Web viewThe topic of competence in more than one language is large and complex; because it is both an individual and a societal phenomenon it has an extensive literature

1. INTRODUCTION

The topic of competence in more than one language is large and complex; because it is

both an individual and a societal phenomenon it has an extensive literature within

sociolinguistics and the sociology of language.

The issue of language in education at the turn of the millennium remains heavily

contested. Argument which is directed against bilingual education is not new. An examination of

education shows the strange way in which history repeats itself. More than sixty years ago

Malherbe complained about the way in which the detractors of bilingual education then made

claims about the educational advantages of what were known as unilingual schools despite

comprehensive evidence which demonstrated the linguistic, academic and social advantages of

bilingual schools. Malherbe’s observations then are equally applicable today:

“Unfortunately, most of these claims are made on a priori grounds and are not backed by objective data or scientific proof. In fact, the vehemence with which they are propounded is generally in inverse proportion to the amount of scientifically reliable data which can be adduced in support of these views. Assertion alone does not necessarily verify a statement (Malherbe 1943: 38).”

The failure of language and educational policy where the two are not closely inter-related

in multilingual settings is legendary. International research and experience shows conclusively

that no language policy will ever succeed unless an accompanying plan is implemented; neither

will it succeed if there is an accompanying plan which is at variance with the goals. Furthermore,

a language in education policy will not succeed unless it is integrated with and in synchrony with

the national education policy and plan (or a new curriculum). Chumbow asserts, further, that the

place of language planning is within the ‘National Development Plan’ (Chumbow, 1987:22).

Approaching bilingualism and multilingualism from a communication perspective sheds

light on a phenomenon which otherwise would appear static and asocial. Merriam-Webster’s

online thesaurus defines bilingualism as ‘the ability to speak two languages: the frequent oral use

of two languages’ and multilingual as ‘of, containing, or expressed in several languages’ and

‘using or able to use several languages’. The apparent simplicity of these definitions is, however,

deceiving for a number of reasons. First, they fail to make the distinction between bilingualism

as a collective characteristic defining nations and bilingualism as a person’s competence in one

or more languages. As we will see below, that distinction is crucial to our understanding of

bilingualism as the product of the interplay between individuals and their context.

Saidna Zulfiqar Bin Tahir | BILINGUALISM AND MULTILINGUALISM 1

Second, defining bilingualism at a national level entails, in itself, a number of difficulties.

Since there are approximately 5000 languages distributed in 200 countries, most would be

characterized by a state of relative bilingualism.

The third set of definitional problems is related to individual bilingualism or bilinguality

(Hamers and Blanc 2000). A bilingual person could be the one that can speak two languages

perfectly. Others would, however suggest that even a minimal knowledge of both languages is

enough to qualify as a bilingual.

The following elaborates on each of the questions raised by these definitional problems.

To be sure though, when speaking of bi- or multilingualism, we not only speak of languages in

contact, but also of the people from varied cultural origins using these languages. Bilingualism

is, therefore, an intercultural communication (IC) phenomenon (Acculturation Processes and

Communication). While bilingualism and multilingualism have not been themes exploited in the

literature on IC (Gudykunst & Mody, 2002).

Researchers of language acquisition have tended to focus their efforts on questions like

how the process of language learning differs for bilinguals and monolinguals. The debate over

bilingualism has been framed too often in terms of its potentially damaging effect upon

children’s educational outcomes.

In trying to understand the bilingualism and multilingualism, I will focus on: What is the

bilingualism and multilingualism?, what is the circumstance that led to his/her bilingualism and

multilingualism?, and what is the potential and effects of bilingualism and multilingualism in

education?

