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MAPPING PEDESTRIAN ACCESSIBILITY AND THE QUALITY OF
WALKING IN AN AFRICAN CITY: PRAIA, CAPE VERDE
Paulo Anciaes1, Judite Nascimento2 and Salif Silva3
Abstract
Urban areas in lower middle-income countries face specific challenges in mobility and
accessibility. As cities expand in area and income grows, centres of attraction become
dispersed and dependence on motorised transport increases. In this context, walking
may be regarded as a residual activity, of lower priority to urban policy. However,
insufficiencies in the walking environment in some neighbourhoods may reduce
physical activity and restrict the accessibility of some groups to jobs and services.
Planning for walking is then an important instrument for promoting public health and
social equity. This paper analyses walking conditions in the capital of Cape Verde
islands. It contributes to the literature on walkability by measuring indicators relevant
to cities in developing countries and to fast-growing African cities in particular. The
indicators measure the availability of destinations accessible on foot and the quality of
walking trips in each neighbourhood. These types of measures are a useful tool for
policy-makers to identify areas with particular problems of pedestrian mobility. When
analysed alongside the income level and the degree of urban consolidation of each
neighbourhood, the measures also provide insights into how mobility problems relate
with social exclusion and with land use policies.
1. Introduction
Walking is a healthy activity, facilitates social interaction, and has a low environmental
impact. The recognition of these benefits has lead policy-makers around the world to
implement transport and urban policies that promote walking. The identification of the
specific obstacles to walking in each location is an important component of those
policies, because there is evidence that the propensity for walking is associated with
the characteristics of the local built environment (Owen et al., 2004; Heath et al., 2006;
Saelens and Handy, 2008). With that intent, researchers have been producing a large
number of indicators of walkability, based on aspects such as accessibility to specific
destinations (Kuzmyak et al., 2006; Iacono et al., 2010), land use mix (Frank et al.,
2005) and street layout (Porta and Renne, 2005; Parks and Schofer, 2006; Neckerman
et al., 2009).
1. University College London, London, United Kingdom. p.anciaes@ucl.ac.uk 2. University of Cape Verde, Praia, Cape Verde. judite.nascimento@adm.unicv.edu.cv 3. University of Cape Verde, Praia, Cape Verde. salif.silva@docente.unicv.edu.cv
To what extent are these aspects relevant to the case of a semi-arid, post-colonial,
middle-income, fast growing African city? These are the characteristics of Praia, the
capital of Cape Verde islands, which is the focus of the present study. The objective
of the paper is to specify and estimate a set of indicators of walkability adapted to the
specific context of this city and similar African cities. The paper contributes to the
walkability literature by analysing a context that is considerably different from the one
of North American cities, the object of the vast majority of the studies in this field.
Many African cities have grown from settlements established during the colonial
period, in locations that benefited the colonial political and economical structure. As
cities expanded, they started to cover nearby areas, where life in general, and mobility
in particular, are in many cases limited by the relief and environmental risk. The areas
with the most severe geographic limitations tend to be occupied informally by the
poorer households.
Urban growth in developing countries also shows a tendency to be accompanied by
rapid decentralization (Cervero, 2013). The widening of the distance between
residential areas and centres of attraction reduces the opportunities for walking. At the
same time, growing income leads to higher car ownership and usage rates. The growth
in road traffic demand is accommodated in new road infrastructure where priority is
given to motorised modes of transport (De Langen, 2005). The negative impact of road
infrastructure and traffic on pedestrians in developing countries has long been
identified (Vasconcellos, 2000) but a few recent studies have started to analyse the
impacts on specific aspects such as pedestrian movement (Bradbury, 2014; Mfinanga,
2014) and safety (Tulu et al., 2013; Amoako 2014) in African countries.
The type of destinations people access on foot is also different from the case of
developed countries. For example, (Oyeyemi et al., 2013) included access to building
materials shops, food canteens, and wells in his study of perceived walkability in
Nigeria. However, we argue that in cities in developing countries and hot climates,
where large parts of the urban space is informal, the object of analysis should go
beyond the activity of walking as movement and consider outdoor life in general. This
perspective accounts for the large proportion of people in those cities who work
outdoors (such as street vendors), and for the relevance of social interactions in public
spaces near homes and workplaces. There is also evidence that the propensity for
walking and spending time outdoors are related to social aspects such as safety from
crime (Rech et al., 2012; Villaveces et al., 2012; Oyeyemi et al., 2012).
