02 Improving Race Relations

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2/32Beyond the Talk: Improving Race Relations Study

Significant race-based social and economic inequalities still existin Jacksonville, and much improvement is still needed.

Past and current efforts to address racial disparities, discrimina-tion, and tensions have not addressed the fundamental issues

that created the problems.

Addressing racial discrimination in Jacksonville requiresintentional change by individuals, families, businesses,government, and other community institutions.

Successful efforts to improve race relations must addressdeep-seated race-based beliefs, individual behaviors by racialminorities that contribute to racial disparities, and the multi-generational economic impacts of past racial discrimination.

2

Summary

Highlights

The Mayor of Jacksonville should galvanize community leadeto create a vision for Jacksonville of racial justice and inclusio

Community institutions (government, education, business, houcriminal justice, health-care, religious, and political) should

action beyond current efforts to decrease racial disparitiesspecific recommendations beginning on pp. 25 for details.)

Jacksonville's leadership, particularly its black leadership, should actively mobilize the community to address self-destructive behathat contribute to racial disparities.

City government and other institutions should be held accounfor their efforts to improve race relations, through annual commreporting and citizen oversight.

Major Concerns Recommended Solutions

Biologists insist that there's only one racethe human race. Yet sincethe beginning of the American experience, differences in appearancehave impacted how people relate to each other. In particular, beingclassified as "black" in America has resulted in stark disparities in legalprotection status and opportunity. The overt legal structures of asegregated society were dismantled in the 1960s in response to the

Civil Rights Movement, but the underlying racist attitudes andinstitutional practices of a still divided people remained. Today racialidentity remains a significant social and cultural identification: "Welive in the same community," as one resource person put it, "but indifferent worlds."

Over the last 40 years, people in Jacksonville have come togethernumerous times to address race relations, often in response to a flare-up of tensions in the community. Each time, the resulting dialogueled to an easing of tensions until the next crisis. This study ambitiouslybuilds on those efforts, seeking to move "beyond the talk" byexamining the cycles of tension, blame, denial, and mistrust and byevaluating the practices and processes of public and privateinstitutions that may, perhaps unintentionally, create or perpetuate

these cycles in the community.

The study began by considering the history of race relations in Jacksonville and moved quickly to the present, evaluating currentconcerns and existing efforts to address them. The study committeeunderstood from the outset that this issue is emotional, andcommittee members brought their pain, anger, guilt, and frustrationto the table. While several organizations and programs in Jacksonvilleare working to address hurts and foster reconciliation amongindividuals, this study concentrates on the larger picture involvingthe actions and impacts of institutions.

The study focuses primarily on the relations between blacks and win Jacksonville because the history of Jacksonville, as well as the nuof whites and blacks living in Duval County, places this relationship acenter of local race relations. At the same time, Jacksonvibecoming increasingly diverse, with growing Hispanic, Asian, and N American populations, as well as increased Eastern Euro

immigration. This expanding diversity poses new challenges opportunities for the Jacksonville community as it addresses relations. The study committee evaluated how steps to impblack/white relations may apply to all members of the commuregardless of race or ethnicity.

The study committee found that Jacksonville residents, dependintheir race, perceive race relations differently. Beyond those percepthe study committee discovered and documented race-based dispain education, employment and income, neighborhoods and houcriminal justice, health, and the political process. The persistenthese disparities in Jacksonville has inhibited efforts to improve relations.

To move beyond the talk and improve race relations for all its citi Jacksonville needs:

leadership, including leaders from government, business, educaand the faith community, to work together to make Jacksonville a in which all residents, regardless of race, participate fully in publi

a vision, shared by the community, of a Jacksonville wirace-based disparities or discrimination;

action by community institutions, by government, and by indivcitizens, to realize that vision; and

accountability, through independent monitoring, commcelebrations, and annual report cards, to ensure results.


3/32Jacksonville Community Council Inc.

FINDINGS 4

ntroduction 4

Demographics of Race 4

Differences in Perceptions 6

History 6

Measuring perceptions through surveys 8

Perceived discrimination 9

Disparities in Quality of Life 11

Education 11

Income and employment 13Neighborhoods and housing 14

Health 14

Criminal justice 15

Political process 16

Explaining the Disparities 17

Racism and prejudice 17

Institutional practices 17

Individual choices and behaviors 20Education and income 20

Table Of Content

Mission Statemen

JCCI is a nonpartisan civic organization that engages diverse citizens in

open dialogue, research, consensus building and leadership developmentto improve the quality of life and build a better community in NortheastFlorida and beyond.

Cover design, concept study layout and supporting graphics by graphic designer, Kristin Jackson.

Efforts to Address Racial Tension 2

Efforts to increase interpersonal

interaction across racial lines 2

Efforts to increase understanding andreconciliation 2

Efforts to identify and eliminate

discrimination 2

Efforts to understand and reform

institutional practices 2

Efforts to address disparities directly 2

Impacts on race relations 2

CONCLUSIONS 2

RECOMMENDATIONS 2

REFERENCES 2

RESOURCE PEOPLE 2

COMMITTEE MEMBERS 3

ABOUT JCCI 3


4/32Beyond the Talk: Improving Race Relations Study4

FindingsFindings represent the information received by the committee.They are derived from published materials, from facts reportedby resource people, and from a consensus of the committee'sunderstanding of the opinions of resource people.

IntroductionWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men arecreated equal, that they are endowed by their Creator withcertain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life,Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure theserights, Governments are instituted among Men, derivingtheir just powers from the consent of the governed.

Declaration of Independence, 1776

No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridgethe privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States;

nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, orproperty, without due process of law; nor to deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of thelaws.

Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, 1868

Across the country, people are in pursuit of the "AmericanDream"happiness, economic prosperity, good health, personalgrowth and fulfillment, peace, and a host of other values sharedregardless of one's racial or ethnic background.

Yet in Jacksonville today, as in America, the color of one's skin stillaffects the pursuit of one's dreams. On average, according to the

2000 U.S. Census and other measures, blacks continue to fareworse than whites and most other racial and ethnic groups ineducation, employment, income, access to health care, and healthoutcomes. Blacks also are more likely to be incarcerated and to bediscriminated against in housing.

Despite legal equality fought for and achieved in the Civil RightsMovement, these differences persist. Discovering the reasons forthe disparities is difficult because the disparities are tightlyintertwined. Disparities in employment status, for example, aretied closely to differences in access to health care (through privatehealth insurance coverage) and housing (the availability andlocation of an affordable home). Housing location, with someexceptions, relates directly to public school district boundaries.Disparities in educational outcomes, such as graduation rates ortest scores, often correlate with family income and school place-ment. Disparities in educational outcomes in turn affect futureemployment and family income.

Race-based disparities in the quality of life in Jacksonvillenegatively affect race relations. They serve as constant remindersof a divided, unequal community. Among many racial and ethnicminorities, they reinforce anger, resentment, and mistrust against

those who are perceived to benefit from the current situationwho appear not to be addressing the disparity issue. Residentiasocial segregation isolates and insulates many in the community the issue, and what they do see may only reinforce traditstereotypes and fears.

The issue is yet more complex. Tensions in race relations stemonly from racial disparities, but also from the cumulative effect otorical grievances, differing perceptions of ongoing discriminaand frustration with government and other institutional attempremedies. Comments from study participants demonstratedtension: anger at past injustice; anxiety that a particular minority be left out of the process; distrust of "one more study" after efforts failed to produce desired changes; denial that a race relaproblem exists; frustration that government already gives too mbenefits to minorities; and more.

One resource speaker described the results in this fashion:

blacks, it's always about race. For whites, it's never about race." people experience life in Jacksonville affects how they perceive relations and the extent of the underlying problems.

Jacksonville has experienced a pattern of periodic community dents causing flare-ups of racial tension. These incidents are operceived in different ways; for many whites, the incident iaberration that should and can be resolved by directly addressingimmediate issue. For many blacks, the incident provides vevidence of underlying systemic problems that have never badequately addressed.

Demographics of race

History and culture have made race an important aspecidentity in American society. The 2000 Census shows that DCounty's population continues to grow more diverse, wimpacts efforts to understand and to improve race relations.

