047 - University College London · 047 From sea to land: A study of two settlements in Eyjafjörður, Iceland Ida Feltendal Aarhus University, Department of Aesthetics and Communication,

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium

047 From sea to land: A study of two settlements in Eyjafjörður, Iceland

Ida Feltendal Aarhus University, Department of Aesthetics and Communication, Denmark mailto:[email protected]

Abstract

Urban development in Iceland has happened rapidly since the beginning of the 20th century, and as the infrastructure improved after the Second World War, the main connection shifted from sea to land. The fishing industry has for many years been the main source of income and the first settlements were mainly connected by sea. In the 1960s the fish stock fell into decline affecting the main source of income in many villages that were left to shrink.

With the method of space syntax, this paper investigates the changing relation from sea to land in Siglufjörður and Akureyri, Iceland, by looking at changing spatial configurations over time and changes in the location of important industrial, public and cultural building functions. To better understand the impact of the spatial changes over time, interviews with people living in the two settlements before and after the 1960s will be included.

This is done to understand and test the hypothesis that the changing relation to the sea has had implications on the spatial structure and social function of the two settlements. In the past the town centre was drawn back from the harbour, but today the waterfront in both settlements is gradually becoming more important for leisure activities. In the spatial analysis it is shown that there has been a significant change regionally, as Siglufjörður and Akureyri have become better connected by the Héðinsfjörður tunnel. This connection affects the life of people in Siglufjörður significantly by decreasing travel length from 300km to 77km as well as making the journey safer.

Keywords

Spatial changes, fishing villages, space syntax, strategic planning, Iceland.

1. Introduction

Iceland is situated in the North Atlantic Sea just below the Arctic Circle. The country has experienced many rapid changes politically, socially, and economically as well as topographically. Since World War II there has been a migration flow towards the larger towns and especially Reykjavík, the capital. Until the late 1960s the rich amount of fish in the sea surrounding the island had provided jobs and growth in small villages (Mead, 1945; Hamilton et al., 2004). During the 1960s the fish stock fell into decline leaving villages to shrink as people and services moved away (Huijbens, 2012; Hamilton et al., 2004). Today there is a plan to strengthen the northern region with Akureyri as the main service centre. The aim is to enhance the quality of living and prevent outmigration from the countryside to the capital region, which is considered a growing problem in Iceland (Sigursteinsdóttir, 2008; Bjarnason & Þórlindsson, 2006).

The aim of this research is to undertake a spatial and historical study of Siglufjörður and Akureyri as two different, but now closely connected, towns in the Eyjafjörður region in northern Iceland (Figure 1). This is done with the method of space syntax to understand and test the hypothesis that the

I Feltendal From sea to land: A study of two settlements in Eyjafjörður, Iceland

47:1

mailto:[email protected]

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium changing relation to the sea has had an implication on the urban structure and social function of the two settlements. With space syntax it is possible to describe and analyse the spatial configuration in cities and relate this to patterns of use and cultural - and social activity (Hillier and Hanson, 1984) Central is an investigation of the spatial and social impact on Siglufjörður since it has been connected to Akureyri via the Héðinsfjörður tunnel, and an examination of the importance of this connection for the future of the region as a whole.

This study will attempt to contribute to the understanding of the spatial changes in Iceland in the second half of the 20th century, when the fish industry fell into decline and villages saw their main source of work threatened, as well as applying the theory and method of space syntax (Hillier & Hanson, 1984) to smaller less complex spatial structures.

This paper is an overall contribution to the study on settlements in remote regions and their adaptability to social and spatial changes over time. Thus, it presents an addition to the social studies that have already been done in the region. The paper provides analytical evidence of how spatial changes such as the construction of tunnels will affect the region as a whole, and might help to inform future planning decisions.

