o f the Hague

Regulations o f 1899 and 1907 can be broadl y considered t o cover rape, but

has, i n the past, been interpreted more narrowly."' A r t i c l e 147 o f the

1949 Geneva Convention I V , and A r t i c l e 76 (1) o f the 1977 Geneva Protocol

1 Additional t o the Geneva Conventions o f 12 August 1949 provide that,

"women shal l be especial l y protected against any attack on the i r honor,

i n par t icu lar against rape, enforced prost i tu t ion, o r any form o f

indecent assault. "'la Accordingl y, Islamic internat ional law could be

considered as the f i r s t in ternat ional law t o consider rape during armed

con f l i c t , a war crime.

Islamic internat ional law proh ib i ts unnecessary destruct ion o f an

'"~greernent for the Prosecot ion and Punishrnent of the Major War Criminals o f the European Axis Powers and Charter o f the Internat ional H i 7 i t a r y Tribunal, August 8 , 1945, 82 UmNmT.So 279, 59 Stat. 1544, E.A.S. No. 472.

Il6 charter o f In ternat iona 1 ni 7 i tary Tribuna 7 for the Far East, January 19, 1946, Apr i l 26, 1946, T.I .A.S. No. 1589, 4 Bevans 20.

' ' ' ~ h i s A r t i c l e provides the t "Family honour and r ights , the l i ves o f persons, and pr iva te property, as ne I l as r e l igious convictions and prac t i ce, must be respected. " Hague I V , supra note 103.

218 The Ceneva Convent ion I V Re7at ive to the Protection o f C iv i l ian Persons in Time o f War o f August 12, 1949, 75 U.N.T.S. (1950) 287-417 [hereinafter The Geneva I V ] . For more de ta i l s concerning the protect ion o f c i v i l i ans , pa r t i cu l a r l y women and chi ldren, i n armed con f l i c t , see Charles A. Allen, "C iv i l i an Starvation and Re l i e f during Armed Conf l ic t : The Modern Hümani t a r i an Law, " Georgia Journa 7 o f In ternat iona 7 and Comparative Law 19: 1 (Spring 1989): 23; Col leen C. Maher, "The Protection o f Children i n Armed Conf l ic t : A Human Rights Analysis o f the Protection Afforded t o Chi ldren i n Warfare," Boston Co7 7ege t h i r d World Law Journa 7 9:297 (Sumer 1989), 301; Geraldine Van Bueren, "The Internat ional Legal Protection o f Children i n Armed Confl icts," Internationa7 and Comparative Law Quarterly 43:4 (October 1994): 810.

enemy's real o r personal property;21g devastation o f harvest and cu t t i ng

f r u i t f u l trees; and demolit ion of re l ig ious, medical and cu l tu ra l

i n s t i t ~ t i o n s . ~ ~ ~ C i t i n g Kitab a l - I ( t ibar o f Uçma Ibn Munqidh, Marcel

A. Boisard states tha t s t a r t i n g w i th the 3rd/9th century Islamic

in ternat ional 1aw gave amnesty t o hospitals, medical and paramedical

personnel. Furthemore, he argues t h a t Muslim3 knew m i l i t a r y f i e l d

hospitals as ear ly as the 9th century, whi l e it was found i n Spain only

i n the 16th centuryW2"

Ar t i c les 13 t o 26, o f the 1977 Addit ional Protocol 1, specify the

immunity o f c i v i l i a n hospi ta ls and madical personnel, and A r t i c l e 53

refers d i r e c t l y t o the protect ion o f c u l t u r a l objects and places o f

worship du r i ng arnied conf 1 i ~ t s . ~ ~ '

6. Uhen Can J i m d be Teninatecl?

Being an exceptional, and purely defensive war designed t o stem

rebe11 ion, repe1 aggression, o r avert any danger t o dar a 7 4 s Iam, jihad

could be terminated by causes which c losely pa ra l l e l the causes o f

terminating war i n pub1 i c in ternat ional la^.*^^ According t o Kitab a 7-

2 1 9 ~ a v i d Aaron Schwartz, supra note 21 1, a t 650.

220a1-~ukhar f , supra note 66, a t 4:22; al-Shawkanf , supra note 192, a t 7: 262-263.

Z Z ' ~ a r c e l A. Boisard, supra note 190, a t 10.

i22~rotocol 1, supra note 105. See J.O. Sterke, "the Concept o f Open C i t i es i n In ternat iona l Humanitarian Law, " Austral ian Law Journa 7 56: 11 (November 1982) : 596.

"'A var may end i n one o f several ways: by a simple cessation o f h o s t i l i t i e s ; by subjugation; and by a t r e a t y o f peace. See Gerhard von Glahn, supra note 95, a t 572.

A h h m al-Sultaniyya o f a l - M a ~ a r d t , ~ ~ ~ and al-Mughnt o f Ibn ~ u d a f n a , ~ ~ ~

j ihad may be ended by one o f the fo l lowing ways: (a) surrender o f the

non-Muslim enemy by embracing Islam. According t o the fo l lowing

Prophetic hadtth ( t rad i t i on ) , enemy persons are e n t i t l e d t o acqui re

Huslims' r i gh ts and obl igat ions on the same equal footing.

"L am cmanded t o f i g h t w i th men till they t e s t i f y t h a t there i s no God but A77ah; when they do that , they wi11 keep t h e i r 1 i f e and the i r property safe from me, except what i due t o them, and t h e i r reckoning w i l l be a t Allah's hands. 1326

I n t h i s case, Muslim j u r i s t s hold that only the convert's young chi ldren

become Mus1 ims according t o the Qur'anic verse "and those who bel ieve and

t h e i r fami l ies fo l low thern i n f a i t h , t o them shal l we j o i n t h e i r

fami 1 ies, ""' but t h i s ru le does not appl y t o t h e i r wiveç and dapendent

chi ldren, f o r A l lah says: "each ind iv idua l i s i n pledge f o r h i s

d e e d ~ " ; ~ " (b) defeat o f the enemy. I n t h i s case, 1 ives and propert ies

o f enemy polytheists w i l l be subject t o the rules o f spo i ls o f uar;j2'

(CI concluding a t reaty o f peace ( m u ~ ~ d d s ) or an armist ice t rea ty

2?'el-~awardt, supra note 21, at 45.

2 2 5 ~ 1 - ~ u g h n t , supre note 21, a t 544-547.

j t 6 ~ b 0 DawDd, supra note 197, a t 2: 50.

227 lhe Ho ly Qur'an, L I I : 21. See al-K8sant, supra note 21, a t 7: 104; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 8: 143; Muhamnad A m t n Ibn %bdtn, Radd a7- Muhtar ' a l a a 7-Durr a 1-Mukhtar, 5 vols. (Cal ro: el-b4atbaCa al -Amtr i yya, 1326 A.H.), 3:316 [hereinafter Ibn %bdtn]. '

j2'The Holy QurJan, L I I : 2 1 . See Abu ( ~ b d Al lah Muhammad al -Khirsht Feth 87-Ja l f 7 'a la Mukhtasar a PC~7 lema Khal T 1 , 8 vols.' (Cai ro: natbaCat BIlIhq, 1299 A.H.), 3: 166 [hereinafter al-Khirshi] ; Ibn Hazin, supri note 2 1 , a t 7: 309; Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Ibn ' ~ r a f a al-DusQqr, kashiya 7B a l - Sherh a 7-Kabtr ? i 7-Dardt r, a vols. (Cai ro: natbaCat ~ u ' s t a f a Muhamnad,

* m 1373'A.H.), 2: 185 [hereinafter al-Dusoqt].

Z1gal-~arakhst , supra note 21, a t 10: 7-8.

59

(muhadana). This t reaty i s usually granted by the Imam for a short

period o f time, i n consideration of the payment o f an annual t r i bu te t o

the Muslim state. The Imam may renew the t rea ty f o r a similar period i f

he fee ls tha t Huslirnç are qat powerful enough t o launch a j ihad;230 and

(d ) a sessation o f host i 1 i t i e s by one or both part ies, which does not

necessitate v ic tory o f one o f them over the other. A c lear example o f

t h i s , i s the b a t t l e o f Hu'ta, where both amies parted from each other,

without concluding an agreemente2" However, Muslim j u r i s t s excluded

the poss ib i l i t y o f a Muslim defeat as a reason f o r the termination o f

f igh t ing.

230a1-~haf icf , supra note 21, a t 4: 110; a l - S i y a r a l -Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 5 9 6 8 9 .

2 i i ~ b n Hisham, w p r a note 67, a t 4: 7; al-Tabarf , supra note 71, e t 2 : 18.

II- Ji had and SnternationaI ReIations

During the f i r s t century and a h a l f o f the Is lamic era, Is lamic

i n te rna t i ona l humanitarian l aw developed and c rys ta l l i zed ; when Muslim

amies pounded on the gates o f Europe, A f r i ca , and the Far €ast,j3?

c l a i m i n g t o emancipate peoples, defend freedoms, es tab l i sh human equa l i t y

and spread justice.233 Consequentl y , establ ished regirnes, p a r t i c u l a r l y,

the Byzantine and the Persian Empi res, opposed Islam and p l o t t e d against

i t s revol ut ionary rhe tor ic . j3' Although Muslim wars were rnerely

except ional and d e f e n ç i ~ e , ~ ' ~ and war, i n general, i ç s t r i c t l y

p roh ib i t ed i n Is lamic la" unless i n response to aggression,'j6 Maj id

Khadduri a l 1eges t h a t the normal s ta te between Mus1 ims and non-Mus7 i m

communities i s one o f h o s t i lityni3' Khadduri bases t h i s statement on

the works o f a number o f prominent schalars. By examining the works c i t e d

by him, however , 1 found opposing viewpointsn2"

' "~e rna rd Lewis, supra note 18, a t 176.

Z3%uharnmad Abn Zahra, supra note 182, a t 33.

j3' I b id.

2 3 S ' 8 ~ i g h t i n the cause of A7 12th those who f i g h t you, but do not transgress 1 i m i t s , f o r A 7 7ah l ove th not transgressors. " The Ho 7y Qur 'an, I I : 190.

'"'There i s the law o f equal i t y . I f then anyone transgresses the prohi b i t i o n against you, t ransgress ye 1 i kewise against him. " The Ho 7y Qur'ân, II: 194.

2 3 ' ~ a j i d Khadduri , supra note 50, a t 202.

%r example, Hans Kruse advocataç tha t , " I n t he theory o f c l ass i ca l Mus1 i m j u r i s t s , the external condüct o f the one Is lamic s tate, the Ummah, i s governed by a special se t o f r u les exposed i n fiqh works, under the heading ' siyar' . It i s a we1 Iknown f a c t t h a t these ru les demand the peaceful o r even f r i e n d l y re la t i ons between t h e Ummah and independent communities o f the non-Muslim outer world." See Hans Kruse,

I n discussing the jihad theary, Mus1 i m j u r i s t s d iv ided the world

i n t o three parts: the t e r r i t o r y o f Is lam ( d a r a i - I s lam or dar a 7-sa 7am

or dar a /-'ad 7) ; the t e r r i t o r y o f covenant (der a ~ - ~ a h d or dar e 7-mumdda

or d8r a7-Su7h); and the t e r r i t o r y o f war ( d a r a7-harb o r dar a7- 4

j a ~ r ) . ~ ~ j This d iv is ion , which i s not predicated on a s t a t e o f

h o s t i l i t y between the t e r r i t o r y o f Is lam and other t e r r i t o r i e s , was

d i c ta ted by events and was not der ived from Is lamic l eg i s l a t i on .

Moreover, Marcel A. Boisard holds t ha t " t h i s d i v i s i o n i s not based upon

geographical o r j u r i d i c a l c r i t e r i a but represents a s t a t e t o be descr i bed

ra ther than a s i t u a t i o n which could ba sub jec t i ve ly judged. ""' Nevertheless, dar a 7 4 s ]am includes a1 1 t e r r i t o r i e s which are ru led

by Is lamic 1aw and are subject t o the sovereignty o f the Is lamic

tat te.^" I n other words, a t e r r i t o r y can ba deemed Is lamic i f the

ru les appl ied are Is lamic, and i f Muslims and a l 1 protected monotheist ic

m i n o r i t i e s res ide safefy and enjoy l i b e r t y t o p rac t i ce t h e i r re1 i g i on

i n d i v i d u a l l y o r c o l l e ~ t i v e l ~ . ~ ' ~ I n t h i s respect, al-Shawkant argues

t h a t a t e r r i t o r y can be considered d8r a7-Is7am even i f i t i s not under

"Al-Shaybani on In te rna t iona l Instruments, " Journa 7 o f the Pakistan Historica 7 Society 1 (1953): 90.

239a1-~asan t , supra note 21, a t 7: 130-134; al-Yauardt , supra note 21, a t 136; al-Mughnt , supra note 2 1 , a t 10: 609; al-Sarakhsf , supra note 21, a t 10: 19; a l - s h a f i c t , supra note 21, a t 4:103.

21G~arce l A. Boisard, supra note 15 , a t 53; Muhammad Abu Zahra, supra note 182, a t 32.

I c i ~ h e Encyclopeedia o f Islam, 2nd ed., S . V . "Dar al-Islam," by A. Abe1 ; A l Ghunaimi , supra note 83, a t 156; Marcel A. Boisard, supra note 15, a t 6; Rudol ph Peters, supra note 11, a t 11 ; Sobhi Mahmassani , supra note 1, a t 250.

112~1 Ghunaimi , supra note 83, a t 156-157.

62

Hus1 i m r u l e as long as a Muslim can reside there i n safety and f r e e l y

fulfill h is re l i g ious o b l ~ ~ a t i a n s . ~ ' ~

Conversely, dar al-harb, which stands i n opposition t o dBr a7- *

Islam, can be defined as a t e r r i t o r y which does not apply Islamic rules,

and where a Musl im cannot pub1 i c l y adhere t o the r i t u a l pract ices o f h i s

faith.'" Marcel Boisard mai " ta ins t h a t a state which authorires

oppression; violence; tyranny; re l i g ious coercton; usury; gambling; and

any other form o f a c t i v i t y prohib i ted by Islamic 1aw should be deemed

dar-a?-harbeven i f i t s leaders claim t o beMus1Im. On the other hand, m

Boisard continues, a non-Mus1 i m s ta te which does not threaten the

community o f believers, respects jus t ice , and guarantees freedom o f

worship, should not be considered dar a ~ - h a r b . ~ ' ~ Boisard's d a f i n i t i o n

i s complimented by Ab0 Hant fa # who c i t e s three pre-conditions to the

designation o f any t e r r i t o r y as der a 7-harb: a ( 1 ) the prevalance o f non-

Islamic rules; ( 2 ) the country i n question i s d i r e c t l y adjacent t o the

dBr a 7-herb; . and ( 3 ) Mus1 ims, and those under the i r protect ion, no longer

enjoy secur i ty except by obtaining a given pledge.2'6 For h i s par t , al -

Kasant , has express1 y d i scussed Abu Hanf f a ' s argument which would not m

def ine a country as âùr a 1-Is78m or d8r a 7-harb by v i r t u e o f i t s bei ng

Muslim o r non-Muslim. He discerns t ha t Aba Hantfa 's a argument i s based

243al-~hawkant, supra note 192, a t 8:29.

"' lhe Encyclopeedia of Istem, 2nd ed., S.V. "Dar al-Harb, by A. Abel; Rudolph Peters, supra note 11, a t 12.

2 4 5 ~ a r c e l A. Boisard, supra note 15, a t 8-9.

2 '6a l -~asant , supra note 2 1 , a t 7: 130.

on the premise of secur i t y and fear (al-amn wa7-khawfLt4' I n other

words, dar a 7-harb @ i s the country where Mus1 ims lack secur i t y , except by

a given pledge, and dBr al-Is78m i s the country where Muslims and

d h i m t s enjoy p ro tec t ion and secur i ty . Although the ma jo r i t y o f j u r i s t s

c l a s s i f y a country as d8r a l - I s l a m o r dar al-harb D according t o the

prevalence o r absence o f Is lamic law, Abu Hanf 4 f a ' s conception may be

considered the nearest t o the concept o f jihad defended here, name1 y,

establ i s h i ng peace and r e s i s t ing aggression.'''

While Hanaf i tes hold t he opin ion t h a t a t e r r i t o r y must be e i t h e r

d8r a 7-1s 78m o r d8r a7-harb,2bg the s h a f i c i t es observe dHr a l - '~hd as a

temporary and o f t e n intermediate t e r r i t o r y between d8r a 7-1s lam and dar

a~-harb . '~ ' However, t h i s t r i b u t a r y land i s recognized as an

independent na t ion by the Is lamic s ta te on the cond i t ion t h a t t h e l a t t e r

pays t o the former an

occurred w i t h i n the

Shaybant coined dar

annual t r i b u t e , a 7-kharaj. Moreover, a development

Hanaf i te school when Muhammad I b n abHasan a l - 1 *

a 7-~uwada~a, as yet another type o f t e r r i t o r y

I t i s worthwhi l e t o mention here t h a t der a F C a h d i s protected by the

Is lamic s ta te , as f a r as the former pays the kharaj and respects the

Ib id.

218~uhammad AbD Zahra, supra note 182, a t 36-37.

14'~he Encyclopaedia o f Islam, 2nd ed., S.V. "Dar a l - c ~ h d , " by H a l i l I n a l c i k ; A l Ghunaimi, supra note 83, a t 156-157.

2iDa1-~award t , supra note 2 1 , a t 128 ; Rudol ph Peters, supra note 1 1 , a t 11; a l - s h a f i C r , supra note 21, a t 4: I O W O 4 ; Yahya Ibn Adam a l - Qurasht, Kitab ai -Kharaj (Bei rut : Dar a l -~adatha, 19901, 398 [here ina f te r al-Kharaj] . I

2 5 1 a l - ~ a s a n t , supra note 21, a t 7: 109; al-Sivar al-Kabrr. suora note 67, a t 53689 -1724 .

provisions o f t h e t rea ty . According t o the shaf i C i t e school , ddr a FCahd

becmes ûùr al-harb i f people o f the former land breach the agreement, 1

n h i l e the Hanaf i tes hold them as rebels, since, i n their view, d8r af-

'ahd i s not sovereign from the Muslim tat te.'^? The foregone h i s t o r i c a l scenarios were met i n the case o f Najran

and Nubia. I n the former case, the Prophet Muhammad concluded a t r e a t y

w i th the Chr is t ians o f Najran, g i v i ng them r i g h t s and imposing c e r t a i n

ob l iga t ions on thern.'j3 Anothar case i n po in t i s t h a t o f Nubia, whara

'Abd A l lah Ibn Abt al-Sarh concluded a t r e a t y (Cahd) w i t h the Nubians i n

the re ign o f thm man Ibn ' ~ f f a n , the t h i r d Mus1 in Cal iph, imposing on thern

an annual t r i b u t e o f 360 More recent examples include the

'ahdnarnes (peace t r e a t i e s ) granted by the Ottoman sultans t o t he

t r i b u t a r y Ch r i s t i an princes. I n h is 'ahdn~rne, the Sultan ensures the

pr ince 's peace, secur i t y and respect o f r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s upon the

payment o f an annual Khar3j. I f t h e pr ince f a i 1ed t o f u l f i l l any o f h i s

ob l iga t ions , the Sultan, according t o the Hanafî doctr ine, could

''''The Encyclopaedia o f Islam, supra note 249.

253~b[1 ' ~ b a y d al-Qasim Ibn Sa1 lm, Kitab al-Amt&!l (Bei rut : Dar a l - Hadatha, 1988), 198-199 [here ina f te r I b n Sallam]; Abu Yusuf, supra note 53, a t 185-187; al-Baladhurt , supra note 'Il, a t 6 5 ; I bn al-Qayyim, suora note 21, a t 2 ~ 4 0 ; Majid Khadduri, super note 2, a t 278; Muhammad Hamtdul lah, ~a jmdat a 7-Watha ' i q a 1-Siyàs iyva 7 i l-'~hd a 1-Nabaw f wa 7- khi Iafa ai-Rashida (Bei r u t : Dar al-Irshad, 1969), 140-142; Muhammad Ibn sacd I b n t4antC a l -Zuhr t , K i tab al-Tabaq8t a l - ~ a b t r , ' 14 vols. (Cairo: Dar al-TahrTr, 1388 A.H. 1, k 3 5 - 3 6 [here in fa te r I bn sacd l ; Taqt a l -Dtn Ahmad I b n 'AI t a l -Maqr tz t , Mtd a l - ~ s d (Cairo: t4atbaCat Lajnat al-Ta' 1 tF wal-Tarjama wal-Nashr, 1941 1, 1 ;502 [here ina f te r 4 1 - ~ a q r f zt] .

i 5 c ~ b n al-Qéfsim ' ~ b d al-Rahman Ibn ( ~ b d al-Hakam, Futoh Miçr wa Akhbar~ha (Cai ro: Maktabat Madbdl T , 1991 ) , 188-189' [herei na f te r I bn 'Abd al-Hakam] ; al-Baladhurt , supra note 71, a t 2 3 6 ; 3. Spencer T rimingham, I s l a m i n the Sudan (London: F. Cass, 1949), 61-62; T a q t a l - D t n Ahmad Ibn C ~ l t a l - M a q r t z t , Kitab a 7-Khitat a 1-Haqrtziyya, 4 vols. R a i ro: hatbacat a l - N t l , 1325 A.H. ), 3:290 [her'einafter a l -Kh i ta t ] . . I

consider him a rebel and designate h i s land d8r al-herb.255

Furthermore, al-Maward t c l a s s i f i e s dar a 7-1s 1am i n t o a v a r i e t y o f

d i v i s i ons and subdivis ions. According t o him, d8r al-ls7am consis ts o f

three main d iv is ions : the haram, H i j B t and the r e s t o f the Muslim a .

t e r r i tory.256 The haram, place o f securi ty,?17 includes Mecca and the

s a n c t i f i ed t e r r i t o r y surrounding it. Other scholars, however, argue t h a t

the haram i nc l "des a 7-heratnayn a 1-sharf fayn, Macca and ~ a d i na.258

According t o the shaf iCt doctr ine, t h i s t e r r i t o r y i s exc lus ive ly reserved

f o r Muslims, but AbCl Han t fa argues t h a t non-Muslims (dhinmts and the a

people o f der alsahd) are permit ted t o pass through t h i s t e r r i t o r y not

t o reside t h e r d 5 ' Moreover , the Prophet Muhammad prohi b i ted b l oodshed

i n the v i c i n i t y o f al-haram, and declared i t s res idents immune from war, . even i f they rebel against the ~ r n d r n . ~ ~ The H i jaz represents the second

d i v i s i on o f der a 7-Is 7am. According t o a Prophetic hadt th, non-Mus1 ims *

a re permitted t o t r a v e l through t h i s t e r r i t o r y , but not allowed t o l i v e

15 j~he Encyclopaedia o f Islam, supra note 249; Halil I n a l c i k , "Ottoman Methods o f Conquest," Stud ia IsIamica 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) : 1 0 7 .

i j6al-~awardt, supra note 21, a t 136.

b h e Holy Qur '~n , III: 97.

%bn 'AM al-Hakam, supra note 254, a t 1; al-Farra' , supra note 21, a t 181.

i59a1-farra', supra note 21 , a t 179; al-Mawardt , supra note 21, a t 144.

16*0n t h e contrary, the Saudi secur i t y armed forces, assiçted by American and French commando un i t s , massacred hundreds o f the members o f the Saudi p o l i t i c a l opposit ion, a f t e r they resorted t o the Holy Mosque ( a 7-Masjid a!-haram) in Mecca i n 1979. Another time, the Saudi forces k i l l e d and inju'red hundreds o f the I ran ian p i l g r ims i n a peaceful protes t marched i n Mecca i n 1988.

66

there pennanently.261 The remaining p a r t o f the Muslim t e r r i t o r y i s the

la rges t geographical division. This t e r r i t o r y i s open t o t he protected

people, ( d h i m f s) where they may 1 ive, and open t o the people of dar a 7-

cahd where they may t r a v e l w i t h a .262 Nevertheless, al-Mawardt

d iv ides t h i s t e r r i t o r y i n t o four categories, th ree o f them are c a l l e d

%shor ( t i t h e ) lands: the land o f the people who embraced Islam; t he

uncul t i v a t e d land reclaimed by Mus1 ims; and the land taken by fo rce o f

arms. The fou r th category i s the land acquired by peace t r e a t i e s , and

fa1 1s i n t o two categories: waqf land which becomes the comnon property

o f the Muslim c m u n i t y . The o r i g i n a l owners remain on t h e i r land and

become d h i m t s paying a kha f l j whi le t h e i r t e r r i t o r y becomes ddr 87-

IsIam. The second type remains w i t h i t s o r i g i n a l people, and i s c a l l e d

d8r al-'ahd. The o r i g i n a l owners o f t h i s land are allowed t o keep t h e i r

estates through contract , and through the payment o f kharèj as a j izya

( p o ~ 1 tax1 .2~~

Needless t o Say, Is lamic 1aw i s not simply a c o l l e c t i o n o f

r e l i g i o u s precepts and ru les, but a comprehensive 1egal system s t y led t o

preserve the i n te res t s o f Hus1 ims and t o regulate the i r r e l a t i o n s w i th

the res t o f the world i n tintes o f peace and war. I n the l i g h t o f

261a1 -~~ward t , supra 8:613-615.