Race is an imprecise concept. As few as six out of 40,000 genthe human body are involved in determining skin color, far fethan the number of genetic divergences that biologists us

identify separate classifications within a species.

At the same time, the identification of people and their statsociety based on race has a long history in America. The U.S. Cehas always classified people by race. Traditionally, American ppolicy has followed the concept that someone with ancestomore than one racial or ethnic group is classified with the rcategory of lowest social status. Also known as the "one-drop rthis policy meant that one nonwhite ancestor, however remote,sufficient (if known) to classify an individual as a minority, woften had significant negative legal and social implications.



Duval County population, 2000 U.S. Census

Percentage oftotal population,

1990

Percentage oftotal population,

2000

Population,2000

Race:

Black

Asian/ Pacific Islander

Other

Native American

Ethnicity:

Two or more races

Total

Hispanic (of any race)

72.8%

24.4%

1.9%

0.3%

NA

NA

2.6%

65.8%

27.8%

2.8%

0.3%

1.3%

2.0%

4.1%

512,469

216,780

21,603

2,598

10,170

15,259

778,879

31,946

White

Source: 2000 U.S. Census.NA = not applicable

However, the 2000 Census dropped the "one-drop rule", askingespondents to "indicate what this person considers himself/herself to

be," while providing no definitions for the accompanying categoriesand allowing respondents to select multiple categories or provideheir own. Yet in a 1999 administrative rule, the federal governmenteaffirmed that people who selected more than one racial category

on the 2000 Census are classified as "minority," thus ensuring againsttatistical dilution of minority political influence.

The actual terms Americans use to identify different racial and ethniccategories have changed frequently during the last century, aspreviously used terms came to be considered pejorative. This studyuses the terms white, black, Hispanic, Asian, and Native American toefer to racial and ethnic categories. Because some organizations thaterved as data sources for this study maintain data in different ways,

Asian and Native American statistics are sometimes combined underhe label "Other" in tables or charts from those sources. In all chartsand tables, the greatest level of detail available is provided; during thecourse of this study, the study committee found that many organiza-ions keep statistical information in white/nonwhite or black/nonblackcategories only.

Statistics of Jacksonville's Hispanic population often are calculatedeparately from racial classifications, adding to the complexity in

understanding the data. The 2000 Census identifies "ethnicity"as a separate category from racial classifications. While ethnicity in

general use refers to national origin or cultural heritage, insteathe Census uses "ethnicity" to mean Hispanic or noHispanicone can be Hispanic and white, Hispanic and blacand so forthbut the Census provides no other ethnic classifictions. Because race is understood in both genealogical acultural terms, some aspects of the following discussion apply ethnicity, although this study focuses on race.

Jacksonville's recorded history begins with conflict among ri

European powers and Native Americans. The indigenoTimucua population was largely destroyed by the 1600Attempts by other Native American groups to settle in NortheaFlorida ended when Andrew Jackson, after whom Jacksonvillenamed, defeated the Seminoles in 1817.

The population in Northeast Florida soon shifted to consist mostly European colonists and enslaved Africans. In the 199Census, 97 percent of the population in Duval County identifiethemselves as either black or white. By 2000, growth amo Asian, Native American, Hispanic, and other racial and ethngroups more than doubled the percentage of Jacksonvillpopulation that considered themselves neither black nor white.

This study focuses on race relations between blacks and whites Jacksonville in order to identify strategies for improving rarelations for the long-term benefit of the entire community.



Differences in perceptions

Whites, blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans havediffering perspectives on the state of race relations inJacksonville, although most agree that significant progress hasbeen made and that significant improvement is still needed.Understanding the state of race relations today must begin witha review of the past, because people's past experiences affect

how they view current events. A number of surveys havedocumented how Jacksonville residents view race relations.These surveys, along with similar national reports, illustrate themagnitude of the issue this study addresses.

History

Over the last 150 years, American public policy relating to racefocused on the role of blacks in society. Official segregationended through a series of actions beginning in the 1950s andextending through the late 1990s. The legacy of institutional-ized segregation and discrimination continues to influence racerelations in Jacksonville.

The Emancipation Proclamation, issued by Abraham Lincoln in1863, began the process of removing institutional racial discrimi-nation in America. The 13th Constitutional Amendment, ratifiedin 1865, abolished slavery. In 1868, the 14th Amendment pro-vided for equal protection under the law, regardless of former con-ditions of servitude. In 1870, the 15th Amendment guaranteedthe right to vote for all men, and black men began voting in elec-tions in Florida.

However, national and state public policy continued to fosterinstitutional discrimination. Florida passed a poll tax in 1885 and

took other actions to keep blacks from voting. In 1896 the U.S.Supreme Court, in Plessy v. Ferguson, upheld that "separate butequal" was constitutional, although the lone dissenter, Justice JohnHarlan, wrote:

Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nortolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights,all citizens are equal before the law.... In my opinion, thejudgment this day rendered will, in time, prove to be quiteas pernicious as the decision made by this tribunal in theDred Scott case.... The present decision, it may well beapprehended, will not only stimulate aggressions, more orless brutal and irritating, upon the admitted rights of

colored citizens, but will encourage the belief that it is possible, by means of state enactments, to defeat thebeneficient purposes which the people of the UnitedStates had in view when they adopted the recentamendments of the Constitution.

Policies called Jim Crow laws mandated segregation in publicplaces, and Colored Only/Whites Only signs became common-place in Jacksonville.

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s challengedofficial segregation. The 1954 Brown v. Board of Education

Supreme Court decision explicitly reversed Plessy v. Ferguson, deing "separate but equal" and segregated public schools tounconstitutional. Passage of the 1964 federal Civil Rightsrequired desegregation of public accommodations. From the 1through the time of this study, Jacksonville citizens confrontedanother repeatedly over the implementation of desegregation, sit-ins, protests, riots, lawsuits, and boycotts (see timeline on pag

Because discriminatory public policy and ordinances specifically targ

blacks, civil rights protests in Jacksonville focused almost excluson the rights of black citizens. For this reason, and because bhave comprised the largest racial minority, race relationJacksonville traditionally have been a black/white issue. One coquence of a society in which laws treated people differently baseskin color has been to develop institutions and a culture that trepeople differently because of the color of their skin, including AsHispanics, Native Americans, and other ethnic groups.

In 2002, Jacksonville's present is built on its past. Its histodivision and race-based mistreatment still plays a significant role institutions and in how many people view current situations.Jacksonville grows through increasing in-migration, the history of

relations impacts people differently, based partly on the lengttime they have lived here and the history they bring with thInterracial interactions often are complicated by differing percepof shared events, based on their past personal experiences.

Achieving Desegregation: The Caseof the Duval County Public Schools

The 1954 Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board

Education required the elimination of segregated pub

schools. Jacksonville was slow to comply with this de

sion; 11 years later, only 137 black students were attening white schools, while no white students attended bla

schools.

In 1971, the courts ordered busing to eliminate segrega

ed schools, citing the Supreme Court's mandate that d

crimination must be "eliminated root and branch."

1990, the school system adopted a new desegregati

program, emphasizing magnet schools, to allow t

required busing to be more voluntary.

In 1999, the federal district court declared the Duv

County Public Schools to be "unitary," meaning that t

school system was operated without discrimination "to tmaximum extent possible." This ended court supervision

desegregation efforts. The decision was upheld on appe

in 2001.

Using the definition of a desegregated school from t

1990 Desegregation Stipulation and Agreement betwe

the Jacksonville Branch of the NAACP and the Duv

County School Board, 58 percent of Duval County publ

school students attended desegregated schools in t

2000-01 school year. In the same year, 49 percent



Timeline

JacksonvilleNational

Montgomery Bus Boycott,recognized as beginning theCivil Rights Movement

Brown v. Board of Educationrejects "separate but equal"as unconstitutional

Selected Events in History

1954

1955

1959

1960

1963

1964

1967

1968

1969

1971

1974

1984

1990

1991

1992

1995

2001

Blacks picket downtownbusinesses, protesting segregation

"Axe Handle Saturday": black protestorsattacked in Hemming Plaza

13 black first-graders attend white schoolsfor first time

Civil disturbances in reaction to Mayor Burns'support of segregation

U.S. passes Civil Rights Act

City of Jacksonville establishes Human RightsCommission

City of Jacksonville/Duval County consolidationtakes place

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.is assassinated

Riots after white salesman shoots black youthon Florida Avenue

Riots after white policeman shoots black youth;Court-ordered busing begins in Jacksonvilleschools

U.S. Civil Rights Commission recommendscutting off federal funding for Jacksonville lawenforcement due to racially discriminatory policiesand practices

Jacksonville City Council passes first minorityset-aside ordinance; Clarkson Committeerecommends improvements in police policyand procedures

NAACP and School Board enter intoDesegregation Agreement; magnet schoolsreplace forced busing

NAACP sues Duval County School Board overimplementation of desegregation agreement

Judge John Santora makes racially-prejudicedremarks and is removed from being Chief Judge

Jacksonville Together! presents recommendationsfor community healing

Jacksonville elects first black sheriff

Jacksonville schools declared "unitary," removedfrom federal supervision



Overall, how would you rate the state of race relations in Duval County?