Figure 1: Area of study. In the top we see Siglufjördur and in the bottom of the fjord is Akureyri.Source: ja.is

2. Centrality

When doing a study of spatial impacts on a regional scale, one must try and understand the synergy between urban areas and how they affect each other in turn (Turner, 2009). Although distances and travel time is great between urban areas in Iceland, the scale of the studies in this research is quite small with 1,202 people in Siglufjörður and 17,708 in Akureyri (Statistics Iceland, 2013). When doing analysis of choice in a region with low urban density and few routes of choice between towns, one must take other aspects into account. In this case it is appropriate to understand the region of Eyjafjörður through the theory of centrality (Hillier, 1999). The notion of urban centrality is related to where activities are located, such as services and employment. It has been shown in studies of London that centres grow, shrink, shift, diversify, disappear or specialise (Hillier, 1999; Chiaradia et al., 2009). Thus, we see how London is made up of a hierarchy of sub-centres. In urban geography and location theory centrality has generally been


47:2

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium defined in terms of attractiveness, while in the theory of space syntax centrality is seen as a spatial process (Hillier, 1999; Chiaradia et al., 2009). The theory of centrality will help understand the spatial configuration of centres and help identify characteristic spatial typologies. Chiaradia et al. (2009) found that what generates wealth in cities are the centres. Due to the amount of services situated in Akureyri, it can be argued that the gravitational potential of this town is strong in the region (Ibid.). Hillier (1999) writes that little is known about how centres are generated and sustained and he argues that we need to understand centrality as a process and not a steady state (Ibid.). This is central in understanding coastal development, spatial impact on urban development of towns and villages, and performance of centres over time as rapid economic and social changes have taken place. Related to the theory of centrality is the theory of ‘movement economy’ (Hillier, 1996; Hillier, 1999), where the flow of movement is influenced by the spatial configuration of the street network. It is proposed by Hillier (1996; 1999) that the spatial organisation in settlements would influence movement patterns, which in turn would determine land use. In time this effect would intensify urban development. Thus, we see a connection between high urban intensity and the location of high streets and city centres. In the case of Eyjafjörður centrality is also found on a regional scale in connection with Akureyri as the centre of gravity. To assess the impact of a stronger spatial connection from Siglufjörður to Akureyri it is important to understand the role of Akureyri as the main centre of the region. Iceland has seen a rapid population growth in the 20th century, but this growth mainly happened in the capital region, which is reflected in the fact that about 60% of the whole population of Iceland resides there (Sigursteinsdóttir, 2008). Akureyri is the only town that comes close to offering the same services as the capital.

3. Changing relations: the shift from sea to land

Many changes have and are taking place in the Eyjafjörður region. The aim of making the region stronger is enhanced through the construction of tunnels. The coherence in the region of Eyjafjörður has changed considerably since the main connection between the settlements has shifted from sea to land. Thus, we see an improvement of the infrastructure and travel time between Akureyri, the main service centre, and the villages in the region.

In the following the spatial changes of Siglufjörður and Akureyri will be investigated to understand how the changing relation to the sea has had implications on the planning and function of the towns. This will be examined through spatial analysis (Varoudis, 2012) and changes in building functions. The spatial network was analysed on a local scale (metric 800m) to understand pedestrian movement potential, and on a global scale (metric 70km) to see the impact on the regional structure, as this is the distance between Siglufjörður and Akureyri.

3.1 Regional changes

In the 19th century, Akureyri was establishing itself as a trading station and Siglufjörður began evolving as a settlement close to rich fishing grounds. The region was connected mainly by sea, as was the case with the rest of Iceland, due to poor roads and harsh landscape and weather. The roads are mainly laid out along the valleys and the coast, with large mountains separating villages. Before the tunnel, which cuts through two mountains making the journey 15 km (Huijbens op. cit., p. 333), the road to the neighbouring village from Siglufjörður was a striking 234 km during winter and 62 km during the short summer. Slowly the connection by land became better, and especially Akureyri is today well connected, as it is part of the ring road (N1). This road was finished during the 1970s.

The Eyjafjörður region has become better connected spatially over time which can be seen in an analysis of choice at a metric scale of 70,000 (Figure 2 and 3). This is especially true for Siglufjörður, and although the spatial impact may not seem that extensive, the main difference is the change in


47:3

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium travel time. In Figure 2 we see the connection over the mountains from 1940. The connection towards Akureyri does not have a high value of choice until it connects with the road from Ólafsfjörður. As this was only open during the few months of summer, the Strákar tunnel was built north of the village in 1967 allowing for all year access.