%larcel Am Boisard,

Prophetic t r a d i t i 0 r - 1 , ~ ~ ~ and the doc t r ine o f

note 21, a t 145; al-Mughnt , supra note 21, a t

supra note 15, a t 7.

' ' ' ~ h e Encyclopaedie o f Islam, 2nd ad., S . V . "Dar al-Sulh," by D.0. Macdonald and A. Abel ; al-Mawatdt, supra note 21, a t 149.' '

2 6 4 " ~ u t i f the enerny i n c l i n e towards peace, do thou (a lso) i n c l i ne towards peace, and t r u s t i n A718hm" The Ho7y Qur'an, VIZI: 61 ; "Those who f u l f i 11 the covenant o f A7 7ah and f a i l not i n t h e i r p l ighted word."

jihad, Mus1 i m j u r i s t ç unanimousl y agree on the permissabi 1 i t y o f

concluding peace t rea t ies w i th the enemy. They also consent t o

d i p l m a t i c , c m a r c i a l , and pol i t k a l t i e s w i th non-Mus1 l m states,'"

i n otder t o pro tec t the pub l ic In ta res t o f ~ u s l i n i s , ~ ~ ' whethar they l ive

i n d8r al-Islam, under Islamic dominion, o r i n other t e r r i t ~ r i e s . ' ' ~

The afore-mentioned relat ions could be c l a s s i f i e d under so-ca11ed Islamic

theory o f internat ional re lat ions, i n the modern sense o f the term,

namely: (a) 87-mdahedat ( t reat ies), which include el-aman (safe-

conduct) ; a 1-hudne (armi s t i ce ) ; and a 7-dhima (pact, securi t y ) ; (b) 8 7-

mdamala b i 7-mithl ( rec iproc i ty ) ; (c) al-tahktm (a rb i t ra t i on ) ; ( d ) a l -

h i f ld (neutra l i t y ) ; (e) tabadu? a 1-wufDd wa 7-safarat (di plomat i c

exchange) ; and (f) a 7-t ijara a 7-KhBrijiyya ( fore ign trade) . The

impl icat ion o f t h i s theory wi11 be the object o f discussion in the

fo l lowing pages.

1. Treaties (a131uCahadW)

Many years before Islam, al-mdahedat ( t rea t ies ) were koown i n

The Holy Qur'an, X I I I : 20.

265' '~han one has covenant u i th people, he must not strengthen o r 1oosen it till i t s term comes t o an end o r he brings it t o an end in agreement with them. " Ab0 Dawlld, supra note 197, a t 92.

26'~hmad Ibn C ~ l t al-Qalqashand t , Subh a l - ~ ~ s h a f f sin$& a 7-Insha, 14 vols. ' (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-c~lmi'yya', l987) , 1 4 3 ' [herelnafter a l - Qalqashandt]; I bn SaIlam, supra note 253, a t 156; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 5 : 1689 ; al-Shawkan t , supra note 192, a t 8 : 30.

2 6 1 a 1 - ~ a ç ~ q t , supra note 228, a t 2 ~ 2 0 5 .

'''1n f a c t , Islam, as a re l ig ion , has prevai led behind the borders of the islamic state, and demanded a l 1 Muslims t o comply w i t h i t s rules. See a l - s h a f i C t , supra note 21, a t 4:165; 7:322.

Arabia under the terms muha7afa. musalaha or r n u v a ~ a h . ~ ~ ~ Is lamic law

imposes the respect o f t r e a t i e s even above the respect of r e l i g i o u s

~ o l i d a r i t y . ~ ~ ~ I n other words, i f the Imam concludes a t r e a t y with the

enemy, t h i s t r e a t y i s binding upon a l 1 ~ u s l ims."' Moreover, I s lamic

1aw proh ib i ted Mus'lims from ass i s t i ng t h e i r fe l low be l ievers i f the

former were i n v i o l a t i o n o f a treaty o f peace concluded w i t h the

enemy . 272

As e a r l y as the migrat ion ( h i j r a ) o f the Prophet Muhammad from

Mecca t o Medina, Muslims knew various types o f t r ea t i es , which var ied

according t o t h e i r nature and aim. Treat ies concluded w i th d h i m t s were

permanent i n nature, whi le those made with h a r b t s were temporary and d i d

not exceed tan years.273 Wahba al-Zuhayl t, an eminent scholar o f

2 6 9 ~ r a b i a n t r i bes concluded var ious a l 1 i ances and t r e a t Ses before Is lam t o regulate t h e i r soc ia l , economic and pub l i c l i f e . Among those a l 1 iances were H i 7 f a 7-Mutayyibf n and H i l f af-ÇudO7. See Aba al-Qasim 'Abd a l -Rahman f bn Ahmad 'al - ~ h a t hcam t 'al-Suhay l i' , a 7-Rawd a 7-Anaf f f Sharh al-Syra al-Nabawiyya 7i-Ibn Hisham, 7 vols. (Cairo: a'l-flatbaCa a l - ama ai i y y a , 1914), 1:91 [here inaf ter al-Suhaylf); Ibn HishBm, sÙpra note 67, a t 1:120-122.

%obhi Mahmassani, supra note 1, e t 268.

2 T 1 ' ~ ye who bel ieveç! f u l f i l l ( a l l ) ob l igat ions." TheHo7yQur%n, V: 1 ; " F u l f il 1 the covenant o f A 7 78h when ye have entered i n t o i t, and break not your oaths a f t e r ye have conf i rmed them. " The Ho 7y Pur 'an, X V I : 91.

2 7 b u t i f they seek your a id on account o f r e l i g i on , i t i s your duty t o help them, except against a people w i th whom you have a t r e a t y o f mutual a1 1 iance." The Ho7y Qur'an, V I : 72.

This point has been emphasized i n the fo l low ing Prophetic had7 th. "Fu l f i 11 the t r u s t towards the one who t rus ted you, and do no t bet'ray the one who betrayed you. " See Muhammad ' ~ b d al-Ra'nf a l - M i n m r , Hukhtasar Sharh a l - ~ a r n i ~ a7-Saghfr, 2 ' v o f s . (Cairo: Dar Ihya ' al-Kutub a l - 'Arahi yya, 19541, 1 :'2 1.

'I31bn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 388; I b n Sa1 lm, supra note 253, a t 170; al-Kasant, supra note 21, a t 7:108; a1-Mughnf, supra note 21, a t 10318; al-Qalqashandr, supra note 266, a t 14:9; a l - s h a f i c t , supra note

Is lamic in ternat iona l humanitarian Iaw, argues tha t the f i r s t t rea ty

concl uded between Mus1 irns and non-Mus1 ims wes Saht fat a 1 - ~ e d f na,2t4 . m

whl l e other scholars argue that the Sahtfa was the f l r s t const i tu t ion o f . . the Is lamic s t a d 5 Reading the Seht fe m . carafu l ly , one may conclude

t h a t it i s nei ther a t rea ty 'nor a const i tut ion. It i s not a t reaty

because it was dictated by the Prophet Muhamad without the interference #

o f other par t ies. On the other hand, t rea t ies are usual ly concluded

a f t e r negotiat ions and require an o f f e r ( t j a b ) from one party and

acceptanca (qabol) by the other, a t t r i b t e s which the Saht @ @ f a l a ~ k s . ~ ' "

However, the Sah t f a could also be considered a const i tu t iona l charter as * I

it organized re la t ions between the Mus1 i m and Jewish t r i b e s of Medina.

This charter emphasized the un i t y o f the nation and underscored the

freedom o f r e l i g i o n and other fundamental rights.'17

The Hudaybi ya t reaty might be considered as the f i r s t rea l mdahada

between Huslims and n o n - ~ u s l i n i s . ~ ~ ~ In 6 A.H., the Prophet Muhamad

21, a t 4:109; al-Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 10:88.

i74~ahba al-Zuhaylt, supra note 182, e t 352. See also 1sm$tl 1 brahtm Ab0 ~ h a r f (a, Nazariyyat a 1-Harb f t a 1-shartca a 1-Is lamiyya (Kuwait: Mektabat al-Falah, 1981), 434; Majid Khadduri , supra notc 50, a t 205; N a j t b al-Armanazt, al-sharC al-Dawlt f i a l - I s l w i (London: Riad El-Rayyes Books, 1990), 187.

27S~uhamnad C~rn~ra , e 1-1s 78n we Huquq e 1-Insan: OamrBt la Huquq, CAlam al-bacri fa, no. 89 (Kuwait: al-Majl i s al-Matanto 1 i 1-Thaqafa wal- FunDn wal-Adab, t 985), 152.

Z76c~bd al-Razzaq abSanhart , Masadir a 7-Heqq f f a 7-Fiqh a al-lslamf, 6 vols. (Beirut: al-najmac a l - c ~ l m t a l - c ~ r a b t ' a l - I s l m f , nad.), 6:30.

%bn Hisham, supra note 67, a t 2: 106-107; Muhammad Hamf du1 lah, supra note 253, a t 41-47.

2 7 a a l - ~ a q r f z f , supra note 253, a t 1 : 297-298; Muhamad Harnf du1 lah, supra note, 253, a t 58-59; al-Sarakhst, supra note 2'1, a t 3b: 169.

wi th a number o f h i s fo l lowers, rnarched t o Mecca wi th the i n ten t i on o f

making a pilgrimage. The Meccans blocked the Prophet entry, and denied

h i s r i g h t t o v i s i t Mecca. The Prophet prof fered a token o f peace t o

Quraysh, which the l a t t e r accepted. The t r e a t y concluded i s known as

Su7h al-Hudaybiya. I t was broken by the Meccans two years l a t e r , a . . matter which motivated Mus1 ims t o march t o Flecca and conquer i t

peaceful ly i n 8 A . H . ~ " I n the year 17 A.H., I bn al-Khattab ) . signed

a dhimma pact w i th the Pat r ia rch o f Jerusalem. This t r e a t y might be

construed as a basic charter f o r dh imr subjects i n the fslamic lega l

discourse. 200

Another type of t r e a t y was developed during Muslim c i v i l wars.

During the con f l i c t over power with 'AI t Ibn Abt Talib, the f o u r t h wel l -

guided Caliph, bIucawiya Ibn Abt Sufyan signed a t r e a t y w i th t h e Byzantine

emperor t o deter him from a t tack on the boundaries o f the Muslim state.

Accordingly, ~ u k w i y a paid an annual t r i b u t e t o the ernperor.201 However,

t h i s type o f t r e a t y was subject o f controversy among Muslim j u r i s t s .

Muhammad . Ibn al-Hasan al-Shayban t argued against i t and accepted i t on1 y . when i t ras a rnatter o f e f fectua1 necessity, whi le a l - s h a f i C t advised

against i t s v a l i d i t y . On the other hand, a l -~wza ' t and al-Thawrt

j l ' .''1bn KathTr, supra note 72, a t 4:293; al-Tabart , supra note 71 a t , 2:21.

*

2ao~hrnad Ibn Abt yaCqab Ibn ~ a ' f a r al-yacqubt, Tàrtkh a l - ~ d q ~ b f , 3 vols. ( a l - ~ a j a f , I raq : al-Maktaba al-Murtadawi yya, 19641, 2 : 167 [ herei na f te r al-yaCqobt ; al-Baladhurt , supra nbte 71, a t 138; Huhammad Hamtdul lah, supra note 253, a t 379-380; al -Tabart , supra note f 1, a t 304-305.

" ' ~ b o al-Hasan ' ~ 1 t Ibn al-Husayn al-bIaçCudt, Kitab a 7-Tanbf h wa 7- I s h r â f , 8 voli. (Leiden, The hetherlands: E.J. E r i l l , 19671, 2:91 [here ina f te r al-Tanbth wal-Ishraf] ; al-Baladhurf, supra note i l , a t 216; a l -Tabart , supra note 71 , a t 3: 169.

approvad i t under cer ta in condit ions .'12

I n add i t ion t o the afore-mentioned t t e a t ies, another type was

concluded during the Abbasid per iod cal led a 7-mufadah ( ransoming) . Through these t rea t ies , Muslims were able t o se t f r ee pr isoners o f war,

whether by interchange o r by paying a ce r ta in arnount o f money.ZBZ Later

on, Salah a l -Dfn al-Ayyabt concluded several t r e a t i e s w i t h the . crusaders. Based on these t rea t i es , he released a great number o f poor

crusaders f o r no charge, and imposed f idya on the wealthy; twenty d t n a r s

f o r a man, t en d fna rs f o r a woman. and one d f n e r f o r a ~ h i l d . ~ "

However, the Islamic s tates o f nor th A f r i ca t reated the European

Chr is t ians on the same pramise.2a5 Below are three types o f t r e a t i e s

which rn i r ror t h i s approach.

F i r s t , the aman (sâfe-conduct), i n fslamic humanitarian law, i s a

'"1khti lâf al-Fuqaha' , supra note 55, a t 17-20; a l - ~ h a f ict , supra note 21, a t 4: 110; al-Siyar al-Uabtr, supra note 67, a t 5: 1692.

%bn Ruçhd, supra note 21, a t 1 : 309; al-U8sant , supra note 21, a t 7: 120; Majid Khadduri, supra note 50, a t 217; al-Siyar a l -Kabt r , supra note 67, a t 4:1650.

Z e b c ~ b d al-Rahman 1 bn lsmaC t 1 Abu Shama , K i tab a 7-Rawdatayn f f Akhbar a 7-Dawlatayn, 2 401s. (Cai ro: t4atbaCat Lajnat al-Ta' 1 t f 'wal-Tarjama va l Nashr, M 6 ) , 2:79-81 [here ina f te r Abu Shama] ; Baha' a l -Dtn YDsuf I bn Shaddad, a 7-Nawadir a 7-Su7taniyya wa 7-MahBs i n a 7-Yùsufiyya (Cai ro; al-Dar al-Misr iyya 1 i l -Ta ' l t f wal-Tarjama, 1962), 64 [here ina f te r Ibn Shaddad] ; Ibn a l - A t h t r , supra note 87, a t 11:538; Jamal al-Dtn Muhammad Ibn Wasil, N u f a r r i j a 7-Kurt~b f f Akhbar Banf Ayyub, 5 vols. (Cai ro:' ~ a t b a ' a t ~ a n i i ~ a t Fu'ad al-Awwal , l953-19?2), 2: 195-196 [here ina f te r Ibn Wasil ] ; Jamal a l - Dtn Ynsuf Ibn Taghrtb i r d t , a 1-Nujum a 7-Zahira f t Mu 7uk Mïsr wa 7-Qahira, 12 vols. (Cairo: bIatbacat Dar al-Kitab, W O ) , 6:35 [here'inafter Ibn Ta h r f b i r d t ] ; Taqt' a l -Dtn Ahmad Ibn a l -Maqr fz t , a l -Su7~k 7 i - 2 M r i f a t Duwa7 a7-MulDk, 4 volS. (Cairo: l4atbaCat Lajnat a l - T a ' l t f wal- Tarjama wal-Nashr, W U ) , 1 :94 [here inaf ter ' al-SulDk].

'%mis de Has-Latrie, Relat ions e t commerce de 7 'Afrique septentr ionale ou Magreb avec 7es nat ions Chrétiennes ou moyen-âge (Paris: Firmin-Didot, l886), 79-94.

pledge of secur i ty , granted t o an enemy person f o r a l i m i t e d period,

under which h i s l i f e , freedom, and property are protected by the

sanctions o f law."' This pledge i s binding upon al1 Muslims, and

substantiated by the Qur'anic verse, "If one amongst the Pagans ask thee

f o r asylum, grant i t t o him, so tha t he may hear the Word o f Allah; and

then eçcoi t him t o where he can be secura. "''' Hovevar, r(wi i.v j u r i s t s

i d e n t i f i e d two types o f the f i r s t o f which i s co l l ec t i ve ,

granted only by the Imam or h i s representative t o a harbt town o r v

t e r r i t o r y ; and ind iv idua l , bestowed upon an enerny person o r persons, by

any rnuslirn male o r fernala, o f f u l l aga, free, and The

Prophet Muhamnad approved the aman granted by Mus1 i m women, when he

express1 y authori zed Umm Hani ' B in t Abt TB1 i b t o accord aman i n the year #

o f the conquest t o a man from the polytheists , by saying, "We have given

secur i ty t o those t o whom you have given it. "290 Another case i n point

i s the Prophet's va l i da t i on o f the aman granted by h i s daughter, Zaynab,

286 ~ h e Encyc lopaedia o f 1 s ]am, 2nd ed. , S. v. "Aman, " by Joseph Schacht; Rudolph Peters, supra note 11, a t 2 9 ; al-Siyar a l -Kabir , supra note 67, a t 1:283.

j8Irhe Holy Qur'an, Ik6.

28a~hrnad Ibn I d r f s Ibn C ~ b d al-Rahman al -Qaraf t , al-Furoq, 4 vols. (Cai ro: ' blatbaCat Mustafa al-Babt ' al-Halabt, 1344 A.H. ) , 3: 24 [here ina f te i al-Qaraf f ] ; al-Kasant , supram note 2 1 , a t 7 : 106; Muhammad al -Sharbtnt al-Khattb, Hughnt a l - Huhtaj i la Sharh al-Minhaj, 4'voïs. (Cai ro: I4atbacat Mustafa al-B8bt al-Halabf , 1933) ,' 4: 236 [herei na f te r al-Khattb]'.

* 0

2 8 9 ~ kht i l â f al-Fuqah8' , supra note 55, a t 30 ; al-K&Bnf, supra note 21, a t 7:106; al-Khattb, supra note 288, a t 4: 237; a l -Kh i rsh t , supra note 228, a t 3 : 124; a l -~a rgh tnan t , supra note 21 at 2: 139; al-Mughnt , supra note 2 1 , a t 8:396; a l - s h a f i C t , supra note 21, a t 4: 196; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 1:252-257; al-Shawkant, supra note 192, a t 8: 30-31.

2 g 0 ~ b ~ Dawnd, supra note 197, at 2 : 93.

73

t o Abu ~ I - ~ A S , her h u ~ b a n d . ~ ~ '

Moreover, Muslim j u r i s t s permit ted the aman given by a slave,

except AbIl Hantfa and Ab0 Msuf , who argued against i t s sanction, uniess

Lha siüve i s paimitted t o i i g n t by h i s ~ n e s t e r . ~ ~ ~ I n t h i s connection,

j u r i s t s a lso re jected the amn given by a rninor o r insane.2g3 The amn

accorded by a discernlng minor 4s approved by Mal ik I b n Anas, Ahmad Ibn

Hanbal, and Muhammad I b n a l - ~ a s a n , ~ ~ ~ but repudiated by AbCl Hantfa, Ab0

Yosuf and a l - sha f i c t .jj5 Sahnun, f o r h i s par t , upheld t h i s amn, so

2g1a1-~asant, supra note 21, a t 7: 106.

2g2,1-~wzact, supra note 82, a t 319; al-Kasant, supra note 21, at 7: 106; al-Marghtnant , supra note 21, a t 2: 139; al-Si yar al-Kabt r, supra note 67, a t 1 : 255; Zayn a l -Dtn I b n Ibrahfrn Ibn Nujaym, a 7-Bahr a 7-Ra ' i q Sharh Kanz a7-Daqe'iq, 8 vols. (Cai ro: natbaCat Mustafa a . al-Babt a l - Halabf , 1334 A.H.), 5:81 [here ina f te r I bn Nijaym].

2 9 3 ~ b ~ Bakr Muhammad Ibn Ahmad al-Qaffal el-Shtishr , H i l ya t a I-'U lania ' f t Hdri fat ~ a d h ~ h i b al-fuqaha', 8 vols. (Aman: ~ a k t a b a t al-Risala a l - Hadttha, 1988), 3:449 [here ina f te r al-Shasht]; Muhammad Ibn ( ~ b d a l - h h i d Ibn al-Humen, Fath al-Qadfr Sharh al-Hidaya '? i l -Marghtnanf , 10 vols. (Beirut: Mlr a l - f i k r , IWO), 4:3b2 [here inaf ter Ibn al-Humam] ; Mal ik I b n Anas, al-Mudamana al-Kubra, 5 vols. (Cairo: natbaLat el-saCada, 1323 A.H . ) , 3:41 [here inaf ter al-Mudawuana]; al-Mughnt; supra note 21, a t 8:398; a l - sha f iC t , supra note 21, a t 4: 196; S idd tq Ibn Hasan al-Qannu j T l a 7-Rawda a 7-Nadiyya Sharh a 1-Durar a !-Bah iyya 7 i 7-Shawhn f , 6 vols. (Cairo: alhfatbaCa a l - ~ u n i r i i y a , l 9 4 l ) , 2:253 [here ina f te r a i - Rawda a l -Nad i yya) .

8

29cal-~udawwana, supra note 293, a t 3:41; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 8: 397; Muhammad Ibn Ahmad a l -Ka lb f , al-Qawantn al-Fiqhiyya (Tunus: ~ a t b a ~ a t al- ahd da, 1344 ~ . h . ) , 157 [here inaf ter al-Qawanin] ; al -Siyar a l - Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 1: 257.

' j 5 ~ b 0 Hamid al-Ghezalr, al -Wajfz f t Fiqh Madhhab al-Imam a l - shafic t, 2 vols. (Cai ro: l4atbaCat al-Adab wal-Mu'ayyad, l89Q), 2: 194 [here i na f te r al-Ghazal t] ; ~hmad Ibn Yahya Ibn al-Murtada, a !-Bahr a 7- Zakhkhar a l -~ami' 7 i-Madhahhib C ~ l a ~ f a 1-Amsar, 5 bols. (Bei ru t : Mu 'assasat al-Ri sala, 1975), 5: 452 [here inaf ter al-Bahr al-Zakhkhar] ; a l - Khat tb, supra note 288, a t 4:237; al-Siyar al-Kabtf , supra note 67, a t 1:257.

long as i t i s e x p l i c i t l y approved by t h e 1rn8rn.~~~ On the other hand,

Huslim j u r i s t s denied the aman granted by d h i m n t ~ , ~ ~ ' except a l - ~ w z a ' t ,

who endorsed i t under two condit ions: i f dhimmts were f i g h t i n g t o defend

dar a 7-1s lm, and i f the aman were conf i rmed by the mam m.

The aman i s granted f o r a l i m i t e d time. On the s t rength o f t h e

Qur'anic verse, "Go ye, then, f o r f o u r months, backwards and fowards

throughout the land, but know t h a t you cannot f r u s t r a t e A7 7ah, and A 7 7ah

w i l l cover w i t h shame the po l y the i s t s , "29i sha f i ' i t es and M a l i k i t e s

argue t h a t t he per iod o f aman should no t exceed four months.juG The

Hanaf i tes, however, s t a t e t h a t the per iod should not exceed one lunar *

year, and tha t i f the Musta 'min ( t h e person who has received the aman),

al-Wal t d Sulayman Ibn Khalaf a l - B a j f , al-Muntag8 Sharh Muwatta' I m a m Dar a l -H i j ra , 7 vols. (Cairo: t4atbaCat al-saCada, 1332 A.H. ) ; 3: 173 [he re ina f t e r al-Muntaqa] ; C ~ l t ' a l - s a C t d t a l - ' ~ d a w t , Hashiya la Kifayat a 7-Ta1 ib a 7-Rabban t 1 i -Riss la t ' I b n Abt Zayd a 7 - Payrawanf f t Hedhhab Mal'ik, 2 vols. (Cai ro: al-bIatbaca al-Azhariyya a l - Misr iyya, 1309 A . H . ) , 2:7 [here ina f te r a l - C ~ d a w f ] ; Muhammad Ibn ' ~ b d Allah a l - Q a f s t , Lubab al-Lubeb (Tunus: ~l- t4atbaCa a l -hnus iyya , 1346 A.H. ) , 72 [ he re ina f t e r al-Lubab].

i9Tal-~udawwana, supra note 233, a t 3: 4 2 ; Muhammad Ibn Shihab Ibn a l - Bazzaz, "al-Fatawt al-Bazzariyya au a l - ~ ~ m i ~ a l - ka j tz, " i n a 7-Fatawt a 7- CA7imktr iyya, 6 vols. (Cairo: al-t4atbaCa a l -Amtr iyya bi-Balaq, 1310 A. H. ) , 6: 608 [ he re ina f t e r Ibn al-Bazzair] ; al-Sarakhst , supra note 21, a t 10:70; a l - s h a f i C t , supra note 21, a t 4:196-197.

%adr a l -D in Mahntld I bn Ahmad a ~ - ~ ~ y n f , '~rndat a 7-&rT Sharh Sahn al-Bukharf , 25 vo ls . (ca i ro : a lL~atbaCa a l -Muntr iyya, 1348 A . H . ) ; ' i5:'93 [ he re ina f t e r a ~ - ~ ~ y n t ] ; Fath a l -Ba i t , supra note 66, a t 7:319; Ikhtilaf al-Fuqaha' , supra note 5 5 , a t 25; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 10: 432; a l - s h a f i c f , supra note 21, a t 7:319; al-Shawkanr, supra note 192, a t 8:25.