2. BILINGUALISM

A bilingual individual, generally, is someone who speaks two languages. An ideal or

balanced bilingual speaks each language as proficiently as an educated native speaker. This is

often referred to as an ideal type since few people are regarded as being able to reach this

standard. Otherwise, a bilingual may be anywhere on a continuum of skills.

a. The Definition of Bilingualism

For all students, it is important to see that researchers use a wide variety of

definitions of individual bilingualism. There are very strict and very demanding

psycholinguistic definitions, such as Bloomfield's (1933) claim that a bilingual should


possess "native-like control of two or more languages". Others, such as Weinreich (1953)

and Grosjean (1997) propose definitions that are based on language use rather than

language competence. Before showing students the range of definitions of bilingualism, it

can be very helpful to formulate their own definition in writing. We can subsequently

collect these definitions and discuss them. This often leads us to formulate very original

views on the issue and it generates an interest in the definitions given by the experts in

the field, which are to be presented and discussed subsequently.

b. Bilinguality

Acquiring and using a language other than the first language learned is a matter of

fact in most areas of the world. A distinction is usually made between simultaneous and

successive bilingualism. In the first case, both languages are acquired simultaneously

whereas in the second case, the second language is acquired later in life. The first

description of simultaneous bilingualism is attributed to Ronjat (1913) who observed the

linguistic development (in French and German) of his son Louis from birth to age 4.

Ronjat concluded positively about the development of his son. Since then, numerous

studies have been made of simultaneous bilingualism and generally confirm what the

early studies found: children developing both languages simultaneously from an early age

are able to differentiate their languages at an early stage and are not at any disadvantage

in terms of language acquisition compared to their monolingual peers. It is important to

note, however, that achieving such a state of ‘balanced bilingualism’ is subject to the

existence of contextual factors favoring the equal status of the languages, their equal

valuing by the parents, the availability of a language community for each languages as

well as individual factors such as positive attitudes toward bilingualism and the

languages.

These factors are also present, under other labels in numerous IC theories. The

importance of a network representing each language is expressed in Kim’s (1986)

representation of the relation between second language (L2) competence and individual

communication networks. Specifically, she relates network heterogeneity and the relative

importance of outgroup members in the network to the achievement of outgroup

communicative competence (Communication Networks).


The factors affecting successive bilingualism (the acquisition of L2 after L1 has

been established) are by and large identical to those affecting simultaneous bilingualism.

Research results underline the importance of such factors as linguistic aptitude, learning

strategies and personality factors such as introversion. These aspects find little

correspondence in the IC literature. Pioneering work on the question of motivation does,

however, cross many of the IC paths. Gardner and Lambert (1972) originally proposed

that motivation is, with linguistic aptitude, the factor determining L2 competence. They

further showed that L2 motivation was closely linked to attitude toward the L2

community and an interest in becoming similar to valued members of that group, a

tendency which they labeled ‘integrativeness’. Originally aimed at describing the

Canadian situation, over three decades of research have shown that L2 motivation, as

affectively based in intergroup attitudes, is a determining factor in L2 competence in

numerous settings across the world. And this connects with aspects of the IC theories

described above. Since the original research, many alternative motivational models have

been created (Clément & Gardner 2001). In all cases, however, the affective basis of the

motivation is linked to contextual factors (Language Attitudes in Intergroup Contexts).

Besides intergroup attitudes, the more recent literature has supported the importance of

L2 confidence as a determinant of L2 behavior and competence. L2 confidence

corresponds to the belief in being able to react adaptively to situations involving the use

of a second language. It is related to positive self-ratings of competence and a lack of

anxiety when using the second language (Clément 1980). It originates from situations

where contact with the L2 community is both frequent and pleasant. Thus, while positive

attitudes may orient the individual towards the L2 community, intercultural contact

generates the confidence required for L2 interaction and, in so doing, promotes L2

competence as well as other aspects as well as others consequences of L2 acquisition to

be discussed below (MacIntyre et al. 1998).

c. Societal Bilingualism

Many descriptions of bilinguality may convey the impression that the

phenomenon is individually based or at, best, relevant to dyadic interactions. The above

reference to the attitudinal context of bilingual development and L2 acquisition, however,

situates it at the intersection of individual and societal processes. This question has,


therefore, come to be a key issue for government authorities in a number of countries.

Language planning has been the political and administrative instrument used to promote

and protect languages according to predetermined societal options. Accordingly, the State

may determine the goals of language education, the medium of interaction with

government agencies, tribunals and schools, and the relative visibility of different

languages in public and commercial signs – the linguistic landscape. These actions are

often premised on the idea that a minority situation will not only entail the loss of L1 but

may also result in the disappearance of entire cultural groups.

