Pax Romana:Kulturaustausch und Wirtschaftsbeziehungen in den Donauprovinzen des rmischen KaiserreichsAkten der Tagung in Varna und Tulcea 1.-7. September 2008

Herausgegeben von Dilyana Boteva-Boyanova, Lucreiu Mihailescu-Brliba und Octavian Bounegru

Parthenon Verlag Kaiserslautern 2012

The origin of the tradesmen in Dacia*FLORIAN MATEI-POPESCU (BUKAREST) To establish the origin of the people involved, during the Roman Age, in the commerce (negotiatores, mercatores)1, and especially in the long distance commerce, is one of the central aspects of the study of the economic system of the Roman Empire.2 One of the greatest scholars who dealt with that problem, M. Rostovtzeff, drew our attention on the extraordinary social success of such tradesmen, real homines novi whose fortune was created mostly from trade activities.3 The very existence of the Roman Empire was one of the greatest advantages for the developing of the commerce. Despite the existence of internal customs, we can sustain that the territory of the Empire was a relative free market, in which goods were transported from Euphrates frontier to Hadrians Wall and from the Dacia province to North Africa. Moreover, the Roman Empire was the hearth of a trade system which reached as far as India and Central Asia4 or Germania libera.5 Despite all these, the Roman Empire did not became a so called world system. It is also very dangerous to speak also about a capitalist system, as the pursuit for a profit does not mean that a capitalist system was into place before the modern age. This assertion is also sustained by the lack of legislation of trade companies (societates) and as again M. Rostovtzeff observed: Roman law never mentions the type of the companies that is so familiar in modern times, clearly because such companies did not exist.6 Therefore, we have to restrain ourselves in tracing too many parallels between the Roman world and the modern one, and we have to be also very careful when we used concepts such city capitalism or urban bourgeoisie,7 as while as the base of any Roman city economic system relied on*A shorter Romanian version of this paper was published in BENEA 2007, 235-246. BOUNEGRU 2002, 90-92, for the distinction between negotiatores and mercatores. 2 PRVAN 1909, 1: Die Frage nach der Nationalitt der Kaufleute, die im rmischen Kaiserreiche Geschfte trieben, ist somit nich nur fr die Geschichte des rmischen Handels, sondern auch berhaupt fr die Geschichte der rmischen Kultur von Interesse. Denn die Kaufleute haben ja stets eine der bedeutungsvollsten Rollen in der Ausbreitung der verschiedenen Civilisationen gespielt. 3 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 153: Thus the first thing to be emphasized is that the second century was an age of rich or well-to-do men distributed all over the Empire, not modest landowners like the municipal bourgeoisie of Italy in the Republican and the early Imperial periods, but big men, capitalists on the large scale who very often dominated the social life of their cities and were known to every one not only in the city, but throughout the district or even throughout the whole province.... As far as I can judge from the evidence I have got together, the main source of large fortunes, now as before, was commerce. 4 HOWGEGO 1995, 104-105. 5 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 153-154. 6 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 171. 7 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, p. XIV.1

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its agriculture activities and not so much in trade or manufacture. As also M. Rostovtzeff observed, any tendencies of such type gradually degenerated, as it was the case of the famous Petronius character, who, after his success from trade activities, bought land properties in Italy and tried to live his life as a real Roman noble man.8 I am also aware that a detail analysis of the trade activities of some near eastern cities, such Palmyra, Petra or Berytus, could sustain the idea of city capitalism, as it was also the case of some liberti, who have no lands to protect. But generally speaking, the image is the one of perpetuating the traditional economic system, based on agriculture, as the wealth gained from trade was invested in acquisition of land properties, in the pursuit of social security, as P. Veyne described it.9 In the provinces, the city magistrates and the city council (ordo decurionum) were in charged with the assurance of the incoming of the goods for their city. 10 As we are about to see in the following lines, the decurions found different solutions in assuring goods income towards a city, one of them being the integration of the tradesmen in the city council. We must not also forget the needs of the sanctuaries (which were very large),11 for which purposes priestly offices were offered to them. All these observations find their confirmation by inscriptions in the Dacian provinces. In the following lines, I shall recall the inscriptions in which trade activities or tradesmen are mentioned and I shall try, thereafter, to come to some conclusions about the origin and the part played by these tradesmen in the life of the Dacian provinces.12 The very presence in the inscriptions of some citizens from Augusta Treverorum was explained by trade activities, although their status is not directly mentioned. One of them was T. Fabius Ibliomarus, domo Augus(ta) Treve[r(orum)] quond(am) de[cur(io] [k]anabar(um), who appears on an inscription found at Petreti, but which came in fact from the Roman city of Apulum.13 One of his sons, Aquileiensis, reached ordo equester, as he was identified as tribunus numeri peditum singularium Britannicianorum on an inscription found at Germisara and on another inscription discovered at Rapoltul Mare (Hunedoara county), dating from 208-209.14 Another person from Augusta Treverorum, Macrinus, is attested at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. 15 Moreover, at Drobeta appearsPetronius, Satyricon, 76, 2-3: accepi patrimonium laticlavium. Nemini tamen nihil satis est: concupivi negotiari... 6. Statim redemi fundos omnes qui patroni mei fuerant; aedificio domum. VEYNE 2004, 23-31. 9 VEYNE 1979, 264-265: Cette scurit nest pas conomique , ne consiste pas ne pas faire faillite, a ne pas devoir fermer boutique : elle consiste ne pas perdre son rang social, a subsister dans sa dignit. 10 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 145. 11 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 147-148. 12 See also PETOLESCU 1981, 703-713; PETOLESCU 1980, 51-59; GUDEA 1996, 122-123. 13 CIL III 1214 = ILS 7154 = IDR III/5 527 = Supplementum Epigraphicum (here below, further SE), no. 18; HUSAR 1999, 44-45. 14 A 1992, 1486 = ILD 327; IDR III/3 213; NEMETH 1997, 106, no. 5; PETOLESCU 2002, 129-130, no. 64. 15 PISO 1976, 441-444, no. 2 = IDR III/2 427 = SE, no. 12; see also PISO 1974-1975, 70-71, no. 23.8