!j9rhe Ho7y Qur18n, I X : 2 .

IQo~hrnad Ibn Hi jr al-Haytamt , Tuhfat a 7-Muhtaj i la Sharh a 7-Minha j, 8 v o l s . ' ( ~ a i r o : ' t4atbaCat Mustafa ' al-Babf 'al-Halabt, 1933), 8:61 [ he re ina f t e r Tuhfat al-Muhtaj];' al-Qaiiantn, supra 'note 294, a t 154; a l - s h a f i c t , supra note 21, a i 4:111.

prolongs h i s s tay beyond t h i s period, he becmes subject t o the

j i z j d O ' On the other hand, the Hanbalites hold t h a t no j izya i s t o

be imposed on the Uusta 'min regardless o f the aman's length o f timeJo2

However, the amanmay be terminated i f the Musta'minviolates it, or it

expires, o r the Husta'min returns t o h i s t e r r i t o r y .

The second type o f t rea ty i s the hudne (armist ice). The term

derives 1 i ngu is t i ca l l y from the past verb hadana ( t o make peace)303 and

i s also known i n Islamic internat ional leu as mihhada, muhadana,

muvada, musa lama, and su . lh. a Techni cal 1 y, muhadana denotes the process

o f entering i n t o a peace agreement (hudna) w i th the anerny.30'

Concluding a hudna w i th the enemy i s permitted on the basis o f the d iv ine

injunct ion, "Fu l f i 11 the covenant o f A 7 78h when you have entered tn to it,

and break not your oaths a f t e r you have conf i rmed them."30S As

mentioned, the Prophet Muhammad concluded the Hudaybiya * t r ea ty w i th the

unbelievers o f Mecca i n 6 A.H., se t t i ng a precedent f o r subsequent

t r e a t i es by h i s successors. Predi cated on the most authori t a t i ve

sources, hudna was established i n Is lamic internat ional law, and

val idated by pract ice.

The shaf iC i tes , Hanbalites, and Mal ik i tes concur tha t hudnemaking

3 0 1 ~ b ~ al-Muzaffar Mvhyt a l -Dtn Drank 'A l i n k r r , a 1-FatawT a 7- Hindiyya wa ~d r a f b i 1-Fatawt a 733 1 imktr iyya, 6 vols. (Cai ro: al+atbaca al -Anrr iyya bi-BQIaq, 1310 A.H. ) , 2:234 [hereinaf ter a l -Fataut ' a l - Hindiyya).

102a1-~ughnt, supra note 21, a t 10:436.

303~uhammad I b n Manzllr, supra note 49, a t 3: 786.

jO'rhe Encyclapaedia o f Islam, 2nd ed., S.". "Hudna" by Majid Khaddur i .

'''The Holy Qur'an, X V I : 91.

power res ts i n the hands o f the I m e m , and tha t any hudna concluded by

i nd i v idua ls o r even by Muslim comnanders i s considered nul1 and void.

Ma l ik i tes , on the other hand, deem t h a t the Iman? has the r i g h t t o

repudiate o r accept the t rea ty based on i t s conformity w i t h the i n te res ts

of the Muslim c o n n i ~ n i t ~ . ' ~ ~ I n general, Musliin j u r i s t s s t i p u l a t e the

f u l f i 1 lment o f an i m d i a t e i n te res t when the Im8m concludes a hudna, but

the Hanafites argue t h a t the i n t e r e s t should be one which pe rs i s t s as

long as the t r e a t y i s val id . I n the absence o f i n te res t , the Imàm has

the r i g h t t o terminate a hudne by denunciation (nabdh) . 'O7 Pursuant t o

the Qur'anic verse,"so lose not heart, nor fa11 i n t o despair f o r you must

gain mastery i f you are t r u e I n fa i t h , "'la the Hanafites pronounce tha t

an Imam can only conclude a hudna n i t h the enemy when the Mus1 i m s ta te

has decl ined i n force o r power.'09 This opinion i s based on the

Qur'anic verse, "But i f the enemy i n c l ines towards peace, do thou (also)

i n c l i n e towards peace, and t r u s t i n ~71ah. "3'0 For h i s par t , however,

I bn Ham, denied the v a l i d i t y o f hudne,'" arguing t h a t the Prophet's

exemple o f su . th a a 1-Hudeybiye was ebrogatad by d i v ine l e g i ~ l a t i o n . ~ ' ~

3 o r a l - c ~ v n t , supra note 298, a t 15:97; Fath a l -Ba r t , supra note 66, a t 6: 196; Ibn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 1 :309; el-Khattb, supra note 288, at 4:260; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 8:459.

3oTa l -~asoq t , supra note 228, e t 2:205.

3 0 8 ~ h e Holy Oursan, III: 139.

309a l -~asan t , supra note 21, at 7: 108; al-Sarakhst, supra note 21, a t 10:86; al-Siyar al-Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 5 : 1689.

3 1 0 ~ h e H d y QurJan, VIII: 61.

31i~bn H a m , supra note 21, a t 7:307.

3i2"~enunci a t ion by A 1 Iah and h i s Apostle o f the Paganç w i t h whom you have made t r e a t i es. " The Ho 7y Qur 'an, I X : 1.

I n general, Muslim j u r i s t s hold tha t hudi)a must be concluded f o r a

cer ta in period o f time; not exceeding four months except i n cases o f

absolute n e c e s ~ i t ~ . ~ ' ~ Once the hudna i s accepted by the Imam, i t s

observation becmes an ob l iga t ion upon a l 1 Musl in^.^" I n t h i s case,

it i s the Imam's responsibil i t y t o protect the m h h i d ~ n ( t h e enemy

indiv iduals) as long as they t rave l i n der a7-1slarn.~~~ In t h i s

connection, al-Qalqashandf adds four s t ipu la t ions t o be considered

before the conclusion o f a hudna: i t should be concluded by the Imam or

his representative; it should serve the in teres ts o f the Muslim

cornmunity; i t must not include invalid provisions, such as returning the

women o f the enemy who have converted t o Islam; and f i n a l l y , the t rea ty

must be concluded f o r a d e f i n i t e period o f t iniee3l6 However, the hudna

wi11 be terminated: i f the t r e a t y cornes t o i t s end; i f the enemy

terminates i t by an e x p l i c i t dedara t ion ; i f the enemy takes up arms or

propagates m i l i t a r y information; and i f the enemy k i l l ç a Musl im.317

Third, the Qur'anic basis f o r the status o f dhimma i s found i n the

verse which refers t o the jihad against those who have f a i l e d t o

3 1 j a l - ~ u g h n t , supra note 8, a t 10: 518.

3i'4m~o f u l f i l l your t rea t ieç wi th tham t o the end o f t h e i r tern." The Holy Qur'an: I X : 4. On the other hand, the Prophet Muhammad said: "And the Hus1 ims abide by the i r conditions. " See Abu Dawod; supra note 197, a t 2:328; af-Bukharf, supra note 66, a t 352.

I M ' ' ~ s long as thase (the Pagans) stand t rue t o you? stand ye t rue t o them." The Hoiy Qur'ân, I X : 7 .

i '6al-~alqashandt, supra note 266, a t 14: 8-9.

31'al-~awaw t , supra note 2 1, a t 470.

recognire the new f a i t h o f ~ s l a m . ~ ' ~ According t o t h i s t reaty , usual ly

concluded by the Imm o r h i s representative,3'9 dhinmts (Christians,

Jews, Sabians, Samaritans and Magians) may acquire the r i g h t s t o

permanent residence i n d8r al-Is78m, as wel l as the protect ion o f is lamic

law, i n view o f the payrnent o f the j i zya (po11 tax) , and the performance

of ce r ta in d u t i e ~ . " ~ H is to r i ca l l y , the j i z y a was known as aar ly as i n

the pre-Christian period o f the Roman Empire. The Jewish B ib le points

t o the j i z y a paid by Hoshe'a, the King o f Judah, t o Shalmane'ser, the

King o f ~ssyr ia . " ' Furthemore, Jews and Zoroastrians had also paid

a f i x e d due (one dtnar per annum by every person) t o the imperial

3 ia '8~ ight those who bel ieve not i n A llah nor i n the Last Day, and do no t fo rb id nhat Al78h and H is Apostle have forbidden, and do not acknowledge the r e l i g i o n o f t ru th , (even i f they are) o f the People o f the Book, un t i1 they pay the j i zya read i ly and submissively." The Holy Qur'an, I X : 29.

This issue has also been i l l u s t r a t e d i n the fo l lowing hadtth: "Fight i n the name o f A l lah and i n His path. Combat (only) thbse who disbel ieve i n A778h. Do not cheat o r comnit treachery, nor should you mut i la te anyone or k i l l children. Whenever you meet the Polytheists who are your enemy, sumon them t o one o f three things, and accept whichever of them they are w i l l i n g t o agree to , and re f ra in from them. I n v i t e them t o Islam, and i f they agree, accept it from them, and re f ra in from them. Then summon them t o 1eave t h e i r t e r r i t o r y t o the t e r r i t o r y o f the Emigrants (d8r al -Muhaj i r tn) , and te71 them i f they do so, they wi17 have the same r igh ts and responsibi 1 i t i e s as the Emigrants; but i f they refuse and choose t h e i r own abode, te11 themthat they wi11 be l i k e the desert Arabs who are Muslims, subject t o Al lah 's j u r i s d i c t i o n which appl ies t o the believers, but wi11 have no spoi l o r booty unless they s t r i v e w i th the Muslims. I f they refuse (Islam), demand j i zya from them, and i f they agree, accept it from them, and l e t them alone; but i f they refuse, seek Al lah's help and combat them. " Abn Dawnd, supra note 197, at 2:43.

c lear wording o f the dhime t rea ty i s mentioned i n a l - s h a f i C f ' s Iegal work "K i tab al-Umm," vol. 4 , p. 1.18.

''O ~ h e Encyclopaedie o f Islam, 2nd ed., S.". "Dhirma," by C. Cahen; al-Kasant, supra note 21, a t 7:11O; al-Mughnf, supra note 21, a t 10584; Sobhi Mahmassani , supra note 1, a t 257.

' j lThe Holy Scriptures, 2 Kings X V I I : 1-5.

79

treasury o f the Roman Empi re.12$

Under Islamic law, j izya has d i f f e r e n t connotations. According t o

the Qur'anic tex t , "Un t i l they pay the j izya read i ly and

s u b ~ n i s s i v e l ~ , " ~ ~ ~ d h i m t s have t o pay an annual t r i b u t e i n l i e u o f

m i l i t a r y service and protection. Hence, j i z y a i s only due from every

male adul t , sane, f ree and able. On the other hand, women, minors,

monks, the b l ind, the insane, slaves, c r ipp led and other disabled persons

a r e h o precedents vere advanced f o r t h l s c r i t e r i a by '~rnar

Ibn al-Khattab. When '~niar saw an o l d Jew begging t o co l l e c t money f o r 0 ,

the payment o f the j izya, he exempted hirn from the t r i b u t e and ordered

him a pension from the pub l ic fundç (beyt a l - n 1 8 7 ) . ~ ~ ~ I t i s also

reported tha t (~rnar had di rected his general Ab0 C~bayda not t o oppress

the dhimnrs nor t o harm them. When the Muslim army f a l l e d t o protect

the people o f Hlms i n Syr ia , ordered Abo C~bayda t o refund any j i z y a a

paid by the d h i m t s t o the Muslim leader. Furthermore, depending on

var iant sources, Laurent mentions tha t ~d8hii ya Ibn Ab t Suf yan

inçt ructed h i s comnanders t o t r e a t the Armenians k i ndl y. 316

3 2 2 ~ b o al-Qasim ' ~ b d A l l l ih Ibn Khurradadhbih, a 7-Mas87 i k wa 1-Ham I i k , ed. Michel Jan de Goeje (Leiden, The Netherlands: E. J, B r i 11, l889), 11 1.

323 ~ h e H d y PurJan, IX: 2 9 .

3 2 ' ~ b ~ Ishaq Ibrahtm Ibn ' ~ l t al -Sht raz t , al-Muhadhdhab, 2 vols. (Cai ro: natbacat Mustafa al-B8bt al-Halabf , 1343 A.H. ), 2: 269 [here inaf te i a l - S h t r d i t ] , al-Kasant, sùpra note 21, a t 7: 11 1; al- Marghtnant, supra note 21, a t 2~166; Shams al-Dtn Ibn Qayyim al - Jawjiyya, Ahkam Ah1 a 1-[lhinrne, 2 vols. (Damascus: natbaCat ~arni'at Dimashq, 196'1), 1 : 47-51 [hereinaf ter Ahküm @ Ah1 al-Dhima]:

l Z d ~ b ~ Yusuf, supra note 53, a t 255; Ahkm Ah1 al-Dhinuna, supra note 324, a t 1:38; Ibn Sallam, supra note 253,'at 55.

J 2 6 ~ b p Y O S U ~ , supra note 53, a t 27 1 ; al-Baladhur t , supra note 7 1 , a t 187 ; Joseph Laurent, supra note 1 18, a t 53.

Hus1 i m j u r i s t s dlf fared as to the m u n t o f the jizya; 'Umar Ibn a l -

Khattab asked tuthman Ibn Hantf, the regent o f Kafa, t o impose j i zya on . . dhimrfs as follows: for ty-e ight dirhams from the r ich, twenty-four from

the middle class, and twelve from low-lncome persons.327 While the

Hanafites fol loued 'Umar's example, Malik, f o r h i s part , c lass i f i ad j i z ya

i n t o three categories: one d t n a r from the poor; two dtnars from the

middle class and four d t m r s frm the wealthy. a l - sha f i c t held the same

view, leaving t o the lm8m the authori ty t o scale up or down the j izya to

a minimum o f one dtnar per person.328 It i s worth mentioning here that

except f o r the sh8f iç i tes, Mus1 in j u r i s t s agreed tha t the f a i lu re t o pay

the j i z ya f o r legi t imate reasons does not const i tute a breach o f the

dhinnna t rea ty ,ji9 f o r the Prophet Muhamad said: "1 w i 11 be the opponent

o f uhoever oppresses a d h i m t or over burdens him beyond h is

ebi 1 i t y . "330

Besides paying the j i zya , there are certa in dut ies t o be performed

lz71bn Sa1 lm, supra note 253, a t 68-69.

'"A~II YUsuf, supra note 53, e t 253; Ahkani Ah1 al-Dhinna, supra note 324, a t 1 :28; Ibn al-Hum€On, supra note 293, a t 4 : 368; al-Kasant , supra note 21, a t 7:112; a l -Khirsht , supra note228, a t 2:443; al-Mawardt, supra note 21, a t 126; a l -Sh t ra t t , supra note 324, a t 2 : 2 6 7 .

3 2 9 ~ b ~ Yusuf, supra note 53, a t 161 ; Ahkam Ah1 al-Dhimma, supra note 324, e t 1 :35; al-Kasanî, supra note 21, a t 7: 113; al-Marghtnanf , supra note 2 1 , a t 2:161; a l -Sht raz f , supra note 324, a t 2:273.

1 3 0 ~ b ~ Dawad, supra note 197, a t 1 : 72 ; Abn Ynsuf , supra note 5 3 , a t 254. In t h i s connection, Ann Elizabeth Mayer concludes tha t " i t i s f a i r t o Say tha t the Muslim World, when judged by the standards o f the day, generell y showed f a r greater tolerance and humani t y i n i t s treatment o f re l ig ious minor i t ies than d i d the Christ ian West. I n par t icu lar , the treatment o f the Jewish m ino r i t y i n Muslim societ ies stands out as f a i r and enlightened when compared t o the dismal record o f Chr ist ian European persecution o f Jews over the centuries. " See Ann Elizabeth Mayer, Is7m and Human Rights: Tradition and Politics, 2nd ed. (Boulder, Colorado: Westview press, Inc., 1995); 148.

by dhimnfs. What the Christ ians o f Syria accepted as par t o f t h e i r

request f o r man, s u h i t t e d t o C ~ b d al-Rahman Ibn Ghunm and '~rnar Ibn a l -

Khattab, * @ became the basis f o r concluding subsequent t rea t ies w i th the

dhimts.13' The Christ isnç o f Syria took upon themselves not t o bui l d

any new churches, o r repair those f a l l i n g i n t o ruin; t o hosp i ta l ize

Muslim t rave l le rs f o r up t o three days; not t o shel ter spies o r harm the

Muslims i n any way; not t o teach the Qurlan t o t h e i r children; not t o

celebrate t he i r r e l ig ious services pub1 icly; not t o prevent any of the i r

people from f ree ly embracing Islam; t o respect Muslims and not im i ta te

them i n matters o f dress o r ha i rs ty le ; not t o use riding-beasts with

saddles, o r t o bear any arms; not t o sel1 alcohol i c drinks; t o shave the

f r on t o f the head and t o Wear al-zunnar (g i rd le) ; not t o parade the

emblem o f the cross pub l i c l y i n Muslim markets, or t o r i ng the n8qûs

( be l l ) o r t o chant ~ o u d l ~ . ~ ~ ~

On the other hand, al-Mawardt has c lass i f i ed these duties i n t o two

main categories. The f i r s t i s the deserved (mustahaq) I obl igat ions, which

incfude showing respect f o r the Holy Qur'an, the Prophet, and the

r e l i g i o n o f Islam; not marrying o r comi i t t ing adul t ry with a Huslim

woman; not persuading Muslims t o abandon t h e i r faith;!33 and riot

331~hkarn Ah1 a l -Dh im , supra note 324, a t 2:891.

3 3 2 ~ b ~ Yusuf, supra note 53, a t 256-257; C. E. Bosworth, "The Concept o f Dhima i n Early Islam," i n Christians and Jews i n the Ottoman Empire: The Funct ions o f a P lura 7 Society, 2 vol S. , eds. Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis (New York: Holmes & Merier Pub1 ishers, Inc. , 1982), 1 :46; al-Kasanf, supra note 21, a t 7:113-114; al-Mughrit, supra note 21, 10 : 606-607,

3 3 1 ~ n 383 A.D. the Council o f Byzantine bishopç had forbiddan apostasy from Chr is t ian i ty , and death penalty was prescribed t o any Jew who persuaded Christ ians t o abandon t h e i r fa i th . See C.E. Bosworth, supra note 332, at 38; Encyclopaedia Judeica, 2nd ed., S.V . "Byzantine

supporting the enemy ( a h 1 a 1-harb). The cmendable (mustahab) . obl igat ions are: wearing al-zunnar; not bu i ld ing houses higher than those

o f Muslims; not r inging t h e i r be l ls ; not dr fnk ing wine i n pub l ic o r

br inging crosses o r pigs i n t o view; bury ingthe dead pr iva te ly ; and not

r i d i n g horsas, but mules o r donkeys.l3'

By paying the j izya, an essential duty, and observing the above

obl igat ions, which are i n most cases not imposed by scripture, d h i m t s

are e n t i t l e d t o the same r igh ts as Mus1 ims: r i g h t t o l i f e and p roh ib i t i on

o f to r tu re and inhuman t rea t~nen t ; ' ~~ respect of t h e i r d i g n i t y and the i r

fami l y rights;'16 respect o f r e l igious bel ie fs , customs and

traditions;13' and r i g h t t o indiv iduel ownership and respect f o r pr iva te

property r igh ts . These r i g h t s are protected by Islamic law and the

dhimma t rea ty , which i s binding on a l 1 Wuslims (pecta sunt servanda).

Moreover, breaching the dhlma t rea ty , f o r a Muslim, i s an offense and

a renouncement o f an obl iga t ion towards A 7 lah, Who considers Himself a

t h i r d party i n any t reaty concluded by ~ u s l i n i s . ~ ~ ~ The Holy Qur'an

e x p l i c i t l y discusses the pr inc ip le o f equa l i ty between the c i t i zens o f

Empire. "

3J4a l -~awardt , supra note 21, et 126-127.

3 3 5 ~ h e Celiph 'AI t Ibn Abt Ta l ib declared that the dhimnfs' property and blood are as sacred as thak of the Muslims. See a l -Usan t , supra note 21 , a t 7:111.

3J6c~mar Ibn al-Khattab exhorted an Egyptian Copt t o whip the son o f ' ~ m r Ibn al-%, who wai ' then the governor o f Egypt, i n r e t a l i a t i o n f o r an offence o f ' t h i s type.

3iT~n 638 A.D., (~mar Ibn al-Khattab signed a dhfma t rea ty w i th the people o f Jerusalem, i n which he 'guaranteed t h e i r 1 ives, property, churches , and crosses.

3 3 a ~ h e ~ o ~ y Qur'an, V: 1; VI: 152; XVI: 91; XVII: 34.

83

dar a H s f B r n , notwithstanding t h e i r d i f f e r e n t fa i ths : "Those who bel ieve

( i n the Qur'an), those who fo l low the Jewish (scriptures), and the

Sabians and the Christians, and any who bel ieve i n A 7 1ah and the Last

Day, and work righteousness; on them sha l l be no fear, nor shail they

grieve. 1 1 3 3 9

I n s p i t e o f being oppressed during the reigns o f al-Hutawakkil and

a l - ~ ~ k i r n , ~ ' ~ the d h i m t s were appointed t o various governmental posts

a t ce r ta in periods. I n the Umayyad, Abbasid, Fatimid and Ottoman

cal iphates, Christ ians and Jews occupied the posts o f secretaries, pr ison

uarders, end waz f rs (ministers) .14' However, i t must be ernphasized, as

has been indicated ea r l i e r , t h a t the d h i m a t rea ty i s binding on a l 1

Mus1 ims, and cannot be abjured by the Imam i n any case. I n contrast, the

d h i m f s may terminate the t rea ty , according t o al-Kasant, by embracing

Islam, j o i n i n g dar al-harb, . or tak ing up a n s and revo l t ing against

MUS 1 i ms.

2. Reciprocity (al-~u~8lala bil-Mithl)

The law concerning t h i s issue i s provided i n the Qur'an as follows:

" i f then any one transgresses the prohi b i t i o n against you, transgress ye

l ikewise against him, and fea r Allah, and know that A 7 h h i s w i th those

339 The Holy Qur'an, V: 72.

'"1. L ich ter Stedter, "The D is t i nc t i ve Dress o f Non-Mus1 ims i n Islamic Countries," H i s t o r i a Judaica 5 ( 1 9 4 3 ) : 37; The Encyciopaedia o f I d a m , 2nd d . , S . V . "Ghiyar," by M. Perlman.

341~hkam Ah1 al-Dhimma, supra note 324, 1 : 210-225; al-Mawardt , supra note 21,'at 24.

I l2a1-~asant , supra note 21, a t 7:112-113.

who res t ra in themselves." "And i f you punish them, punish them no

worse than they punish you, but i f you show patience, tha t i s indeed the

best (course) f o r those who are ~ a t i a n t . "'" Accordi ngl y , Musl i m

sold iers are ordered t o deal on a reciprocal basis w i t h t h e i r enemy i n

the bat t le fdeld. I n other words, Muslim j l had is ts are bound i n t h e i r

actions by the conduct o f the enemy; i f the enemy enslaves Muslim

captives or use a ce r ta in weapon, Hus l in so ld iers should do the sami?'

A carefu l examination o f the above verses shows, however, tha t

Mus1 i m troops are comnanded t o exercise se l f - res t ra in t as much as

possible, and fear A778h by showing adherence t o v i r t u e and e th i ca l

considerations. Consequently, i f the enemy declares k i l l i n g Muslim

captives lawful , o r muti lates the bodies o f the dead Muslims, Mus1 ims are

not allowed t o im i ta te the enemy o r indulge i n s im i la r b r u t a l i t y . I n

t h i s connection, two cases are i n point. The f i r s t one i s tha t SaMh ai -

Dtn al-Ayyabt released a large number o f enemy captives when he could

not f ind enouyh food f o r them. In contrast, the Crusader leader, Richard

The Lion Heart, executed three thousand Muslim captives who had

surrendered t o him a f t e r having obtained his pledge t o spare t h e i r

l i ~ e s . ~ ' ~ The second case was an ect o f Byzantine treachery toward

Musl ims. I n the Umayyad era, the Byzantines concluded peace t rea t ies

w i th the f i r s t Unayyad ru ler , ~u~€Swiya Ibn Abf Sufyan, who accordingly

held a number o f Byzantine hostages i n Baalbek. When the Byzantine

I l 3 ~ h e Holy Qursan, II: 194.

'141bid., X V I : 126.

145~uhammad Abu Zahra, supra note 182, a t 55.