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

Excellent Good Fair Poor Don't Know

11%

2%4% 2% 3%

52%

17%

31% 30%

48%

White

Black

Source: 2000 Jacksonville University survey

In your opinion during the last year, do you feelthat racism is a problem in Jacksonville?

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

Source: JCCI 2001 Quality of Life Report.Survey conducted by American Public Dialogue, September 2001

1985

1987

1989

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

People of color

White people

8

Measuring perceptionsthrough surveys

Hispanics, whites, blacks, Asians, andNative Americans respond differently toquestions about the state of race relationsin Jacksonville. Most agree that racerelations are improving in Jacksonville.

Most also agree that significant improve-ment is still needed.

Several recent telephone surveys havesought to document the state of racerelations among Jacksonville residents.They consistently demonstrate both aconcern for race relations in Jacksonvilleand a difference in how people view theissue, depending on their racial or ethnicbackground.

University of North Florida surveys,

1998-2000

The University of North Florida's Center forCommunity Initiatives, in partnership withthe Jacksonville Human RightsCommission, has conducted annual phonesurveys since 1998 about perceptions ofrace and race relations in Duval County.

The surveys reported that responses fromwhites and blacks in Jacksonville differsignificantly, indicating that whites andblacks "see the world through two differentlenses." They also found that most Jacksonville residents consider racerelations to be an important issue in theirlives. In the 1998 survey, 85 percent ofwhite respondents and 88 percent of blackrespondents agreed with that statement.

The 2000 survey concluded: While thereappears to have been some improvementin the area of race relations, much stillremains to be done.

Jacksonville University survey, 2000

The Social Science Research Center at Jacksonville University (JU) conducted apoll for WJCT public television betweenNovember 20 and December 8, 2000,during the controversy over the 2000Presidential elections. The survey reportedthat 63 percent of whites felt race relationswere "excellent" or "good," while 78 per-cent of blacks rated them "fair" or "poor."

JCCI Quality of Life Indicators, 2001

Jacksonville Community Council Inc.'s (JCCI) Quality of Life in Jacksonville: IndicatorsProgress, published annually since 1985, examines current measures of the quality of lifereports trends over time. The JCCI survey displays a consistent difference betweenperceptions of white respondents and of people of color (survey respondents include a spercentage of Asians and Hispanics.) In 2001, 53 percent of whites and 67 percenpeople of color felt that racism was a problem in Jacksonville.



Perceived discrimination

Different perceptions of the quality of race relations are related todiffering perceptions of the extent of discrimination inacksonville. In general, a higher percentage of blacks report that

they believe discrimination is a problem in Jacksonville thanwhites do; many whites report that they think discrimination noonger exists. Asians, Hispanics, and Native Americans alsoreport discrimination, though generally at lower rates thanblacks. National studies report that differing perceptions aboutdiscrimination made significant differences in opinions aboutpublic policy toward race.

Perceptions differ by race, not only about race relations inacksonville, but also about how life is experienced by members of

another race. Tensions in race relations often are related to percep-tions of mistreatment. In Jacksonville, many blacks report feelingdiscriminated against, while many whites report that they thinkdiscrimination no longer exists.

n UNF's 2000 survey, for example, most white respondents felt

blacks have equal opportunities for success and are treated fairly inhousing, employment, education, the criminal justice system, and inthe media. On the other hand, blacks reported much higher levelsof discriminatory treatment and a much more pessimistic view ofhow the Jacksonville community treats blacks. Other surveys havehad similar results, as follows:

Employment

In JCCI's 2001 Quality of Lifesurvey, 39 percent of blackrespondents report having per-sonally experienced racism

while at work in the previousyear, compared to 12 percentof white respondents. In JU's2000 survey, 35 percent ofblacks thought blacks had justas good a chance as whites toget a job for which they werequalified, compared to 81 per-cent of white respondents.

In general, do you think that black people have as good a chance aswhite people in your community to get any kind of job for which theyare qualified, or don't you think they have as good a chance?

Whites Blacks

Don't have as good a chance

Don't Know/No Answer

81%

16%

3%

35%

61%

4%

Have as good a chance


Differing Perceptions:The Case of Consolidation

In 1968, the governments of Duval County

and the City of Jacksonville were consolidat-ed into one governmental unit. Perceptions of

why this consolidation occurred diff

dramatically among residents, based on race:

Whites are more likely to cite the efficiencies

of the new form of government, the corrup-

tion in the pre-consolidation county and city

government offices, changes in property tax

assessments, and disaccreditation of Duval

County Public Schools, believing that "right-eous indignation" led citizens to act to create

a better government.

Blacks are more likely to stress white fears

about the growing population and political

power of blacks in the pre-consolidated City

of Jacksonville as driving the consolidation

movement. Without consolidation, blacks

would shortly have had a majority of the vot-

ing population and could have elected black

leadership. Many blacks contend that blacks

were forced to choose between the potential

political power or promises of improved

services in the core city, including better

schools and improved drainage.

Consolidation was adopted by a citizen

referendum, which received the majority of

both white and black votes.

Which perception of the motivations for con-

solidation is accurate? Reasonable people

often disagree. Proponents see local gov-

ernment as more efficient and effective than

it was before consolidation. Critics argue

that inner-city schools and drainage remain



Criminal justice

Surveys in Jacksonville report differences in the belief that racialprofiling, which is being stopped by the police because of one'sracial or ethnic background, occurs; 65 percent of black respon-dents to JU's 2000 survey said they thought racial profiling was"widespread," compared to 26 percent of white respondents. Inaddition, 37 percent of blacks reported having been stopped bythe police just because of their race; only 4 percent of whitesreported having the same experience.

0

In some areas, it has been reported that police officers stop motorists

of certain racial or ethnic groups because the officers believe thatthese groups are more likely than others to commit certain types ofcrimes. Do you believe that this practice, known as "racial profiling"is widespread or not in Duval County?

Whites Blacks

No, not widespread


26%

50%

24%

65%

21%

14%

Yes, widespread


Have you ever felt that you were stopped by the police just becauseof your race or ethnic background?

Whites Blacks

No


4%

94%

2%

37%

62%

1%

Yes, specify


Political system

The 2000 UNF survey found that "far fewer Black respondbelieved that local government gives equal representation tointerests and concerns of all racial and minority groups compareWhites and Other Minorities."

Quality of life

Surveys have also measured racial differences in people's percepof their own quality of life. Results of these surveys show that bconsistently report a lower quality of life than whites, with AsiansHispanics generally in between.

In the 2000 UNF survey, blacks in Jacksonville reported experiena lower overall quality of life than did whites, Asians, HispanicNative Americans. A 2000 national survey conducted byNational Conference for Community and Justice (NCCJ) fosimilar results. Respondents were asked to rate whether they "satisfied" or "dissatisfied" with distinct aspects of their life. The illustrates strongest dissatisfaction among the black community significant differences among the reporting groups.

Life Satisfactions by Race/Ethnicity

Are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the following aspects of your life?(Satisfaction levels shown in percentages)

WhitesAspects of life (percent satisfied)

Your present housing

Your job or the work you do

Your education

Your access to health care

The education children are getting today

How well different groups in societyget along with each other

73%

91%

88%

81%

78%

36%

29%

Blacks Hispanics Asia

49%

77%

74%

67%

73%

29%

21%

69%

72%

48%

41%

64%

82%

80%

Your household income

Source: NCCJ 2000 survey.Satisfaction with work based only on those employed.