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L. Samognatius [T]ertius, Trever, who raised an altar to the goddess Diana, in the first half of the third century.16 Although, there are no further mentions on their activities in Dacia, we can assume they were involved in commerce, being aware of the fact that their native city, Augusta Treverorum, was a well known trade centre in the ancient times, its tradesmen being specialized in the wine and textile trade.17 The trade relationships of the Dacian provinces with the Western provinces of the Empire emerged also from an inscription found at Aquileia (Italia, regio X). A certain M. Secundus Genialis, negotiator Daciscus, is attested. His mother city was colonia Claudia Agrippinensis from Germania inferior. He established himself at Aquileia, wherefrom he dealt with the commerce with the Dacian provinces. It is very difficult to assert by which means Genialis succeeded in achieving this position, being also impossible to tell whether such activity implies a sort of monopoly. 18 The Dalmatian coast was one of the most important places wherefrom goods were imported in the Dacian provinces,19 as we can understand from another inscription discovered at Salona, in which Aurelius Aquila, decurio Patavissensium, negotiator ex provincia Dacia appears.20 His name allows us to date this inscription in the first half of the third century. Probably a tradesman was also Aelius Longinianus, decurio coloniae Drobetensium, although on his funeral inscription discovered on the territory of the Dalmatia province, at Tragurium, no mention appears.21 Similar is Cocceius Umbrianuss case, decurio, augur and pontifex at Porolissum, which funeral inscription was raised by his son, Cocceius Severus, at Nedinum, on the territory of the same province at the beginning of the third century. 22 Although, information about involvement of the tradesmen from western provinces exists, its number is relatively small, as we are about to compare it with the information about the tradesmen from eastern provinces. At Drobeta, Primus Aelius Ionicus, negotiator, was active before the middle of the second century. He died at 50 years old, his funeral inscription being raised by his wife, Iulia Priscilla, and by his son, Aelius Iulianus. His name suggests a Greek origin.23 In the town of Apulum, Aurelius Alexander and Aurelius Flavus, Suri negotiatores, are attested while they raised a dedication to Iupiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus.24 Their names permit us to date this inscription after Caracallas reforms. Moreover, if I am allow to risk a hypothesis, Aurelius Flavus could have been the one16

CIL III 8014 = IDR II 22 = SE, no. 8; HUSAR 1999, 61. See also ARDEVAN 2006, 118-120, no. 1, where he identifies the same person on another inscription from Drobeta (CIL III 8015 = IDR II 17). 17 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 166 and 223-225. 18 CIL V 1047 = ILS 7526 = IPD4 845 = IDRE I 142 = SE, no. 1; BOUNEGRU 2002, 97. See also the analogy with negotiator Britannicianus, CHASTAGNOL 1981, 63-66. 19 BOUNEGRU 2002, 97-98. 20 CIL III 2086 = IPD4 661 = IDRE II 299 = SE, no. 2; BOUNEGRU 2002, 97. 21 CIL III 2679 = IPD4 854 = IDRE II 295 = SE, no. 3. 22 CIL III 2866 = IPD4 846 = IDRE II 293 = SE, no. 4. 23 CIL III 1421611 = IDR II 47 = SE, no. 7. 24 CIL III 7761 = ILS 4304 = IDR III/5 218 = SE, no. 14; see also SANIE 1981, 42, c.

