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Running head: CMC AND MILITARY STRESS REDUCTION 1

Applications of Computer-Mediated Communication on Military Stress Reduction

Arwen E. McCaffrey

Queens University of Charlotte

CMC AND MILITARY STRESS REDUCTION 2

Abstract

The military lifestyle is marked with transition, instability, and stressors unique to the culture.

Putnam’s concept of social capital effectively demonstrates the utility of computer-mediated

communication (CMC) in mitigating these culture-specific stressors. Reciprocal social

relationships form among in-group members, creating bonding capital, and can be of particular

benefit to the diasporic military community. The literature suggests that employment of CMC is

associated with reduction in stress for both service members and their families, especially as they

undergo the deployment cycle, and it provides a flexible, ubiquitous platform for relational

maintenance communication during periods of separation. Military spouses, who are often

geographically separated from their traditional support networks, are able to receive reciprocal

support from members of their digital social networks with whom they lack physical proximity.

When social support is enacted through CMC within marriages as well as in non-romantic

relationships, stress is reduced for the military member as well as for the family unit. This

reduction in stress can ease postdeployment reintegration, and theoretically facilitate a more

rapid return to the work force while minimizing common reintegration issues. Further study

should focus on internet access issues for military families, as well as exploring potential

security issues while allowing privacy for soldiers’ communications while deployed to combat

zones.

Key words: social capital, military deployment, stress reduction, computer-mediated

communication (CMC), social networking, online community, relational maintenance, mental

health applications, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)


Introduction

Military life presents a unique set of stressors to both the military member and their

families. The transient military lifestyle means that families are routinely uprooted, sent to new

communities where they often lack a support network, and forced to establish new friendships.

Communication between spouses becomes sporadic during deployments to war-torn areas,

causing anxiety and straining marriages that already bear the weight of long-term separation.

Civilian spouses who remain at home while the military member is gone often face the pressures

of working and raising children alone. In circumstances such as these, support systems are

crucial; unfortunately, support systems for military families typically lack physical proximity.

Computer-mediated forms of communication--such as e-mail, text messaging, and social media--

provide links to distant friends and relatives that can be vital to military spouses. But to what

extent does computer-mediated communication facilitate support system networking? Can it

contribute to stress reduction for spouses, and positively affect supportive community

development for military families? When viewed through the theoretical lens of Putnam’s social

capital theory, I posit that computer-mediated communication can increase bonding capital

between military spouses during times of forced separation; that online networking establishes

and reinforces bonding capital between spouses who each have deployed partners, and that

bonding capital that results from online networking can reduce stress levels for both deployed

spouses and those who remain home, thereby strengthening the military family unit and mission

efficacy.

Theoretical Framework

Social capital theory focuses the role that networking plays in community building.

Robert Putnam argues that community and civic engagement in America have been on the


decline. Putnam posits that social relations establish feelings of trust between individuals, which

encourages reciprocity; this reciprocal relationship provides a framework for strong social

networks. These networks promote collaboration among individuals, often in pursuit of shared

goals. Putnam suggests that this resulting community strengthening has a trickle-up effect. That

is, when reciprocal relationships are established at the micro level, trust-building and reciprocity

is enabled at a macro level, thereby strengthening larger communities.

The main component of this relationship-building process is what Putnam refers to as

social capital, which he defines as “features of social organization, such as trust, norms, and

networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions” (Luoma-

aho, 2009, p. 233). Putnam expounds on this concept by describing two types of social capital.

Bonding capital often occurs naturally within similar social groups, strengthens the identities of

those involved and improves group cohesion. Conversely, bridging capital is more challenging

to create. Bridging capital encourages collaboration and networking between individuals from

disparate social groups who many not normally communicate. While both bonding and bridging

capital provide benefits, diasporic populations who lack physical proximity, such as those in the

military community, can especially benefit from increased bonding capital. Computer-mediated

communication provides a readily accessible, user-friendly conduit for building and

strengthening both bonding and bridging capital.

Literature Review

The existing literature on stress within the military community is largely associated with

the study of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which is commonly understood as a

significant condition that often manifests as a result of the deployment cycle. Although there are

substantial variances in the data, according to Tanielian and Jaycox (as cited by Demers, 2011),


approximately 31 percent of all veterans suffer from PTSD. Posttraumatic stress disorder is

frequently mentioned in the media when discussing veterans, but it is only one example of a

myriad of issues that affect both military members and their families. The American military

boasts roughly 1 million full-time, active duty members, with an additional 1 million reservists

as of 2006 (Merolla, 2010, p. 5). Additionally, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have

accelerated the cycle of deployment (Lincoln, Swift, & Shorteno-Fraser, 2008), making the

exploration of stress-reducing strategies for military families especially timely.