Results of these surveys are consistent in all areas of concern those of similar national polls. Whites and blacks have diffeperceptions about the extent of discrimination in their communacross the country. Recent reports suggest that these differeimpact efforts to improve race relations in at least two ways:

hindering the ability to achieve a common understanding o

problems in a community that need addressing; and influencing opinions about the proper public policies to add

these concerns.

A 2001 national survey conducted by Harvard University, in partship with the Washington Post and the Kaiser Foundation, arespondents about the life experiences of blacks in America. study compared the survey responses with 2000 U.S. Census and found that 70 percent of white respondents had signifmisperceptions about the actual quality of life of blacks. The levmisperception about real disparities in income, employmeducation, and access to health care made significant differencthe opinions respondents held about public policy solutions.

Housing

In JCCI's 2001 survey, 23 percent of black respondents reportedhaving experienced discrimination while renting or buying a homein the previous year, compared to 5 percent of white respondents. JU's 2000 survey reported that 83 percent of whites think blackshave an equal playing field in the housing market.

In general, do you think that black people have as good a chance aswhite people in your community to get any housing they can afford,or don't you think they have as good a chance?

Whites Blacks

Don't have as good a chance


83%

12%

5%

50%

43%

7%

Have as good a chance




Disparities in Quality of Life

The following analysis of actual disparities in Jacksonville is designed tomove beyond perceptions of discrimination to create a commonactual basis for discussing solutions.

Studies have consistently found significant differences in thequality of life between blacks and whites in America. The sameholds true in Jacksonville. Available data demonstrate significantacial disparities in education, income and employment, housing,

criminal justice, health, and the political process.

Many aspects of the quality of life are numerically measurable.Substantial data reveal that blacks and whites experience different

actual outcomes in major aspects of life in Jacksonville.

Duval County Public Schools:Racial/ethnic distribution by exceptional education program, 2000-01

Whitenon-Hispanic

Blacknon-Hispanic

Hispanic

Gifted program

Educablementally handicapped

49.2%

70.2%

23.4%

42.7%

16.5%

73.8%

3.7%

3.8%

1.6%

2.7%

6.6%

0.6%

0.2%

0.3%

0.1%

1.6%

2.5%

0.4%

Total students

Source: Florida Department of Education

Asian/Pacific Islander

AmericanIndian/

Alaskan NativeMultiracial

Education

The Duval County Public School population in 2000-200(125,727 students) was 49 percent white, 43 percent black, aeight percent other racial or ethnic groups. Significant race-basdifferences exist in several measures of educational outcome

participation in certain exceptional education programstandardized test scores, and high-school graduation rates.

While less than three percent of public-school students participain gifted programs, those who do are mostly white. Black studenwhile 42.7 percent of the student body, make up just 16.5 percein the gifted program.

Students classified as "educable mentally handicapped," meanithat their IQ is assessed between 50 and 70, are predominanblack. Only 23.4 percent of students in educable mentahandicapped programs are white.

Standardized test scores are one way of measuring educationachievement. In 1998, the State of Florida began requiring thpublic-school students take the Florida ComprehensiAchievement Test (FCAT). Through 2001, tests were given tostudents in 4th, 8th, and 10th grades. In 2002, the tests weexpanded to all grade levels. The reading and mathematsections of the test are graded on a five-point scale. Level Thrrepresents satisfactory grade-level performance.



Calculated graduation rate and dropout rateDuval County Public Schools, 2000-01

White Black Hispanic

Dropout rate

46.4%

7.5%

34.8%

9.3%

46.7%

8.4%

68.8%

5.9%

80.0%

6.5%

51.6%

7.0%

42

8

Graduation rate

Source: Florida Department of EducationThe graduation rate is calculated by comparing high-school graduates with ninth graders entering school four years previously. Fschools no longer calculate the graduation rate this way; beginning in 1999, students are tracked by ID number for a more accuraHowever, rates are not calculated by race or ethnicity in the new method. Rates calculated in this chart include only standard diploSpecial diplomas, GEDs, and other certificates are not included.

AsianAmerican

Indian Multiracial Tota

2

In 2000, a significantly higher percentage of white students scoredat Level Three or above than black students. The percentage ofHispanic students scoring at those levels fell in between the othertwo, while Asian students generally did better on the FCAT thanany of the other groups for whom data were reported. Whilescores for all students improved over three years, the disparity ineducational achievement remained consistent.

These differences in test scores remain even when householdincome is factored in. Using participation in the free or reduced-price lunch programs as a measurement of household income,black students, on average, underperform other students withinthe same income categories.

FCAT Scores, Level 3 or Higherby participation in free or reduced-price lunch programs and by race

2001 math and reading scores

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

Math Reading Math Reading

15.9%

40.0%

27.9%

48.9%

32.2%

62.5%

49.6%

73.6%

Source: Duval County Public SchoolsScores are from the 2001 FCAT, fifth-grade math scores and fourth-grade reading scores. Data include all studentstaking the test. Socioeconomic status is measured by student participation in the free or reduced-price lunch programs.Household income must be below 180 percent of the federal poverty line to participate in one of these programs. Thepoverty threshold income in 2001 for a family of four was $17,650; 180 percent of that is $31,770.

Black

Non-Black

Free/Reduced-price Lunch Full Price Lunch

Duval County Public Schools 2000 FCAT Scores: Level 3 (satisfactory) or higher

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

White Black Hispanic Asian

72%

53%

40%35%

21%14%

59%

40%

31%

68%

57%

45%

Source: Duval County Public SchoolsScores reported are those transmitted to the State of Florida for school grading purposes.They do not include students in English as a Second Language or Exceptional Student Education classes.

4th grade8th grade

10th gradeReading

Duval County Public Schools 2000 FCAT Scores: Level 3 (satisfactory) or higher

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%

White Black Hispanic Asian

62%67% 69%

25%30% 28%

39%

55%49%

75% 72% 74%

Source: Duval County Public SchoolsScores reported are those transmitted to the State of Florida for school grading purposes.

They do not include students in English as a Second Language or Exceptional Student Education classes.

4th grade

8th grade

10th gradeMath

Another measurement of educational outcomes is the high-scgraduation rate. Data in Duval County show significant race-bdifferences in the rates that students achieve high-school diploThe Duval County Public Schools and the Florida DepartmenEducation do not calculate high-school graduation rates by rcategory. However, by calculating the number of students who a standard diploma and comparing that to the number of studwho entered ninth grade four years earlier, approximate graduarates by race can be obtained. Until 1999, this method was usethe State of Florida to calculate official high-school graduation rThese calculations show a 12 percent difference in the 2001 hschool graduation rate between white and black students. HispaAsian, Native American, and multiracial students graduated at higher than those for either white or black students.

Similarly, the dropout rate varies by racial group. Asian students the lowest dropout rate among racial categories, at 5.9 percwhile the rate for black students is the highest, at 9.3 percent. high-school dropout rate measures the number of students withdraw from school between the 9th and 12th grades, percentage of the total school population. This number is notinverse of the graduation rate, because many students stay in sc

but fail to graduate.)



Income and Employment

ncome disparities between whites and blacks have remainedrelatively constant, even when the average household income foreach group has risen. Nationally, median household income ishighest among Asians and lowest among blacks. In Duval County,43.7 percent of black households earned income less than $15,000per year in 1990, compared to 18.7 percent of white households and15.2 percent of Asian households. In contrast, while 29.3 percent ofAsian households and 23.8 percent of white households earnedmore than $50,000, only 9.2 percent of black households hadsimilar incomes.

National Median Household Incomeby Race and Ethnicity, 2000

Race or Ethnicity

Median

Household Income

White

Hispanic (of any race)

Black

$55,500

$44,200

$33,400

$30,400

Asian and Pacific Islander

Source: 2000 U.S. Census

Percentages of Duval County households with incomein lower and upper income brackets, by race, 1990

White Black Asian

$50,000 or more

18.7%

23.8%

43.7%

9.2%

15.2%

29.3%

Less than $15,000


ncome disparities can be measured by the percentage of childrenparticipating in the free or reduced-cost lunch programs in the DuvalCounty Public Schools. Eligibility is determined by householdncome. Free lunch is available to those whose household income iswithin 130 percent of the federally defined poverty level andeduced-cost lunch for those whose income is within 180 percent. In

2000-2001, two-thirds of black children were in the program,compared to about one-fourth of white students and half of Hispanictudents.