Restrictions to walking are especially relevant in African cities, due to the overreliance
on walking and the limitations of the public transport supply. Those restrictions may
limit access to employment and services for woman (Porter, 2008) and poorer
households (Olvera et al., 2013) and have an impact on the quality of life of the elderly
(Olawole and Aloba, 2014). However, concepts used in developed countries in the
discussion of transport disadvantages may need to be adapted. Lucas (2011) argues
that concept of social exclusion discussed during the last decade in developing
countries, needs to take into account that transport poverty in developing countries is
a problem of the majority, rather than a minority of the population. The concept of
environmental justice, understood as the fair distribution of the negative effects of
transport, also needs to be translated to the African context, as documented in a case
study in Nairobi by Becker (2012).
This paper studies walkability taking into account the specific circumstances of fast-
growing African cities and the need to produce evidence about walkability dimensions
and policy concepts that have previously been applied developed countries. The
analysis consists in the estimation of indicators at the level of the neighbourhood,
considering aspects related with the availability of destinations for pedestrians (people,
jobs, shops, services, leisure areas, and bus stops) and the quality of the walking trips
(availability of public space, formal public space, safety from crime and motorised
traffic, relief and flood risk). The indicators are analysed in relation with the average
income and the degree of urban consolidation of each neighbourhood.
The next section is a brief overview of the case study area. Section 3 describes the
methods used to estimate the indicators and Section 4 analyse their distribution across
the different neighbourhoods. Section 5 reviews the lessons learnt.
2. Praia
Praia is the largest city in Cape Verde, with 130,271 inhabitants at the time of the 2010
census, representing 26.5% of the country's population. The city has been growing
fast, increasing 2.5 times since 1980. This growth has lead to the urbanization of the
plateaus and hills surrounding the original settlement in a plateau near the port (Figure
1). Due to geographic restrictions and to the fast and haphazard growth, the urban
space is now fragmented and centres of attraction are no longer concentrated in the
original settlement but dispersed throughout the city. However, some neighbourhoods
have virtually no jobs or local services.
Transport is a pressing issue in the city. According to the 2010 population census, only
19% of the households have a private vehicle. However, the figure varies between 2%
and 89% - unsurprisingly, in the least and most affluent neighbourhood of the city
respectively. The bus network is limited and does not reach some of the poorest areas
of the city. Some neighbourhoods are at a distance of several km of the nearest bus
stop. The role of shared taxis for intra-urban travel is relatively small, unlike in cities
in low-income countries. Walking is therefore the main means of transport available
in some areas.
Figure 1: Praia - geographic context, neighbourhoods, and built-up area
Walking is restricted by the hot, dry climate and by the location of the neighbourhoods
in hills and plateaus. There is also a general lack of formal public space in the city.
Outside the historical centre, public squares and green spaces are rare. Urban parks
make up only 1.4% of the urban space (CMP, 2013, Part B-01). Despite these
limitations, walking is an important leisure activity, shared by different age and socio-
economic groups, especially in the areas near the waterfront in the early morning and
evening.
The local government has started to implement policies to improve pedestrian mobility
during the last decade. Priority was first given to formal neighbourhoods, with projects
to repave or pedestrianise parts of the historical centre. Recent policies have also
covered informal areas, including street pavement, addition of pedestrian pavements
and crossings and provision of equipment such as outdoor sports grounds and fitness
parks. Despite the improvements, the tendency for the formalization of urban space
has led to some tensions, as it impacts on the livelihoods of groups such as informal
traders (Pólvora, 2013).
Due to the growing awareness about issues of spatial equity and the role of walking in
well-being, there is a need to identify the areas of the city at disadvantage in terms of
walking conditions. This assessment is particularly important in Praia due to the
diversity of land use patterns and socio-economic characteristics in the various
neighbourhoods, with differences between the more and less urbanized areas and
between the affluent and economically-deprived areas. The approach of this paper is
then to analyse indicators of walkability in relation to two variables: average income
and degree of urban consolidation of each neighbourhood.