As services moved away from the town, a new tunnel was promised towards Akureyri. This is the Héðinsfjörður tunnel completed in 2010, seen in Figure 3. Here it is evident how through-movement has moved from the old roads to the shorter connection towards Akureyri, resulting in a higher potential of movement between the two settlements with a travel time of about one hour. 3.1.1 Siglufjörður The village of Siglufjörður is quite unique in its spatial form. It is likely to be the only thoroughly planned fishing village in Iceland. A clear grid network was planned connecting the village centre to the harbour with the main street, Aðalgata, and the village square (Figure 4).

Figure 2: Eyjafjörður region, 1940. Global choice (R70000). Through-movement to Siglufjörður is by the mountain road.

Siglufjörður

Ólafsfjörður

Akureyri

Mountain


47:4


Héðinsfjörður

Figure 3: Eyjafjörður region, 2013. Global choice (R70000). Héðinsfjörður tunnel

Strákar tunnel

Figure 4: Siglufjörður, 1924. The harbour was busy with plenty of ships and piers.


47:5

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium When the two settlements were planned, the main connection was by sea. One might assume that an analysis connecting the segments of the harbours could reveal something significant about the morphology of the settlements. However, to connect these settlements by their harbours might pose a problem, which makes the analysis difficult to use. One cannot properly link to a harbour, since it covers large areas, and in the case of Siglufjörður surrounds the centre of the town. Yet, looking at the settlements individually might show better results and make it possible to understand how the harbours connect to, and influence, the whole system. According to Hillier (1996) the urban grid is very strong and one of the first powerful theorems in urban spatial engineering and a facility in itself. The grid structure of Siglufjörður creates a small system with streets that makesthe journey around the village centre quite efficient. Furthermore, the village was surrounded by piers and with the grid structure many streets lead down to the water, forming a good connection between the area of industrial activity and the one of commercial and social activity. In the analysis of the village as it looked in 1918 (Figure 5) of integration at a metric radius of 800 (circa 15 minutes walking distance), the main street, Aðalgata, stands out as being the street with the highest value. This shows potential for local to-movement activity. In the land use from before the 1960s, Aðalgata can be seen as the street with most commercial activity (Figure 5). One might argue that the construction of a grid in such a small village might seem odd and not live up to its full functional potential since the building density is now very low. This was of course not known when the village was planned and the herring was plentiful attracting business and people. As the village has spread out, Túngata has become the street with highest value of integration locally at a metric radius of 800 (Figure 6). It also connects the village to the regional street network. Aðalgata still has many of the main services, but restaurants and small shops are now opening on Túngata and by the harbour (Figure 6). Old fish processing factories have been converted into cafés, galleries, restaurants and hotels, and redevelopment of the waterfront is planned near the Herring Museum.

3.1.2 Akureyri

Akureyri emerged as a trading post and as such the fishing industry did not hold a central role in the planning of the town to begin with. In the beginning of the 20th century the cooperative, KEA, were the main investors and planners of the town. However, thepier, which was constructed in 1907, was of great importance for the fishing and trading industry allowing for bigger ships to dock. This also meant that the centre of the town moved further up north (Figure 7). Looking at the analysis of Akureyri as it was in 1927 at a metric radius of 800, we see the peninsula has a planned grid structure with a long street, Gránufélagsgata, from the harbour leading into the town. This street is forming a spine that runs through the town enabling good access to and from the harbour and through the high street Hafnarstræti (Figure 8).

We see that the harbour forms a small well-integrated network drawn back from the town centre. The area around the town square, Ráðhústorg, also has a high value of integration locally showing a high potential of movement. It forms a nice centre with streets that radiate out north, east and west, emphasising the importance of the town centre. Compared to Siglufjörður there is a stronger division between the harbour and the town centre leaving the residential areas drawn back from industrial sites. Quite central in the town we find factories such as the butter factory, boiler house, and milk factory. Shops and pubs could be found in Hafnarstræti leading towards the square.