346~ustave Le Bon, supra note 15 , a t 340-341.

breached the i r t r ea t i es wi th llucawi ya, the l a t t e r spared the hostages'

blood and released them a l 1, saying: " l oya l t y against treachery 1s bet ter

than treachery agai nst treachery . "14' Nevertheless, rec iproc i ty has been substantiated i n the instruments

o f both customary and modern internat ional humanitarian law. A r t i c l e 62

o f the Ins t ruc t ions f o r the Government o f the Amies o f the United States

i n the Fie ld, o f 1863, proclaims that troops glv ing no quarter were

en t i t led t o receive n0r1e.l'~ Furthemore, the Convention on Treatment

o f Prisoners o f War, o f 1929, the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and the 1977

Geneva Protocol 1 Additional t o the Geneva Conventions prohi b i t repr isals

against prisoners o f ~ a r . ' ' ~ Despite the 1 imi ta t ion o f rec iproc i ty by

the rinimum standards given i n these convent Ions, part ies t o the conf 1 i c t

should take the necessary measures t o ensure the appl icat ion o f equal

treatment f o r a l 1 prisoners o f war. However, a cornparison between

concepts o f reciproci t y under Islamic and internat ional humani t a r i an law

reveal s tha t the reciprocal basis, accordi ng t o Islamlc humanitarian law,

must not exceed the bounds o f human decency. On the contrary, i t i s

l i rni ted and can be turned i n t o repr isa ls under customary internat ional

- - - - - - .

'lilbn Sallam, supra note 253, a t 174-175.

" ' ~ h e manuel Instruct ions f o r the Government o f the Arrnies o f the United States i n the F ie ld was draf ted by Professor Francis t ieber and issued t o the Union Army, a f t e r minor revisions, on Apr i l 24, 1863. See Gerhard von Glahn, The Occupation o f Enemy Territory: A Comnentary un the Law and Pract ice of Be 7 7 igerent Occupat ion (Mi nneapol i s: University of Minnesota Press, 1957), 8-16.

3 4 g ~ . ~ . Greig, "Reciprocity, Proport ional i ty , and the Law of Treaties," Virg in ta Journal o f Internat iona 7 Law 34 (Winter 1994) : 333; Geneva Convent ion 111 Re let ive t o the Treatment of Prisoners o f War of August 12, 1949, 7 5 U.N.T.S. (1950) 135-285 [hereinafter Geneva I I I ] ; René Provost , "Reciproci t y i n Human Rights and Humani t a r i an Law, " The B r i t ish Year Book o f Internat iona 7 Law 65 ( 1994) : 405.

law. 350

3. Arbitration (al-Tahkta)

Arb i t ra t i on i s as old as disputes and nationsthemselves. Kalston

argues tha t the Greek c i ty-states had developed i n s t i t u t i o n s o f

a r b i t r a t i o n by which they se t t l ed disagreements and concluded peaceful

t rea t ies . To resolve t h e i r disputes, the Greek l i t i g a n t par t ies used t o

submit t h e i r disputes i n a comprehensive procedural d e t a i l f o r

i rb i t ra t i on . I5 ' However, i n p r e - I s l m i c Arabia, a r b i t r a t i o n waç

resorted t o as a 1ega1 i n s t i t u t i o n t o s e t t l e i n t e r - t r i b a l disputes. The

Naqtb ( t r i b a l ch ie f ) o f another t r i b e usual ly 1ed th i s j u d i c i a l

nac chiner^.^'^ I t was reportad t h e t Heram Ibn Sinan and a l -H i r th i bn ' ~ w f

had set t led the f i e r c e war o f Oahis and al-Ghabra' between the ' ~ b s and

Fazara tr i bes. 353 A short t ine befora the emergence o f Islam, the

Prophet Muhammad was elected, by the t r i b a l chiefs o f Mecca as an I

arb i t r a t o r (hekam) t o s e t t l e disputes which arose between them concerning *

the l i f t i n g of the Black Stone of the I(acba. A t a l a t e r tlme, the

Prophet acted as an a rb i t ra to r t o settle a h i s to r i ca l dispute between the

Aws and the Khazraj t r f b e s o f al-Madfna.

The word tahk7m i s derived from the root hakama, which means t o m

'"~i I l i a m Hal 1, A Treatise on Internationel Law (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1924), 495.

351~ackson H. Ralston, Internat iona 7 Arbitret ion frm Athens t o Locarno (Stanford, Cal i fo rn ia : Stanford Universi ty Press, 1929) , 11-15.

352~uhammad Hamtdul lBh, "Administration o f Just ice i n Eerl y Islam," Islamic ~ Ù i t u r e 'S (1937): 165.

1 5 3 ~ b ~ ( ~ b d A l lah al-Husayn i b n Ahnad al-Zawzan t , Sharh a 7- da 7 7aqBt a7-sad (Bei ru t : Dar al-barnos al-Had'tth, n a d . ) , 98.

decide, judge, o r rule.I5' 00th words, hakm (judge) and haktm (wise),

are among the ninety-ni ne a t t r i butes o f A 1 78h. Moreover, the word hakama *

and i t s deri vatives are c i ted i n more than one hundred and f o r t y verses

i n t h e Holy Qur'an. Apart from the 1 inguis t ic meanings, a7-tahktm, as

a preventive measure and a pre l iminary peaceful step before resort ing t o

war, has played a prominent r o l e i n s e t t l i n g disputes and promoting

internat ional just ice. 355

A f te r the emergence o f Islam, al-tahktm was recognized as a I

peaceful means o f s e t t l i n g disputes both i n c i v i l and public

internat ional l a d 5 ( During the f i r s t century o f the Islamic e r a there

were two cases i n point: the f i r s t case was a7-tahktm between the m

Prophet Muhannad and Bana Qurayza; and the second was between c ~ l t Ibn *

Ab7 Till i b , the fou r th Cal iph, and I4ucawiya Ibn Abt Sufyan, the governor

o f Syria. I n the f i r s t case, both par t ies agreed t o submit t h e i r dispute

t o sacd Ibn nuCadh, as an arb i t ra tor , lb7 and i n the second precedent,

each o f the par t ies agreed t o submit h i s dispute t o an appointed hakam e

( a rb l t ra to r ) . ' ~ 1 t appointed Ab0 Masa a l -~sh 'a r t , and ~ u ~ a w i y a appointed

' ~ m r Ibn a l - c~s .35a

l S ' ~ b a al-QBsim al - #d jarn Matn a 7-Lugha, 5 139; Muhammad Ibn Abt ManzDr, 'supra note 4 9 ,

Zamakhshart, supra note 49, a t 91 ; Ahmad Rida, vols. (Bei ru t : Dar Maktabat al-Haya, ' l958), ' 2:

Bakr al-Rat t , supra note 49, a t 6'2; Muhammad Ibn a t 1: 688.

.

%obhi Mahmassani , supra note 1, a t 273.

%ajid Khadduri , supra note 50, a t 233; Sobhi Mahrnassani , supra note 1, a t 272.

' ' ' ~ o r more detai 1s see Ibn Hisham, supra note 67, a t 3: 145-146; al- Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 2: 587-593.

JiBal -~abart , supra note 71 , a t 3: 31-38.

However, according t o Is lamic law, a l - tahkfm a procedure can be

character ized as f o l 1ows: f i r s t , the f ree selection o f a rb i t r a to rs ;

second, a r b i t r a t o r s must respect the ru les o f I s lamic law; t h i rd, pa r t i es

who agree t o submf t t h e i r dispute t o a r b i t r a t i o n must respect i t s ru1 ing,

and comply w i th i t s provisions; four th, no a r b i t r a t i o n i n al-hud0d and #

87-Qasas . . (punishments s t i pu la ted i n the Qur'Bn); f i f t h , the award i s

considered nul1 and void i n two cases: i f the a r b i t r a t o r i s not chosen

f r e e l y &y t he par t ies , and i f he i s a close r e l a t i v e t o one o f the

l i t i g a n t s ; and f i n a l l y , t h e a r b i t r a t o r must be a wise and just

be 1 i ever . Ilg

4. Neutra1 i t y (al-iiiyûd) q

The term neutra l i t y i s der ived from the L a t i n neuter. According t o

Oppenheim, n e u t r a l i t y , which may be def ined as the a t t i cuae o f

i m p a r t i a l i t y adopted by t h i r d states towards be l l igeren ts , was not

recognized as an i n s t i t u t i o n o f in te rna t iona l law before the wr i t i ngs o f

~ r o t i u s . ~ ' ' It i s perceived t h a t the concept o f n e u t r a l i t y has been

connected w i t h the development o f the idea o f the in te rna t iona l

~ o m n u n i t y . ~ ~ ' Evan Grot ius d i d not know or use the term n e u t r a l i t y i n

i t s modern sense. He dea l t b r i e f l y w i t h t h i s concept under the t i t l e De

h i s , qui in bel10 medii funt t o support h i s theory o f the just war.362

319The Encyclopaedia o f Islam, 2nd ad., S.". "Hakam," by E. Tyan; a l - Marghinant, supra note 21, a t 3:108-109.

"OL. Oppenheim, supra note 91, a t 514.

361~erha rd von Glahn, supra note 95, a t 625.

1 6 1 ~ ~ g ~ Grot ius, De jure be 7 7i ac pacis l ib r i t res (Amstelodami : Apud Viduam Abrahami Asomeren, I i O l ) , 828-833. How~ver, Emmerich de Vat te l (1714-1767), whose wr i t i ngs appeared i n 1758, one hundred and t h i r t y -

I n Vat te l ' s time, as a r e s u l t o f the growing importance o f i n te rna t i ona l

trade, bel1 igerent s ta tes agreed t o respect the neutra l i t y o f those

s ta tes who decided t o reniain outside var.363

Althougb n e u t r a l i t y was accepted as a legal s tatus by the end o f

the nineteenth century, the d e f i n i t i o n s o f both neut ra l r i g h t s and du t i es

remained unclear u n t i 1 the convening o f the Hague Peace Conference i n

1907, when two convent ions on neut r e l i t y were adoptede Il4 However, the

f a i l u r e o f the Hague Conventions, t o lay down precise ru les on

neutra l i ty , i ed t o d i f f e r e n t amendments being adopted i n the Declarat ion

o f London o f 1909; the Covenant o f the League o f Nations, ( A r t i c l e 16);

the Pact o f Par is o f 1928; the United Nations Charter o f 1945, ( A r t i c l e

2, paragraph 5 and 6) ; and the four Geneva Conventions o f 1 9 4 9 . ~ ~ ~

three years a f t e r Grot-fus t rea t ise , has used the term n e u t r a l i t y , and defined i t as: "Les peuples neutres, dans une guerre, sont ceux qui n 'y prennent aucune pa r t , demeurant amis communs des deux p a r t i s , e t ne favor isant p o i n t l e s armes de l ' u n au pre judice de l ' a u t r e . " See Emmerich de Vat te l , supra note 114, a t 2: 565.

3 6 3 ~ e r h a r d von Glahn, supra note 95, a t 626; L. Oppenheim, supra note 91, a t 490.

'''The Hague Convent ion V Respect ing the Rights and Dut jas of Neutra 7 Powers and Persons in Case o f War on Land, o f 1907, 3 Martens NRG, 3éme s&. (1862-1910) 504-532 (opened f o r signature on October 18, 1907, and entered i n t o force on January 26, 1910) [here inaf ter Hague V ] ; The Hague Convention V I 1 1 Relat ive t o the Laying o f Automatic Suhar ine Contact Mines, o f 1907, 3 Martens NRG, 38me s6r. (1862-1910) 580-603 (opened f o r signature on October 18, 1907, and entered i n t o force on January 26, 1970) [here ina f te r Hague VIII].

"~ased on A r t i c l e 2 (paragraph 5 ) , and A r t i c l e 41 o f t h e United Nations Charter, Member States o f the United Nations have no absolute r i g h t o f n e u t r a l i t y . They may be ca l l ed upon t o apply enforcement measures against a s ta te o r s tates engaged i n war pursuant t o a decision passed by the Secur i ty Council. For example, the Securi ty Council 's Resolution 661, o f August 6, 1990, c a l l i n g upon a11 States, inc luding non-member States o f the United Nations, t o take measures against I r a q a f t e r I raq ' s invasion o f Kuwait. Furtherrnore, ru les o f neutra l i t y proved q u i t e out o f date, and could not be appl ied i n many instances dur ing

Examining the concept o f neu t ra l i t y i n Is lamic in ternat iona l law,

Majid Khadduri maintained t h a t such an i n s t i t u t i o n d id not e x i s t i n

Islamic legal theory, since Islamic humanitarian law never recognized an

a t i t u t d e o f i m p a r t i a l i t y on the par t o f other ~ t a t e s . ' ~ ~ He proceeded

"If neutral i t y i s taken t o mean the a t t i t ude o f a s ta te which vo luntar i l y desires t o keep out o f war by not tak ing sides, no such a status i s recognized i n Muslim lega1 theory. For Islam must ipso jure be a t war w i th any state which refuses t o corne t o terms wi th i t e i the r by submitting t Muslim r u l e o r by accepting a temporary peace arrangement. .!'SI

A carefu l examination of the main sources o f Islamic law, however, shows

the contrary. It i s obvious t h a t Khadduri's viewpoint i s based on h i s

ear f i e r claim that , " the normal re la t ionsh ip between Islam and non-Muslim

comnunitias i s a s ta te o f h o ~ t i l i t ~ . " l ~ ~ This not ion i s drawn from

three i r r a l a t i v e cases,36g o f which Khadduri hirnself acknowledges, "such

states were not neutral, i n the sense o f the modern 1aw o f nations. 1 1 3 7 0

Moreover, Khadduri ignores the Qur'anic verse, which the theory o f

World War 1 (1914-1918) and World War II (1939-1945). See J.G. Starke, An Introduction to International Law (London: Butterworths, 1977), 613.

366~oreover, i n discussing the Islamic conception o f just ice, Khadduri claimed t h a t Islamic 1aw leaves no rom fo r neut ra l i ty . He alleged that , " j us t i ce under n e u t r a l i t y had no place i n accordance w i th the Islamic publ ic order, i f n e u t r a l i t y were taken t o mean the a t t i t u d e o f a p o l i t i c a l community which vo lun ta r i l y decided t o r e f r a i n frm hos t i l e re la t ions wi th be l l i ge ren t part ies." See Haj id Khadduri, The 1s lamic Concept ion o f Justice (Baltimore: The Jahns Hopkins Uni ver s i t y Press, 1984), 168.

l6'biaj i d Khaddur i , supra note 50, a t 251.

' "~he cases o f Ethiopia, Nubia and Cyprus.

" O ~ a j i d Khadduri , supra note 50, a t 252.

91

neu t ra l i t y , i n Islamic legal discourse, i s based on. This verse reads:

" therefore i f they withdraw frm you ( i(taza lokurn) , and wage not war

against you and o f f e r you peace, then A778h hath opened no way f o r you

( t o war egainst theni). "Il1 Both the context and the wording of the

verse t e s t i f y t o the main components of the theory o f neut ra l i ty : a war

hes broken out between two subjects o f the law; a t h i r d p o l i t i c a l

comuni ty vo lun ta r i l y desires not t o take sides wi th o r against

bet l igerent par t ies; and the waring par t ies f u l l y recognize the r i g h t s

o f the neutral state. The verse, s t r i c t l y speaking, indicates tha t the

Islamic state must be committed t o recognit ing and respecting the

n e u t r a l i t y o f the states who have declared t h e i r impar t i a l i t y toward the

be l 1 igerent powers.3T2 This shows c lea r l y that the Islamic concept o f

n e u t r a l i t y i s compatible w i th the same concept as i t appears under

in ternat ional law i n the modern sense o f the term.

Although the c lass ica l ju rd ica l works do not leave much room f o r

n e u t r a l i t y , a h i s t o r i c a l case i n po in t i s the t reaty concluded i n the

second year o f the h i j r a , between the Islamic c i ty -s ta te i n Madina and

the quasi-state o f the t r i b e o f BanU Damra. The t reaty, which was signed m

by the Prophet Muhanniad and Makhsht Ibn c ~ m r al-Damrt , runs as f o l lows:

"the Prophet w i 11 not attack Banci Damra nor w i 1 1 they attack him o r suel 1

3 7 i ~ h e Holy Pur%, I V : 90.

' ' l ~ a v i d Aaron Schwartz, supra note 211, a t 645; Marcel A. Boisard, supra note 1 5 , a t 10; A l Ghunairni, supra note 83, a t 217; Mustansir M i r , "Jihad i n Islam," i n The Jihad and Its Times, ed. Hadia Oajani-Shakeel (Michigan: The Univers i ty o f Michigan, 1991), 121.

92

the troops o f h i s enemies nor help h i s enemies i n any way. -373

furthemore, the Gulf c r i s i s , t h a t followed I raq ' s unlawful

invasion o f Kuwait i n August 1990, gave r i s e t o the most recent examples

o f n e u t r a l i t y i n the Muslim world. I n spite o f the popular support o f

t h e i r c i t i zens f o r I r a q aga ins t the Western Coal i t ion, Jordan, the Sudan

and Yemen maintaned a forma1 state o f n e u t r a l i t y throughout the

c r i s i s . 37 4

By contrast, the cases o f Ethiopia, Nubia and Cyprus, which were

c i ted by Khadduri, could not const i tu te a formal state o f neu t ra l i t y .

I n contrast, t rue neu t ra l i t y requires sovereignty and independence, f o r

a neutra l s ta te i s one whose independence and in teg r i t y , both pol i t i c a l

and t e r r i t o r i a l , allow her t o possess sovereignty over her subjects and

a f f a i r s . f 7 h 1 t h h o g h Ethiopia was an independent state, it d id not i n

f a c t announce i t s neutral status. Mus1 ims themselves voluntar i 1y

abçtained f rom attacking Ethiopia and declared i t s irrwnunity f rom ~ a r . ~ ' ~

Moreover, Ethiopia may be considered d8r a 7-1s 78m rather than a neutral

lll~hrnad Ibn Yahya al-8aladhurt , Ansab a 7-Ashref, 5 vols. (Jerusalem: Hosta'ataSefarim, 1'938), 1:287 [hereinaf ter al-Ansab]; Ibn Hishm, supra note 67, a t 2:170-171; Ibn sacdl supra note 253, a t 2:27 ; al-Maqrtzt , supra note 253, a t 153 ; Muhammad ilamtdul lah, Mus 7 i m Conduct o f State (Lahore, Pakistan: Muhammad 'Ashfaf ,' 1961), 296; al-Suhayl t , supra note 2 2 9 , at 238 -59 ; al-Tabarr, I supra note 7 1 , a t 1519-520.

" '~av id Aaron Schwartz, supra note 2 11, a t 645.

' 1 5 ~ . O. Starke, supra note 365, a t 11 3 and 140.

3 7 b ~ b ~ DéfuUd, supra note 1 9 7 , at 2: 101 ; al-Bayhaqt , supra note 21 1, a t 9:176; Ibn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 1:369; NUr al-Qtn 'AIT Ibn Abt bakr al-Haythamt , ~ajrnd a 7-Zawa ' i d wa ~ e n b d a 7-Fawa'id, 10 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qudst, 1353 A.H.), 5:304 [hereinafter al-Haythamt].

t e r r i t o r y , f o r i t s King had accepted the Prophet's i n v i t a t i o n o f

1s1 am;317 protected those mus1 ims who esceped persecut i on i n Mecca end

sought asylum i n Ethlopia; and allowed Muslims t o reside safe ly and t o

outwardly pract ice t h e i r r e l i g i o n ind iv idua l l y and col l e c t i ~ e l ~ . ~ ~ ~

Soon a f t e r they f a i l e d t o annex Nubia, Muslims were successful i n

concluding a t rea ty o f interdependence w i th the Nubians on a reciprocal

basis. This t reaty , which was signed i n 31 A.H., ensured securi ty and

peace between both part ies. According t o the noms o f the t reaty,

Nubians sha l l pay an annual tri bute o f three hundred and s i x t y slaves t o

the c h i e f o f the Musl ims. I n return, the Muslims are bound by the t reaty

t o suppl y the Nubians w i th wheat, horses and c l ~ t h i n g . ~ ~ ~ It i s c lear

tha t t he Musl ims and the Nubians signed a reciprocal trade agreement, not

a t r e a t y o f neu t ra l i t y . Therefore, i t may be argued that Nubia was dBr

s 7-%hd, not d8r a 7-hiy8d.

F ina l l y , from the legal point o f view, Cyprus was not a sovereign

s ta te when i t was attacked by the Muslim army. I t was a Byzantine

t r i b u t a r y is land. Due t o the f a c t tha t the annexation o f Cyprus t o &r

a7-Is7am might lead the Muslims i n t o a real confrontat ion wi th the

Byzantine Empi re, the Mus1 ims and Cypriots concludeci a peace t reaty,

which provided tha t the l a t t e r pay an annual t r i b u t e o f seven thousand,

two hundred dtnars. According t o t h i s t reaty, the Musl i m s would refrain

3 b r 1 Ka th t r , supra note 72, e t 3:84; al-Qalqeshandt, supra note 266, a t 6:466-467; Ibn al-Qayyin, supra note 21, a t 3:60-61; al-Tabart, supra note 7 1 , a t 1 : 643-644.

37E~l Ghunaimi, supra note 83, a t 156-157; al-Shawkant , supra note 192, a t 8 2 9 .

379a l -~a ladhur i , supra note 71, a t 236; Ibn ( ~ b d al-Hakam, supra note 254, a t 188-189; al-Khitat, supra note 254, a t 1 :323-324.

I e

from waging var against the ~ ~ ~ r i o t s . ~ ~ ~ However, i n s p i t e o f i t s

neutral a t t i t ude and ac t ing as a bu f fe r s tate between Huslims and

Byzantines, Cyprus' neutra l s tatus was ipso facto, the t h i n g which

categorized it as being w i t h i n der a7œCahd.

5. D i plomat i c Exchange (TabBdul al-Wufüd wal-SafIWit)

Generally speaking, no exclusive d e f i n i t i o n o f diplomacy has been

yet made.'*' The Oxford English Dict ionary c a l l s i t "the management of

in ternat ional re la t ions by negotiation," o r "the method by which these

r d a t ions are ad justed and menagedm "312 However , based on the doctr ine

o f j imd, i n which "peace i s the rule, war i s the exception," diplomacy

has played a d i s t i n c t ro le i n the peaceful miçsionary work o f ~ s l a n i . ~ ~ ~

Conversely, Haj id Khadduri d a i m s tha t the adoption o f diplomacy by Islam

was not essent ia l ly f o r peaceful purposes "as long as the s ta te o f wr

was regarded as the normal r e l a t i o n between Islam and other nations. 1t384

Despite the apparent differences, Islamic h i s to r i ca l and j u r i s t i c works

show tha t d ip lmacy, as an organized profession, arose very ear l y i n the

Islamic era. Thus, the fo l lowing study wi11 discuss the h i s t o r i c a l

380a l -~a ladhur t , supra note 71, e t 152-153 and 155-156; The Encyclopaedia o f Islam, 2nd ed., S.V . "Cyprus," by R. Hartmann; Ibn a l - A t h f r, supra note 284, a t 3: 37; Ibn SaIlam, supra note 253, a t 174.

3a1~oman D. Palmer and Howard C. Perki ns, Internat iona 1 Relet ions: The Wor7d Community i n Transit ion (New York: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1953), 84.

3 a 2 ~ e s l e y Brown, ed. , The Oxford English Oict ionery on Historica 7 Pr im tples, 2 vols. (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1993), 1 : 678.

3 a J " ~ n v i t e ( a l l ) t o the way o f Allah with wiçdom and beaut i fu l preaching; and argue w i th them i n ways tha t are best and most gracious." The Holy Qur'an, XVI : 125.

" ' ~ a j i d Khadduri , supra note 50, a t 239.

background o f d ip imacy and the functions, pr iv i leges and i m u n i t i e s o f

d tp lma ts .

U n t i l the 1ate seventeenth centuty the word diplomacy meant

ve r i f y ing ancient documents. I t i s derived from the Greek verb dip7oun

meaning t o fo ld . The Romans used the word diplorne f o r o f f i c i a i

documents, p a r t i c u l a r l y those r e l a t i n g t o fore ign comnunities o r

t r i bes.la5 Diplomacy, rneaning the management o f in ternat ional

re lat ions, was used f o r the f i r s t time i n England i n 1796, and was

recognized as a d i s t i n c t profession by the Congress of Vienna i n

1875.~"

I n Arabic, the term r a s ~ 7 (messenger) or sa f t r (ambassador) refers

t o a d i p l m a t i c agent. The word rasut, which i s derived from the verb

arsa7a ( t o dispatch), has a re l i g ious connotation. The term c a f t r i s

derived frm the verb sefare, which means madietion and conci l ia t ion.387

It must be pointed out that according t o Muslim chronicles and j u r i s t s ,

d i p l m a t i c agents should d lsplay the foI lowing qua l i t ies : elegance,

intel 1 i gance, d igni t y , eloquence, pol iteness, loyal t y and education. '1°

3 8 5 ~ a r o l d Nicolson, Diplmacy (London: Oxford Univers i ty Press, 1969), 4.

I b id.