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and the same person with the homonym who appears as decurio municipii and vegesimarius (probably a corrupt form for vicesimarius) with the occasion of the inauguration of the sanctuary of Iupiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus at Porolissum in Gordianus IIIs reign.25 If such a hypothesis would proof correct, the relationships between the commercial and military milieus from Porolissum seems to have been much tied than we envisaged until now. Other two Syrian tradesmen, Gaius Gaianus and Proculus Apollofanes, are attested at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, also raising an altar to Dolichenus.26 Taking into account their names, which indicate a peregrine status (Gaius Gaianus is also attested member of the collegium fabrum, as he appears on another dedication for the same oriental deity, together with M. Bassus Aquila27), we could date this inscription towards the middle of the second century. Into a very fragmentary inscription from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa it is also possible to appear once again the [S]yri [negotiatores], as I. Piso assumed.28 Also at Apulum T. Aurelius Narcissus, negotiator is attested, probably in the first half of the third century. His cognomen indicates, beyond any doubts, a Greco-Oriental origin.29 At Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, negotiatores provinciae Apulensis raised a statue to a defensor, Crassus Macrobius, of this trade association.30 It is difficult to assert if defensor means in that context lawyer or a simple protector.31 He was an influent person by the city authorities and by the imperial tax service,32 who probably helped the association with many occasions. One of the most interesting inscriptions concerning the commerce from the Dacia province in the time of Severus Alexanders reign was discovered at Augusta Traiana, on the territory of the Thracia province, a city situated on one of the most important Balkan trading routes.33 From this inscription we find out that a certain Aurelius Sabinus Theophili f. Syrus was Dolichenus priest and negotiator vinarius Daciscus (() ). He raised the dedication together with Aurelius Primus, decurio of the municipium Septimium Porolissense (() ()() ). It was supposed that the form is corrupted and must be emend in , a tradesman who exported wine to the Dacian provinces, probably direct to Dacia Porolissensis.34 It was also assumed that Sabinus was detaining a real monopoly25 26

GUDEA, TAMBA 2001, 25, no. 1; PISO 2001, 221-237; A 2001, 1707; ILD 674. CIL III 7915 = IDR III/2 203 = SE, no. 11. 27 CIL III 1431. 28 CIL III 7943 = IDR III/2 298; PISO 1976, 445-446, no. 4. I. I. Russu disagrees I. Pisos reading. 29 CIL III 1068 = IDR III/5 190 = SE, no. 13. 30 CIL III 1500 = IDR III/2 109 = SE, no. 10. 31 TUDOR 1968, 96. 32 MACREA 1969, 322. 33 IGB III/2 1590 = IDRE II 351 = SE, no. 5; ARDEVAN 1988, 291-295; BOUNEGRU 2002, 94-95. 34 Mihailov (IGB III/2, p. 60) thinks that: damnandum esse censeo: quis enim fuerit ille ? Revera quadratarius incisit errore haec verba, quae ad textum sequentem pertinent, ubi recte ea denuo inscripsit, but it seems that there is no error here.

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of the wine exports from Thracia and Moesia inferior to Dacia.35 Aurelius Primus was probably originated from Porolissum, where also Dolichenus cult is very well attested.36 Therefore, Dolichenus cult was in connection with the trade activities of the persons, whose origin drew back in Syria, but who distinguished themselves as skilful tradesmen at Porolissum. Also with wine trade, to be more precisely with the wine export to Dacia, dealt P. Aelius Arrianus Alexander, who raised a dedication to Theos Hypsistos at Mythilene, in the Lesbos island. He was decurion at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa ( ), wherefrom the only attestation of the worship this god come.37 His name indicates that he received recently the Roman citizenship (it would have been possible to receive the citizenship from Hadrian), whereas his cognomen indicates a Greco-Oriental origin. As everyone knows the wine from Lesbos was much appreciated in the Mediterranean world. In the area, of gold mining exploitation from Ampelum and Alburnus Maior, an important number of oriental tradesmen are attested, who wanted to take a benefit from the existence of such important income source. This is the only explanation for the presence of cives Bithyni and other Orientals at Ampelum38 and the presence of many Greek inscriptions discovered at Alburnus Maior.39 Among these, I recall the dedication raised by a certain Myron for the god Cimistenus.40 He was probably of a Bithynian origin, taking into account the fact that the only attestation of the worship of this god in Dacia comes from Apulum,41 where a community of Ponto-Bithyni is attested. Among the tradesmen would have been also some money lenders, as we understand from wax tablet, which records a societas danistariae, formed by Cassius Frontinus and Iulius Alexander42 and from loan contracts preserved.43 Credit and credit operations were very much developed throughout the empire,44 and the important sources of gold from Alburnus Maior attracted money lenders. They were able to credit investors in gold mining exploitation, at a relative high interest rate (12%), taking into account the latter needs to pay cash the workers, as it is attested by some preserved work contracts.45 In the wax tablets from Alburnus Maior transactions involving the slave sale are also preserved. We can assume that the persons who sold the slaves were probably slave35 36