Today Akureyri still has its centre around Ráðhústorg and Hafnarstræti. The ring road goes through the town from north to south and it is part of a cross-like global street network forming a foreground network dividing the town between the harbour and centre (Figure 9). Integration at a metric scale of 800 shows the town centre with a relatively high value, supporting it as the preferred place of commercial activity as it allows for easy accessibility (Figure 10). Almost everything in the centre is in


47:6


Figure 6: Siglufjörður 2013, Integration R800. Land use after 1960. Túngata has a very strong value, showing a shift from local to regional connectivity. Factories (blue) are located by the harbour, while public functions are spreading (red). Some factories now have a cultural function (green).

Figure 5: Siglufjörður 1918, Integration R800. Land use before 1960. Aðalgata is shown to have the highest value of integration with much commercial activity (red). Fish processing factories (blue) were situated close to the piers and village centre. Many factories have been demolished and there has been much more industry by the harbour than shown here.

Herring museum

Restaurant/café/

gallery

Aðalgata

Herring museum

Restaurant/café/

gallery

Túngata

Aðalgata


47:7


a 10 minutes walking distance and there is a high potential for encounters. What is significant is that the high street, Hafnarstræti, is more segregated globally than it was in the past, leaving the shopping mall, Glerártorg, better positioned by the ring road (Figure 9).

As was argued by Hillier, this follows the theory of centrality and movement economy. As the spatial organisation of the road network in Akureyri has changed this has influenced movement patterns and land use. However, one might find it problematic when development follows the movement of the car rather than the pedestrian.While the main shops and pubs are still found on Hafnarstræti, we see that industry has moved out of the centre, and culture and commerce has moved in. The old industrial buildings now house an art academy, an art museum and several galleries. Locals call it Listagill (the Art Gully).

4. Local perception of spatial changes Rapid change has a great impact on the life and livelihood of small settlements. It is, therefore, of interest to turn to the locals to hear of their perception before and after the 1960s. In the following are excerpts from two interviews carried out in the summer of 2013 (Feltendal, 2013).

4.1 Siglufjörður

One of the locals from Siglufjörður, Arnfinna Björnsdóttir (b. 1942), has always lived in the village.

Figure 7: Akureyri, 1927. Marked are the old town and the “new” town centre.


47:8


She remembers how it was back in the old days when the fishing industry was at its highest: “Yes [laughs], there were pubs and restaurants in every second house down the main street [Aðalgata]and also hotels, not to mention all the shops and retailers.... But it was hard after the herring, it was completely dead, people were surprised I wanted to live here. But of course we [Arnfinna and her husband] were running the fish shop so we didn’t want to leave. But all the herring factories were left there empty, it was like a ghost town. And the town had to rebuild the whole coastline. They were 24, the factories.” Siglufjörður was vibrant and full of people, had plenty of jobs and chance encounters were taking place around the main street. Where the harbour front used to be the centre of industrial activity, it is now becoming the centre of leisure after they have started to rebuild and regenerate the pier, and is attracting a great number of people. They sit outside the cafés and restaurants both by the town square but also by the harbour. The village is slowly starting to become full of life again, and Arnfinna remembers how it used to be very different: “But now it’s going up again, due to more jobs and more opportunities for young people e.g. Rauðka and the shrimp factory as well as the fish market and all kinds of grass root companies.”

Figure 8: Akureyri 1927, integration R800. Land use before 1960. Central in the town are industrial functions (blue) such as the boiler house, and butter - and milk factories, as well as public and commercial functions (red). The theatre (green) is withdrawn as it is situated near the first location of the town.