Deployment Cycle

Lester and Flake (2013) describe the deployment cycle in five stages: predeployment,

deployment, sustainment, postdeployment, and redeployment. All stages are beset with a series

of difficult readjustments on behalf of both the service members and their families (Kudler &

Porter, 2013). These readjustments, in turn, cause significant stress, which can manifest in many

ways. Military members can exhibit deployment-related stress through sleeping and eating

disorders, substance abuse, depression, psychiatric and behavioral disorders including PTSD, and

suicide (Bush, Bosmajian,& Fairall, 2011). Deployments can cause families to experience

financial troubles, romantic and co-parenting relationships that are punctuated by long

separations, and the stress of coping with injuries obtained in combat. Family members may be

emotionally withdrawn during the predeployment stage, then overtly emotional once the service

member has deployed, and deployments may increase marital conflict and interpersonal violence

(Lester & Flake, 2013). In 2007, the Department of Defense Mental Health Advisory Team

found that 27% of service members experienced some sort of marital problem during their

deployments; this percentage was higher when associated with deployments longer than 6


months (Merolla, 2010). Notably, Kudler and Porter (2013) stated that these adverse effects can

extend for years beyond the deployment.

Effects on Dependent Children

Children in military families are not exempt from deployment-related stressors; in fact,

they may be the biggest indicators of familial stress. While manifestations of stress in children

vary widely depending on developmental stages, they can include sadness, regression of certain

skills, bedwetting, acting out, difficulty sleeping, and academic struggles (Lincoln, Swift, &

Shorteno-Fraser, 2008). Lester and Flake (2013) state that interactions between parent and child

are bidirectional, meaning that they influence each other; thus, the adversities parents encounter

during deployment can affect their children, both directly and indirectly. Likewise, positive

parent-child relationships are correlated with the psychological well-being of military children

(Lincoln et al., 2008). Co-parenting communication can also be substantially disrupted during

deployments (Lester & Flake, 2013), which compounds the frustration of single parenting on

behalf of the spouses who remain home, and the difficult behavior their children may be

exhibiting due to the deployment. Lincoln et al. (2008) points to research indicating that the

overall rate of maltreatment of a child by a female spouse during deployment was almost three

times as high as it was during non-deployment.

Kudler and Porter (2013) espouse the benefits of community-based support programs for

youth. The military has several support programs in place, but children of guard or reserve

members face particular challenges in obtaining access to said programs, as they are more likely

to live further away from military communities.


Support Networks

Support networks play a crucial yet complex role in the lives of military families. Active

duty families move every two to three years on average, which means their support networks are

often geographically distant. Even those who avoid frequent relocations can feel isolated

because they lack friends with shared similar experiences and emotions. Despite these distances,

community support has a strong bearing on families’ successful adjustment to deployment

(Lester & Flake, 2013). Preferences for specific types of communication and support among

spouses differs: while some prefer the reassurance provided by their civilian friends and family,

others avoid support from non-military support networks due to a perceived lack of

understanding regarding the uniqueness of military stress (Merolla, 2010). Support networks are

vital for military members as well as their families: Lester and Flake (2013) mention that

veterans who received greater social support suffered fewer negative effects from their

deployments.

A divide exists between American military and civilian cultures, complicating the ability

for military members and their families to receive support from the civilian community. Today,

a much smaller number of Americans have direct knowledge of, or experience with, the unique

circumstances surrounding military life, because the armed forces are completely volunteer-

based (Lester & Flake, 2013; Demers, 2011). This creates a lack of understanding on behalf of

civilians, and the particular needs of military members can go unmet.

Military Culture

Military members belong to a unique subculture with a distinct value system,

characterized by qualities such as duty, honor, loyalty, self-sacrifice, obedience, commitment,


humility, self-sufficiency, and discipline (Lincoln, Swift, & Shorento-Fraser, 2008; Demers,

2011; Kudler & Porter, 2013). Military culture discourages seeking help for health issues,

including but not limited to mental health concerns, and members tend to distrust psychologists

(Danish & Antonides, 2013). Soldiers fear being stigmatized for receiving psychological

treatment, viewing it as a sign of weakness (Bush, Bosmajian, & Fairall, 2011). This stigma

even extends to include service members who seek out help for their children who may be

struggling with deployment-related issues. Soldiers fear that if their commands find out, their

professional advancements may be adversely affected (Kudler & Porter, 2013). However, not all

research points to a correlation between this perceived stigma and rates of mental health issues

among service members. Kieran (2014) points out that a debate exists over whether this stigma

or a lack of resources has contributed more to rates of PTSD.