Under the concepts of additive and subtractive bilingualism, Lambert (1978)

proposed that language learning outcomes could be very different for members of

majority and minority groups. Notably, subtractive bilingualism would refer to a situation

where members of a minority group would come to loose their first language as a result

of learning the second one. Additive bilingualism, on the other hand, refers to situations

where members of a majority group acquire L2 without losing L1. This notion of relative

group status was subsequently formalized by Giles et al. (1977) under the concept of

ethnolinguistic vitality (Ethnolinguistic Vitality and Communication) which encompasses

demographic representation of the communities, their institutional representation and the

socio-economic status of their members. Ethnolinguistic vitality is linked to a family of

language phenomena and the results obtained to date show a consistent relation between

these structural factors and first language retention and competence among minority

group members.

d. Social and Cognitive Consequences

A relevant issue here is the idea that positive benefits from L2 acquisition and

usage will only be achieved to the extent that the first language and culture are well

established within the individual (Clément 1980; Hamers & Blanc, 2000). This

presupposes a familial, educational, and social context which allows the development and

transmission of the first language and culture. Although such conditions may be present

for majority group members, they may not characterize the situation of minority group

members, immigrants, refugees, and sojourners. The relative status of the first and second

language speaking groups and the linguistic composition of the community are here key

determinants of the linguistic and cultural outcomes of second language acquisition.


Specifically, as suggested by identity-based IC theories (Gudykunst & Mody,

2002), there is an intimate link between communicative processes and individual identity.

To the extent that the context brings about a loss of the first language, it will also bring

about a loss of the first cultural identity. Noels and Clément (1996) have in fact shown

this to be the case among minority group members but not among majority group

members. The systemic relationships between societal conditions, and language loss,

therefore, risk bringing about results that are opposite to the intended goal of bilingualism

programs.

A similar argument may be proposed as concerns cognitive consequences of

bilingualism. It was originally thought that bilingualism would produce negative

consequences for cognitive functioning. The study by Peal and Lambert (1962), however,

showed that the bilinguals scored higher than monolinguals on verbal and non-verbal

intelligence tests and showed a more diversified intelligence structure. According to these

authors, bilinguals have the ability to manipulate two symbolic systems and thus analyze

semantic features in greater detail. Subsequent studies have resulted in the conclusion

that bilinguals have greater metalinguistic awareness and cognitive flexibility, that is,

they are better able to distinguish the symbol from its specific meaning which gives them

an advantage in most school-type cognitive abilities.

According to Hamers and Blanc’s (2000) sociocultural interdependence

hypothesis, positive cognitive outcomes will result only in situations where both the first

and second languages are valued. In conclusion, the picture emerging, whether taken

from the perspective of IC theories or from the point of view of theories dealing

specifically with bilingualism and bilinguality show a phenomenon that is tightly

interwoven with social factors pertaining to the community at hand. Whereas IC theories

are generally formulated in more abstract terms than bilingualism theories, they do not

cover some specific aspects, such as linguistic and cultural attrition or cognitive

enhancements, which have been the prime focus of interest in societies valuing cultural

diversity. In either camp, most theories attempt, however, to explain these phenomena

through complex multi-tiered mechanisms. They vary in emphasis and epistemological

style but none of them makes predictions that are diametrically opposite to the others.


e. Cognitive advantage to Bilingualism

(1) Old Misconception

Early research suggested that learning two languages in childhood was

detrimental to a child's cognitive abilities. This was due to the idea that the two

languages were learned independently and the knowledge of learning one did not

transfer into the other. It was thought that as more was learned in one language, less

could be learned in the other. This gives the idea of there being a total amount of

language acquisition, and so the pieces learned in each language together have to add

up to this total. For this reason parents and teachers tried to force children to only

learn one language instead of cultivating the ability to learn both.

The consensus among linguists, as well as the general public today, however,

is leaning towards the opposite; the idea that knowledge in the two languages would

be kept separate instead of influencing each other is rejected as irrational by many.

For example, a child who has learned the concept of adding and subtracting in one

language would not need to re-learn the concept in another language. By that same

token, a child who has learned to recognize that spoken language can be broken up

into words, which can be represented in writing in one language, is not going to need

to be re-taught the idea of writing representing spoken language.