3 8 T ~ b a ' ~ 1 t al-Husayn Ibn Muhammad Ibn al-Ferra' , Kiteb Rusu7 a7- Mu ltrk wu-men Yas 7uh ' 7 i 7-Risala w7-Safara, ed. Salah a l -Dtn al-Munaj j i d (Cai ro: Lajnat a l - ta ' 1 t f wal-Tarjama wal-Nashi, 1$47), 3 [hereinaf ter Rusul al-MulUk] ; Abu al-Qasim al-Zamakhsharf , supra note 49 , a t 162 and 212; Muhamad Ibn Abt Bakr al-Razt, supra note 49, a t 102 and 127; Huhatmnad Ibn ManzPr, supra note 49, a t 1 : 1165 and 2: 154.

a a

faa~uhaminad Ibn ' ~ l t Ibn Tabataba Ibn al-Taqtaqt, al-Fakhrt f t a l - Adab e 7-Su ltaniyya wa 7-Ouwa 1 'a 1-fs 7amiyya (Cai ro: t4atbaCat Muhamad ( ~ 1 t Subayh, n.d:), 57 [hereinafter Ibn a l - iaq taqr ] ; RUSUI al-Muhk, supra note 387, a t 20-29; al-Siyar al-Kabt r,' sÙpra note 67, a t 2: 471 ; Sobhi Mahmassani , supra note 1, a t 266.

However, d i p l m a t i c re la t ions were known t o Arab t r i bes before Islam. I n

Mecca, fore ign a f f a i r s were entrusted t o Bana (~day, and 'Unsr Ibn a l -

Khattab was the l a s t Qurashite ambassador t o other Arab t r i b s before I e

~ s l a m . ' ~ ~ Following the emergence o f Islam, d i p l m a t i c intercourse wes

developed t o a considerable extent. I n the s i x t h year o f the H i j ra,

a f t e r he coricluded the Hudaybiya Treaty w i th the pagans o f Mecca, the

Prophet Muhammad dispatched envoys t o various Arab and non-Arab k i ngdoms,

i n v i t i n g t h m t o Islam. He sent Hat ib I b n Abt ~ a l t a ~ a t o Muqawqas, the l a

governor o f Alexandrie; t ~ b d u l l a h Ibn Hudhafa al-Sahmt t o the King o f

Persia; Dahiyya Ibn Kha l t fa a l -Kalbt t o Heracl lus, the Byzantine

emperor; '~nir Ibn Unayya al-Damr r t o the Negus, the emperor o f Abyssfnia;

h r Ibn al-% t o the Klngs o f Oman; S a l t t Ibn '~mr t o the Kings o f

Yamama; al-cAla' Ibn al-Hadramt t o the King o f Al-Bahrain; shujaC Ibn . Wahb al-Asadt t o the Ghassanid King; al-Muhajir Ibn Abt Umayya al -

Hakhzomf t o the Himyarite King; and bIucadh Ibn Jabal t o the Kings o f

Yemen. jgO Through a close look a t the l e t t e r s carr ied by the above

ambassadors, one may observe a re f ined e t iquet te on the par t o f the

Prophet.

On the other hand, the Prophet received delegations and embassies

a t ustuwanat a7-wufûd (the p i l l a r o f embassies) i n h i s mosque. He

received deputations frm Ta ' l f ; Najran; Bana sacd; Banu Tay' ; Ban0

388~hmad Shalabt , !fawso(at al -Tnr fkh a 7-Islllrnt. 10 vols. (Cai ro: ~ a k t a b a t ' al-Nahda al-Misriyya, 1984), 1 : 570; al-Sayyid al-Jarnîl t , Manaqib A m f r a7-'~u'rnfntn*~L4nar Ibn al-Khattab (Bei rut : Dar al-Kitab a l - C ~ r a b i , 1985), 21.

e .

3 9 0 ~ b n Hishm, supra note 67, a t 3: 232; Ibn sacdl supra note 253, a t 2: 15-38; al-Qalqashandt , supra note 266, a t 6: 376-377; al-Suhayl t , supra note 229, e t 2:352-358; al-yaCg0bt, supra note 280, a t 2:83.

97

Tamtm; BanU Hantfa; t he Kings o f Himyar; and t h e Kings o f ind da.^" A t

the t ime o f the ceremonial recept ion o f emissaries, the Prophet and h i s

cmpanions usual l y put on f i n e dress.lgî Before ceramonials took place,

usual l y , envoys were ins t ruc ted by a person who was l a t e r ca11ed the

master o f c e r e m o n i a l ~ . ~ ~ ~ I n many cases the Prophet and h i s succssors

exchanged g i f t s with envoys as pa r t o f the d ip lomat ic ceremnies. The

g i f t s received by the prophet and the Mus1 i m Ca1 iphs went t o the general

exchequer.19' I n the t ime o f the Prophet, there were a nwnber o f la rge

houses (d8r a 7-dt . On) i n Madina t o accommodate envoys according t o t h e i r

personal s te tus and the rank o f whom they repreçanted.395 In t h i s

connection, it might be important t o mention here t h a t diplomatic

in tercourse f lour ished and achieved great success i n the l a t e Is lamic

periods. I n the times of t he r ight ly-guided cal iphs, as we11 as i n the

Umayyad and Abbasid periods, the Is lamic s ta te came i n t o more

sophi s t i ca ted d i plomatic re la t i ons when they negot iated and concl uded

truce and peace t r e a t i e s w i th nelghboring king dom^.^^^ Moreover, the

Fatimid, Mamluk, Ayyubid, and Ottoman regimes exchanged d i plomatic

39i~bn Hisham, suprs note 67, e t 4:152-181; I bn K a t h t r , supra note 72, a t 5: 40-98; a l -Maqr tz t , supra note 253, a t 1 :509; I bn sacd, supra note 253, a t 1:153; al-Tabart , a supra nots 71, a t 2:48.

3 g 2 a l - ~ a q r t z t , supra note 253, a t 1 : 509; I b n saCd, supra note 253, a t 1:153.

3 g l a l - ~ a b a r t , supra note 71, a t 2:49.

391~b id . When the w i fe o f Ibn al-Uhattab received a g i f t from the w i fe o f the Enperor o f Constantinople, c~mak conf iscated it f o r the Muslim s t a t e treasury. See I b n a l - A t h f r , supra note 284, a t 3:74.

3 9 J ~ b n sacd, supra note 253, a t 1:153; al-MaqrTzi, supra note 253, a t 1: 509; Muhammad Hamtdul lah, supra note 373, a t 147.

a

396a1-~alqashandt, supra note 266, a t 421-463.

98

representat i ves v l t h European and Asi an count r i es

Nevertheless, based on customary and conventional in ternat ional

law, diplomatic agents enjoy a considerable range o f p r i v i l eges and

lnmunlties t o ensure t h e i r e f f i c i e n t performance and f ~ n c t i o n . ~ ' '

According t o the Vienna convention on D i plomatic Relations, concluded on

Apr i l 18, 1961, diplomatic envoys have the r i g h t t o i n v i o l a b i l i t y . I n

other words, the person o f the diplomatic agent i s inv io lable. A r t i c l e

29 o f the above Conventlon proclaims tha t diplomatic agents are protected

from molestation o f any kind, as we11 as fram arres t or detention by the

local author i t ies . The second p r i v i l ege i s e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . This

concept involves a number o f exemptions from local j u r i sd i c t i on .

Accordingly, diplomatic envoys are exempt from the ju r i sd i c t i ons o f the

receiving state, inc luding local c i v i l and cr iminal j u r i sd i c t i on .

Moreover, they cannot be asked t o appear as a witness i n a t r ibuna l .

Exemption from taxes and customs dut ies i s provided i n A r t i c les 34 and

36 o f the Vienna Convention. I n additfon, there are a number o f minor

imrnunities embodied i n the a r t i c l e s o f the convention, namely: the r i g h t

t o move and t rave l f r e e l y i n the t e r r i t o r y o f the receiving state, except

i n prohibited secur i ty zones; the freedom o f communication f o r o f f i c i a 1

purposes; exemption f rom social securi t y provisions; and exempt ion f rom

%. Sen, A D ip lomat 's Handbook o f Internat iona 1 Law and Pract ice (The Hague, The Netherlands: Martinus N i j h o f f Publishers, 1965) , 5.

3 9 8 ~ m ~ . Starke, supra note 365, a t 444. These p r i v i l eges and immunities are minutely dixüssôd i n A r t i c l e s 20 t o 41 o f the Vienna Convention on D i p l m a t i c Relations, o f A p r i l 18, 1961.

services and m i l i t a r y obligations.19g

Thus, diplomatic envoys enjoy spec i f ic i m u n i t i e s and p r i v i l i g e s

corresponding t o those provided by public international law. I n t h i s

sense, Bernard Lewis concludes t ha t "the r igh ts and irnmunities o f envoys,

including those from hos t i l e ru lers, were recognized from the s t a r t , and

enshr i ned i n the ~ h a r tce. "400

To enable them t o exercise t h e i r dut ies and functions, diplomatic

agents en joy f u l l persona1 immunity under islamic internat ional law.

They are not t o l e k i l l ed , maltreated o r arrested even i f they are

convicted or have a cr iminal record!' The Prophet Muhammad granted

these pr iv i leges and i m u n i t i e s t o diplomatic envoys i n h i s l i fe t ime.

Two incidents are on record: f i r s t , the Prophet granted immunity t o Ibn

al-Nawwaha and Ibn &thal, the emissaries o f Musaylama - the 1 i a r - , i n

sp i te o f t h e i r extremely rude behaviour towards him. The Prophet said:

"1 swear by A77ah tha t i f emissaries were not immune from k i l l i n g , I

uould have ordered you t o be beheaded. ""' Second, the Prophet treated

Ig9 vienne Convent ion on Diplmat ic Relat ions, Ar t i c les 26, 27, 33 and 35. See Gerhard von Glahn, supra note 95, a t 42, 199, and 386-394; J e G o

Starke, supra note 365 a t 440-445; L. Oppenheim, supra note 91, a t 1: 629-636; Norman O. Palmer and Howard C. Perkins, supra note 381 at 90-91.

400~ernard Lewis, supra note 2, a t 76.

" ' ~ f z a l Igbal , The Prophet's Diplutnacy: The Art o f Negot jet ion as Conceived and Oevefoped by the Prophet o f Is7em (Cape Cod, Massachusetts: Claude Stark & Co., 1975), 54-55; al-t4asCudt, supra note 133, at 2:309; Muhammad Hamfdullah, supra note 373, a t 147.

4 0 2 ~ b ~ DtiwUd, supra note 197, at 2:92-93; Ahmad Ibn Hanbal al- Shaybant , a 7-Musnad, 6 vols. (Bei rut : al-Maktab a l - i s lamt , 1d69), 1 : 390 [hereinaf ter Ibn Hanbal]; al-Bayhaqt, supra note 211, a t 9:211; Ibn Hisham, supra note' 67, a t 4: 165; Ibn al-Qayyim, supra note 21, a t 2:75; al-SarakhsT, supra note 21, a t 10: 92; al-Shawkant , supra note 192, a t 8:34; al-Tabart, supra note il, at 2:69.

I

1 O0

kindly Wahsht, a the anibassador o f the people o f a l -Ta' i f , w who had

murdered Hama, . the Prophet's uncle, a t the ba t t l e o f Uhud. . The

Prophet's generous treatment convi nced him t o embrace 1s l am.'o3

Moreover, Islamic law accorded dro i t de chape? te t o diplomatic agents.

The Prophet allowed a delegation from the Christ ians o f Najran t o hold

t h e i r service i n h i s r n ~ s ~ u e . ' ~ ~

I n addi t ion t o the above pr iv i leges, the property o f diplomatic

agents i s exempt from customs duties and other taxes during the i r stay

i n d8r a l - ~ s l a r n ~ ~ ~ ~ This p r i v i l ege could be provided on a reciprocal

b a s i ~ . ' ~ ' I n t h i s sense, Huçlim j u r i ç t ç deem t ha t diplomatic agents o f

foreign states enjoy the same p r i v i leges granted t o Mus1 i m envoys i n such

s t a t d o 7 To en joy these p r i v i leges and imun i t i e s , foreign envoys

must c m i t themselves t o good breeding and f i d e l i t y . I n committing any

prohibited acts, which might dis turb the peace and securi ty o f dBr a7-

1s 7am, 1 i ke engaging i n espionage o r exporting weapons f rom bar a 7-Isa 7am

t o d8r al-harb, an envoy w i 11 be declared persona non grata and

'031bn Hisham, supra note 67, a t 3:21-23; Ibn K a t h f r , supra note 72, a t 4:17-19; al-Tabart, supra note 71, a t 1 3 7 6 .

w

' " ~ f z a l Iqbal, supra note 401, a t 55; Ibn Hisham, supra note 67, a t 2: 160; Ibn Kathf r , supra note 72, a t 5: 52-56; Mohamad A l i Homoud, D i p 7mecy i n I s 7am: D ip 7macy Dur ing the Per iod o f Prophet Muhamned (Jaipur, India: Pr intwel l , 1994), 232.

'05~bo Yusuf, supra note 53, e t 334-335; al-Khattb, supra note 288, a t 4:247; al -Sht raz t , supra note 324, a t 2:260.

A o 6 ~ b 0 YDsuf, supra note 53, a t 266.

%bid. ; Muhammad Hamtdullah, supra note 373, a t 148.

expatr iated sa fe ly t o h i s s ta te of orlgln.'" I n t h i s case, however,

the emissary w i l l not be k i l l e d o r i n any way molested o r badly treated,

f o r the r u l e i s " l o y a l t y against treachery i s be t te r than treachery

agai nst treachery. I n l i g h t o f the above discussion, one may ask:

On what grounds i s Maj id Khadduri standing when he concludes, " i f

h o s t i l i t i e s began when the emissaries were s t i17 on Muslim s o i l , they

wera e i t h e r inçu l ted o r imprisoned o r even ki l led"? ' 'O

6. Foreign Trade (al+ jars al-Khari j i yya)

I t i s well known t h a t Islam emerged i n Mecca, the comnercial centre

o f Arabia, a t the crossroads o f in ternat iona l trade.'" The Prophet

Muhammad himself was a merchant, and the Ho7y Qur 'an has made reference O

t o the trade journeys o f the Quraysh, a highbred Meccan t r i b e , t o Yemen

and Syr ia i n winter and sumer respectively."2 The Purashites' t rade

caravans and t h e i r prest ige as custodians o f the ~ a ~ b a , the centra l

'O0~bo Ishaq Ibrlàhtm Ibn c ~ l t a l -Sht raz t , el-Tanbfh (Cairo: blatbaCat Mustafa al-Babt a l Halabt , 1951 ) , 147 [hereinaf ter al-Tanbth] i a l - DaibqT, supra note 228, a t 2:206; Ibn al-Humam, supra note 293, a t 4:294; Mansur Ibn I d r t s al-Buhntt, Kashshaf al- in$ 'an Matn al-lqnzf, 6 vols. (Cairo: t4atbaCat Ansllr al-Sunna al-Muhamadiyya, 1947), 3: 87 [a l -Buh l~ t t ] ; a l - s h d f j C t , subra note 21, a t 4: f85; Sharf a l -Dtn 1smaCtl Ibn Abt Bakr al-Muqrt, Asna al-Matalib f t Sharh Rawd al-Talib, 2 vols. (Cairo: al-t4atbaCa al-Maymaniyya, '1306 A.H.), '2204 [hereinaf ter a l - Muqrt] ; Tuhfat . al-Muhtaj, supra note 293 a t 4: 294.

a

( O ~ A ~ O DawUd, supra note 197, a t 2:92; Muharinad Ibn al-Tinnidht Sunan al-Tirmidht, 5 vols. (Beirut: Dar' a l Fikr , l983), 4: 143 [here inaf ter a l - T i rmldhr].

%a j i d Khadduri , supra note 50, a t 244.

hinad nad Amtn, F a j r a 1-Islam (Bel ru t : Dar a l -Ki tab a ~ - ~ ~ r a b t , W X ) , 12-16; Ibn Ka th t r , supra note 72, a t 2:293; al-Tabart, . supra note 7 1 , a t 1:457.

'12 The Ho l y Pur 'an, C V I : 1-2.

shrine o f Arabia, enabled them t o obta in covenants o f secur i ty and

safeguard from the ru le rs o f neighbouring countr ies t o protect t h e i r

trade j o ~ r n e ~ s . " ~ A t a l a t e r tirne, fore ign trade became a considerable

career i n Hus1 i m soctety, and played a great r o l e i n the expansion o f the

Islamic r e l i g i o n and c i v i l i z a t i o n . Islamic comnercial 1aw l e f t i t s

imprint on the European t rad ing profession through Andalusia and I t a l y.

Although the d e t a i l s o f t h i s intercourse l i e outside the scope o f t h i s

study, it can be said t ha t many Islamic commercial ideas and technical

expressions were introduced i n t o the European commerci a1 d i scourse dur i ng

the Crusades. Furthermore, Trend claims that while Europe was shrouded

i n the Dark Ages, Mus1 ims began t o trade w i th Europe on a large scale,

get t ing as f a r as Sweden. Through trade, Mus1 ims influenced Western

IegaI principles."'

However, i n examining the e f f e c t o f the doctr ine o f j ihad on

commercial intercourse w i th the enemy, Muslim j u r i s t s held d i f f e r e n t

opinions regardi ng trade between dBr a 7-1s lam and d8r a 1-harb. Whi l e 0

t rading between the subjects o f bel 1 igerent states usual l y ceases a t the

outbreak o f war, Is lamic 1aw allows Muslims t o conclude commercial

413~bn al-Fida' lsmllCf 1 Ibn Ka th t r , T a f s t r Ibn Kathfr , 4 vols. (Beirut: Dar a l -F ikr l i l - ~ i b a ~ a wal-Nashr wal-fauztC, 1981), 4:554-555 [hereinafter f a f s t r Ibn Kath t r ) ; al-Qurtubf, supra note 60, a t 20: 137.

"'1n t h i s respect, Le Baron Michel de Taube argues tha t "contra 38,000 monnaies arabes trouvees en Suéde, on compte seulment 200 monnaies byzantines découvertes dans l e mdrne pays. " See Le Baron Michel de Taube, " Etudes sur l e développement h istor ique du d r o i t in ternat ional dans l'Europe Orientale," Recuei7 des cours 1 : 2 (1926): 395; J.B. Trend, "Spain and Portugal," i n The Iegacy o f Islam, eds. Thomas Arnold and Al f red Guillaume (London: Oxford Univers i ty Press, 1931), 3; Majid Khadduri, supra note 50, a t 224; Sobhi Mahmassani, supra note 1, a t 271- 272; W. Heyd, Histoire du connierce du Levant au moyen-dge, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1923), 1 :24-51.

agreements and exchange comodt t i e s w i t h the subjects o f ûùr a 1-harb,

w i t h c e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on exports and imports, f o r p o l i t i c a l

and r e l i g i ous reaçonç.'15 General 1 y speaking, Mus1 i m j u r i s t s agreed on

t rad ing w i t h d8r al-harb,'16 except f o r the Mal ik i tes , who deemed tha t

Mus1 ims should not enter dür a 7-harb t o make comnercial t ransact ions, i f *

such deals made them subject t o t he 1aws o f the enemy. Furtherrnore,

H a l i k and I b n Ham advised the Imam t o keep Muslims from enter ing bBr a7-

harb except f o r the performance o f j ihad o r i n d i p l m a t i c r n i s ç i ~ n a r ~ . ~ ~ ~

Huslim j u r i s t s p roh ib i ted the export o f arms, r i d i n g animals,

slaves, and a l 1 mater ia ls t h a t can be used i n the industry o f weapons and

may increase the f i g h t i n g power o f d8r a ~ -he rb . "~ al-Shaybant goes so

f a r a s t o p r o h i b i t the export o f s i l k t h a t might be used i n c u t t i n g out

war f l a g s ( m o t al-harb), and a11 kinds o f i r on , no matter what s ize o r . usage.41g Moreover, Ab0 YOsuf advised the Imam t o se t up checkpoints

(masa l i h ) on the border1 ines o f dar a 7-1s ?am, t o apprehend contrabandists

" ' ~ a j t b al-Arrnanazt , supra note 274, a t 2 1 9; Sobhi Hahmassani , supra note 1, a t 271; Wahba a l -Zuhayl f , supra note 182, a t 512.

*

" ' A ~ o Yusuf, supra note 53, a t 334-338; al-Bahr al-Zakhkhar , supra note 295, a t 3:301; Ibn %bdtn, supra note 227, a t 3:312; al-Kasanf, supra note 21, a t 102; Maj id Khadduri, supra note 50, a t 224; al- Marghtnant , supra note 21, a t 139; Rudolph Peters, supra no te 11, a t 26; al-Si yar a l -Kabtr , supra note 67, at7 4 : 1408-1409 and 1567-1574; Wahba al-Zuhayl t , supra note 182, a t 512-524.

" ' ~ b n Ham, supra note 21, a t 7:349; Muhammad Ï b n Ahmad Ibn Rushd, a 7-Mupeddaht a 7-Mumahhadt~t, 3 vols. (Cai ro': natbacat al-saCada, 1325 A. H. ) , 2: 285 [here ina f te r al-Muqaddamat) ; al-Hudabwana, supra note 293, a t 10: 102.

' laa l - fa tawt al-Hindiyya, supra note 301, a t 2: 197-198; al-Sarakhsr supra note 21, a t 88-89.

% - ~ i ~ a r al-Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 4: 1568.

1 O4

and i n f l i c t penalt ies upon t h e d t 0 By contrast, a l - sha f i c t permits the

sale o f sabt and i r on t o the subjects o f dar 87-harb, * i f Muslims know

fo r ce r ta in that such goods w i 11 not be used for a i M a r y purposas.'?'

On the other hand, most Muslim j u r i s t s permitted the export o f

food, c lo th and agr icul t u ra l products t o dar a 1-harb,'12 except the

Mal ik i tes, who st ipulated t ha t a t ruce must be concluded wi th them

f i r ç t . I 2 ' A case i n point o f the f i r ç t posi t ion i ç t ha t the Prophet

Muhammad ordered Thamâma Ibn Athal al-Hanaft t o put an end t o the * am

a l imentary boycott imposed on the Meccans, and support them w i t h

foodstuffs I n spi te o f being i n war w i th ~usl lrns. '~'

As t o imports, i t i s worthwhile to mention here that foreign

merchants were not allowed t o sel1 forbidden c m o d i t i e s such as wine and

pork i n d8r al-Islam. A t the same tirne, Muslim merchants were prohib i ted

from carry ing weapons, sabf, o r any materials which n igh t be used f o r

the fabr ica t ion o f arms, during t h e i r v i s i t t o d8r al-harb. * Furthemore,

the l a t t e r are not permitted t o prac t ice r i b a (usury), o r t o deal w i th

Yusuf, supra note 5 3 , a t 337; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 43569.

a - ~ h a t t b supra note 288, a t 2: 10; a l -shaf iCt , supra note 2 1 , a t 4:198; Shams a l -D tn Muhammad Ibn Ahmad al-Ramlt, NihByet al-Muhtaj i l a Sharh al-Minhaj. 8 vols'. (Cairo: al'I4atbaca al-Bahiyya al -Misr iy ia, 1304 A.H. ) , 3: 15 [hereinafter al-Rami t].

'

r22a l -~argh tnan t , supra note 21, a t 2:139; a l -shtr f iCt , supra note 21, a t 7 : W ; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 4:1408.

'%l-~udawwana, supra note 293, a t 10: 102 ; al-Muqaddamat , supra note 41 7, a t 2: 287-288.

4i4al-~ayhaqt, supra note 21 1, a t 6:319.

105

pork, wine, o r w i l d a n i r n a ~ s . ~ ~ ~ Hwever, Ibn al-Uhattab, . . the

second r ight ly-guided Caliph imposed the Cushor ( t i t h e ) duty .

Accordingly, the harbt e merchants were requi red t o pay ten percent o f the

value o f t h e i r commercial comnodities which exceeded two hundred

d i r h a n d 6 The Imam has the r i g h t t o increase o r decrease t h i s rate,

according t o the Musl i m state foreign trade pol i cy . The Imam i s advised

t o inval idate a l - c u s h ~ r duty i f the s ta te o f the harbt nierchant does not *

col lect çuch duty f rom Musl irn ~nerchantç.''~

b 2 5 ~ b ~ Hamid al-Ghazal t, Ih*' C ~ l ~ m a 7-Dtn , 4 vols. (8ei ru t : Dar a l - naCr i fa 1 i l L ~ i b a ( a wal Nashr, 1404 A.H.), 2:65 [hereinafter Ihya' C ~ ~ ~ m al-Dtn].

' j 6~bu Ypsuf, supra note 53, a t 263-270; Ahkaa Ah1 al-Dhimma, supra note 324, a t 169; Ibn Sa1 lm, supra note 253, a t 501 ; al-Khattb, supra note 288, a t 4:247; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 10:59g-600; a l - Muqaddamat, supra note 417, at 1:184; al-Muqrt, supra note408, a t 2:12; al -Sht raz t , supra note 324, a t 2:259; al-Wajtz, supra note 295, a t 2:53.

'''~bo YQsuf, supra note 53, a t 265-267; al-Bahr al-Zakhkhar, supra note 295, a t 2:223; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t ' 8 : W ; al-Siyar a l - Kabf r, supra note 67, a t 5: 2136.