BOUNEGRU 2002, 94. As ARDEVAN 1988, 293 already asserted. 37 IG XII/II 125 = IGR IV/1 47 = IPD4 849 = IDRE II 372 = SE, no. 6; BOUNEGRU 2002, 99. The whoship of this god at Sarmizegetusa is attested through two Greek inscriptions, IDR III/2, 222-223. See also SANIE 1981, 157-163; NEMETI 2005, 270-279. 38 CIL III 1324 = IDR III/3 342; IDR III/3 298; 299; CHRISTESCU 2004, 110. 39 IDR III/3 398; 399= CIGD 3; 4 (Zeus Narenos); IDR III/3 400 = CIGD 5 (Zeus Sarnendenos, attested also at Apulum, IDR III/5 229); IDR III/3 388 = CIGD 7 (Zeus Sittakomikos). See also NEMETI 2005, 249-252. 40 CIGD 8. 41 IDR III/5 208; 209. See also NEMETI 2005, 246. 42 IDR I, TabCerD XIV = SE, no. 23; CHRISTESCU 2004, 110. 43 IDR I, TabCerD II; III; IV; V. 44 ROSTOVTZEFF 1957, 179-182. 45 IDR I, TabCerD, X; XI; XII.

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traders. We can mention Claudius Philetus, who sold to Claudius Iulianus, miles legionis XIII Geminae, at 4th of October 160 (actum canabis legionis XIII Geminae IIII nonas Octobres Bradua et Varo consulibus) a slave woman, Theudote, natione Cretica, with 420 denarii (apochatam pro uncis duabus, *quadringinta viginti; inque eam mulierem, quae s. s. est, pretium eius *CCCCXX accepisse).46 Also a slave traders was Belicus Alexandri who sold to Dasius Breucus a boy, Apalaustus, natione Graecus, at 16 May 142 (actum kanabis legionis XIII Geminae XVII kalendas Iunias Rufino et Quadrato consulibus) for 600 denarii.47 The tradesman was of a peregrine condition and without any doubt of a Greco-Oriental origin. Another transaction of a slave girl is attested, but as both the buyer and salesman, Maximus Batonis and Dasio Vezonis Pirusta ex Kavieretio, were of Illyrian origin, they were probably miners who worked in the region.48 Moreover, if the other two slaves were of Greek origin, and probably they were brought here to be sold out, the slave girl from this transaction was found by the salesman (puella sportellaria). Tradesmen could also have been members of the collegia formed on the same provincial origin grounds. Such collegia are attested at Germisara (collegium Galatarum)49 and at Napoca (also a collegium Galatarum: Galatae consistentes municipio50 and a spira Asianorum, wherein persons of different origins entered).51 Also of Galatian origin could have been also the worshipers of the god Iupiter Optimus Maximus Bussumarus and of Iupiter Optimus Maximus Bussurigius, attested at Apulum.52 The former god had also a sanctuary, where G. Atilius Eutyches, augustalis coloniae Apulensis, paid for the construction of an exedra with an arch (exedram longam pedes XXX latam pedes XXV cum arcu pecunia sua fecit).53 The tradesmen from Galatia were renowned for the slave trade;54 still no inscription could clarify their status in the Dacian provinces. Although, G. Atilius Eutyches wealth could only be explain by the important gains from trading speculations. At Apulum a collegium Pontobithynorum is also attested, which commercial interests focused on the area of the gold mines around Alburnus Maior.55 (SE no. 15) Still no information in such direction is provided by our sources.46 47

IDR I, TabCerD VIII = SE, no. 22. IDR I, TabCerD VII = SE, no. 21. See also MROZEK 1971, 449-451, for the slaves prices, which seems a little bit higher than the prices from Western provinces, which were around 500 denarii. 48 IDR I, TabCerD VI = SE, no. 20. 49 CIL III 1394 = ILS 7152 = IDR III/3 234; TUDOR 1968, 132. 50 CIL III 860 = ILS 4082; TUDOR 1968, 229; NEMETI 2005, 248, the inscription dates from Antoninus Pius reign and it was raised for god from Asia Minor, Iupiter Optimus Maximus Tavianus. 51 CIL III 870 = ILS 4061; the inscriptions dates from the year 235. 52 CIL III 7748 = IDR III/5 39; CIL III 1033 = IDR III/5 113; CIL III 1421515 = ILS 4621 = IDR III/5 206. 53 IDR III/5 275 = SE, no. 17. 54 CHRISTESCU 2004, 109. 55 IDR III/5 153, from the years 196-197.