Blacks are more likely to be unemployed than whites. In 200the national unemployment rate for whites was 3.3 percent; fblacks, 6.3 percent; and for Hispanics, 5.3 percent. Blacks a

more likely to remain unemployed for longer periods of time; 1999, unemployed white male workers remained unemployed fan average of 12.7 weeks, Hispanic males for 12.1 weeks, ablack males for 18.0 weeks.

Black workers are more likely to have lower-paying jobs thwhites. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that in 199white workers were more likely to have white-collar occupatiothan black workers, and within white-collar occupations wemore likely to hold professional or managerial employment thblack workers.

Even when holding the same kind of employment, mediearnings vary. In 1999, white male professionals earned average of 32.9 percent more than black male professionals an14.5 percent more than Hispanic male professionals.

On the job, black employees are more likely to experience racdiscrimination than white employees. In 2000-01, the JacksonvHuman Rights Commission processed 178 charges of race-basemployment discrimination. Blacks filed 63.6 percent of discrimination complaints; whites 30.7 percent; Hispanics 3percent; Asians 1.5 percent, and Native Americans 0.3 percent

Percent of students by race/ethnicity participating in free or reduced-costlunch programs, 2000-01

Whitenon-Hispanic

Blacknon-Hispanic

Hispanic

27.2% 67.0% 55.1% 34.4%31.3% 48.6%Free/reduced-cost lunch

Source: Florida Department of Education

Asian/Pacific Islander

AmericanIndian/

Alaskan Native

Multiracial

2000 figures were not available for this study.



Neighborhoods and housing

Jacksonville continues to have a high proportion of Census Tractswith a resident population between 75 and 100 percent black or75 to 100 percent white. Jacksonville was ranked as highly seg-regated in 1990 by the Lewis Mumford Center for ComparativeUrban and Regional Research. According to the 2000 Census, ithas become somewhat less segregated in the last ten years. Inorder to be fully desegregated, according to the 2000 Mumford

Center analysis, 54 percent of either blacks or whites inJacksonville would have to move to a different Census Tract.

The 1998 Jacksonville Area Rental Audit conducted by the FairHousing Advocacy Center found that blacks experienced differingtreatment in 58 percent of attempts to obtain rental housing inJacksonville. Differences occurred in information about availability,access to appointments to see the unit, access to an application, andrental terms (including amount of rent, application fees, anddeposits).


Health

Significant disparities exist in health outcomes between whitenonwhite populations in Jacksonville, mirroring statewide national trends. One measure of health is the death rate, whithe ratio of deaths to the number of people in a specific populain a given year. A lower death rate suggests a higher life expectand a healthier population.

In Duval County, the age-adjusted death rate for blacks is 1.4 tthe rate for whites. The rate for Hispanics and other minority gris much lower than the rates for either whites or blacks; howeverrelative size of these population groups may influence the rates

The data also show significant differences in death rates for specauses among different racial groups in Jacksonville. Black inare 2.7 times as likely to die as white infants before their first b

day. Blacks are more likely to die from strokes, diabetes, and Arelated causes than whites. Other diseases show similar disparThe black death rate from prostate cancer is approximately dothe white rate. Heart disease rates are higher among blacks whites, although lung cancer is higher among whites than blaBlacks are more likely to die from homicide, while whites comsuicide at double the rate of blacks.

Disparities selected in health-care outcomes, Duval County

Whites

Infant death rate per 1,000 births (2000)

Stroke death rate (1999)

Diabetes death rate (1999)

Newly-diagnosed HIV cases per100,000 people (2000)

HIV/AIDS death rate (1999)

922.1

6.2

62.0

26.3

16.6

11.2

Blacks Other Hispanic

1,333.0

16.8

122.9

71.9

122.7

35.4

8.0

6.0

0.0

7.5

9.4

2.5

457.9

2.0

48.7

348.3

5.4

20.5

Death rate (1999)

Source: Florida Department of Health.Rates are per 100,000 unless otherwise specified. All death rates in table are age-adjusted.Age-adjusted death rates are calculated to avoid skewed data resulting from the distribution of age groupsin the population. Data for Asians or Native Americans are available only combined in "Other."Data reported are for the most recent year available.



Criminal justice

n Jacksonville, a black motorist is more likely to receive a trafficcitation than a member of any other racial group.

Traffic citations issued in Duval County by race, 2001

Traffic citations,2001

Percent of totaltraffic citations

Percent of DuvalCounty populationRace

Black

Other

57.9%

39.6%

2.5%

133,892

91,591

5,886

65.8%

27.8%

6.4%

White

Source: Duval County Clerk of the CourtData for Asians, Native Americans, and Hispanics are availableonly grouped under "Other."

Blacks are arrested and incarcerated at nearly double the level ofheir percentage in the Duval County population. Blacks incarceratedor drug-related offenses are even more overrepresented, at morehan three times their percentage of the population.

People incarcerated in the Duval County Jail, 2001

Numberincarcerated

Percent ofincarcerated


Black

Other

46.6%

52.3%

1.1%

22,353

25,110

508

65.8%

27.8%

6.4%

White


Drug-related incarcerations in the Duval County Jail, 2001

Numberincarcerated

Percent of thoseincarcerated


Black

Other

38.0%

61.3%

0.7%

2,424

3,913

50

65.8%

27.8%

6.4%

White

Source: Duval County Clerk of the CourtData for Asians, Native Americans, and Hispanics are availableonl rou ed under "Other."

While blacks are overrepresented as inmates in the criminal-justisystem, they are underrepresented among those administering tsystem. The proportion of private attorneys, assistant sta

attorneys, public defenders, and judges who are black is lowthan the percentage of blacks in the total population and mulower than the percentage of blacks who are arrested and chargwith a crime. In 2001, two of 25 circuit court judges (8 perceand two of 14 county court judges (14 percent) were black. Blalawyers make up between two and three percent of the Florida B Association total membership. Less than 20 percent of Jacksonville police officers were black. However, the sheJacksonville's chief law enforcement officer, was black.

Jacksonville Sheriff's Office Sworn Officers, 2001

Numberof officers

Percent ofofficers

Percent of DuvaCounty populatioRace

Black

Other

77.3%

19.2%

3.5%

1,186

295

53

65.8%

27.8%

6.4%

White




Minority-access legislative districts

Minority-access legislative districts have political boundaries dso that demographics positively influence the chance thminority candidate will win election. In Jacksonville, with a bpopulation of 27.8 percent, four of the 14 City Council dis(29 percent) have majority-black populations and are design"minority-access" districts.

Public policy assumes that, without minority-access distminorities would likely not get elected and would thus diminished access to political power. Minority-access districtsmake it less likely that a minority could run successfully outside odesignated districts. While blacks have occasionally won at-seats on City Council, no black has won in a majority-access disGiven these dynamics, the likelihood, with minority-access dising, that minorities could gain a majority of 10 out of 19 City Coseats (14 district seats plus five at-large seats) appears remote.

Government leadership

As of 2002, 23 percent of elected officials in the City of Jackson

were black, as were 30 percent of department heads and 24 perof division chiefs. The white Mayor was advised by a white chistaff, a white chief administrative officer, and a black deputy administrative officer. Of the six independent authoritieJacksonville, four had black executive directors, and two had board chairmen.

Government elected leadership inDuval County, 2002

Percent of

elected officials

Percent of Duval

County population

Black

Other

Hispanic

75.0%

23.2%

1.8%

1.8%

65.8%

27.8%

6.4%

4.1%

White

Elected officials include the School Board (7 members, 2 black), theCity Council (19 members, 5 black), State legislators (11 members,3 black), County Court judges (14 judges, 2 black, 1 Hispanic, 1 Other),and the Mayor, Sheriff, Supervisor of Elections, Tax Collector, andProperty Appraiser (of which the Sheriff is black.)