(2) Enhancing effects in Children

When a child is fluent in two languages, they know more than one word for

the same object or concept. Current research leads to the belief that this can add to the

cognitive flexibility of the child. The different connotations and ideas around a word

has in the different languages the child knows allows the child to build a more

complex understanding of the word at a younger age.

In the book In Other Words by Ellen Bialystok and Kenji Hakuta (1994), the

authors talk about the idea that "the knowledge of two languages is greater than the

sum of its parts." Basically the idea they are striving towards is that the benefits from

being bilingual go much further than simply knowing two languages. Because the

structures and ideas of the two languages are so different it forces the child to think in

more complicated ways than if they were learning only one language. Among the

benefits of language acquisition is the increase of metalinguistic awareness, that is, a


greater sensitivity to language in general and a greater awareness of meaning and

structure in language. One reason this is speculated to be true is that multilingual

children receive more linguistic input, requiring a greater amount of language

analysis on the part of the child.

On the other hand, Cummins suggested that if L1 (first language learned) has

not reached a certain threshold of competence, the child may develop "semi-

lingualism" or "limited bilingualism", a situation of lower linguistic competence in

the various languages acquired, in comparison to monolingual children.(Jim

Cummins:1979).

(3) Inhibitory control

A study done by Ellen Bialystok and Michelle Martin (2005) showed that

bilingual children have better inhibitory control for ignoring perceptual information.

The theory is that children who are bilingual are constantly sorting out extra

perceptual information. For every object and action they have two words, one in each

language, they could use. However, they need to choose which one to use based on

the context they are in and the rules that apply to that context. This ability enhances

the ability of bilinguals to selectively pay attention to appropriate information and

inhibit focusing on other information. Through a card sort task, this research showed

that this does seem to be the case.

(4) Impact on literacy

A study done by Ellen Bialystok, Gigi Luk and Ernest Kwan (2005) showed

the impact of knowing one language and writing system on learning another. They

compared a group of monolinguals and three groups of bilinguals, with different

relationships between English and the second language: for Spanish-English

bilinguals the languages are similar and they are both written alphabetically in the

same script, for Hebrew-English bilinguals the languages are different but they are

both written alphabetically (phonetic Hebrew) in different scripts, for Chinese-

English bilinguals both the language and the writing system are different.

The results showed that Spanish-English and Hebrew-English biliterates had

the highest levels of literacy. Their interpretation of the results is that bilingualism has

two effects on early acquisition of literacy: (1) a general understanding of reading and


its basis in a print system and (2) the potential for transfer of reading principles across

languages. All bilinguals showed an advantage in these areas over monolinguals, but

the more similar the two languages the larger the advantage.

e. Bilingual education

Bilingual education involves teaching academic content in two languages, in a

native and secondary language with varying amounts of each language used in

accordance with the program model. The following are several different types of

bilingual education program models:

Transitional Bilingual Education. This involves education in a child's native

language, typically for no more than three years, to ensure that students do not fall

behind in content areas like math, science, and social studies while they are

learning English. The goal is to help students transition to mainstream, English-

only classrooms as quickly as possible, and the linguistic goal of such programs is

English acquisition only.

Two-Way or Dual Language Immersion Bilingual Education. These programs are

designed to help native and non-native English speakers become bilingual and

biliterate. Ideally in such programs in a U.S. context, half of the students will be

native speakers of English and half of the students will be native speakers of a

minority language such as Spanish. Dual Language programs are less common in

US schools, although research indicates they are extremely effective in helping

students learn English well and aiding the long-term performance of English

learners in school. Native English speakers benefit by learning a second language.

English language learners (ELLs) are not segregated from their peers.

Another form of Bilingual Education is a type of Dual Language program that has

students study in two different ways: 1) A variety of academic subjects are taught

in the students' second language, with specially trained bilingual teachers who can

understand students when they ask questions in their native language, but always

answer in the second language; and 2) Native language literacy classes improve

students' writing and higher-order language skills in their first language. Research

has shown that many of the skills learned in the native language can be transferred


easily to the second language later. In this type of program, the native language

classes do not teach academic subjects. The second-language classes are content-

based, rather than grammar-based, so students learn all of their academic subjects

in the second language.