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Finally, I must mention P. Aelius P. f. Pap. Strenuus, patronus collegiorum fabrum centonariorum et nautarum and conductor pascui salinarum et commerciorum, eques Romanus with remarkably career in the Dacian provinces. He was duumvir and augur of the colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, augur of the colonia Apulensis, decurio of the colonia Drobeta and sacerdos arae Augusti at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa.56 (SE no. 16) He was probably a very rich and influent man, therefore he was elected member of different professional collegia and he was also in charge with grass fields and salt mines exploitations and also with commercial exchanges. His multiple economic activities allowed him to pursuit also an intense municipal and political career. In final part of my paper, I would like to point out some general conclusions. As already O. Bounegru observed,57 in the Dacian inscriptions we encountered only the term negotiator, without any specifications of their possible field of activity. The most part of the tradesmen attested in the Dacian provinces were of Greco-Oriental origin. From this point of view Dacia was closer to the Eastern parts of the Empire than to the Westerns. The only notable exceptions were probably the tradesmen from Augusta Treverorum and the commercial relationships with Aquileia and Dalmatia province. We can assume without any chance to mistake, that the most part of Dacias commerce was in the hands of the eastern entrepreneurs. From the chronological point of view it is very difficult to compare the situation of the second century with the third century, but it seems that at the beginning of the third century there is a little increase of the commercial activities (with the exception of Alburnus Maior area, where our information is certain only regarding the second century), especially from the part of the Eastern tradesmen. Nevertheless, this observation could be only our current state of knowledge. In the future, new discovered inscriptions could very well change this image. Although, commercial activities are attested almost everywhere in Dacia, we can envisage a concentration in the area Apulum-Ampelum-Alburnus Maior. This concentration is to be explaining by the gold mining exploitation from there, one of the most important sources of the wealth of the province. The commerce from this area was in the hand of the Greco-Oriental tradesmen, among which tradesmen from Asia Minor and Syria are to be highlighted. From this area comes also the only list with some goods prices, also in a wax tablet discovered at Alburnus Maior.58 We therefore find out that for five lambs the buyer must paid 18 denarii, for a little pig 5 denarii, for white bread probably 2 denarii, for myrrh, first quality, 3 denarii, for three wine amphorae 35 or 22 denarii,59 for salad 1 and 1/24 denarii, for vinaigrette half of a denarius and for salt and56 57

CIL III 1209 = ILS 7174 = IDR III/5 443. BOUNEGRU 2002, 96. 58 CIL III, p. 933, XV = IDR I, TabCerD XVI = SE, no. 24. See also MROZEK 1971, 443-448. 59 In that place the wooden table is badly damage, therefore I. I. Russu was not in the position to verify the lectio from CIL III, p. 933, XV.

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onion 15/24 denarii. As S. Mrozek observed, the prices level in the second century was at least equal with the prices level from other provinces.60 Other important trading posts were Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, the most important city of the province, the seat of a corporation of tradesmen from Dacia Apulensis; Drobeta, one of the most important gateways into the province and Potaissa, which became important after the deployment of the V Macedonica legion. Apart from these trading posts, the new discoveries allowed us to envisage the gradual development of the powerful trading post in Porolissum, especially in the second half of the second century and in the third century. We must not forget that there a statio portorii was in function, epigraphically and archaeologically attested, by the end of Trajans reign and at the beginning of Hadrians.61 The commerce in and around Porolissum was also in the hands of the eastern tradesmen.62 The trading importance of Porolissum in the north and north-west direction needs to be highlighted. It could have been also an important outpost on the possible trading route between Porolissum and Aquincum.63 Interesting information on these aspects emerged from an inscription raised by two vilici of the procurator who was in charge with the custom, Ti. Claudius Xenophon, to honour Commodus. An curious epithet of the emperor, restitutor commerc(iorum) is mentioned.64 The inscription probably recalls the reopening of the trading routes after the end of the Marcomannic Wars.65 To these already identified trading posts, we can also add Micia, where a statio portorii existed and where an altar was dedicated to Iovi Optimo Maximo, terrae Daciae, genio p(opuli) R(omani) vel p(ublici) p(ortorii) et commercii.66 The geographic location of this trading post, on the road which united Dacia and Pannonia through Lugio and Partiscum, was an advantage for the development of the commerce. Unfortunately, the epigraphic information is missing. I must also emphasize the missing of any epigraphic sources regarding the presence of the tradesmen in the Dacia Inferior province. This could be explain by the fable urban development of this province, with only two or three cities, Sucidava67 and colonia60 61