The left part of Figure 2 shows average income per neighbourhood, using data from
the 2010 census. The neighbourhoods with higher income are the historical centre and
surrounding areas and the waterfront districts in the southwest part of the city. The
neighbourhoods with the lowest income are the ones in the west and east fringes of the
city. Income levels are highly variable: the income in the richest neighbourhood is 4.4
times higher than the income in the poorest neighbourhood.
Figure 2: Income and degree of urban consolidation
Figure 3: Feasible space and urbanized space
The degree of consolidation of a neighbourhood is defined as the ratio between the
urbanized area and the area considered feasible for urbanization. Figure 3 illustrates
the distinctions between those areas. The unfeasible area was extracted from the map
of the Praia Municipal Master Plan and includes for example areas with ecological
value or with severe environmental restrictions to man-made uses. The urbanized area
includes buildings and other types of man-made land uses. These land uses were
classified into private and public space. Buildings were identified in a geographic
dataset containing all the buildings in the city, provided by the Praia Municipal
Government. Other land uses were identified in a variety of official maps and in
orthophotos such as the one in Figure 3, also provided by the municipal government.
The map with the estimated degrees of consolidation in the right side of Fig.2 shows
that the historical city centre and the geographic centre of the city have the highest
values. The values become lower as we move towards the fringes of the city.
3. Methods
The unit of analysis is the neighbourhood ("bairro") as defined by the Cape Verde
National Statistics Office. Neighbourhoods with less than 50 people were excluded.
The remaining set includes 42 neighbourhoods. The indicators are divided into two
groups, measuring the availability of destinations for pedestrians and the quality of
walking trips.
3.1 Availability of destinations
The first indicator measures access to people. This indicator is included in the analysis
as walking and outdoor life in general have an important role in the vitality of local
social networks (Du Toit et al., 2007). Theoretically, areas with lower population
density are less attractive to walking trips to meet people. In this paper, the indicator
of access to people is the ratio between the resident population and the area occupied
with man-made land uses.
Access to jobs is the ratio between the total number of jobs and the area with man-
made land uses. The calculation of the number of jobs was based on the information
in a dataset listing all the private companies in the city, provided by the National
Statistics Office. The data does not include the number of people employed in each
company. A second dataset provided the total number of employees in each sector of
activity in the city. In a first stage, this number was divided equally by the number of
companies in that sector. Corrections were then made to account for large companies,
using local knowledge. The address of each company was linked to a neighbourhood
and the jobs in each sector were summed up. Jobs in public services were then added,
using information collected from each institution and a variety of other sources.
Access to shops is the ratio between the number of retail shops and the area with man-
made land uses. The number of shops was calculated from the private companies
dataset, considering companies in the retail sector. Branches of the largest supermarket
chain in the city were assigned a factor of 3; other supermarkets were assigned a factor
of 2. Other shops were assigned a factor of 1.
Access to services is a composite index measuring access to three types of services:
administrative services, health and education. The locations of these services was
identified in a variety of official sources. The density of the three types of services in
each neighbourhood was first calculated. The values obtained were then used to rank
the neighbourhoods in an ordered scale. Neighbourhoods with no services were ranked
according to the decreasing order of the distance from the area with the centroid of its
built-up area and the nearest service. The positions in the three ranks were then
combined to derive an overall rank of access to services.
Access to leisure is ratio between the area of recreation places and the total area with
man-made land uses. The recreation places considered were pedestrianized streets,
squares and public gardens, green spaces, promenades along the waterfront, beaches
and outdoor sports grounds and fitness parks. The identification of these places was
based on local knowledge. Fieldwork was necessary to identify the exact areas
available to pedestrians when it was not clear from the observation of orthophotos.
This was especially the case of areas on the waterfront. Areas where pedestrians share
the same space with motorised vehicles in formal roads were excluded.
Neighbourhoods with no leisure areas were ranked according to the decreasing order
of the distance to the nearest area.
Access to bus stops is the ratio between the number of bus stops and the area with man-
made land uses. The location of bus stops was identified by fieldwork and refers to the
situation in December 2013. The ongoing re-organization of bus services may lead to
changes in the location of bus stops, as some bus lines may be added or removed from
the network. Pairs of bus stops on both sides of the road in the same location were
treated as one bus stop. Neighbourhoods with no bus stop were ranked according to
the decreasing order of the distance to the nearest bus stop.