Late-Exit or Developmental Bilingual Education. Education is in the child's native

language for an extended duration, accompanied by education in English. The

goal is to develop literacy in the child's native language first, and transfer these

skills to the second language.

3. MULTILINGUALISM

Multilingualism as used in this report is to be understood within the framework of

European Commission documentation: … the ability of societies, institutions, groups and

individuals to engage, on a regular basis, with more than one language in their day-to-day lives.

(EC 2007:6)

This broad definition embraces the distinction made by the Council of Europe between

‘multilingualism’ and ‘plurilingualism’, where multilingualism refers more to social

organization, and plurilingualism to an individual repertoire of linguistic competence.

Multilingualism refers here exclusively to the presence of several languages in a given space,

independently of those who use them: for example, the fact that two languages are present in the

same geographical area does not indicate whether inhabitants know both (Council of Europe:

2007a:17)

Multilingualism is the act of using, or promoting the use of, multiple languages, either by

an individual speaker or by a community of speakers. Multilingual speakers

outnumber monolingual speakers in the world's population. The generic term for a multilingual

person is polyglot. Multilingualism is becoming a social phenomenon governed by the needs of

globalization and cultural openness.

a. The Definition of multilingualism

One group of academics argues for the maximal definition which means speakers

are as proficient in one language as they are in others and have as much knowledge of

and control over one language as they have of the others. Another group of academics


argues for the minimal definition, based on use. Tourists who successfully communicate

phrases and ideas while not fluent in a language may be seen as bilingual according to

this group.

However, problems may arise with these definitions as they do not specify how

much knowledge of a language is required for a person to be classified as bilingual. As a

result, since most speakers do not achieve the maximal ideal, language learners may

come to be seen as deficient and by extension; language teaching may come to be seen as

a failure.

Since 1992, Vivian Cook has argued that most multilingual speaker’s fall

somewhere between minimal and maximal definitions. Cook calls these people multi-

competent.

b. Multilingual Individuals

A multilingual person, in a broad definition, is one who can communicate in more

than one language, be it actively (through speaking, writing, or signing) or passively

(through listening, reading, or perceiving). More specifically, the

terms bilingual and trilingual are used to describe comparable situations in which two or

three languages are involved. A multilingual person is generally referred to as

a polyglot. Poly (Greek) means "many", glot (Greek) means "language".

Multilingual speakers have acquired and maintained at least one language during

childhood, the so-called first language (L1). The first language (sometimes also referred

to as the mother tongue) is acquired without formal education, by mechanisms heavily

disputed. Children acquiring two languages in this way are called simultaneous

bilinguals. Even in the case of simultaneous bilinguals one language usually dominates

over the other. This kind of bilingualism is most likely to occur when a child is raised by

bilingual parents in a predominantly monolingual environment. It can also occur when

the parents are monolingual but have raised their child or children in two different

countries or when the parents are monolingual and raise their child in a society which

speaks a language different from their own, which is common in immigrant populations

of Western European countries. It's also possible (but rare) that children are raised in a

multilingual country like the Netherlands where Dutch is the main language, but also


includes the Frisian language in the northern part of the country. Because of the small

surface of the country most children from Friesland learn Dutch and Frisian withhout

formal education. Also Suriname which speaks Dutch and Papiamento has this feature.

In linguistics, first language acquisition is closely related to the concept of a

"native speaker". According to a view widely held by linguists, a native speaker of a

given language has in some respects a level of skill which a second (or subsequent)

language learner can hardly reliably accomplish. Consequently, descriptive empirical

studies of languages are usually carried out using only native speakers as informants.

This view is, however, slightly problematic, particularly as many non-native speakers

demonstrably not only successfully engage with and in their non-native language

societies, but in fact may become culturally and even linguistically important contributors

(as, for example, writers, politicians and performing artists) in their non-native language.