I I dihacl and Ci vi I ians* Parsonal Ri g h-ts

The issue o f human r igh ts i n times o f war and armed disputes i s one

o f the most fundamental human issues and, consequently, one o f the most

sensit ive and controversial . The f o l lowing chapter attempts t o address

the c r i t i c a l question: t o what extent d i d Islamic humanitarian law

contr ibute t o the protect ion o f c i v i 1 ians' personal r i ghts? To maintain

that , a number o f these r igh ts w i l l be examined i n l igh t o f the noms o f

Islamic and publ ic internat ional law, par t icu lar ly , the r i g h t t o l i f e ,

the proh ib i t ion o f t o r tu re and inhuman treatment, and the r i g h t t o

respect one's r e l igious bel iefs, customs and t rad i t ions.

1. Right t o L i fe , the Prohibition o f Torture and Inhman Treatnrent

Internat ional humanitarian law gurantees the protect ion o f

indiv idual human r ights, whether those r igh ts are exercised alone o r i n

association wi th others. The r i gh t t o l i f e i s an imperative norm o f

international law which should insp i re and influence a l 1 other human

rights.428 I n h i s a r t i c l e "Human Rights as the Modern Tool o f

Revol ut ion", I rw in Cotler concluded tha t "The struggle f o r human r igh ts

and human digni ty , as Havel and Mandela have put i t - separately but i n

so l i da r i t y - i s rea l l y i n i t i a l l y and ult i rnately the struggle f o r

ourselves. ""j Therefore, the international law o f human r igh ts , which

' 1 8 ~ . ~ . Ramcharan, ed., The Right to L i f e in International Law (Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Martinus N i j ho f f Pub1 ishers, 1985), 6; Leo Kuper, The Prevent ion o f Genocide (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), 3 .

' 2 g ~ r v i n Cotler, "Human Rights as the Modern Tool o f Revolution," i n Human Rights in the Twenty-First Century: A G7oba 7 Challenge, eds. Kathleen E. Mahoney and Paul Hahoney (Dordrecht, The Netherlands:

1 O7

i s concerned w i t h the promotion and pro tec t ion o f human r i g h t s must be

i n the f o r e f ron t o f the d i s c i p l ine, char t ing new courses and establ i sh ing

new models.

The Uni ted Nations Charter o f 1945 made no e x p l i c i t reference t o

the i nd i v i dua l ' s r i g h t t o l i f e , bu t it ernphasized the promotion o f human

r i g h t s and fundamental freedoms i n t he f i r s t chapter on purpüses and

p r i n c i p l a ~ . ' ~ ~ I n exarnining the othar instruments o f the B i l l o f Rights,

one may f i n d tha t the Universal Declarat ion o f Human Rights, o f 1948,

c l e a r l y confirmed the r i g h t t o l i f e . A r t i c l e 3 af f i rmed universal

ent i t lement t o the r i g h t s o f l i f e , l i b e r t y and security.'" Any ac t o f

t o r t u r e i s declared t o be an offence t o human d ign i t y , and condemned as

a v i o l a t i o n o f human r i g h t s and fundamental freedoms proclaimed i n the

United Nations Charter and the Universal Declarat ion o f Human Rights.

A r t i c l e 5 o f t he same dec la ra t ion s ta tes t h a t "No one shal1 be subjected

t o t o r t u r e o r t o c rue l , inhuman o r degrading treatment or

punishment. "13' Furthenore, t h i s r i g h t i s also confirrned i n A r t i c l e

6 (Part I I I ) o f the In te rna t iona l Covenant on C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l Rights

o f 1966. Paragraph 1 o f A r t i c l e 6 declares tha t "every human being has

the inherent r i g h t t o 1 i f e . Th is r i g h t sha11 be protected by law. No

Martinus N i j h o f f Publishers, 1993), 20.

"lil\1bert P. Blaustein, Roger S. Clark, and Jay A. S ig le r , eds. ,Human RightsSourcebook (New York: Paragon House Publishers, 1987) , 8-9; United Nations Charter, supra note 98.

n ni vers al Dec7aration o f Hunan Rights. G.A. Res. 217 A (III), 3 (1) U.N. GAOR Resofutions 71, U.N. Doc. A/810, 1948.

'jî Ib id.

one she l l be a r b i t r a r i l y deprived o f h i s l i fe . "433 Paragraph 6 o f t h i s

a r t i c l e asked the state par t ies t o the Covenant not t o delay or t o

prevent the abo l i t i on o f cap i ta l punishent . I n l i g h t o f the above-

mentioned statement, one may argue tha t A r t i c l e 6 o f the Internat ional

Covenant on C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l Rights i s l im i ted t o arb i t rary

deprivat ion of ' l i f e such as by homocide, and does not guarantee any

persons secur i ty against death from famine o r lack o f medical attent ion.

Therefore, mere to lera t ion o f malnut r i t ion by a state w i l l not be

regarded as a v io la t ion of the human r i g h t t o 1 i f e .

On the other hand, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment

o f the Crime o f Genocide, o f 1948, was designed t o prevent, as well as

t o punish, the crime. The d e f i n i t i o n o f genocide i n the Convention

r e f l ec t s the emphasis on punishment o f the crime. It reads as follows:

" I n the present convention, genocide means any o f the f o l lowing acts committed with in tent t o destroy, i n whole o r i n part , a nat ional, ethnicat, rac ia l o r re l ig iouç group, as such:

a. Ki1 l ing members o f the group; b. Causing serious bodi ly o r mental harm t o members of the group; c. Del iberately i n f l i c t i n g on the group conditions o f l i f e

calculated t o br ing about i t s physical destruct ion i n whole o r i n part;

d m Imposing measures intended t o prevent b i t ths w i t h i n the group; e. ~ o r c i b ' i , t ransfer r ing chi ldren o f the group t o another

g roup.

According t o the a r t i c l e c i ted above, the crime o f genocide i s defined

by reference t o speci f ic acts not i n general ternis, but the inclusion o f

%. G. Ranicharan, supra note 428, a t 30; In te rna t iona 7 Covenant on C i v i l and P o i i t i c a l Rights. G.A. Res. 2200 ( X X I ) , 21 U.N. GAOR, Supp. 'No. 16) a t 52, U.N. Doc. A/6316, 1966.

%rivent ion on the Prevent ion and Punishment o f the Crime o f Genocide G.A. Res. 260 A ( I I I ) , 3(1) U.N. GAOR a t 174, U.N. Doc. A/810, 1948.

intent ra ises some d i f f i c u l t i e s i n proof, as the denia l o f i n t e n t could

be used as a defense. The concept o f in tent was explo i t e d , f o r example,

when the defence m i n i s t e r o f the government o f Paraguay, i n answering t o

charges o f genocide against the Aché Indians, rep l i ed t h a t there was no

i n ten t i on t o destroy them.'15 -

Seeking evidence on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r i g h t t o l i f e outs ide the United

Nations, one may r e f e r t o the Charter f o r the In te rnat iona l M i l i t a r y

Tr ibunal t h a t t r i e d the major war cr imina ls a t Nuremberg which specif ied,

i n A r t i c l e 6, three types o f crime f a l l i n g under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the

t r ibuna l .436 These crimes are: crimes against peace, inc lud ing the

waging o f a war o f aggression; nar crimes, such as murder o f the c i v i 1 ian

population, the k i l l i n g o f hostages, and the d e s t r u c t i m c f c i t i e s ; and

crimes against humani t y such as murder, extermination, and i nhuman acts

c m i t t e d agai ns t c i v i 1 ian populations before o r dur inq a war.'j7

Moreover, A r t i c l e 3 which i s comrnon t o a11 four Geneva Conventions,

o f 1949, p roh ib i t s , a t any t ime and i n any place, violence t o l i f e and

person, i n p a r t i cu la r murder o f any kind, muti l a t i on , cruel t r e a t r n e ~ t and

t ~ r t u r e . " ~ A r t i c l e 4 o f Protocol II Addit ional t o the Geneva

4 3 5 ~ e o Kuper, "Genocide and Hass K i l ings : I l l u s i o n and Rea l i t y , " i n The Right t o Li fe in In te rna t iona l Law, ed. B . G . Ramcharan (Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Martinus N i j h o f f Publishers, 1985), 115.

436~greetnent f o r the Prosecution and Punishment o f the Major War Criminals o f the European Axis Powers and Charter o f the In te rnat iona l M i l i t a r y Tr ibunal , supra note 215.

4 3 ' ~ e n jamin Ferencz, "The United Nat ions and Human Rights Forty Years Later, " i n Nuremberg Forty Years Later: The Struggle Aga ins t I n j u s t i c e in Our Time, ed. I r w i n Cot ler (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's W b i e r s i + y Press, ! K ? 5 ) , 131.

438~darn Roberts and Richard Guel f f , eds., Documents on the Laws o f War (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, l98Z), 273.

Conventions p roh ib i t s the same actions prohib i ted i n A r t i c l e 3."'

Protocol 1 Addit ional t o the same conventions, and r e l a t i n g t o the

protect ion o f v ic t ims o f in ternat ional armed c o n f l i c t s can be viewed as

a convention w i t h i n a con~ent ion . "~ The one hundred and two a r t i c l e s

o f t h i s protocol are bui 1 t on the four Geneva Conventions and other

previous conventions which emphasize the protect ion o f c i v l l i a n

popu 1 at ions . 441

However, Islamic in ternat ional 1aw considers the r i g h t t o 1 i f e as the

most basic and supreme r i g h t which human beings are e n t i t l e d t o have,

without d i s t i n c t i o n o f any kind, based on race, colour, sex, language and

re l ig ton. The r i g h t t o 1 i f e i s a sacred r ight , and any transgression

against it i s considered e crime against the e n t i r e ~ o n n i u n i t ~ . ' ~ ~ This

r i g h t has been emphasized i n the fo l lowing verses:

"On tha t account: We ordained f o r the Children o f I s f a e l tha t i f any one slew a person - unless i t be f o r murder o r f o r spreading mischief i n the land - it would be as if he slew the whole people, and i f any one saved l i f e , it would be as i f he saved the l i f e o f the whole people. 3 4 3 "Nor take l i f e - which A17lfh has made sacred - except f o r just

' 3 g ~ r o t o c o l II Addi t i ona l t o the Geneva Convent ions of August 12 , 1949, and Relat ing t o the Protect ion o f Victims o f Non-International Armed Conf 1 i c s t , supra note 140.

'lO~rotocol 1 Additional t o the Geneve Conventions o f 12 August 1949, and Relat ing t o the Protection o f Victims o f Internat ional Armed Conf 1 i cts , supra note 105.

harles A. Allan, supra note 218, a t 19.

"'~hrnad Farrag, "Human Rights and L iber t ies i n Islam," i n Human R i g h t s in a Ptura Iist Wor7d: Individuals and Co7 lect i v i t ies? eds. Jan Berting e t al (Westport: Meckler Corporation, 1990), 137.

"Nor k i l l ourselves: f o r v e r i l y A l 1ah hath been t o you Most Merciful . 11 48 Is lamic humanf t a r i a n law guarantees f a i r treatment o f c i v i 1 ians who

have not engaged i n war, and prohib i ted random use o f weapons i n a manner

tha t would a f f e c t warr iors and c i v i 1 ians indiscriminately. Mus1 i m

f ighters have been instructed t o avoid c i v i 1 ian targets. A r t i c l e 47 o f

the Islamic Law o f Nations states that , "Whenever the Apostle o f A 7 78h

sent f o r t h a detachment he said t o it: Do not cheat o r commit treachery,

nor should you mut-llate o r k i 11 children, women, o r o ld men. "14( This

obl igat ion i s supported by another t r a d i t i o n which states that the

Prophet Muhammad saw people gathered around something and sent a man t o

invest igate saying: "see, what are these people col lected around?" The

man returned and said: "They are around a woman who has been k i 1 led. "

The Prophet said: "This i s not one wi th whom f i g h t i n g should have taken

place. " The Prophet sent a man t o f o l low Khal i d Ibn al-Wal t d and said:

"Tell Khalid not t o k i l l a woman o r a h i red servant.""'

Excessive k i 7 1 ing i s prohib i ted even when i t i s authori zed. This

p r inc ip le has been expressed i n the fo l lowing verse: "If any one i s

ki11ed wrongfully, we have given h i s he i r authori ty, but l e t him not

exceed bounds i n k i 1 1 ing. ""( Thus, Mus1 i m f i ghters (muj~hidPn) are not

4b '~b id . , X V I I : 33.

' 5 ~ b i d . , I V : 29.

%aj i d Khadduri , supra note 2, a t 91.

4 4 7 ~ b o DawUd. supra note 197, a t 2:739.

%e Holy Qur'an, X V X I : 33.

permit ted t o push k i l l i n g t o the po in t nhere they cannot d i s t i ngu i sh

between c i v i 1 ians and combatants. Prophet Muhammad ins t ruc ted the Mus1 i m 4

f i gh te rs , disptached against the Byzantine arrny, t o "spare the weakness

of the female sex; i n j u r e not the i n fan ts o r those who are i l 1 i n bed.

Refra in frorn demol i sh ing the houses of the unresis t ing inhabitants;

destroy not the means o f t h e i r subsistence, nor t h e i r f r u i t - t r e e s and

touch not the palm, and do not mu t i l a te bodies and do not k i l l

ch i ldren. 11 449

The r i g h t l y-guided Cal iphs f o l lowed the prophet's example. AbO Bakr

al-Siddtq, the f i r s t Muslim Cal iph exhorted the Muslim a n y marching t o

Syria, t o learn the fo l lowing ru les by heart:

"Do not commit treachery, nor depart from the r i g h t path. You must not mut i la te, nei ther k i l l a ch i l d o r aged man o r woman. Do not destroy a palm t ree, nor burn it w i t i r f i re and do no t cu t any f r u i t f u l t ree. you must not s lay any o f the f l ock o r the herds o r the camels, Save f o r your subsistence. You are 1 i k e l y t o pass by people who have developed t h e i r l i v e s t o monastic serv i .~es ; leave them t o t h a t t o which they have devoted the i r 1 ives. " ' Furtherrnore, '~mar I b n al-Khattab, the second orthodox Cal iph, warned

l I

the commanders o f the Muslim army saying: "Do not mutilate when you

have power t o do so. Do not coinmit excess when you triumph. Do not k i 11

an o l d man o r a woman o r a minor, bu t t r y t o avoid them a t the tirne o f

the encounter o f the two armies, and a t the t ime o f the heat o f v i c to ry ,

' "~ar ima Bennoune, "As-Salam0 C~laykum" Humanitarian Law i n Is lamic Jurisprudence, " Michigan Journa 7 o f Internat iona 7 Law 15: 2 (Winter 1994) : 624.

45D~aldemar A. So l f , supra note 202, a t 118; al-Shawkanf, supra note 192, a t 7:263; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67, a t 1:41.

and a t the time of expected attacks. ""' By the seme token, the four th

Caliph, C ~ l t Ibn Abt Tel ib, prohib i ted the Muslim f ighters from k i l l i n g

those who have l a i d down t h e i r weapons, o r f l e d from the ba t t l e f i e l d .

During h l s struggle wi th the Umayyads, and before the ba t t l e o f Sa f f tn ,

C ~ l t gave h i s f ighters the fo l lowing cmnands, which can be considered

as basic ru les o f conduct I n Islamic internat ional humanitarian law. ' ~ 7 - i

said:

" I f you defeat them, do not k i l l a man i n f l i g h t , do not f i n i s h o f f a wounded man, do not uncover a pudendum, o r muti l a t e the dead, do not r i p open a cur ta in o r enter a house without permission, do not take any of the i r property, and do not to r tu re or h a n t h e i r w m n aven though they may i n s u l t 6 ~ u r leaders, and remember Aflah, mayhap you w i l l have knowledge.

About the treatment o f the enemy i n the ba t t l e f i e l d , Ahmed Zaki

Yamani argues that Islamic humanitarian law i s extremely concerned wi th

the basic ru les o f the international humanitarian law. These ru les are

the object o f many verses and t rad i t ions. The Muslim rules o f war are

highly prec t ica l and r e a l i ~ t i c . ' ~ ~ Islamic international law o f amed

confl i c t has forbidden the breaking o f promises and t rea t ies and the

separation o f capt ive women from t h e i r chi ldren, and has ca l led f o r the

f a i r treatment o f prisoners o f war. A r t i c l e 44 o f the Islamic Law o f

4 5 1 c ~ b d A l lah Ibn Mus1 i m Ibn Qutayba al-Dtnawart , Kitab a 7- Akhbar, 4 vols (Cairo: Dar al-Kitab a lœC~rab t , 1957) , 1: 107-108 [hereinafter Ibn Qutayba]; Karima 8ennoune, supra note 449, a t 626. Shihab al-Dtn Ahmad Ibn ( ~ b d Rabbu al-Andalust , a l-'lqd a 1-Fartd (Beirut: Dar wa blaktabat al-Hiléfl, 1986), 1:79 [hereinafter Ibn C ~ b d Rabbu].

r5Z~hmed Zaki Yamani, supra note 42, a t 195; Nahj al-Balagha, supra note 196, a t 3:425.

%larcel A. Boisard, supra note 190, a t 10.

Nations, s tates t h a t , "The pr içoner o f war should not be ki l led."" '

I n t h i s sense, the Prophet Muhammad said: m

"War pr isoners are ycur b r ~ t i w s . A ! 78h hac; put them i n your hands; so whosoebrer has h i s brother i n h i s hands, l e t him g i v e him food t o eat out o f what he himself eats and l e t him give him clothes t o Wear out o f what he himself wears, and do not impose on them a work they are not able t o do themselves. I f ,% a1 1 you give thern such work, hel p them t o carry it out.

The Ho7y Qur'an, a primary source o f Is lamic in te rnat iona l law,

confirms these ru les i n the fo l low ing verse: "And they ( the devotees o f

A77ah) feed the indigent, the orphaned and the capt ive i n s p i t e o f t h e i r

need and love o f t h a t food.

I n h i s book, Kitab al-Um, a l - sha f i c t says: "Whatever i s accepted by

the Muslims and receives t h e i r consensus as being permissible i n the Land

o f Islam i s not forbidden i n the land o f unbelievers, and whatwer i s

forbidden i n the land o f Islam, i s a lso forbidden i n the land o f

unbel ievers. He who cornrnits a forbidden ac t w i 11 receive the punishrnent

prescribed by Allah f o r h i s offence."'ji I n t k i s connection, Ahmed Zaki

Yamani reported t h a t "'urnar I bn al-Khattab heard tha t a Muslim so ld ie r * I

had said t o a Persian combatant captive: Do not be a f r a i d ! then k i 1 led

the Persian. Thereupon, '~rnar wrote t o the commander o f the army i n

these tenns: "As A77ah i s my witness, i f I hear anyone hss done t h i s ,

1 sha l l cut h i s neck. "'jâ

% a j i d Khadduri, supra note 2, a t 91.

" j ~ a r t m a Bennoune, supra note 449, a t 633.

'j6 The Ho 7y Our 'an, LXXVI : 8.

45ia1-~hafict, supra note 21, a t 7:322.

4ià~hrned Zaki Yamani , supra note 42 , at 202.

Nevertheless, r i g h t t o 1 i f e , p r o h i b i t i o n o f t o r t u r e and inhuman

treatment are a l so conf i rmed by contemporary Is lamic human r i ghts law.

A r t i c l e 1 o f the Universal Is lamic Declarat ion o f Human Rights af f i rmed

t h a t "human l i f e i s sacred and i n v i o l a b l e and every e f f o r t s h a l l be made

t o p ro tec t it."4Ss A r t i c l e 7 a lso enphaçired the r i g h t t o p ro tec t ion

against to r tu re . It s ta tes t h a t "No person sha11 be subjected t o t o r t u r e

i n mind o r body, o r degraded, o r threatened w i th i n j u r y e i t h e r t o himself

o r t o anyone re la ted t o o r held dear by him, o r f o r c i b l y made t o confess

t o the commission o f a crime, o r forced t o consent t o an ac t which i s

i n j u r i o u s t o h i s in te res ts . "16' The other Is lamic document i s the Cairo

Declarat ion on Human Rights i n Islam, o f 1990. A r t i c l e s 2 and 11 (a) o f

t h i s declarat ion a f f i r m r i g h t t o l i f e , p ro tec t ion from t o r t u r e and

i nhuman treatment, whi l e A r t i c l e 3 conf i nns c i v i l ians' p ro tec t i on i n time

o f war. A r t i c l e 2 s ta tes t h a t l i f e i s a God-given g i f t , and the r i g h t

t o 1 i f e i s guaranteed t o every human being, and sa fe ty from b o d i l y harm

i s a guaranteed r i g h t , and it i s p roh ib i ted t o breach i t without a

shartCa-preçcr ibed r e a s ~ n . ' ~ ' A r t i c l e 11 (a) maintains t h a t human

beings are born free, and no one has the r i g h t t o enslave, humi 1 i a te ,

oppreçs o r e x p l o i t A r t i c l e 3 assarts t h a t i n t he event o f the

use o f force and i n case o f armed c o n f l i c t , i t i s not permiss ib le t o k i 11

non-bel I i ge ren ts such as o1d men, women and chi ldren. The wounded and

4ig~lbert P. Blaustein, Roger S. Clark. and Jay A. S ig le r , supra note 430, a t 919.

16' The Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam. (A/CONF. 157/PC/62/Add. 18) Annex t o Res. No. 49/19-P, 9 June 1993.

4 6 2 ~b id.

the s ick sha l l have the r i g h t t o medical treatrnent, and pr isoners o f war

sha l l have the r i g h t t o be fed, sheltered and clothed. This a r t i c l e a lso

p roh ib i t s the mu t i l a t i on o f dead bodies o r the destruct ion o f the enemy's

c i v i 1 properties.U3

Ann El izabeth Mayer c r i t i c i z e d A r t i c l e 2 and A r t i c l e 11 (a ) . She

described A r t i c l e 2 as " loosely rnodelled on modern in te rnat iona l law

prov is ions. ""' She added tha t t h i s a r t i c l e " i s another instance where

the authors went beyond the Is lamic sources i n fashioning t h e i r

p r inc ip les . "'15 In her c r i t i q u e o f A r t i c l e 11 (a) , Mayer said:

" A r t i c l e I f ( a ) o f the Cairc Dedara t ion provides t h a t no one has the r i g h t t o enslave human beings - without any Zslamic qua l i f i ca t ions . This i s emblematic o f the s e f e c t i v i t y w i th which ru les taken from Is lamic 1aw have been resusci ta ted i n I s l amic human r i ghts schemes. Slavery was a deeply ingrained feature o f many Muslim

and was extensively regulated i n fs lamic law.

Comparing t h i s commentary w i t h the t e x t o f the two a r t i c l e s br ings t o

our a t ten t i on what was mentioned e a r l i e r t h a t any i n te rp re ta t i on o f

Is lamic law out o f i t s context i s nul 1 and misleading. It i s c lear tha t

Mayer has misunderstood A r t i c l e 2 and d i s to r ted A r t i c l e 11 ( a ) . One may

wonder about the accuracy and the obscur i ty o f t h i s c r i t i que . A r t i c l e

il (a) reads as fol lows: "Human beings are born free, and no one has the

r i g h t t o enslave, humil iate, oppress o r e x p l o i t them, and there can be

4 6 4 ~ n n E l i rabeth Mayer, "Universal Versus Is lamic Human Rights: A Clash o f Cultures o r a Clash with a Construct?" Echigan Journa 7 o f Internat ional Law 15 (Winter 1994): 344.

I b id.

117

no subjugetion but t o God the Most High. 4' Subjugation t o God does

notmean, i n any case, an I s l am ic q u a l i f i c a t i o n t o enslave human beings.

On the other b n d , the i n s t i t u t i o n o f slavery was not established

according t o Islamic law. Slavery pre-dated Islam by thousands o f years

and has, as an i n s t i t u t i o n , been the source o f great su f fe r ing f o r

Muslims, taken as war prisoners, and sold t o slavery. Is lamic

humanitarian 1aw regulated slavery w i th protect ive in junct ions which

favoured the slave and ameliorated h i s s t a t ~ s . ' ~ ~ A slave i s never

ca l led a slave i n Islamic society but a brother. I n t h i s sense, the

Prophet Muhamad ssid: "They (the slaves) are your brothers, and whoever m

has a brother under h i s care, has t o feed him and c l o t h him o f the same

food and c l o t h he ea ts and ~ e a r s . ' ~ ~ In point of f a c t , Is lamic

humanitarian 1aw has l a i d down the rules regulat ing slavery, w i t h an eye

t o i t s gradua1 disappearance.

2. Right t o Respect o f Rel iglous ûe l ie fs , Custms and Tradi t ions

A human r i g h t , including re l i g ious l i b e r t y , i s defined as the a b i l i t y

and freedm t o perform an action, and r e l i g i o n i s a co l l ec t i on o f b e l i e f s

that every indiv idual has the r i g h t t o decide on and adopt.lT0

Therefore, a l 1 indiv iduals have the r i g h t t o freedom o f re l i g ion ,

including the r i g h t t o choose one's re l ig ion . This r i g h t shal1 include

- 16'~he Cairo Declaration on Human Rights i n Islam, supra note 461.

16'~hmed Zaki Yamani , supra note 42, a t 212.