2.2 Quality of walking
The assessment of the quality of walking includes indicators derived from the
classification of public spaces and other indicators based on data on the social and
natural environment.
Pedestrian space is defined as the share of public space that can be used as a link for
pedestrian movement or as a place for social interaction. The need to recognize these
two functions of public space has been increasingly recognised by researchers (Jones
et al., 2007). The space available to pedestrians in fast-growing cities in developing
countries is considerably higher than in cities in developed countries, as the space
occupied by unpaved streets in informal areas is shared by pedestrians and motorised
vehicles. Figure 4 illustrates the distinction between informal (unpaved) streets and
formal (paved) roads and streets, where pedestrian space is limited to pedestrian
pavements. The set of pedestrian spaces considered in the construction of the indicator
then contains streets and open spaces in informal areas and pedestrian pavements and
public squares and gardens in formal areas. The carriageway of formal roads and
streets is not considered pedestrian space. The indicator of pedestrian space is the ratio
between the area of this space and the area with man-made land uses in the
neighbourhood.
Figure 4: Pedestrian space
Formal pedestrian space is the proportion of the areas occupied by pedestrian
pavements and public squares in the total (formal and informal) pedestrian space, as
defined in the previous paragraph.
The indicator of traffic safety is the ratio between the area of carriageways in formal
roads and area with all man-made land uses in each neighbourhood. The assumptions
are that roads create a barrier to the movement of pedestrians and that this effect
depends on the total length of the roads crossing the neighbourhood and on the width
of these roads. The barrier effect of road infrastructure and motorised traffic on
pedestrians has long been recognised (Appleyard and Lintell, 1972). A recent article
by Bradbury (2014) suggests that the effect is also relevant in the African context and
should be the object of further research and policy interventions. In the current paper,
the width of the road is treated as an indicator of the level of motorised traffic. The
widths of all roads in Levels 1 and 2 of the hierarchy defined by the municipal
government were measured individually. The widths of roads in Level 3 were
measured in a sample of roads, and the average used for all roads in this level. Only
the road sections crossing the space with man-made land uses are considered, as
defined in Section 2, as it is assumed that pedestrians do not need to cross roads in
natural areas.
The indicator of personal safety uses published crime data (CMP, 2013). The number
of crimes is divided by the residential area of the neighbourhood. The indicator is
included in the analysis because crime is an increasing concern in the city (Zoettl,
2014) and its incidence is highly variable among neighbourhoods (Pina et al., 2011).
The set of 20 neighbourhoods with data also covers a mix of values for the two
reference variables (income levels and degrees of urban consolidation).
Terrain is an indicator of the relief, calculated as the average slope in the pedestrian
spaces of each neighbourhood. The data on slopes was provided by the municipal
government.
Safety from environmental risk is the ratio of the area of all pedestrian spaces that are
located inside regions considered as prone to flooding or landslides. These regions
were identified in the Praia municipal master plan (CMP, 2011).
4. Results
The results are analysed based on the positions of the neighbourhoods in the ranks of
the two reference variables and of the twelve indicators of walkability. The bubble
charts in Fig. 5 and Fig. 6 represent respectively the indicators of availability of
destinations for pedestrians and of quality of walking trips. In each chart, the two axes
measure the position of the neighbourhoods in the ranks of average income and degree
of consolidation. The further to the right a data point is, the higher the income; and the
further up, the higher de degree of urban consolidation. The size of the bubbles is
inversely proportional to the position of the neighbourhood in the rank of the indicator
represented. Bigger bubbles mean better conditions for walking, as measured by that
indicator.
4.1 Availability of destinations
The distribution of levels of access to people has a pattern different from the other
indicators of availability of destinations for pedestrians, as the neighbourhoods with
the best position are not the ones in the upper half of the income and urban
consolidation ranks. In this case, the neighbourhoods with the best position are those
with lower income located in more consolidated areas. This finding is consistent with
the spatial patterns found in many cities in developing countries, where populations
densities are high in low-income areas near the centre, but not in low-income areas at
the fringes of the city. The neighbourhoods with the worst position are those with
higher income in less consolidated areas. This finding reflects the low population
densities in upper-end newly urbanized areas in the western extreme of Praia, which
include some isolated gated communities.