MROZEK 1971, 451. GUDEA 1988, 175-189; GUDEA 1996, 38-42, the first phase with a earth and timber wall, reconstructed in stone at the middle of the second century (pp. 49-50). 62 See PAKI 1988, 223-224, who highlights the predominance of the Syrian and Palmyrian origin population at Porolissum and the commerce as a source of their wealth. 63 See FODOREAN 2006, 330. 64 GUDEA 1988, 178 = GUDEA 1996, 278, no. 1 = ILD 677 = SE, no. 19; GUDEA 1996, 80; GUDEA 1994, 67-94 (67-68). Ti. Claudius Xenophons carreer is known from an inscription discovered at Ephesus (CIL III 6676 = 7127 = ILS 1421 = IDRE II 377), where he appears: procurator Illyrici per Moesiam inf(eriorem) et Dacia tres (PFLAUM 1960-1961, 590-592, no. 222). It is also known by an inscription discovered at Sucidava (CIL III 8042 = IDR II 188). 65 GUDEA 1994, 68 and 77-78. 66 CIL III 7853 = IDR III/3 102; MACREA 1968, 323; GUDEA 1988. 67 At Sucidava a statio portorii is attested in the time of Commodus reign, where two vilici, Zoticus and Salvianus, were in charge in the time of Ti. Claudius Xenophon (CIL III 8042 = IDR II 188).

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Romula (probably identical with attested colonia Malva), but also by a state of research, as it would be difficult to believe that in the cities such the ones quoted above no commercial activities were into place at all. In the Dacian provinces, it can be observed that the tradesmen, along with the traditional Roman aristocracy, especially tied to the land possession, were very actives in the life of the cities where they pursuit commercial activities. A part of them were enlisted in the cities councils and were elected for various magistrate offices, as another part received various priestly honours. Taking into account the very nature of their activity, they became real ambassadors of their cities in the various parts of the empire, where they did not forget to mention, with emphasis, that they were ex provincia Dacia. Supplementum epigraphicum Inscriptions discovered outside of the Dacian provinces 1. Aquileia (Italia, Regio X); CIL V 1047 = ILS 7526 = IPD4 845 = IDRE I 142: D. M. / M(arci) Secundi / Genialis, / domo Cl(audia) Agrip(pina) / negotiat(ori) Dacisco, / patr(ono) optimo, / M. Secundius / Eutychus, lib(ertus) / heres exparte (sic!) fec(it). 2. Salona (Dalmatia); CIL III 2086 = IPD4 661 = IDRE II 299: DD MM / V(aleriae) Ursin(a)e, T. f. inc(omparabili) d(e)f(unctae) an(nis) / [...] m(ensibus) VI d(iebus) V. Aur(elius) Aquila, dec(urio) Pata/vissensis, neg(otiator) ex pro(vincia) Dacia, b(ene)m(erenti)/ p(osuit) et sibi, cum qua / vixit an(nos) VII sine / ulla querella. 3. Tragurium (Dalmatia); CIL III 2679 = IPD4 854 = IDRE II 295: Aurelio / Longini/ano, dec(urioni) col(oniae) Drobetens(ium), Aelia / Balbina, coniunx ob/sequentissima, [q]ui liber/os suos S[...]eristanupa (?) / Titios s. mater qu(a)e v/ixit cum eo an[no]s / XX. 4. Nedinum (Dalmatia); CIL III 2866 = IPD4 846 = IDRE II 293: Cocceio Umbria[n]o / dec(urioni), auguri et pontifici / civitatis Paralis(s)ensium / provinciae Daciae, / Cocceius Severus, / filius, patri pientissimo. 5. Augusta Traiana (Thracia); IGB III/2 1590 = IDRE II 351: . / / (sic) / () / / / vacat () () ()() / / () IEPOI (sic). .