%bid., p. 213.

'IO~eonard Swidler, "Human Rights and Re1 igious Liberty: From the Past t o the Future," i n Re7 igious L iber t ies and Human Rights in Nat ions and in Re7igions, ed. Leonard Swidler (Philadelphia and New York: Ecumenical Press and H i ppocrene Books, l986), v i i .

the freedom o f parents t o ensure the r d ig ious and moral education o f

t h e i r ch i ld ran i n c o n f o m i t y w i th t h e i r own ~onv i c t i ons . ' ~ ' Contrary

t o the statement o f Hurst Hannum tha t , " r e l i g i o n was c e r t a i n l y t he most

s i gn i f i can t r i g h t arnong most groups u n t i l a t l eas t t he eighteenth

~ e n t u r y , " ' ~ one can argue t h a t r e l i g i o n i s s t i l l the nost s i g n i f i c a n t

d i s t i n c t i o n among societ ies, as most people s t i 1 1 be l ieve t h a t r e l i g i o n

i s more than a se t o f b e l i e f s , and o f ten needs t o be t rans la ted i n t o

act ions . Respect f o r r e l ig ious be l i e f s , i n modern times, can be t raced back t o

the Treaty o f Westphalia, o f 1648, which guaranteed equa l i t y o f r i g h t s

f o r both Roman Catholics and Protestants i n Centra1 Europe. I n the

a f t e n a t h o f World War I I , a new a t t i t u d e towards human r i gh ts , inc lud ing

r i g h t t o a r e l i g i o n , emerged. The United Nations Charter, o f 1945

provides i n A r t i c l e 1 and 55, t h a t universal respect sha11 be given t o

fundamental freedoms for a l 1 without d i s t i n c t i o n based on race, sex,

language and re l i g i on . More concretely and without c rea t ing lega3

ob l iga t ions , A r t i c l e 18 o f the Universal Declarat ion o f Human Rights,

which was adopted i n Par is on 10 December 1948, s ta tes t h a t , "everyone

has the r i g h t t o freedom of thought, conscience and r e l i g i o n ; t h i s r i g h t

includes f reedom t o change h i s r e l i g i o n o r bel i e f , and freedom, e i t h e r

alone o r i n community w i th others and i n pub l i c o r p r iva te , t o manifest

' " ~ r t i c l e 18(4) o f the In te rna t iona l Covenant on C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l Rights, o f 1966.

4 7 2 ~ u r s t Hannum, Autonomy, Sovereignty, end Self-Determination: The Accommodation o f Conflicting Rights (Philadelphia: Un ivers i ty o f Pennsylvania Press, IggO), 50.

" I ~ o r instance, many Mus1 ims bel ieve t h a t sherfCa i s a comprehensive code, t h a t includes eth ics, worship and r e l i g i o u s pract ices.

119

h i s r e l i g i on o r be l i e f i n teaching, pract ice, worship and

observance. ""' Moreover, A r t i c l e 18 (1) o f the Internat ional Covenant

on C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l Rights, of 1966, provides that , "everyone sha l l

have the r i g h t t o freedom o f thought, conscience and re l i g ion . This

r i g h t sha l l include freedom t o have o r t o adopt a r e l i g i on o r be l i e f o f

h i s choice, and freedom, e i the r i nd iv idua l l y o r i n c m u n i t y w i th others

and i n pub1 i c o r pr ivate, t o manifest h is r e l ig ion o r bel i e f i n worship,

observance, pract ice and teaching. 0,175

A comparison o f these two a r t i c l e s w i l l show tha t the guarantee t o

freedom o f r e l i g i on i n A r t i c l e 18 (1) o f the Internat ional Covenant on

C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l Rights was proclairned i n bet ter terms. It c lear ly

states tha t " t h i s r i g h t sha l l include freeriom t o have and t o adopt a

re l i g ion or be l i e f o f h i s choice", not on ly " t o manifest h i s re l ig ion o r

b e l i e f , " as provided i n A r t i c l e 18 o f the Universal Declaration o f Human

~ i ~ h t s . ' ~ b n the othar hand, it i s obvious that there i s an overlap

between the two a r t i c l es as regards protect ion UT ihe i i gh t to

47 '~n iversa l Declaration o f Human Rightç, supra note 431.

" '~nternat ional Covenant on C iv i 1 and Pol i t i c a l Rights, supra note 433. Rel igiously speaking, 87-hi jab (Islamic women's head cover) i s considered a par t o f a Muslim koman's be l ie fs . The f i r s t controversy regarding the wearing o f the h i j a b i n Quebec occurred i n November 1993, when Quebec Judge Richard ~l aby asked Ms. Wafa Mousseyine to rernove her hi jab i n h i s court. I n October 1994, Dania Baal i , a tenth grade student a t Ecole Regina Assumpta, a pr iva te Catholic g i r l s ' school, was t o l d tha t she could not return t o school t he following year if she continued t o Wear the hi j8b . I n January 1995, a publ ic primary school instructed parents to' have t h e i r daughter rsmûve her hijab o r change school.

' 7 6 ~ a r l Josef Partsch, "Fundamental Pr incip les o f Hunan R i ghts: Self- Determination, Equal i ty and Non-Discrimination," i n The Intemationa7 Dimensions o f Human Rights, 2 vols., ed. Karl Vasak (Westport, Connect i cut : Greenwood Press, l982), 1 : 83.

120

disseminate r d i gious i d e a d T l

I n 1981, the General Assembly o f the United Nations adopted the

Declarat ion on the ElimTnation o f a l 1 Forms o f In to lerance and o f

Discr iminat ion Based on Rel ig ion or Be l i e f . The e ighth a r t i c l e s o f the

Declarat ion con f i rm, i n 1 ine with the previous declarat ions, t h a t

d isc r im inat ion between human beings on the grounds o f r e l i g i o n or b e l i e f

const i tu tes an a f f r o n t t o human d i gn i t y and should be condemned as a

v i o l a t i o n o f human r igh ts . The United Nations Commission on Human Rights

w i l l i n g l y approved the d r a f t o f the Declarat ion on the Rights o f Perçons

Belonging t o National o r Ethnic, Rel igious and L ingu is t i c Minor i t ies ,

which was adopted by the General Assembly on 18 Oecember 1992. A r t i c l e

1 o f the Oeclaration requires State Par t ies t o encourage condi t ions f o r

the promotion o f the re l i g ious i d e n t i t y o f m ino r i t i es and t.o adopt

appropriate l e g i s l a t i o n tovards i t s realization.'1° I n A r t i c l e 2 (0)

cf P a r t II o f the Vienna Oeclaration and Programme o f Ac t ion on Human

Rights, o f 25 June 1993, the World Conference on Human Rights urçod

States and the in te rnat iona l comnunity t o p rmo te and protect the r i g h t s

o f persons belonging t o nat ional, ethnic, rel ig lous and 1 i n g u i s t i c

minor i t ies. The Vienna Declarat ion contains s i x paragraphs devoted

speci f i c a l l y t o racism, rac ia l d iscr iminat ion, xenophobia and other forms

o f i n t ~ i e r a n c e . ' ~ ~

'''6rice Dickçon, "The United Nations and Freedom o f Rel ig ion," In ternat iona 1 and Cmparat ive Law Quarter 7y 44: 2 (Apri 1 1995) : 340.

' T 8 ~ e c l a r a t ion on the Rights v f Pêrsans Be longing t o 74;: h a 7 a- Ethinc, Reiigious and L inguist ic Minor i t ies, G . A . E/1992/22, Chap. II, Section A.

'j9 Vienna Oec l a r a t ion and Programme o f Act ion on Human Rights, Doc. A/CONF, 157/24 (Part l), 13 Oct. 1993.

121

Examining the documents o f i n te rna t i ona l law on armed c o n f l i c t , one

may f i n d t h a t the Annex to the 1907 Hague Convention I V Respecting the

Laws and Customs o f War on Land, the 1949 Geneva Convention I V Re la t i ve

t o the Protect ion o f C i v i l i a n Persons i n Times o f War, as we l l as the

1977 Addi t ional Protocol I and Protocol II t o the same convention, have

recognized and respected the i nd i v i dua l s ' r i g h t s t o thought, conscience

and r e l i g i o n . A r t i c l e 46 o f the Annex t o the 1907 Hague Convention I V

honou r and r i ghts, as we7 1 as

be reçpected.'l0 A r t i c l e s 27

Re la t i ve t o the Protect ion o f

t h a t protected persons are ent

t h e i r r e l i g i o u s convict ions

c u ~ t o r n s . ~ ~ ~ A r t i c l e 53 o f the

Respecting the Laws and Customs o f War on Land confirms t h a t fami 1y

re1 ig ious convic t ions and prac t i ce , must

and 93 o f the 1949 Geneva Convention IV

C i v i l i a n Persons i n Time o f War proclairn

i t l e d , i n a1 7 circumstanc.es, t o respect f o r

and pract ices, and t h e i r manners and

1977 Geneva Protocol 1 Addi t ional t o the

Geneva Conventions o f 12 August 1949, and A r t i c l e 16 o f Protocol I I

Addi t ional t o the same conventions, p r o h i b i t the committing o f any acts

o f hos t i 1 i t y d i rec ted against h i s t o r i c monuments, works o f a r t o r places

of worship which cons t i t u te a people's c u l t u r a l o r s p i r i t u a l

heri tase. ''' In s p i t e o f these fine-sounding ideals, the extent o f state

v i o l a t i o n s o f r e l i g i o u s freedom remains f r i gh ten ing l y high. Human r i g h t s

Watch Report o f 1995 notes t h a t "hatred and vioience d o n g e thn ic and

re1 ig ious 1 ines continued t o pose the paramount t h rea t t o human r i g h t s

--

41'~darn Roberts and Richard Guel f f , supra note 438, a t 56.

''' Ibid. , 282 and 303.

Sa' l t ? ~ . , p. 417 ?,id 456.

122

worldwide: genocide i n Rwanda; ethnic war i n Bosnia; the Indian

government's f a i l u r e t o prosecute pol i c e f o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n attacks on

Muslims; violence by I s l am is t movements, which was, i n tu rn , aggravated

by Middle Eastern governments' denial o f pol i t i c a l f reedoms; the Egypt ian

government's c lash w i t h I s l am is t m i l i t a n t s ; and the raging violence i n

Alger ia . "la3

However, i n h i s book on autonomy and se l f -de teminat ion , Hurst Hannum

concludes tha t : " A d i s t i n c t i v e system o f ensuring a c e r t a i n degree o f

c u l t u r a l and r e l ig ious autonomy was the " m i 1 let" system developed by the

Ottoman empire. The miJ fe tsgenera l l y fol lowed r e l i g i o u s l ines , w i th each

r e l ig ious communi t y (the most important being the Orthodox, Armenian, and

Jewish) having the au tho r i t y t o regulate such matters as persona1 status

and inheri tance. "'" This statement c m be i n te rpre ted i n l i g h t o f the

Is lamic concept o f r i g h t s o f non-Muslims t o freedom o f r e l i g i o u s be l i e f s ,

customs and t rad i t i ons . Is lamic in te rna t iona l law considers t h i s freedorn

as a component o f op in ion and expression. Consequent 1 y , everyone has the

r i g h t t o choose a re1 i g i o n which s u i t s his/her persona1 i n c i inat ions.

This freedom i s guaranteed by the Ho7y Qur'an, Sunna, and by the ordet

o f ea r l y Mus1 i r n Caliphs t o cornanders i n the batt lefield. '8i Re1 igious

l i b e r t y i s grounded i n the Hofy Qur'an i n the fo l l ow ing verses: "Let

there be no compulsion i n re l ig ion,"4a6 and " W i l t thou then compel

' a 3 ~ u m n Rights Wetch World Report 1995: Events o f 1994 (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995), X I X .

' " ~ u r s t Hannum, s u p a note 472, a t 50-51.

'"~hmad Farrag , supra note 442, a t 137.

' $ ( ~ h e Holy Qur'an, II: 256.

mankind against t h e i r w i 11 t o bel ieve. l e 4 8 7

Moreover, Is lamic law respects non-Muslim customs, t r a d i t i o n s and

places o f worship. I n t h e i r onn towns and c i t i e s , non-Muslims have f u l l

freedom t o prac t ice t h e i r customs and t r a d i t i o n s , as wel 1 as to celebrate

t h e i r ho ly days and communal f e s t i v a l s . Non-Muslim places of worship are

not t o be in te r fe red w i t h and are wel l-protected i n times o f peace and

war. Furthermore, i f these places are damaged o r destroyed i n one way

o r another, they should be r e b u i l t o r repaired.'" Jews and Chr is t ianç

" the People o f the Book" have a respected pos i t i on and specia l s ta tus i n

Is lamic in te rnat iona l law. Muslims are ordered by the Hoiy Qur'an t o

t r e a t them and argue w i t h them gent ly . This issue i s addressed i n t h i s

Qur'anic verse: "And dispute ye not w i t h the People o f the Book except

w i t h means bet te r . ""' Moreover, i n the speech c i t e d e a r l i e r , Abu Bakr

a l -Siddtq, . ins t ruc ted the Muslim f i g h t e r s , saying: "...Yeu are l i k e l y t o

pass by people who have devoted t h e i r 1 ives t o monastic services; leave

them t o t h a t t o which they have devoted t h e i r l i ves . 8 , CjO

Sim i la r l y , i n h i s peace t r e a t y w i th the people o f Bayt a7-Maqdis

(Jerusalem), %mar I b n al-Khattab, the second Musl i m Cal iph, gave them . * a guarantee t h a t t h e i r churches and crosses would not be used by Muslims,

o r damaged o r diminished i n number, and t h a t they would not be forced t o

4 8 e ~ a y y i d Abul A ~ I ~ MaudUdf , The Is lamic Leu and Const i tut ion, trans. , Khursh t d Ahmad (Lahore, Pakistan: Is lamic Pub1 i ca t i ons Ltd. , 1960), 309.

%tohamed Ta lb i , "Re1 ig ious L iber ty : A Musl i m Perspective, " i n Re7igious L iberty and Human Rights in Nat ions and in Religions, ed. Leonard Swidler (Phi ladelphia and New York: Ecumeni ca l Press and Hippocrene Books, 1986)' 186; See The Ho7y Qur'an, X X I X : 46.

4g'~aldemar A. So l f , supra note 202, a t 118.

abandon t h e i r fai th." ' When '~mar v i s i t e d Jerusalem t o s ign the peace

t rea ty , he saw a huge bu i l d ing almost f i l l e d up w i th earth, and when he

was informed t h a t the bu i l d ing was a Jewish temple buried by the Roman

army, he i n i t i a t e d rmüÿing the earth w i t h h i s hands along with other

Muslirn so ld ie rç u n t i l they cleanad it and asked the Jews t o use it.'Qi

'~rnr I b n al-% d i d the same w i t h the Egyptians. He guaranteed t h a t t h e i r

churches and crosses would not be damaged o r in te re fered with.'"

' ~ b d u l l a h t ~ n - ~ a ~ t r n a f f i rms that the "Muslim Arabs showed promising signs

o f re l i g ious tolerance and ~ o l i t i c a l accommodation f o r the indigenous

Coptic population. "'j' I n the pact issued by the Prophat Muhammad and

h i s successors t o the people o f Najran, they a f f i rmed t h a t the people o f

N a j ran "shal 1 have the pro tec t ion o f A 7 7ah and the guarantee o f Muhammad,

the Apostle o f A77Bh, t ha t they s h a l l be secured i n t h e i r l i ves ,

property, lands, creed, those absent and those present, t h e i r bu i ld ings

and t h e i r churches. No bishop o r monk sha l l be displaced from h i s par ish

or monastery and no p r i e s t sha l l be forced t o abandon h i s p r i e s t l y 1 i f e .

A l 1 t h e i r belongings, 1 i t t l e or much, rernain t h e i r ~ . ~ ~ '

On the other hand, A r t i c l e s 10 and 13 o f the Universal I s lamic

Declarat ion o f Human Rights o f 1981 af f i r rns tha t re l i g ious r i g h t s o f

%kariyYa a l - B i r r t , "al- Is lam ua Huqoq al-Insan. " (Alam al-F i k r 1:4 (January, February and March 1971), 1'15.

Ib id.

" ' ~ b d u l l a h i Ahmed ~ n - ~ a ' i m , "Rel igious Freedom i n Egypt under the Shadow o f the Is lamic Dhimma System," i n Religious Liberty and Human Rights i n Nat ions and i n Re 1 igions, ed. Leonard Swidler (Phi ladelphia and New York: Ecumenical Press and Hippocrene Books, 1986), 50.

%aj i d Khadduri , supra note 2, a t 279-280; Muhammad Hamtdul lah, supra note 253, a t 145.

non-Muslim minor i t ies are governed by the Qur'anic principle: "There i s

no compulsion i n re l i g ion" , and those minor i t ies have the choice whether

t o be governed i n respect o f the i r c i v i 1 and persona1 matters by Islamic

law o r by t h e i r own laws. According t o h i s o r her re l ig ious bel te fs ,

every perçon has the r i g h t t o freadom o f conscience and w o r ~ h i ~ . ' ~ ~

A r t i c l e 10 o f the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights i n Islam ernhasized

the proh ib i t ion o f exercising any form o f compulsion on anyone t o convert

him o r her t o another r e l i g i on o r bel iaf.'97

To t h i s end, one may conclude that Islamic humanitarian law, under

the doctr ine o f j ihad, has a f f i rmed and protected a l 1 personal indiv idual

t i gh ts , f o r a11 people, without d i s t i nc t i on as t o race, sex, language or

re l ig ion. Islamic law which rests on two universal human pr incip les, a7-

'ad7 ( jus t i ce ) and a 7-ihsan (kindness) , has recogni red equal i t y and

jus t ice as two sides o f the same coin, and concluded that a l1 r i gh ts

become o f 1 i t t l e value when any o f those who have a r i gh t cannot secure

a remedy.'9a Accordingly, it must be emphasized that a l1 personal

4 9 6 ~ l b e r t P. Bleustein, Roger S. Clark and Jay A. Sigler , supra note 430 a t 920-921.

4 9 7 ~ h e Cairo Declaration on Human Rights i n Islam, supra note 461.

h 9 a ~ a t e e f Adegbite, "Hurnan Rights i n Islamic Law," The Journal o f Is7amic and Comparative Law 7 (1977): 9. Furthermare, human r igh ts i n Islamic internat ional 1aw are based on the premise that these r i gh ts are considered necessary (darurat) and essenti a l t o the preservat i on o f wor l d publ ic order. ~ h e s e ' r i g h t s include: respect o f re l ig ious be l ie fs , customs and t rad i t i ons ( h i f z a l - d t n ) ; r i g h t t o l i f e , and proh ib i t ion o f to r tu re and inhuman treatmeht ( h i f z al-nafs); chi ldren's r i g h t t o l i f e , custody and education ( h i f z a l-hasl) ; the r i gh t t o indiv idual ownership and pr iva te property ( h i f z a a 7-mat); and the r i gh t t o freedom o f thought, opinion and expression'(h ?fi a Fcaql). These r igh ts a r e protected by ( a l - hudod), which are penaltiek establ ished by Allah and l e f t a judge no discret ionary authori ty.

See Abti tiamid al-Ghazal t , ShifB ' a 7-Gha 77 7 f? Ba@n a 7-Shabah wa 7- Mukht 7 wa MasaIik a H a c 7 t 7, ed. Hamad al- Kubaist (Baghaaa: bIatbacat al-Irshad, 1971). 160; Ab0 Ishaq al-Shatibt, al-Muwafaqat f t Usd7 a7-

ind iv idual r i g h t s are not real ized through the Islamic p r lnc ip le o f

equal i ty alone, but are also accompanied by a system of legal and

administrat ive rules, which are designed t o ensure the i r appl i c a t ion and

implied that any v io la t i on o f these r i g h t s should be brought before a

judge . 4g9

sharfCa, ed. Muhammad c ~ b d u l lah Darraz, 4 vols. (Bei rut : Dar al-hIacrifa, n . d . ) , 1: 38; A ~ U al -naca l t al-Juwaynt, al-Burhan f f Usal al-Fiqh, ed. C ~ b d u l ' ~ r t r n al-DTb, 2 vols. (al-Qahira: Dar al-Ans~r,' 1400 A.H.), 2: 11 51 ; ~hmad al-RaysUnt , Nazariyyat a 1-Maqasid ind* a 1-Imam a 7-Shat i b f (Bei r u t i al-Mu 'ssasa a l -~d rn i~ i yya 1 i 1-Di r h a t wal-Nashr wal-~awz tC, 1992), 139-141; Hammadt a ~ - ~ ~ b a y d t , al-Shatibt wabfaqasidal-shartca (T r ipo l i , Libya: Manshnrat Ku1 l i y y a t a l - ~ a ~ w a @ al-Islamiyya, l W 2 ) , 123- 129.

' ' '~bdur Rahman O. Olayiwola, "Human Rights i n Islam," The Is7amic Quarter7y 36:4 (1992): 272.

I V 1s dihaal a Just W a r ?

The word jihad might be one o f the most misinterpreted terrns i n the

h is to ry o f Islamic legal discourse. However, discussion o f the doctr ine

o f jihad as be71um justum cennot easi ly proceed without f i r s t g iv ing a

c lear de f i n l t i on o f t h i s t e m wi th in i t s h i s to r i ca l context. Therefore,

t h i s chapter w i I l examine chronological l y the relevant primary sources

of both Islamic and publ ic internat lonal law.

1. Just War i n Western Legal Discourse

It i s a well-known fac t t ha t a d i s t i nc t ion between just and unjust

war has beenmade since ant iqui ty . Even p r im i t i ve people have recognized

that i f war was waged under cer ta in conditions, and w i th cer ta in methods,

i t would be a jus t war; and i f it were waged under d i f fe ren t

circumstances, i t could be u n j u ~ t . ' ~ ~ The t e n be77um justum has

existed in the works o f the Greek phi losophers Plato and Ar i s to t le , whi l e

ancient Roman used jus fet iale.501 Ar is to t le , f o r h i s par t , concluded

tha t war should be waged only f o r the sake o f peace. He out1 ined three

cases: sel f-defense; t o establ i sh a hegemony over thoça who would

thereby be benefitted; and t o set up p o l i t i c a l control over those nations

that deserve t o be ensl aved.

asan an Moinuddin, supra note 50, a t 2 6 ; William Ba l l i s , The Legal Position o f War Changes in I t s Practice and Theory frwn Pla to t o Vattel (The Hague, The Nether-lands: Hartinus N i jho f f Publishers, 1937), 1.

5 t i~oçef L. Kunz, supra note 93, a t 5 3 0 ; W i 11 iarn Bal 1 i s , supra note 500, a t 21.

5 0 2 ~ i l l i a m Bal l i s , supra note 500, a t 19.

' O 1 ~ . L Neunai;, The Politics of Aristot le , 4 vols. (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1887), 1:328.

Nevertheless, the mediaeval concept o f in te rna t iona l re la t i ons has

changed considerably from the form it took i n ancient Greece and Rome.

I n the mediaeval times, the doc t r ine o f beflum justum was painted w i th

a theological brush, and developed by Saint Augustine and Saint Thomas

Aquinas, "ho held t h a t a just wer was one which had a cause justa?

Inf luenced by the d i v ine la^,^'^ Saint Aquinas mentioned three c r i t e r i s

fo r a j u s t war: the au tho r i t y o f the pr ince; the just cause; and the

r i g h t i n t e n t . 'O6 Furthemore, he d i s t inguished seven kinds o f uar , four

o f which were just and three unjust . The j u s t wars are: b e l 1um romanum,

waged by bel ievers against i n f i d e l s ; be7lum judicale, waged by the

bel ievers who have the au tho r i t y o f a judge; beïlum l ic i tum, waged on the

au tho r i t y o f a prince; and be77um necessarium, waged by bel ievers i n

self-defense. The unjust wars are: bel7um praesumptuosum, waged by

rebel s; b e l 7um temerarium, waged by bel ievers against lega l author i ty ;

and b e l l m voluntariurn, vaged by bel ievers on t h e i r oun a u t h ~ r i t y . ' ~ '

I n s i m i l a r terms, Franciscus de V i c t o r i a stated three unjust causes o f

" '~oan D. Tooke, The Just War i n Aquinas and Grot jus (London: S.P.C.K., 1965), 10; L isa Soule Cah i l l , supra note 26, a t 384; M.H. Keen, The Laws o f War in the Late Middle Ages (London: Rout ledge & Kegan Paul, l965), 66; Paul Ramsey, "The Just War According t o S t . Augustine," i n Just War Theory, ed. Jean Bethke Elshta in (New York: New York Un ivers i ty Press, 1992), 8.

"'A, Vanderpol, Le doctrine scolast ique du d r o i t de l a guerre (Paris: A Pedone, 1925) , 56; G. But le r and S. Maccoby, The Deveiopment o f I n te rna t iona 7 Law (London: Longmans, Green & Co. , 1926), 4.