Town square

Gránufélagsgata

Hafnarstræti

Kaupvangsstræti

Theatre


47:9


4.2 Akureyri Akureyri has also experienced changes in the commercial and social activity. It is still located around the town centre but it has been more spread out. In an interview with Jón Laxdal (b. 1950), artist livingjust outside of Akureyri, when asked about the difference between Akureyri in the 1950s and 1960s and today he answered: “The town was a lot smaller and more located around the centre. Today businesses are spread out more and shopping malls have been added. There used to be moresmall shops. Or maybe not more but a least not these shopping malls.” He continues: “The centre is of course still there with its shops, banks, pharmacies and more, and Listagill [art street / lower Kaupvangsstræti] but then Glerártorg [shopping mall] is a social meeting place. When I go to Glerártorg I see a lot of people every time, it seems almost like people show up there at 10 in the morning and stay till the evening [laughs] and in many cases the same people.”

5. Implications of changing relations on small settlements

Analysis of the spatial changes in both settlements and the region as a whole has shown that the spatial configuration has moved from being focusedon the area of the town centre. Now the highest values are on the streets that connect to the larger road network in the region, making it easier to travel between Siglufjörður and Akureyri. Siglufjörður might not have changed much spatially over the years, but rather the change can be seen in the changing functions of buildings and urban decline as well as decline in population. This is also true for Akureyri, where a whole street

Figure 9: Akureyri, 2013. Global choice (Rn). Marked with red is the position of the shopping mall, Glerártorg

Ring road


47:10


that used to house different factories has been converted into an art street with galleries and museums, indicating the change from an economy based on industry to one based on services. 5.1 The spatial significance and effect on town centres with the shift in connection from sea to land. After the construction of the tunnel many activities are taking place in Siglufjörður, and it is difficult to predict if the regional centrality of Akureyri will pull all the movement to this main service centre. One has to take into consideration different attractors such as history, nature, museums and festivals, which are plenty even in small villages. Since the opening of the Héðinsfjörður tunnel it is easier for both tourists and locals to reach the village. The conversion and restoration of old factories into hotels or restaurants is part of the regeneration of Siglufjörður. They provide a platform for concerts, art exhibitions and a sense of urban living for the locals as well as non-locals. This might be the key to attract people to the village and prevent youths from moving away.

Changes in livelihood have shown to have great consequences for small settlements such as Siglufjörður. The improvement in land connection, summer as well as winter, might result in new businesses. It might also result in more people choosing it as their permanent residency due to the surrounding nature, the nostalgia of its history, and its close proximity to Akureyri.

The isolated nature of Siglufjörður has been improved, but the stronger regional connection also leads to the possibility of businesses moving away, thinning out the social fabric of the village that has been holding it together in spite of economic downturn. However, through the interview with Arnfinna it became clear that much has changed for the better after the tunnel has opened. Not as many people are leaving the village and new businesses are being established.

Figure 10: Akureyri 2013, Integration R800. Land use after 1960. Industry (blue) has moved to the outskirts, while culture (green) has moved in to the centre. Commercial activity (red) is still found around Hafnarstræti, except for the shopping mall situated by the global road system.

Culture house

Town Square

Hafnarstræti

University


47:11

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium Akureyri is a very important centre in the region, and as it keeps growing, and more services are emerging, it might have a negative effect on the smaller settlements in the region, which are struggling to survive. On the other hand, the improved connections to the town as well as distance-learning programmes offered by the University of Akureyri might give people more options and reasons to stay in the villages. The main centres of both settlements are drawn away from the waterfront in their original planning, but now it can be seen that planners are focusing on bringing leisure activity and recreation to the waterfront. This is highly recommendable as it could reinforce the identity of the settlements as being dependent on the sea. At the same time it will be an interesting challenge to regenerate such strong historical centres making the new and old work together in the urban landscape. Furthermore, there is the question of sustainability regarding a local economy that is very dependent on the flow of tourism. However, if the main focus is on creating jobs through the tourism industry this might turn out to be a precarious source of income for villages such as Siglufjörður.

6. Conclusion

As times are changing, the functions of the two settlements have changed with it. But what is evident from spatial analysis and mapping of specific land use the old town centres are still where the hearts of the settlements are with high potential of natural movement and chance encounters. On a regional scale there has been an improvement in spatial accessibility over time. Especially Siglufjörður has seen significant improvements in accessibility, which in time might help improve the social and economic fabric of the village, which has been in steady decline since the late 1960s.