In recent years, linguistic research has focused attention on the use of widely known

world languages such as English as lingua franca, or the shared common language of

professional and commercial communities. In lingua franca situations, most speakers of

the common language are functionally multilingual.

c. Comparing multilingual speakers

Even if someone is highly proficient in two or more languages, his or her so-

called communicative competence or ability may not be as balanced. Linguists have

distinguished various types of multilingual competence, which can roughly be put into

two categories:

For compound bilinguals, words and phrases in different languages are the same

concepts. That means that 'chien' and 'dog' are two words for the same concept for

a French-English speaker of this type. These speakers are usually fluent in both

languages.

For coordinate bilinguals, words and phrases in the speaker's mind are all related

to their own unique concepts. Thus a bilingual speaker of this type has different

associations for 'chien' and for 'dog'. In these individuals, one language, usually the first

language, is more dominant than the other, and the first language may be used to think

through the second language. These speakers are known to use very different intonation


and pronunciation features, and sometimes to assert the feeling of having different

personalities attached to each of their languages.

A sub-group of the latter is the subordinate bilingual, which is typical of

beginning second language learners. The distinction between compound and coordinate

bilingualism has come under scrutiny. When studies are done of multilingual, most are

found to show behavior intermediate between compounds and coordinate bilingualism.

Some authors have suggested that the distinction should only be made at the level of

grammar rather than vocabulary, others use "coordinate bilingual" as a synonym for one

who has learned two languages from birth, and others have proposed dropping the

distinction altogether (Baetens-Beardsmore, 1974).

Many theorists are now beginning to view bilingualism as a "spectrum or

continuum of bilingualism" that runs from the relatively monolingual language learner to

highly proficient bilingual speakers who function at high levels in both languages

(Garland, 2007).

d. Cognitive proficiency

There is also a phenomenon known as distractive bilingualism or semilingualism.

When acquisition of the first language is interrupted and insufficient or unstructured

language input follows from the second language, as sometimes happens

with immigrant children, the speaker can end up with two languages both mastered below

the monolingual standard.

Literacy plays an important role in the development of language in these

immigrant children. Those who were literate in their first language before arriving in

Japan, and who have support to maintain that literacy, are at the very least able to

maintain and master their first language.

e. Multilingual with Community

Widespread multilingualism is one form of language contact. Multilingualism was

more common in the past than is usually supposed: in early times, when most people

were members of small language communities, it was necessary to know two or more

languages for trade or any other dealings outside one's own town or village, and this


holds good today in places of high linguistic diversity such as Sub-Saharan

Africa and India. Linguist Ekkehard Wolff esti ates that 50% of the population of Africa

is multilingual.

In multilingual societies, not all speakers need to be multilingual. Some states can

have multilingual policies and recognize several official languages, such as Canada

(English and French). In some states, particular languages may be associated with

particular regions in the state (e.g., Canada) or with particular ethnicities

(Malaysia/Singapore). When all speakers are multilingual, linguists classify the

community according to the functional distribution of the languages involved:

Diglossia: if there is a structural functional distribution of the languages involved, the

society is termed 'diglossic'. Typical diglossic areas are those areas in Europe where

a regional language is used in informal, usually oral, contexts, while the state

language is used in more formal situations. Frisia (withFrisian and German or Dutch)

and Lusatia (with Sorbian and German) are well-known examples. Some writers limit

diglossia to situations where the languages are closely related, and could be

considered dialects of each other. This can also be observed in Scotland where in

formal situations, English is used. However, in informal situations in many

areas, Scots is the preferred language of choice.

Ambilingualism: a region is called ambilingual if this functional distribution is not

observed. In a typical ambilingual area it is nearly impossible to predict which

language will be used in a given setting. True ambilingualism is rare. Ambilingual

tendencies can be found in small states with multiple heritages like Luxembourg,

which has a combined Franco-Germanic heritage, or Malaysia and Singapore, which

fuses the cultures of Malays, China, and India. Ambilingualism also can manifest in

specific regions of larger states that have both a clearly dominant state language (be

it de jure or de facto) and a protected minority language that is limited in terms of

distribution of speakers within the country. This tendency is especially pronounced

when, even though the local language is widely spoken, there is a reasonable

assumption that all citizens speak the predominant state tongue (E.g., English in


Quebec vs. Canada; Spanish in Catalonia vs. Spain). This phenomenon can also occur

in border regions with many cross-border contacts.