City of Jacksonville appointed leadership, percentages by race, 2002

Board membersof independent

authorities Division chiefs

Percent oDuval Coun

populatioDepartmentdirectors

Black

Other

Hispanic

70.6%

26.5%

0.0%

2.9%

70.0%

30.0%

0.0%

0.0%

78.0%

22.0%

0.0%

0.0%

65.8

27.8

6.4

4.1

White

6

Political process

Disparities in access to the political system can be examinedthrough events (voting in the 2000 presidential election), processes(creation of minority-access legislative districts), and people(the racial demographics of current elected and appointedgovernment officials.)

2000 presidential election

The 2000 presidential election was decided by 537 votes in theState of Florida. In Jacksonville, 26,909 ballots were declaredinvalid (4,967 under votes, in which no vote was recorded forPresident, and 21,942 over votes, in which more than onecandidate for President was selected.) Significant disparities emergewhen the rates of ballot disqualification are compared to the racialcomposition of the voters. City Council districts with the fewestblack voters had the fewest ballots declared invalid, while districtswith the highest percentage of black voters had the highestpercentages of ballots declared invalid. The minority-access dis-tricts 7, 8, 9, and 10 had two to four times the number of ballotsdeclared invalid of any other districts.

The data hold true at the precinct level as well. In precincts 8R and9R, which had the highest rate of ballots disqualified in DuvalCounty (31 percent of all ballots cast), over 99 percent of thosevoting were black. By contrast, the six precincts that had twopercent or fewer of ballots declared invalid averaged 98 percentwhite voters.

Disqualified ballots (overvotes and undervotes) by City Council District2000 Presidential Election, Duval County

City Council DistrictPercentage

of ballots castby black voters

Percentageof total ballots

declared invalid

3

6

5

14

4

12

2

13

1

11

7

10

8

9

5%

5%

7%

6%

12%

13%

14%

18%

20%

52%

73%

74%

77%

74%

5%

5%

5%

6%

8%

8%

8%

8%

8%

9%

18%

18%

19%

20%

Source: Supervisor of Elections



Explaining the Disparities

Disparities in the quality of life experienced by people in differentracial and ethnic groups in Jacksonville are created and sustainedby multiple causes. Individual racism and prejudice explainsome. Practices of public and private institutions influencedisparities as well. Individual choices and behaviors alsocontribute. Income and education disparities, above all others,

reinforce each other and magnify other disparities.

Race-based differences in the quality of life enjoyed in Jacksonvilleare rooted in multiple causes. While individual situations may vary,he causes of the disparities identified in this report can be

understood in three categories: racism and prejudice; institutionalpractices; and individual choices and behaviors. Beyond thosecategories, the effects of poor education and poverty deepen allother disparities and extend across generations.

Racism and prejudice

Some of these quality-of-life disparities result from individual actionsby people who maintain racist attitudes and prejudice toward others.These actions may be intentional or unintentional, but their effect ishe sameto create a disparate quality of life, depending on people'sacial or ethnic background.

While civil-rights laws make most racial discrimination illegal, lawshemselves cannot change longstanding practices, resolve distrust, orerase racial stereotypes and prejudices. Individual discriminatorybehavior remains evident in the workplace, in renting or buyinghomes, in retail stores, and in other arenas of public life.

Race-based stereotypes explain some of the opposition toow-income housing and disparities in hiring practices. Fears ofmistreatment explain why some racial and ethnic minorities delaygoing to the doctor when ill or avoid looking for housing indentifiably white neighborhoods. Stress resulting from fear of realand perceived racism explains some of the health disparitiesexperienced by black residents of Jacksonville.

nstitutional practices

Some disparities may also be explained by institutionalactorspractices of private businesses and government agencies

which create disparate opportunities and/oroutcomes, although they are usually notntended to have a discriminatory result. Inaddition, the many institutional practiceshat discriminate against people based onheir income may result in a disparate racialmpact because of disproportionately lowerncomes among blacks.

Education

Duval County's public-education system contributes to race-basdisparities.

Some disparities in educational outcomes can be attributed the way in which children are taught. Despite subscribing educational theories that recognize cultural differences, tDuval County Public Schools, in practice, tend to treat all st

dents as if they share the same cultural background. Resourspeakers emphasized that children's cultural background affethe skills, preparation, and learning styles they bring to the claroom, and that teachers need to receive adequate training meet the diverse needs of their students.

Duval County Public Schools have had difficulty attracting aretaining high quality teachers, principals, and administrators low performing schools. Duval County receives the lowest funing per student of all school districts in the state serving a diverstudent population of 100,000 or more. Inadequately preparteachers, principals, and administrators often perpetuate the d

parities by being assigned to low-performing schools, most which disproportionately serve black students.

Maintaining racially-identifiable schools contributes to poor oucomes. According to a 1997 study by The Florida Times-Unioblack students attending desegregated schools in Jacksonvtend to score better on tests than those attending racially segrgated schools.

Disproportionate participation of students, based on race, gifted programs creates disproportionate opportunities for futueducation and employment.

Disproportionate participation, based on race, in mentalhandicapped programs contributes to long-term disparitieespecially since the labels associated with mentally-hancapped programs and the types of instruction received crealifetime disparities.

Historical differences in school funding also have contributed current education disparities. Within the past several yeahowever, the school system has allocated increased funding aother resources to low-performing schools.

Disparities in educational outcommultiply over time. The best predtor of future educational successthe age and education level of tmother at the time of the studenbirth. Levels of literacy and spokvocabulary at home affect a chilpreparation for school. The negeneration of students begins schowith the effects of the previous geeration's disparities in educationoutcomes.



Employment

While most businesses have equal employment-opportunitypolicies, many continue to perpetuate employment disparities.

The practice of using traditional networking channels to find newemployees tends to exclude minorities from hiring opportunities.These networks tend to reflect and perpetuate older patterns ofsingle-race hiring.

Organizations that use search committees to find employeesoften find that those hired tend to reflect the racial makeup ofthe committee. A search committee composed primarily ofwhite males may feel more comfortable with candidates who arewhite males.

Supervisors often make subjective judgments when selecting the"right person for the job." If evaluation is based on ability to "fitin well with the team," supervisors may feel more comfortableworking with candidates similar to their own race, social class,and education. Physical appearance, hairstyle, and manner of

speech may similarly affect hiring opportunities.

Opportunities for advancement within many organizationsfollow procedures similar to hiring practices. Shared socialnetworks and perceived similarities may play a large role indeciding which candidate to promote. In addition, a mentormay be an important component in advancement, and peopletend to mentor others of their own race.

Some businesses, especially small businesses, lack formal policiesconcerning diversity and racial harassment in the workplace.Others have these policies but do not enforce them.

Businesses that do not recruit or promote racial or ethnicminorities, and/or do not enforce against race-based harassment,are more likely to continue to employ and retain largely whiteemployees, contributing to employment and income disparities.Racial and ethnic minorities, perceiving discrimination, are lesslikely to seek employment with such businesses, thus reinforcingthe perception and the resulting disparities.

Neighborhoods and housing

Segregated housing patterns are influenced by several institutional

factors.

The location of Public Housing units in low-income areasreinforces existing residential patterns. In 2000, the U.S.Department of Justice accused Jacksonville of violating fairhousing laws and issued a consent decree mandating that Jacksonville locate 225 new Public Housing units in majority-white neighborhoods by 2006.

For many years, neighborhoods in the core city with a proportion of black residents received fewer public services infrastructure improvements. Only recently, the City Jacksonville has begun to invest a majority of its neighborhinfrastructure funds in these neighborhoods as a start towremedying past neglect.

Commercial development in southeastern Duval Couhas exacerbated the financial and racial divisions am

neighborhoods. New residential development has followbusiness development to Jacksonville's Southside, while bcommercial and residential development has languished onNorthside and Westside, which have larger proportions of bpopulation.

The residential real-estate market also perpetuates radisparities. Some realtors show homes in different neighborhoto different prospective buyers, based on their race. Some banand financial institutions charge higher interest rates or higher to racial or ethnic minorities for home mortgages. Soapartment complexes also charge higher rates or impose e

fees based on race. Though illegal, these practices contieffectively pricing many lower income racial minorities oucertain areas, and adding to the difficulties of sustaining hoownership.