L. Lange, H i s t o i r e de 1 'internat iona l isme (Kr is t iana: H. A C C ~ P V ~ O U ~ % CO,, t g l g ) , 44; Ernest Nys, Les or ig ines du d r o i t in te rna t iona 7 (Bruxel les and Paris: A l f red Castaigne and Thorin & F i l s , 1894), 102; Thomas Aquinas, Suma Theo7ogica, trans. Fathers o f the Engl i s h Dminican !%vince (New York: Benziger Brothers, l W 7 ! , 40; William !?zl?is, scpz ridi* 500, a t $0.

war: d i f ferences i n re l i g ion , extension o f empires, and persona1

ambitions o f princes.50d

A t a l a t e r period, the concept o f j u s t war was secular ized and

extracted from i t s theological so i1 by G e n t i l i , Grot ius and the jus

gent ium w r i t e r s o f the seventeenth and eighteenth centurieç.jo9 Hugo

Grot ius, a dist inguished w r i t e r on the subject o f war during the

seventeenth century , led a legal reform movement. He argued tha t war was

a legal r i g h t , while t o preceding wr i t e rs it was simply a h i s t o r i c a l

fac t . I n h i s book De jure be77i acpac is , Grot ius reached t h i s idea by

fus ing natura l law w i t h the jus sentium.510 According t o hirn, there are

three just causes o f war: defense o f s e l f , recovery o f property, and

i n f f i c t i n g o f punishment. I n other words, Grot ius' j u s t i f i c a t i o n o f war

was mainly basedon the fundamental mora l i t y o f self-defense. Thus, just

war could be e i t he r a war o f self-defanse against the in jus tus aggressor

o r a war o f execution t o enforce one's r ight .$ l l

jo8~ranc iscus de V ic to r ia , De I n d i s e t de j u r e bel 7 i r e l e c t iones, t r a m . H . F . Wright (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n , 1917), 170.

'O'H. Kelsen and Robert Tucker, P r i nc ip les o f In ternat iona 7 Law (New York: Ho l t , Reinhart and Winston, l966), 30; 1. Brown1 l e , I n te rna t iona7 Law and the Use o f Force by States (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 19631, 9; L isa Sowle Cah i l l , supra note 26, a t 394-396.

jit6enedict Kingsbury and Adam Roberts, " In t roduct ion: Grotian Thought i n In te rnat iona l Relat ions, " i n Hugo Grotius md I t i t w n a t iona7 Re la t ions, eds. Hedley B d 1, Benedict Kingsbury, and Adam Roberts (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, I W O ) , 16-26; Hami 1 trln Vreeland, Hugo Grotius: The Father o f the Modern Science o f I n te rna t iona 7 Law (New YorK: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press, 1917), 171; Lord McNair and A. D. Watts, supra note 106, a t 3; Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars: A Mora 7 Argument with H i s t o r i c a i I l 7ustrat ions (New York: Basic Books, Inc. , Pub1 ishers, 1977), 168; Wil l iam B a l l i s , supra note 500, at 110.

%oan O. Tooke, supra note 504, a t 21 9; Joçef L a Kunz, supra note 93, a t 530; Peter Haggenmacher, Grot ius e t 7a doctr ine de 7a guerre jus te (Par is : Presses Un ivers i ta i res de France, l 983 ) , 148-151 ; Robert L. Holmes, "Can War Be Moralty J u s t i f ied? The Just War Theory, " i n Just War

By the twent ie th century, fo l lowing the Hague Conventions o f 1899 and

1907, the Covenant o f the League o f Nations, o f 1919, the Kellogg-Briand

Pact (Pact o f Paris), of 1925, and the United Nations Charter, o f 1945,

legal developments came t o represent a new t rend i n the concept o f j u s t

war. Wr i ters divorced the belfum j us tumdoct r ine from natura l law, and

unanimously introduced it l n t o the noms o f p o s i t i v e in te rna t iona l law,

as represented by the above t r e a t i e d 2 Consequently, the tenns just

and unjust were replaced by lega l and i l l e g a l ; the concept o f war was

replaced by "the th rea t o r use o f force" ; and pewe and secu r i t y were

emphesi zed more than j u s t ce.^'' As a matter o f fac t , war was not declared unlawful under the Covenant

o f the League o f Nations. It was c l a s s i f i e d i n t o legal and i l l e g a l wars

instead o f being categorized i n t o j u s t and unjustwars, according t o the

c lass ica l doc t r ine under natura l law. The r i g h t t o take m i 7 i t a r y ac t ion

against a s ta te nhich has resorted t o i 1 legal war i s embodied i n A r t i c l e

(16) o f the Covenant. I n t h i s case, the ac t i on i s taken against an

i l l e g a l be l l i ge ren t not an injustus eggreçsor. A r t i c l e ( 1 ) of the

Theory, ed. Jean Bethke Elshta in (New York: New York Un ivers i ty Press, 1992), 202.

'"D. W. Bowett , Se If-Defense in Internat ione 7 Law (Manchester: Manchester Univers i ty Press, lQ58), 7 ; Joan Dm Tooke, supra note 504, at 2 3 2 ; Josef L. Kunz, supra note 93, a t 532.

ans Kelsen, The Law o f the United Nations: A C r i t ica 7 Ana 7ysis of i t s Fundamenta7 Prob7ems (New York: F.A. Praeger, 1950), 732; Josef L. Kunz, supra note 93, a t 533; Yahuda Melzer, Concepts o f Just War (Leyden, The Netherlands: S i j t h o f f In te rna t iona l Publ ishing Company, 1975) , 17.

ans Kelsen and Robert Tuckor, supra note 509, a t 3 4 ; 1. Brown1 ie , supra note 509, at 57; Josef L m Kunz, supra note 93, a t 532; L m Oppenheim, supra note 91, a t 2 : 133; Myres Smith McDougal , Law and Minimum Nor 7d Order: The Lega 7 Regu 7at ion and Internat iona f Coercion (New Haven: Yale Un ivers i ty Press, l 9 6 l ) , 138.

Kellogg-Briand Pact condemned, i n the name o f the High Contract ing

Part ies, recourse t o war f o r the so lu t i on o f in te rna t iona l controversles,

and renounced it as an instrument o f nat ional pol i c y i n t h e i r re la t i ons

w i t h one a n ~ t h a r . ~ ' '

However , the f a i l u r e o f the Covenant o f the League o f Nations and the

Kel logg-Briand Pact t o maintain in te rnat iona l peace and secur i ty ,

suggested t o the d r a f t e r s o f the United Nations Charter t h a t renunciat ion

o f a l 1 kinds o f war was not possible. Although A r t i c l e 2 (paragraph 4)

o f the Charter p ron ib i ted the threat o r use o f force against the

t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y o r p o l i t i c a l independence o f any s ta te , A r t i c l e

(51) o f the same Charter stated that force can be resorted t o i n the

exercise o f the r i g h t o f self-defence. Hence, under t h i s A r t i c l e , force

can legal ly be used against an armed at tack u n t i 1 the Secur i ty Counci 1

takes the necessary measures. I t i s c lear frm t h i s A r t i c l e , as we l l as

f rom A r t i c l e 1 (paragraph 1) o f the same Charter t h a t the main purpose

i s t o maintain in te rnat iona l peace and secur i ty , not t o achieve and

maintain j u s t i c d i General l y speaking, the Charter def i n i t e l y

d is t inguished between legal and i l l e g a l wars, and gave the member states,

by e x e r c i s i n g t h e i r r i g h t o f ind iv idua l o r c o l l e c t i v e self-defense, the

r i g h t t o resor t t o a j u s t i f i e d warm517 ln l l g h t o f the foregoing

'"D.W. Bowett, supra note 512, a t 133; Hans Kelsen and Robert Tucker, supra note 509; a t 37; 1, Brownlie, supra note 509, a t 34; L. Oppenheim, supra note 91, a t 2: 157; Leon Friedman, supra note 97, a t 1:468.

' ' I~ans Kelsen, supra note 513, a t 733; Louis tlenkin, "Force, In tervent ion, and Neutra1 i t y i n Contemporary In te rnat iona l Law, " Procceding of the American Society o f Internat ional Law (1963): 155; Robert W. Tucker, "The In te rp re ta t i on o f War," The Internat ional Law Quarterty 4: 1 (1951): 21.

5 1 T ~ o s e f L. Kunz, supra note 100, a t 876.

anal y s i s, one may understand t h a t t he concept o f wsr as be 7 7um justum has

exis ted i n the Western legal discourse, both c lass ica l and modern, under

d i f f e r e n t terms. Just war, i n the Western legal discourse, can be e i the r

a war o f se l f-defense against the injustus aggressor o r a war waged f o r

causa justa .

2. J i m d as a Just War

To t h i s end, two questions cane t o mlnd: was jihad the be 1 lum justum

o f Islam? and i f so, can a jihad be waged by contemporary Musl i m states,

although they are members o f the United Nations?

H is to r i ca l l y speaking, Ibn Khaldun used the terms " j u s t " and "unjust"

t o d is t ingu ish between wars, According t o him, wars could be e i the r

humb j ihad wa %dl ( j u s t uars) o r hurOb baght (unjust ~ a r s ) . ~ ' ~ Unl ike

mediaeval Western doctors, Muslim j u r i s t s d i d not j u s t i f y wars f o r such

wor ld ly purposes as t e r i t o r i a l expansion, imposing t h e i r r e l i g i c n on

unbel ievers, o r supporting a p a r t i c u l a r socia l regime.'lg The c lass ica l

sources o f Is lamic legal theory maintain tha t a11 kinds o f warfare are

out lawed except the jihad, which i s an exceptional war waged by Musl ims

$ I a c ~ b d al-Rahman Ibn Khaldun, supra note 22, a t 271.

51g~mong wars which were j u s t i f i e d by Saint Thomas Aquinas, was a war waged by bel ievers against i n f i d e l s . Furthermore, s ix teenth century wr i t e rs claimed tha t , under natural law and the jus gentium, t h a t a j u s t war can be waged t o enforce a natura l r i g h t including the r i gh t t o t rave l and t o conduct trade. According t o Josef L m Kunz, it i s exact ly the natural r i g h t t ha t u l t imate ly j u s t i f i e d the conquest of America. A t a l a t e r time, Franciscus de V ic to r ia re jected the arguments advanced by the Spanish Emperor's l eg i s la to rs i n j u s t i f y i n g the slaughter o f the Indians and the occupation o f t h e i r land. Those leg is la tors claimed tha t the Indians belonged t o a race louer than the Spanish, and consequently, there was no reason why the Spaniards should not occupy the i r land. See Franciscus de V ic tor ia , supra note 508, a t 116-165; Gerhard von Glahn, supra note 95, a t 38; Josef L. Kunz , supra note 93, a t 532; L. Oppenehim, supra note 91, a t 1:104.

t o defend the freedom o f re l i g ious b e l i e f f o r a l1 humanity, and

const i tutas a deterrent ageinst eggression, i n j u s t i c e and corruption.520

This does not mean, however, tha t Muslirns have never waged unjust wars,

The reason f o r t h i s can be found i n the conduct o f Mus1 i m commanders, not

i n the norms o f Içlamic la^.^^' There i s considerable support f o r the b e l i e f t ha t the norms o f

in ternat ional humanitarian 1aw adopted i n more recent in ternat ional

agreements were i n f a c t endorsed by Is lamic internat ional 1aw f i f t e e n

centuries ago. I n t h i s connection, Ernest Nys argues that the ear ly

Spaniards derived t h e i r not ion o f the ru les o f war from Islamic Law,

pa r t i c lua r l y , the ru les included i n Las s i e t e p a r t idas, wr i t ten under the

patronage o f King Alphonse X, by the the Cast i l lan j u r i s t s Ruiz, Martinez

and Roland between 1256 and 1265. This document, descri bed as a monument

t o legal science, deals w i th the laws o f war, leg is la t ion , p o l i t i c s and

penal law.

Moreover, one can t race the inf luence o f Islamic l aw on publ ic

in ternat ional 1aw by examining i t s impact on the works o f ear ly European

philosophers and godfathers o f pub l ic in ternat ional Iaw. Al f red

Guillaume asserts tha t Thomas Aquinas was very fami l i a r w i th the Arabic

legal works, and drew heavi ly from thern i n composing h i s Summa

Theo7ogica. Aquinas was most i n f luenced by the works o f al-Ghazal t and

I b n Rushd. I n a lecture t o the Academy o f P o l i t i c a l Science, a t the

Hague i n 1926, Le Baron Miche1 de Taube stated that " l es diverses

5Zo~uhammad Ab0 Zahra, supra note 182, a t 18; Rasa' i 1 Ibn Tayrniyya, supra note 2 1 , a t 123; Rudolph Peters, supra note 11, a t 122; Sobhi Mahmassani , supra note 1, a t 279.

%asan Hoinuddin, supra note 50, a t 28; Marcs: A. ôaisard, supra note 190, at 6; Hudoipli FaLcrs, S Ü ~ X ,73t= 1 , ~ t , 123.

i n s t i t u t i o n s dans l a c i v i l i s a t i o n du Moyen fige européen por tent une

empreinte indé léb i le sinon de l e u r o r i g i n e purement e t simplement

o r ien ta le , du moins de leur f o r t e dépendance des i n s t i t u t i o n s m i 1 i t a i res

analogues de 1 'Orient musulman. " Furthermore, Scott argues t h a t the

ideas expressed i n "De j u r e be7 l i ac pacis 1 i b r i tres, " by the Dutch

j u r i s t Hugo Grot ius, were taken from the Spanish j u r i s t s Francisco de

V i c t o r i a and Francisco Suarez. I n turn, the l a t t e r derived t h e i r ideas

from Is lamic law, as they thernselves ackno~ led~ed . '~ '

Moreover, I s l ami c in te rna t ional law regul ates conduct d u r i ng jihad on

the basis o f ce r ta in humane pr inc ip les , compatible w i t h those upon which

modern in te rnat iona l convent ions are based. These r u l e s include:

preparedness, f o r t i f i c a t i o n , rec ip roc i t y , avoidance o f non-mi 1 i t a r y

e l e r n e n t ~ , ~ ~ ' treatrnent and exchange o f pr isoners o f war p ro tec t ion

5 2 2 ~ l f r e d Guillaume, "Philosophy and Theology," i n The Legacy o f Is7am, eds. Thomas Arnold and A l f red Guillaume (London: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press, l 9 3 l ) , 273-281; A. Nussbaum, A Concise History o f the Law o f Nat ions (New York: Macmi 1 lan, l954), 52; C.G. Weeramantry, Islamic Jurisprudence: An In te rna t iona 7 Perspect ive ( London: Macmi 1 1 an, 1988 1, 157; Ernest Nys, supra note 507, a t 209; J.6. Scott, Classics o f I n t e r n a t iona 7 Law (New York: Oceana Publ i ca t ions , l939), 17-21; Le Baron Michel de Taube, supra note 414, a t 384; Marcel A. Boisard, "On the Probable Inf luence o f Islam on Western Publ i c and In te rnat iona l Law, " Internationa7 Journal o f Midd7e East Studies 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) : 445.

Generally speaking, however, the cont r ibu t ions made by Is lamic law have been marginalized by Western j u r i s t s involved i n the development o f pub l ic in te rna t iona l law. This phenornenon was noted by Marcel A. Boisard, who argues tha t " there are many explanations f o r the general refusa1 o f European authors t o recogni se t h e i r borrowi ngs f rom the Mus1 i m World. We must f i r s t mention human vanity. The most general explanation aside frorn the f a c t t ha t most European w r i t e r s o f the time never referred t o t h e i r sources - l i e s i n the re l i g ious prejudice, even fanat ic ism o f a West t ha t could not admit t o i t s e l f t h a t i t owed anything t o the ' i n f i d e l ' . This prejudice prevented any j u s t appraisal o f the cont r ibu t ion o f Is lamic cu l tu re . " Marcel A. Boisard, op. c i t . , 446.

j21al-~asanf , supra note 21, a t 7 : 100-102 ; al-Marghtnanf, supra note 21, a t 2: 144; al-Siyar a l -Kabtr , supra note 67 a t 1:38-45.

ji41bn Hanbal, supra note 402, a t 4 : 152.

of c i v i l i a n s during war, as we l l as peaceful settlements, t r e a t i e s and

neu t ra l i t y . I n other words, Is lamic in ternat iona l law out l ines a c lear

and f i r m d i s t i n c t i o n between cmbatants and non-combatants i n times o f

~ a r . ~ ~ ' Muslim so ld ie rs are inst ructed t o regard as 'neut ra l ' places

o f worshi p, resident i a1 areas, and medi cal personnel. Furthemore, they

are s t r i c t 1 y forbidden the f o l lowing: waging jihad u n t i 1 a l 1 peaceful

options have been e x h a ~ s t e d ; ~ ~ ' using poisoned weapons o r waaponç o f

mass d e s t r ~ c t i o n ; ~ " de l i ve r ing a coup de grdce t o the ~ o u n d e d ; ~ ~ ~

k i l l i n g an enemy hors de c o r n b ~ t ; ~ ~ ~ and mut i la t ing dead bodies.510

Although i t would be hard t o dispute the f a c t t h a t the idea o f j u s t

war existed before Islam, one has no d i f f i c u l t y seeing tha t t h i s not ion

has been developed and ref ined by Muslim j u r i s t s . It becomes evident

from the preceding study that jihad, i n the form o f armed struggle, must

be j u s t i n i t s causes, defensive i n i t s i n i t i a t i v e , decent i n i t s conduct

and peaceful i n i t s conclusion.531 Hence, as a defensive war, j ihad can

be exercised ind i v idua l l y o r c o l l e c t i v e l y by contemporary Muslim states,

5 2 % a l ~ u k h a r t , supra note 66, a t 4: 21 ; Ibn Hanbal, supra note 402, a t 3: 152; Ibn Rushd, supra note 21, a t 1: 304; a l - ~ u r d i , supra note 32, a t 109; al-Mughnt, supra note 21, a t 10:542.

526a1-~arakhst, supra note 21, a t 10:31; al-Siyar al-Kabtr, supra note 67 , a t 1:78.

5 2 7 ~ a r c e l A. Boisard, supra note 190, a t 13.

5 Z B ~ a h j al-Balagha, supra note 196, a t 3:425.

530~bi1 Daw(fd, supra note 1 9 7 , at 2: 59; al-Shaukanî, supra note 192, a t 7: 262.

51'~ohn Kelsay, "Re1 ig ion, Moral i t y , and the Governance o f War: The Case o f Classical Islam," Religious Ethics 18:2 (Fa11 1990): 135; Marcel A. Boisard, supra note 190, a t 7.

136

since such type o f war i s definitely sanctioned by the noms of

international tau, particularly the United Nations Charter.

This thes is has shown that peace i s the ru le and war i s the exception

i n the doctr ine o f j ihad, and t h a t no obl igatory s ta te o f war ex i s t s

between Mus1 ims and the res t o f the world. Nor i s jihad t o be waged

u n t i l the world has e i the r accepted the Islamic f a i t h or submitted t o the

power o f the Islamic state. Furtherrnore, there i s no exact equivalent

i n Islamic legal discourse t o the concept o f "holy war" i n Western

Christendom, nor i s there resemblance between the concept o f j ihad, as

a col l ec t i ve r e l ig ious duty, and ihs Christ ian concept o f crusade. Thus,

the descr ipt ion o f j i h a d as "holy war" i s most misleading.

Jihad i s a defensive war launched wi th the aim o f establ ishing

just ice, equi ty and protect ing basic human r ights. Accordingly, Islamic

humanitarian law s t r i c t l y lays down a nurnber o f humane ru les compatible

w i th those established by internat ional humanitarian law governing the

conduct o f war and the treatment o f enerny perçons and property.

It has a lso been shown that t h e d i v id ing o f the world i n t o d&r a l -

Islam and dar a7-harb by Muslim j u r i s t s , was dictated by pa r t i cu la r

events and d i d not necessitate a permanent state o f h o s t i l i t y between

these t e r r i t o r i e s . Basing themselves on the doctr ine o f j ihad, Muslim

j u r i s t s t r i e d t o develop an Islarnic theory o f in ternat ional re lat ions,

i n the modern sense o f the term, t o regulate inter-state re la t ions

between d8r a ?-Islam and other t e r r i t o r i e s i n times o f peace and war.

I n t h i s respect, Is lamic law i n s i s t s on honouring t rea t ies even above

honouring re l i g ious so l i da r i t y . I n other words, i f the Imam concludes

a t reaty with the enemy, t h i s t reaty i s binding upon a71 Muslims, who are

thus prohib i ted from assist ing t h e i r fe l low bel ievers i f t h i s assistance

138

i s i n v i o l a t i o n o f a t rea ty o f mutual a l l iance.

Moreover, since the beginning o f the seventh century, Islamic

in ternat iona l law has played a s i g n i f i c a n t ro le i n protect ing the

personal, economic, j u d i c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s o f c i v i l ians during

armed con f l i c t s . It has introduced a human revolut ion, consist ing o f a

number o f human jura1 pr inc ip les, as ea r l y as fourteen centuries before

the dra f t i ng o f the Universal Declaration o f Human Rights i n 1948, and

e ight centur ies before the appearance o f Grotius, the godfather o f

European internat ional law. These da ims have been acknouledged by a

number o f European scholars who have emphasized the f a c t tha t Islamic

internat ional law has made great contr ibut ions t o internat ional

humanitarian law. Indeed, occasionally the substantive postulates o f

Is lamis humanitarian law exceed the noms decreed by the Hague and the

Geneva Conventions. Consequently, the pr inc ip les o f human r i g h t s used

i n internat ional humanitarian law are not only the product o f Western

c i v i 1 i za t ion , but also the experiences and teachings o f non-European

peoples, whose t rad i t i ons have also made great contr ibut ions.

In sum, by carrying t h i s study t o i t s conclusion we f i n d t h a t there

i s a unique re la t ionsh ip between jihad and the not ion o f j u s t war. Thus,

jihad should be recognized as the bel 7um justum o f Islam, and Lewis-

Huntington's not ion o f "Muslim bloody borders" shoufd be seen as

i naccurate and groundless.

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III. Cases

Copt v. Ibn ' ~ m r Ibn al-%. Tàflkh al-Tabarî, vol. 2, p. 364.

KhBlid Ibn al-Wand v. DirZtr Ibn al-Azwar. al-Sunan al-KubrE, vol. 9, p. 104.

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I V , Legislations

Agreement for the Prosecution and Punishment of ths Major dar Criminals of the European Axis Powers and Charcer of the International Military Tribunal, August 8, 1945, 82 U.N.T.S. 279, 59 Stat. 1544, E.A.S. No. 472.

Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in islan. ( A/CON F. 1 57/PC/62/Ad d. 18) Annex to Res. No. 49/19-P, 9 June 1993.

Charter of International Military Tribunal for the Far East, January 19, 1946, April 26, 1946, T.I.A.S. No. 1589, 4 Bevans 20.

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. G.A. Res. 260A (III), 3(1) U.N. GAOZ at 174, U.N. Doc. A/S10, 1948.

Declaration on the Elimination of AI1 Forms of lntolerence and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief. G.A. Res. 36/55, 36 U.N. GAOR, Supp. (No. 51) 171, U.N. Doc. A/36/51, 1981.

Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed Cor7flict. G.A. Res. 3318 ( X X I X ) , 29 U.N. GAOR, Supp. (No. 31 ) at 146, U.N. Doc. A/963l, 1974.

Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnie, Religious and Linguistic Minorities. GOAo E/1992/22, C hap. II, Section A.

Geneva Convention I for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, of August 12, 1949, 75 U.N.T.S. ( 1 950) 31 -83.

Geneva Convention III Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, of A U ~ U S ~ 12, 1949, 75 U.EI.T.S~ ( 1 950) 135-2850

Geneva Convention I V Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of August 12, 1949, 75 U.N.T.S. (1 950) 287-41 7.

Hague Convention I V Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, of 1907, UKTS 9 (1910), Cd. 5033.

Hague Convention V Respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutra1 Powers and Persons in Case of Wars on Land, of 1907, 2 AJIL (1908) Supplement 1 17-1 27.

Hague Convention VIII Relative to the Laying of Automatic Submarine Contact Mines, of 1907, UKTS 1 2 (1910), Cd. 51 16.

International Convention on the Elimination of Al1 Forms of Racial Discrimination. GOA. Res. 2106 A (XX) 20 U.N. GAOR, Supp. (NO. 14) at 47, U.N. Doc. A/6014, 1965.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. G.A. Res. 2200 ( X X I ) , 21 U.N. GAOR, Supp. (No. 1 6 ) at 52, U N . Doc. A/6316, 1966.

Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Law, 7 977, U K Misc. 19 (1977), Crnnd. 6927.

Protocol II Additional to the Geneva Conventions, of August 12, 1949, and Rela tin g to the Protection of Victims on Non -In terna tional A rmed Con flicts, 1125 U.N.T.S. 609.

United Nations Charter, signed at San Francisco, 26 June 1945.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights. G A . Res. 21 7 A(I I I ) , 3(t ) U.N. GAOR Resolutions 71, U.N. DOC. A/810, 1948.

Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights, 1981, H uman Ri g hts Sourcebook (1987), 917-926.

Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action on Human Rights, Doc. A/CONF, l57/24 (Part l), 13 Oct. 1993.

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