Family members also share in the culture’s value system. Spouses often feel pressure to

support their military members’ squadron activities through their volunteer efforts, particularly

officer’s wives; the actions of dependents can affect the way the service members are perceived

by their command staff (Kelty, Kleykamp, & Segal, 2010).

A Public Health Approach

Widespread support of a public health, community-based approach to supporting the

needs of service members and their dependents is found in the literature. Danish and Antonides

(2013), Kudler and Porter (2013), Lester and Flake (2013), and Lincoln, Swift, & Shorento-

Fraser (2008) all directly advocate for a public health approach to military family support.

Kudler and Porter point to the work of Dr. Thomas Salmon who, during World War 1, pioneered

the study of shell shock prevention in American troops. He was the first to choose a proactive

approach, asking soldiers to identify their comrades who displayed warning signs of shell shock;


they then received a combination of clinical and public health treatment. The troops who

received such care had much higher rates of returning to combat.

Danish and Antonides (2013) support the utilization of proactive, community-based care,

as do Kudler and Porter (2013), who promote the creation of “communities of care” (p. 163) for

military families. Lester and Flake (2013) assert that community and culture must both be taken

into account when developing or refining prevention programs for the military, and that they

should engage both virtual and physical communities.

Communication in a Military Marriage

As in civilian marriages, factors such as basic communication and positive bonding are

important to military marriages (Allen, Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2010). And according to

Hass, as cited by Merolla (2010), in the context of stressful circumstances, elements such as

support, coping, and relational maintenance efforts can help to reciprocally sustain relationships.

Karney and Crown (2007) state that deployments can have both direct and indirect effects on

marital satisfaction.

Van Breda, as cited by Merolla (2010), asserts that a stable, secure, and happy marital

relationship is “by far, the most important factor in helping families cope with separations” (p.

7). Indeed, World War Two veterans acknowledged that the support they received from their

spouses and friends was integral to their coping strategies (Demers, 2011). Allen et al. (2010)

posit that helping married military couples develop their communication skills is especially

important to protect and restore relationships suffering from PTSD symptoms. In face of

deployment, Merolla stresses the importance of routine, everyday talk for couples, because it is

reminiscent of a non-deployment communication environment. He outlines several other types


of maintenance behavior—strategies enacted by a dyad to maintain their relationship--that

couples engage in, including positivity, openness, assurances, social networks, shared tasks,

ceremonies and rituals, and humor. Another strategy employed in marital communication in

times of stress is what Joseph and Afifi (2010) refer to as protective buffering, or the withholding

of negative information in an effort to reduce the stress level of one’s spouse. Research on

protective buffering utilized by marriages with an ill spouse demonstrated that protective

buffering was associated with a decrease in marital satisfaction.

Utility of Computer-Mediated Communication

Support for the utility of computer-mediated communication (CMC) in stress reduction is

found throughout the literature. Merolla (2010) cited data in which spouses reported that

creating and keeping communication routines is considered an important part of relational

maintenance. Wellman, as cited by Stefanone, Kwon, & Lackaff (2012), argues that CMC-based

support networks such as Facebook may be replacing people’s traditional FtF networks, and

states that frequency of contact among weak-tie (or casual relationship) networks such as these

impacted the rate of enacted support even more so than emotional closeness. That is, the number

of contacts in one’s virtual community appears to correlate with receiving help when asked for

more than a strong emotional relationship does. Further, Maguire, Heinemann-LaFave, &

Sahlstein, (2013) posit that CMC has a twofold effect on stress reduction: it acts as a conduit for

learning relationship maintenance strategies, as well as being a strategy in and of itself. Maguire

et al. state that higher rates of CMC use for relational maintenance is correlated with higher rates

of marital satisfaction.

Danish and Antonides (2013) advocate for the use of telehealth services to reach soldiers

in rural areas. CMC can also compensate for disadvantages of traditional communication


methods during deployments, such as phone time restrictions, and lack of privacy for military

members utilizing a public call center (Merolla, 2010). However, Lester and Flake (2013)

mention concern on behalf of the military itself about using CMC because it may bring the

reality of war to family members, as well as potentially enable inadvertent transmission of

sensitive information.