These effects on residential housing patterns in turn affect racial makeup of neighborhood schools. Choices to attend nneighborhood schools are limited for students of families withthe resources to transport or support their children from a dista

Criminal justice

Certain practices within the criminal justice system influerace-based disparities in both arrests and sentencing.

The geographical assignment of police officers to diffeneighborhoods in Jacksonville impacts disparities in arrests:

Based on a history of calls received and incidences of crimactivity, greater numbers of police officers are assigned to palower-income inner-city areas. This increases the numbepolice/citizen encounters in racially identifiable black neighhoods, which in turn is used to justify assigning greater numof police officers to these neighborhoods.

Patrolling police officers respond to crimes that they observprogress. This increases their concentration on street crincluding violence, prostitution, and drug trafficking, rather tcrime that occurs out of the public view. Street crime is mprevalent in low-income neighborhoods, resulting in a disportionate number of blacks being arrested.

Other practices influence disparities in sentencing:

People with low to moderate household incomes are less ablafford private legal representation and have less accessbonding opportunities.

8



Certain sentencing factors are disproportionately weighted againstlow-income arrestees, including:

the differences in sentences for possession of "crack" cocainecompared to those for possession of powder cocaine(possession of five grams of "crack" cocaine has the samefive-year mandatory minimum sentence as possession of 500grams of powder cocaine); and

the stability of the home environment and family economicstability may be used as factors in sentencing, which mayresult in longer sentences for the poor and those fromsingle-parent homes.

Intervention and diversion programs for juveniles, through whichoffending youth are provided services rather than time in prison,serve disproportionately white youth, while black youth are morelikely to serve time.

The result of these factors is that residents of low-income,predominantly-black neighborhoods are more likely to be arrested

and more likely to serve longer sentences than the white populationn Jacksonville. This removes a disproportionate number of blackmen from the workforce, adversely impacting their future earningpotential and decreasing family stability, which may in turnreinforce criminal activity.

Health

Disparities in health outcomes are related to two institutional factors:differences in health insurance coverage and differences inhealth-care treatment.

Whites are more likely to have health insurance coverage and tohave better insurance coverage than most other racial groups,which correlates with differences in employment and incomeamong racial groups.

Even when health-care coverage and income levels arecomparable, race-based disparities in health outcomes persist.Research indicates that health-care patients tend to receivedifferent quality or types of treatment, based on their racial or eth-nic group. Treatment methods used for white patients are oftenmore aggressive than those used for other patients. Resourcespeakers stated that inadequate physician training in diversityissues contributes to this problem.

Poor health outcomes may reinforce the distrust many blacks feeltoward the medical establishment due to historical incidents ofmedical abuse, such as the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment. This maydeter some people from seeking medical treatment, which may inturn create worse health outcomes.

Political process

State policies and local political practices have contributed to racialpolarization in Jacksonville and the perception that blacks have lim-ted influence in Jacksonville's political processes.

Political campaigns have been racially divisive:

Political leaders in Jacksonville, including both candidates anparties, have used race-specific messages on occasion advance a candidate or a cause.

To the extent that the primary local newspaper participates Jacksonville politics, it is perceived by many, especially in tblack community, to contribute to racial divisiveness as well.

Disparities in perceived or actual access to the political system Jacksonville are compounded by income disparities:

Many public-policy decisions appear to be made by selegroups of top businessmen, who are white males.

The cost of campaigning for office appears prohibitive to manin Jacksonville, leaving a disproportionate number of racminorities feeling that they have limited access to the politicsystem.

Policies regarding voting and voting districts also influencrace-based disparities in political access:

In Florida, those convicted of felonies are disenfranchise(prohibited from voting) for life, unless their civil rights arestored through an appeal to the state Clemency Board, ainfrequent occurrence. Because black males are disproportioately convicted of felonies, they also are disproportionateexcluded from the voting process.

The process of using race as a criterion for mapping votidistricts creates both districts in which minorities have a great

chance of being elected and districts in which minorities havesmaller chance of being elected. One result has been tappearance that political representation is based on racial, ngeographical, lines.

These factors make it more difficult to resolve racial tensiothrough the political process.



Individual choices and behaviors

Personal choices and individual behaviors play an important rolein explaining disparities. For example, housing patterns are influ-enced by individual choice. Many people of all racial and ethnicbackgrounds feel more comfortable and less threatened living bypeople of the same background. This pattern of choices inJacksonville contributes to racially-identifiable neighborhoods.

Recent research concludes that personal choice influences healthoutcomes as well. Blacks tend to accept lower-functioning as anacceptable outcome, and are more averse to risky treatments.Whites, on the other hand, are more likely to insist on full func-tionality and more willing to take risks in their medical treatment.

Individual behaviors affect disparities as well. The higher rates ofbirths to teens and of single parents in Jacksonville's black com-munity contribute to economic disparities, as single-parenthouseholds have lower average incomes than dual-parent house-holds. In addition, resource speakers suggested that more blacksare in jail because proportionately more blacks commit crimes.

Education and income

Beyond particular factors related to personal prejudice, institutipractices, or individual choices, the pervasive effects of disparitieeducation and income mutually reinforce one another and deeall other disparities.

Disparities in educational outcomes contribute to income disties. Higher educational outcomes usually transfer to better emp

ment and higher wages. Similarly, income disparities affect edtion. Students from lower-income families on average underform students from middle- or upper-income families. Conneto family income is the student mobility rate; if a family moves eral times during the school year, the student is less likely to learthe same rate as his or her peers.

Economic disparities influence the affordability of housing, the ity to obtain and maintain adequate health insurance, and the ity to pay for needed services and medications not covered by inance. Lower-income patients also feel a greater financial urgencreturn to work, perhaps before they are medically ready to do

Income disparities also create differences in access to and influewith elected and appointed officials.

Different education levels strongly influence one's ability to acand maneuver through the criminal justice system, the health-system, and the political process.

The effects of poverty, as with poor education, worsen over tWealth is traditionally accumulated over generations, and padown to children and grandchildren. Historical racial inequities be felt for several generations.



Efforts to Address Racial Tension

Many organizations and institutions in Jacksonville are involvedin addressing racial tension. Their efforts vary in approach andfocus. Some concentrate on reducing individual racism andpersonal prejudice. Others work to reform institutional practicesthat create race-based disparities. Still others concentrate oneliminating race-based disparities directly. The net impact of

these efforts to date on racial tensions and race relations ismixed.

A number of organizations in Jacksonville work, in different ways, toreduce race-based disparities in the quality of life. The followingsections describe the major efforts now underway.

Efforts to increase interpersonal interaction acrossracial lines

These efforts focus on getting people of different racial and ethnicbackgrounds to interact personally through learning, networking,solving problems, and/or worshipping together. The expectation is

that increased interpersonal interaction will improve race relationsand decrease discrimination in the community. Organizations withthis focus include the Interfaith Council, NCCJ's Metrotown,Volunteer Jacksonville's Project Blueprint, and Leadershipacksonville.

Efforts to increase understanding and reconciliation

These efforts seek to bring people together to discuss their differingperspectives and gain a greater understanding of diverse viewpointsamong people of different races. They emphasize dialogue and,through dialogue, expect reconciliation and mutual action that

reduces racism. Programs include Study Circles, sponsored by theJacksonville Human Rights Commission, and Citizen's Forums forRacial and Cultural Harmony, sponsored by the Jacksonville branchof the National Conference for Community and Justice (NCCJ).Other organizations, such as the Interchurch Coalition for Action,Reconciliation and Empowerment (ICARE), Reconcile Jacksonville,CCI, and the First Coast Diversity Council, also seek to achieve racialharmony and understanding by facilitating dialogue.

Efforts to identify and eliminate discrimination

Racial discrimination is illegal in businesses with more than 15employees, housing where the seller or leaser owns or manages

more than four units, and in public accommodations. Severalorganizations offer legal assistance in cases of alleged discrimination.These include the Jacksonville Human Rights Commission, theUnited States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, andacksonville Area Legal Aid. Legal Aid also tests fair housing practicesusing undercover volunteers.

Efforts to understand and reform institutional practices

Local government and many local businesses make efforts todentify and eliminate practices within their institutions which createracial disparities. They may hire one of several local consultants

who focus on diversity training and analyses of the effeorganizational practices have on supporting a racially diverse woenvironment. Most large organizations have developed policprotecting the rights of minority employees; for example, tJacksonville Sheriff's Office requires cultural diversity training for of its officers.