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6. Mythilenae (Achaia); IG XII/II 125 = IGR IV/1 47 = IPD4 849 = IDRE II 372: / . / /, () / / []/, [] / . Inscriptions discovered on the territory of the Dacian provinces 7. Drobeta (Dacia Superior); sec. II; CIL III 1421611 = IDR II 47: D. M. / Prim(us) Ael(ius)/ Ion(icus) neg(otiator) / vix(it) an(nis) L. / Iulia Pris/cilla uxor / et Ael(ius) Iulia/nus fil(ius), co/hered(es), per / Ael(io) Primiti/vo lib(erto). 8. Drobeta (Dacia Superior); CIL III 8014 = IDR II 22: Dianae / Aug(ustae) aram / L. Samog/natius [T]er/tius Trever / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 9. Germisara (Dacia Superior); CIL III 1394 = ILS 7152 = IDR III/3 234: Herculi / Invicto / pr(o salute) inpera/toris col(legium) / Galatarum / L. Livius Ma/rcellinus / d(onum) d(edit) d(edicavit). 10. Ulpia Traian Sarmizegetusa (Dacia Superior); CIL III 1500 = IDR III/2 109: Crasso Macro/bio / negotiatores / provinciae Apul(ensis) defen/sori optimo / l(oco) d(ato) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 11. Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (Dacia Superior); CIL III 7915 = IDR III/2 203: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) D(olicheno) / Gaius G[a]/ianus e[t] / Proculu[s] / Apollofan[es] / Suri neg(otiatores) pr[o] / salute sua ex v[oto]. 12. Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (Dacia Superior); IDR III/2 427: [D.] M. / [---Ma]cr(i)no / c[ivi] Trevero / At[t]ius Valens / et Carantius / Germanus / f(aciendum) c(uraverunt). 13. Apulum (Dacia Superior); CIL III 1068 = IDR III/5 190: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Iun(oni) reg(inae) / T. Aur(elius) Narcissus, negot(iator) pro se et / suorum l(ibens) m(erito) votum solvit. 14. Apulum (Dacia Superior); CIL III 7761 = ILS 4304 = IDR III/5 218: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) D(olicheno) / Aurelii / Alexan/der et Fla/(v)us Suri / negotia/tores ex / voto l(ibentes) p(osuerunt). 15. Apulum (Dacia Superior); IDR III/5 153: [I(ovi) o(ptimo)] m(aximo) pro salute Imp(eratoris) L. Septi/mi(i) Severi Pertenacis Aug(usti) et Aurel(ii) / Antonini Caesar(is) M. Iul(ius) Quirinus / Aug(ustalis) col(oniae) Apul(ensis) ob honor(em) patro/nat(us) coll(egii) Pontobithynorum ianuas / et valvas ad introitum templi fec(it). 16. Apulum (Dacia Superior); IDR III/5 443: P. Ael(io) P. fil(io) Pap(iria) / Strenuo eq(uo) / p(ublico) sacerd(oti) arae / Aug(usti) auguri et / II viral(i) col(oniae) / Sarm(izegetusae) augur(i) / col(oniae)

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Apul(ensis) dec(urioni) / col(oniae) Drob(etensis) pat/ron(o) collegior(um) / fabr(um) cento/nar(iorum) et nau/tar(um) conduc(tori) pas/cui salinarum et commer/cior(um) Rufinus eius. 17. Apulum (Dacia Superior); CIL III 1421515 = ILS 4621 = IDR III/5 206: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Bussumario / G. Atil(ius) Eutyches Aug(ustalis) / col(oniae) Apul(ensis) pro salute / sua suorumq(ue) omnium / exedram long(am) p(edes) XXX latam / p(edes) XXV cum arcu pec(unia) sua{e} fecit. 18. Apulum (Dacia Superior, discovered in the nearby of the today town Turda); CIL III 1214 = ILS 7154 = IDR III/5 527: D. M. / T. Fabio Iblio/maro domo / Augus(ta) Treve[r(orum)] / quond(am) de[cur(ioni)] / [k]anabar(um) vix(it) / annis LX / Fabii Pulcher / Romana Aqui/leiensis per tu/tores suos pos(uerunt). 19. Porolissum (Dacia Porolissensis); ILD 677: Pro salute / et victoria / Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) [[M(arci)]] / [[Aur(eli) Antonini]] / [[Commodi P(ii) F(elicis)]] / Aug(usti) n(ostri), restitu/tori commer(ciorum) / et Genio p(ublici) p(ortorii) Illy/rici, Cl. Xenophon / proc(urator) Aug(usti) n(ostri) per / Marcion(em) et Pol(lionem) vil(icos). Contracts for the slave sales at Alburnus Maior 20. CIL III, p. 937, VI = IDR I, TabCerD VI exempli interioris pagina prior Maximus Batonis puellam nomine / Passiam, sive ea quo alio nomine est an/ circiter p(lus) m(inus) se empta sportellaria /norum sex emit mancipioque accepit / de Dasio Verzonis Pirusta ex Kaviereti[o] / *ducentis quinque. / Iam puellam sanam esse a furtis noxisque / salutam, fugitivam erronem non esse / praestari. Quot si quis eam puellaam / partemve quam ex eo quis evicerit, / quominus Maximus Batonis quo/ve ea res pertinebit habere possi/dereque recte liceat, tum quanti / ea puella empta est, tam pecuniam / et alterum tantum dari fide rogavit / Maximus Batonis, fide promisit Dasius / Verzonis Pirusta ex Kaviereti. / Proque ea puella, quae s(upra) s(cripta) est, * ducen/tos quinque accepisse et habere / se dixit Dasius Verzonis a Maximo Batonis. / Actum Karto XVI k(alendas) Apriles / Tito Aelio Caesare Antonino Pio II et Bruttio / Praesente II co(n)s(ulibus). (17th of March 139) 21. CIL III, p. 940-943, VII = IDR I, TabCerD VII exempli interioris pagina prior Dasius Breucus emit mancipioque accepit / puerum Apalaustum, sive is quo alio nomine / est, n(atione) Grecum, apocatum pro uncis duabus / *DC de Bellico Alexandri, f(ide) r(ogato) M. Vibio Longo esse / Eum puerum sanum traditum furtis noxaque / solutum, erronem fugitium caducum non esse / praestari; et si quis eum puerum, q(uo) d(e) a(gitur) / partenve quam quis ex eo evicerit, q(uo) m(inus) / emptorem s(upra) s(criptum)