Discussion

As demonstrated through the literature, CMC is an exceptional means through which we

can expand our social networks, thereby increasing our social capital. Social media sites such as

Facebook are widely used to form digital extensions of our social lives, and as Stefanone, Kwon,

& Lackaff (2012) described, the number of relationships we have in our social network is

actually correlated with receiving help when asked for. Stefanone et al. explain that bonding

capital is related to group solidarity, which translates into enacted, reciprocal social support, and

that even the perception of increased bonding capital is positively related to feelings of

psychological well-being. This exemplifies the power of social media as a legitimate support

network, and indicates that digitally-based social connections are not intrinsically less valuable

than our real-world relationships. For military families who live transient lives, this is

significant. Stefanone et al. cite Wellman, who states that in a networked society, physical

proximity becomes less important in being able to access social capital. This is beneficial to

both military spouses separated by deployment, and relocated family members who are far away

from their face-to-face support networks.

Beaudoin and Tao (2007) state that there is a correlation between internet use and social

capital, and that social capital helps predict health outcomes. They reference internet use by

cancer patients for networking purposes: it resulted in increased social support, sense of


community, and coping for these individuals, and decreases in anxiety, depression, and

loneliness. Indeed, Joseph and Afifi (2010) posit that the act of stress disclosure alone may help

relieve stress, regardless of to whom the disclosure occurs, but that people are more likely to

disclose stress with others who can identify or empathize with them. As indicated earlier in the

literature, military spouses are unable or unwilling to rely on civilian sources of support due to a

perceived lack of understanding. Online social networking can put military members and

spouses in contact with others they can relate to, something they may be unable to do otherwise.

These connections with others in the same recognized social group establish bonding capital

between members, which is reinforced by subsequent interactions.

The adaptability, ease of use, and ubiquity of computer-mediated communication makes

it an ideal conduit for service members and their spouses to perform relational maintenance,

access social networks, and potentially reduce their stress levels. As long as both spouses have

access to technology that enables CMC, they can communicate synchronously or asynchronously

via e-mail, online chat, text messages, and video conferencing technology such as Skype, in spite

of geographic locations and time zone variances. These communication capabilities enable

spouses to establish communication routines, during which they can engage in small talk and

create non-deployment-style communication environments, and perform other relational

maintenance acts. Merolla (2010) explains that deployment stress is often compounded by

spouses feeling emotionally distant. CMC-enabled routine communication can theoretically

reduce this emotional distance; not surprisingly, Merolla mentions that spouses have reported

that they feel fortunate to have CMC during deployments today, which indicates that CMC is

perceived as beneficial to spouses of deployed service members. Routine conversation and


disclosure between partners can reduce stress for both parties, theoretically reducing the

likelihood of deployment-related relationship and mental health issues.

CMC also allows for flexibility in communication needs. Maguire, Heinemann-LaFave,

& Sahlstein (2013) explain that the context of the deployment (wartime versus peacetime) can

alter the efficacy of certain relational maintenance strategies. Further, while some spouses might

prefer sporadic contact with their partner in the form of telephone calls or letters (interestingly,

Joseph and Afifi [2010] found a correlation between increased spousal communication and a

decrease in marital satisfaction), others might thrive from higher rates of contact. CMC enables

those who prefer more frequent and casual connection the option of participating in it. CMC can

therefore accommodate for both personal and situational communication preferences between

spouses.

CMC provides the additional benefit of accommodating military cultural values. Bush,

Bosmajian, and Fairall (2011) described the stigma that many service members fear when

obtaining psychological help for either themselves or their family members. CMC provides a

communication environment of relative anonymity, through which service members can access a

plethora of resources regarding mental health, co-parenting, financial management, or other

issues that may cause stress. Soldiers are less burdened with concern about judgment and

therefore more likely to seek out information relevant to their needs. CMC further enables this

process through its inherent capabilities; users can seek direct contact with others or simply

browse websites for assistance. This user-driven communication environment also supports the

self-reliant tendencies of military members and their spouses by providing a gateway to the

resources they need to solve their own problems whenever possible.


The stress of single parenting during a deployment significantly increases stress levels of

the spouses who remain home. As demonstrated earlier, this added stress elevates the chance of

interpersonal violence and maltreatment of children, and can exacerbate feelings of isolation and

loneliness. This is compounded by the stress-related behavior that dependent children may be

exhibiting. Bonding capital created and maintained between those spouses who remain home

can reduce these stressors, allowing them to receive and reciprocate support from others who

understand the complex emotions that accompany deployments. Because parent-child

relationships are bidirectional, as Lester and Flake (2013) describe, it stands to reason that

reduced stress levels in parents would reflect accordingly in their children, both directly (by

reducing incidents of maltreatment) and indirectly (by reducing stress levels in children, which

can trigger behavioral issues). CMC-enabled support networks, which increase bonding capital

for these spouses, can therefore have a positive effect on military spouses and their family units.