Some individuals and organizations are working to promoinstitutional change in other ways. In 2002, Creat

Opportunities that Result in Excellence (CORE) was created provide financial incentives for experienced teachers to worklower-performing public schools, most of which serve primablack students. The NAACP has organized boycotts, lawsuits, aprotests of institutions it identifies as acting in a discriminatomanner in order to promote change.

Efforts to address disparities directly

Education: The Duval County Public Schools fund their raciaidentifiable black schools at higher per-student rates than othschools. Other community-based educational initiatives provisupport for students in lower-performing schools, seeking

reduce the dropout rate and improve student educational ocomes. These initiatives serve all students in need, regardlessrace. Because of the racial disparities in family income aeducational outcomes, however, they play an important rolereducing educational disparities. These programs include HeStart, Communities in Schools, and Full Service Schools.

Employment: Governmental affirmative-action programs seto address employment disparities by encouraging or requirthe hiring of racial and ethnic minorities. Minority contractpolicies developed by the City of Jacksonville, independeauthorities, and the Duval County School Board have increas

the percentage of public dollars that go to minority-ownbusinesses.

Several organizations have been formed to promote economand other interests of racial and ethnic minorities in JacksonvilThese include the First Coast African American Chamber Commerce, Hispanic American Business Association, As American Cultural Council, and the Filipino-AmeriCommunity Council of Northeast Florida.

Housing and neighborhoods: Most efforts to redeveldeclining neighborhoods are targeted to issues other than ra

However, because a disparate number of racial and ethminorities live in economically-depressed neighborhoods, theefforts address the race-based neglect these neighborhooreceived historically. The City of Jacksonville has increaspublic funding for infrastructure improvements in low-incomneighborhoods and created an Intensive Care Neighborhooprogram to address housing disparities. Private redevelopmeefforts, such as local affiliates of Habitat for Humanity, FreMinistries' Operation New Hope, and Local Initiatives SuppCorporation (LISC), as well as neighborhorevitalization organizations are improving some older blaneighborhoods.



Programs that directly address disparities have had widespcommunity supportunless the program is perceived to negative impacts for a particular segment of the population. example, many residents of white neighborhoods who say they fhousing desegregation efforts protest locating Public Housing their homes. Some white workers feel they have lost opportunfor employment or advancement due to affirmative-acemployment programs. At the time of this study, some wcontractors were suing to eliminate minority contracting program

the City of Jacksonville, contending that they have an adverse nomic effect on their businesses and on whites who are deopportunities because of the programs. Some efforts to redisparities directly have resulted in increased, rather than reduracial tensions in Jacksonville.

Other programs designed to address disparities directly have heto improve race relations. Actually reducing disparities helps to trust and positively impacts those who benefit from the program Jacksonville's past, just announcing a plan to address race-bdisparities has helped to defuse racial tensions. By the time ostudy, however, people were more skeptical of such announcemand were more likely to wait to see the results.

This study was charged with discovering best practices being usecommunities around the country to improve race relations. Mcommunities operate programs similar to those in Jacksonville, as Study Circles or other dialogue efforts. However, this studynot identify a community whose race relations practices providblueprint for Jacksonville to follow; instead, the complexity ofissue appears to demand a unique local solution.

Criminal justice: The Jacksonville Sheriff's Office is encouraginggreater community input into the criminal justice system throughthe Sheriff's Advisory Councils (SHADCO) and the Citizens Academy. The City of Jacksonville's Juvenile JusticeComprehensive Strategy Minority OverrepresentationCommittee is studying disparate outcomes in the criminal justicesystem.

Health: Many public and private health initiatives are seeking

to improve indigent health care. Most have identified andtargeted reducing race-based health disparities as an essentialpart of their efforts. They include Healthy People 2010, HealthyStart, Communities in Charge, and targeted community healtheducation fairs.

Impacts on race relations

The net impact, to date, of the many efforts to improve racerelations or race-based disparities in Jacksonville is mixed. Whilesome efforts succeed in improving race relations, others have been

less successful or have even fostered negative reactions in thecommunity.

Dialogue-based programs, such as Study Circles, are successfullycreating understanding and improved race relations among theirparticipants. However, that participation is limited, and theprogram focuses on attitudes over outcomes.



Conclusions

7. The Duval County Public Schools provide insufficient trainto enable teachers effectively to educate children from divecultural backgrounds.

8. Despite the use of public policies and strategies, revitalizatiof the economy of Jacksonville's Northside has beinsufficient. As a result, race-based economic disparitcreate divisions in Jacksonville which inhibit positive rarelations.

9. The implementation of affirmative-action policies Jacksonville has created new racial tensions while attemptto address racial disparities.

10. Failure to enforce fair housing fully in Jacksonville, despitecourt order and other attempts to integrate Public Housinhas far-reaching impacts in racial disparities. Historica

these disparities have been attributed too widely to texercise of individual choice or to the dynamics of ecnomics. This perspective still impedes the developmentpositive race relations, suggesting that much work is neeed to improve the effectiveness of fair housing policies ainitiatives.

11. Jacksonville's minority-access districts for electrepresentatives have provided opportunities for politipower to blacks that otherwise would not have existeHowever, because these districts concentrate representationminorities among only a few elected representatives, blachave reduced influence in other districts.

12. Jacksonville's political leaders, black and white, often haused inflammatory appeals to racial identity ("playing the racard") to get elected or to gain support for a political issue. Tresult is divisive and further aggravates racial tension in tcommunity.

13. Jacksonville's political leaders have inadequately addressrace relations in specific public policy initiatives.

14. The existence of substantial race-based disparities health-care outcomes reveals inadequate awareness, conceand attention to the health of blacks in Jacksonville.

15. The disproportionate number of blacks who are incarceratin Jacksonville contributes to the incidence of single-parefamilies, economic disparities, disproportionate disenfrachisement, and the perception that racial minorities shoudistrust the criminal-justice system. The low numbers of blawho work as professionals in the criminal justice system acontributes to this distrust. The result is increased racial feand tension in the community.

Conclusions express the value judgments of the committee basedon the findings.

. Although the United States is committed, on paper, to fairness forall its citizens, these ideals have yet to be met in practice. WhileJacksonville has made progress in race relations over the past 40years, significant race-based social and economic inequalities stillexist in Jacksonville, and racism still persists. Much improvementis still needed, because racism breaks the body, mind, heart, andspirit of people.

2. Past and current efforts to address racial disparities,discrimination, and tensions have been insufficient:

Efforts to deal with race-based flare-ups have focused on thesurface problems of the moment and have failed to addressthe fundamental issues that created the problems.

Policies designed to reduce economic disparities have notaddressed the attitudes and beliefs that perpetuaterace-based disparities in Jacksonville.

Attempts to improve race relations through dialogue only,although beneficial, have reached small numbers of people,have not resolved race-based disparities and their effects onracial tensions, and inadvertently have increased racialtensions when they were not followed up with communityaction.

3. Addressing racial discrimination in Jacksonville requiresintentional change by individuals, families, businesses,government, and other community institutions. People of allraces in Jacksonville must recognize the problem and assumeindividual and collective responsibility for eradicatingdiscrimination.

4. Institutional factors which create or perpetuate racial disparitiesare difficult to address because these factors now are moresubtle and covert, often are not intentionally perpetrated, andfrequently are denied. Strong, active, and persistent leadershipis required to ensure that government, businesses, and othercommunity institutions rid themselves of discriminatory attitudesand practices.

5. Jacksonville's failure to eliminate racial disparities in educationalexpectations, placements, and achievement has lifelong negativeconsequences for many children and inhibits resolving racialtensions. Eliminating disparities in school performance is criticalto ensuring a high quality of life for all Jacksonville citizens.

6. The Duval County Public Schools magnet-school program is insuf-ficient to attain full school descregation. The continued presenceof racially identifiable schools prevents children from learninghow to live and work with children from other races and limitseducational outcomes for all children.



16. While the mass media in Jacksonville have made efforts toinform and enlighten the public about Jacksonville's diversepopulation, they have inadequately reported the reality ofrace relations to the community. Currently,

Documents

02 Improving Race Relations