Bipart-lingualism: if more than one language can be heard in a small area, but the

large majority of speakers are monolinguals, who have little contact with speakers

from neighboring ethnic groups, an area is called 'bipart-lingual'. An example of this

is the Balkans.

f. Potential multilingual speakers

Natives under a state in which they do not share the predominant language, such

as Welsh people within the United Kingdom.

People with a strong interest in a foreign language.

People who find it necessary to acquire a second language for practical purposes such

as business, information gathering (Internet, mainly English) or entertainment

(foreign language films, books or computer games).

Language immersion children (or any adult who chooses to immerse in a foreign

language).

Immigrants and their descendants. Although the heritage language may be lost after

one or two generations, particularly if the replacing language has greater prestige.

Children of expatriates. However, language loss of the L1 or L2 in younger children

may be rapid when removed from a language community.

Residents in border areas between two countries with different languages, where each

language is seen as of equal prestige: efforts may be made by both language

communities to acquire an L2. Yet, in areas where one language is more prestigious

than the other, speakers of the less prestigious language may acquire the dominant

language as an L2. In time, however, the different language communities may be

reduced to one, as one language becomes extinct in that area.

Children whose parents each speak a different language, in multilingual communities.

In monolingual communities, when parents maintain a different-parent/different-

language household, their children may become multilingual. On the other hand, in

monolingual communities, where parents have different L1s, multilingualism in the


child may be achieved when both parents maintain a one-language (not the

community language) household.

Children in language-rich communities where neither language is seen as more

prestigious than the other and where interaction between people occurs in different

languages on a frequent basis. An example of this would be the city of Montreal,

Canada and some border towns in the Canadian Province of Québec.

Children who have one or more parents who have learned a second language, either

formally (in classes) or by living in the country. The parent chooses to speak only this

second language to the child. One study suggests that during the teaching process, the

parent also boosts his or her own language skills, learning to use the second language

in new contexts as the child grows and develops linguistically.

People who learn a different language for religious reasons. (see: Sacred language)

People who marry into families where their first language is not commonly spoken.

g. Multilingual Education

Multilingual Education typically refers to "first-language-first" education, that is,

schooling which begins in the mother tongue and transitions to additional languages.

Typically MLE programs are situated in developing countries where speakers of minority

languages tend to be disadvantaged in the mainstream education system.

Components of Multilingual Education (CME);

"Strong Foundation" - Research shows that children whose early education is in the

language of their home tend to do better in the later years of their education (Thomas

and Collier, 1997). For more information about the effect of "Language of

Instruction".

"Strong Bridge" - an essential difference between MLE programs and rural "mother

tongue education" programs is the inclusion of a guided transition from learning

through the mother tongue to learning through another tongue.

Related to the emphasis on a child's mother tongue is the implicit validation of her

cultural or ethnic identity by taking languages which were previously considered "non-


standard" and making active use of them in the classroom. Multilingual Education in that

sense underscores the importance of the child's worldview in shaping his or her learning.

4. CONCLUSION

We have explored the bilingualism and multilingualism an its role in societies and

communities, educational, potentials and so on. Bilingualism and multilingualism are no danger

of disappearing any time soon; it is firmly established both in America and in countries

throughout the world. In fact, no language has ever held as strong a position in the world as

English does today. Some people worry when they see Spanish showing up on billboards and

pay phones, but in a neighborhood with a high Spanish speaking population, it makes perfectly

good sense for public information and instructions to be printed in both English and Spanish.

This doesn't mean that the English language is in danger. The truth is that there will probably

always be immigrants in the U.S., coming from a wide variety of countries, who cannot speak

English but whose grandchildren and great-grandchildren will end up being native English

speakers. The reason for this is, again, the fact that it is much easier for children to learn another

language than it is for adults.

In sum, bilingualism isn't a danger either to the English language or to the bilingual

speakers themselves. On the contrary, there are many advantages to bilingualism, both for the

individual and for the society as a whole. English enjoys tremendous dominance in the U.S. and

in the world. But if history is any indication, there will always be people in the U.S. who cannot

speak English — and they will have grandchildren who do.


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http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/linguistic/Guide_niveau2_EN.asp

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