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eunve ad q(uem) ea res pertinebit / tunc quantum id erit quod ita ex eo evic/tum fuerit / duplam / t(antam) p(ecuniam) p(robam) r(ecte) d(ari) f(ide) r(ogavit) Dasius / Breucus, d(ari) f(ide) p(romisit) / Bellicus Alexandri. / Id[em] fide sua esse / iussit Vibius Longus. / Proque eo puero, q(ui) s(upra) s(criptus) est, pretium / eius * DC accepisse et habere se dixit / Bellicus Alexandri ab Dasio Breuco. / Act(um) kanab(is) leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) XVII kal(endas) Iunias / Rufino et Quadrato co(n)s(ulibus). (16th of May 142) 22. CIL III, p. 959, XXV = IDR I, TabCerD VIII exempli interioris pagina prior Cl. Iulianus mil(es) leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae centuria) Cl. Mari emit mancipio/que accepit mulierem nominem Theudotem, sive ea / quo alio nomine est, n(atione) Creticam, apochatam pro uncis / duabus *quadringinta viginti de de Cl. Phileto / f(ide) r(ogato) Alexandro Antipatri. / Eam mulierem sanam traditam esse emptori s(upra) s(cripto): et si / quis eam mulierem, q(ua) d(e) a(gitur), partemve quam quis ex ea / quid evicerit, q(uo)m(inus) emptorem s(upra) s(criptum) eumve at quem / ea res pertinebit, uti frui habere posidere recte / liceat, tunc, quantum id erit, quot ita ex ea quit / evictum ablatunve fuerit, sive quot ita licitum / non erit, tantam pecuniam probam recte dari f(ide) r(ogavit) / Cl. Iulianus mil(es) s(upra) s(criptus), d(ari) f(ide) p(romisit) Cl. Philetus. / Id fide sua esse iussit Alexandri Antipatri. Inque ea mulierem, quae s(upra) s(cripta) est, pretium eius *CCCCXX / accepisse et habere se dixit Cl. Philetus a Claudio / Iuliano mil(ite) s(upra) s(cripto). / Act(um) canab(is) leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) IIII nonas Octobres Bradua / et Varo co(n)s(ulibus). (4th of October 160) Contract for a credit association (societas danistariae) discovered at Alburnus Maior 23. CIL III, p. 950-951, XIII = FIRA, p. 376-377, no. 171 = IDR I, TabCerD XIV exempli interioris pagina prior Inter Cassium Frontinum et Iulium / Alexandrum societas dani[st]ariae ex / X kal(lendas) Ianuarias q(uae) p(roximae) f(uerunt) Pudente e[t] Pollione co(n)s(ulibus) in / prid[i]e idus Apriles proximas ventures ita conve/n[i]t ut quidq[ui]d in ea societati ab re / natum fuerit lucrum damnumve acciderit, / aequis portionibus s[uscip]ere debebunt. / In qua societate intuli[t Iuli]us Alexander nume/ratos sive in fructo * [qu]ingentos et Secundus / Cassi Palumbi servus a[ctor] intulit ducentos / pr----tin--/ sexaginta septem -------s--cum---s / exempli interioris pagina posterior / --ssum Alburno -------d[ebe]bit. / In qua societ[ate] si quis d[olo ma]lo fraudem fec[isse de]/prehensus fue[rit], in a[sse] uno * unum -------- / [denarium] unum *XX----alio inferred deb[ebi]t / et tempore perac[t]o de[duc]to aere alieno sive / summan s(upra) s(criptam) s[ibi recipere sive,] si quod superfuerit, / dividere d[ebebunt?]. Id d(ari) f(ieri) p(raestari)que stipulatus est / Cassius Frontin[us, spopon]dit Iul(ius) Alexander. / De qua re dua paria [ta]bularum signatae sunt. / [Item] debentur Lossae * L, quos a socis s(upra) s(criptis) accipere debebit. / [Act(um) Deusa]r(a)e V kal(endas) April(es) Vero III et Quadrato co(n)s(ulibus). (29th of May 167)

The origin of the tradesmen in Dacia Pricelist of goods discovered at Alburnus Maior 24. CIL III, p. 933, XV = IDR I, TabCerD, XVI pagina posterior pr(idie) kal(endas) Maias ex agnos n(umero) V porcellum panem candid(um) thus prim(um) S ---+III---G III peganinum impensam aceti + I salem et cep(am)

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* CLXVI * XVIII *V *II-*II[I ?] *II *XX[XV ?]*I2 *S2 *S *S-2

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