In turn, this can reduce stress levels between deployed partners.

In his deployment briefings for the Royal Canadian Air Force, Commander (Cdr.) Robert

Humble, Division Chaplain, highlights the reintegration portion of the deployment cycle as the

most stressful for both service members and their families. Spouses who remain home carry the

weight of familial and other responsibilities individually, and establish routines in order to cope

with the added stress. As these routines do not involve the deployed service member, there can

be adjustment issues on both sides upon the soldier returning home. This period of familial

reintegration can take weeks or even months to resolve. Humble states that communication is

crucial to ease the stress associated with this transition (n.d.). Danish and Antonides (2013) posit

that immediate family, either spouse or family of origin, are key players during the reintegration

period, and their involvement in the process cannot be understated. Based on these assertions,


one can infer that if CMC was employed to strengthen bonding capital between spouses during

the deployment period, it may help to maximize effective communication between spouses, and

could likely decrease complications that can arise during reintegration as a result of

miscommunication (regarding schedules, overwhelming emotions, co-parenting issues, and other

similar conflicts), perhaps shortening the reintegration period altogether. Similar to Dr.

Salmon’s work during World War 1, soldiers who receive community and clinical support to

handle deployment stress—in this case, in the form of spousal bonding capital—would be far

more likely to return to work sooner and require less, if any, treatment. CMC use during

deployment could thereby increase mission efficacy.

The military currently utilizes CMC-based support services to supplement its on-the-

ground amenities. Several online resources have been set up in an effort to overcome access

issues with traditional resources. Military One Source, Family Readiness Groups, and websites

such as realwarriors.net and afterdeployment.org (Kudlow & Porter, 2013) provide information,

continuity, and community support to military members and their families. One can surmise,

then, that the military recognizes the benefits of CMC in supporting service members. These

virtual support resources can act as members of soldiers’ support networks, both in and of

themselves, but also by connecting the soldiers to individuals who can provide information or

support. Wright (2012) argues that these type of weak tie networks allow access to more diverse,

less emotional, and potentially objective viewpoints, which can help manage uncertainty on

behalf of the user. Further, Lincoln, Swift, and Shorteno-Fraser (2008) recommend

strengthening programs such as these—those that increase communication and alleviate stress.

The military appears to heed this advice, but questions remain regarding how much more can be

done at the institutional, community, and interpersonal levels.


Interestingly, Kelty, Kleykamp, and Segal (2010) assert that current research the Iraq and

Afghanistan conflicts indicates that military marriages can actually increase in strength during

deployments. Merolla (2010) is somewhat in agreement, stating that geographic distance can

either help or hinder marital relationships. This variance is likely due to factors such as personal

communication preferences within marriages, and the state of the relationships prior to the

geographic separation. It is interesting to ponder what role CMC may play in marital

strengthening during deployment periods, especially considering this research is based on the

recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, during which time CMC became increasingly

commonplace.

Suggestions for Further Study

The existing literature is indicative of many positive correlations between the use of

CMC and reduction in stress for both marital relationships and through social support networks.

However, there are concerns expressed both by researchers and the military itself regarding

access issues and potential intelligence violations. Analyzing current access issues facing

military members who lack physical proximity to traditional resources could help refine CMC

services offered by Family Readiness Programs, which typically provide computer labs with

internet access for those who lack it at home, as well as calling cards and other forms of support.

While there are strict security measures already in place regarding electronic communications

from combat zones and other foreign locations, examining this situation from both a military

security and a personal standpoint could help to improve communication privacy for service

members without compromising intelligence and security standards.


Conclusion

Military life is inherently stressful for both service members and their families.

Relocations, deployments, and threat of injury in combat combine to produce a wealth of unique

cultural stressors that can be difficult to mitigate even in ideal circumstances. Support systems

are rarely local, and lack of information and understanding can make it difficult for military

members to obtain support from the civilian community. Computer-mediated communication

enables service members and their spouses to establish and strengthen bonding capital with each

other and with the military community at large. Social media, e-mail, text messaging, and video

conferencing technology act as conduits for reciprocal supportive relationships, reducing stress

throughout all stages of the deployment cycle; in turn, a decrease in stress translates to a more

effective work force. CMC and its applications are growing exponentially, and its capacity to

strengthen family and community bonds within the military should not be overlooked.


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