Industries have moved out of the centre of Akureyri, while leisure and culture have moved into Kaupvangsstræti (Listagill) and prevails in Hafnarstræti and around Ráðhústorg where spatial integration is high enabling natural movement. The main source of income is shifting to become more focused on services than industry. The same is the case in Siglufjörður where the tourist industry helps keeping the wheels turning, why it is so important to be better connected to the main road network and service centre, Akureyri.

The impact of the disappearance of the primary livelihood is a true challenge for small settlements. Commercial diversity is not easy and may not even be enough to uphold the socio-economic fabric so important in small villages. Looking at the region at global and local levels by using a science-based approach has shown how spatial changes as well as socio-economic factors will affect the region as a whole. With the changes in infrastructure, the region becomes spatially stronger over time, making Akureyri the centre and attractor instead of the small villages. Now the challenge is to balance the need for education, providing the proper services for the region as a whole, and maintain jobs for workers in the industrial sector.


47:12

SSS10 Proceedings of the 10th International Space Syntax Symposium References

Bjarnason & Þórlindsson (2006) ‘Should I stay or should I go? Migration expectations among youth in Icelandic fishing and farming communities’. In Journal of Rural Studies, pp. 290 – 300.

Chiaradia, A., Hillier, B., Schwander, C. & Wedderburn, M. (2009).Spatial Centrality, Economic Vitality/Viability: Compositional and Spatial Effects in Greater London. In Koch, D. and Marcus, L. and Steen, J., (eds.) Proceedings of the 7th International Space Syntax Symposium: Stockholm Royal Institute of Technology. p. 016.1 – 016.19

Feltendal, I. (2013). Changing relations - the shift from sea to land. A study of two settlements in Eyjafjörður, Iceland. MSc Dissertation, University College London. London

Hamilton, L., Jónsson, S., Ögmundadóttir, H. & Belkin, I. (2004).Sea Changes Ashore: The Ocean and Iceland’s Herring Capital. In Arctic. The Arctic Institute of North America. Vol. 57, No. 4, pp. 325–335

Hillier, B. & Hanson, J. (1984). The Social Logic of Space. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge Hillier, B. (1999). Centrality as a Process: accounting for attraction inequalities in deformed grids. In Urban

Design International, Vol. 4 No. 3, pp. 107 - 127 Hillier, B. (1996). Space is the Machine. Space Syntax. Electronic edition 2007 Huijbens, E. (2012). Sustaining a Village’s Social Fabric: Second home owners in peripheral communities. In

Sociologia Ruralis, Vol. 52, No. 3, July 2012 Mead, W. (1945). Renaissance of Iceland. In Economic Geography, Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 135-144 Sigursteinsdóttir, H. (2008). Akureyri’s Regional Growth Agreement. In Innovation Systems and Rural

Development: forest & landscape working papers. 27/2008 [online]. Accessed 14/7/13. Available at: http://curis.ku.dk/portal-life/ files/20573583/workingpapersno27.pdf

Turner, A. (2009). Stitching together the fabric of space and society: an investigation into the linkage of the local to regional continuum. In Koch, D. and Marcus, L. and Steen, J., (eds.) Proceedings of the 7th International Space Syntax Symposium: Stockholm Royal Institute of Technology. p. 116.1 – 116.12

Varoudis, T. (2012). depthmapX Multi-Platform Spatial Network Analysis Software, Version 0.30 OpenSource, http://varoudis.github.io/depthmapX/

Online references

Ja.is, available at: http://ja.is Statistics Iceland (2013) Population by postcodes, sex and age 1998-2013. [online] Accessed 14/7/13. Available

at: http://www.statice.is/Statistics/Population/ Urban-nuclei-and-zip-codes


47:13

http://ja.is/

Documents

047 - University College London · 047 From sea to land: A study of two settlements in Eyjafjörður, Iceland Ida Feltendal Aarhus University, Department of Aesthetics and Communication,