The distribution of other pedestrian destinations follows a similar pattern. Access
tends to be higher in areas with higher income and consolidation, and lower in areas
with lower income and consolidation. The inequality between these two sets of areas
is especially visible in the case of access to jobs and to services. The distribution of
access to bus stops is the most equal, as the neighbourhoods with the best position
appear near the centre of the chart.
The areas with higher income and lower degree of consolidation fare relatively well
in terms of access to jobs, services, and bus stops, although a few of the
neighbourhoods in these areas are near the bottom of the rank. The number of
neighbourhoods near the bottom in these areas is higher in the case of access to shops
and leisure areas. The areas with lower income and higher degree of consolidation
tend to be in the middle of the rank for all types of access.
4.2 Quality of walking
The indicator of pedestrian space shows a clear pattern where neighbourhoods with
lower income and lower degrees of consolidation come first in the rank. The rest of
the districts are ranked according to a regular order: neighbourhoods with higher
income and lower consolidation, with lower income and higher consolidation, and
finally with higher income and lower consolidation.
As expected, the indicator of formal space is higher in neighbourhoods with higher
degree of consolidation, especially the ones with higher income. A few of
neighbourhoods with the best position in the rank are low income but almost all the
neighbourhoods in the bottom of the rank are low-income.
The indicator of traffic safety shows the clearer pattern of all indicators, as the best
positions in the rank are consistently located in the lower-bottom quadrant,
representing neighbourhoods with lower income and located in areas with lower
degrees of consolidation. This pattern contradicts the results obtained in most of the
environmental justice analyses in cities in developed countries, where a link tends to
be found between the incidence of risk and nuisances from transport and other urban
activities and the levels of economic deprivation of the exposed populations (Braubach
and Fairburn, 2010; Deguen and Zmirou-Navier, 2010). The areas with the second best
position are still areas with lower-income, but located in more consolidated areas. The
neighbourhoods with higher income in less consolidated areas come next and the areas
with high income in more consolidated areas come at the bottom of the rank.
The chart for personal safety includes only the 20 neighbourhoods for which crime
data was available. The bubbles were drawn at the same scale as the ones for other
indicators, that is, the smaller and the bigger bubble have the same size as in other
charts. The distribution of the indicator does not follow a clear pattern, although the
highest positions occur in higher-income neighbourhoods.
The values of the terrain indicator also show a clear order, where higher-income areas
have better positions, regardless of the degree of consolidation. Lower-income areas
have positions near the bottom, especially in less consolidated areas. This finding is
consistent with the usual pattern of residence location of poorer households in hilly
areas in many fast-growing cities in developing countries.
On the other hand, areas with low income and lower urban consolidation have the best
positions in terms of safety from environmental risk. The worst positions in this
ranking are nevertheless occupied by lower-income neighbourhoods located in areas
with lower degrees of consolidation.
Figure 5: Availability of pedestrian destinations, income and urban consolidation
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Access to people
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Access to jobs
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Access to shops
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Access to services
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Figure 6: Quality of walking, income and urban consolidation
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4.3 Synthesis
The results of the twelve charts indicates that no type of neighbourhood is
systematically at disadvantage in terms of all dimensions of pedestrian mobility.
Lower-income neighbourhoods in less consolidated areas tend to occupy hilly areas
and be at disadvantage in walking access to most pedestrian destinations (jobs, shops,
services, bus stops and leisure areas). However, these areas have the highest
availability of pedestrian space and are the least affected by risk posed by motorised
traffic. Lower-income neighbourhoods in more consolidated areas are the most
affected by environmental risks but have the best access to social networks. Higher
income neighbourhoods in less consolidated areas have the worst access to social
networks but the best geographic conditions for walking, both in terms of terrain and
safety from environmental risk. Higher-income neighbourhoods in more consolidated
areas have the least availability of pedestrian space and the highest exposure to
motorised traffic, but also the best walking access to all types of destinations except
social networks.
The two maps in Fig.7 illustrate the spatial dimension of the patterns found. The maps
show the position of each neighbourhood in the combined ranks of the six indicators
of availability of destinations and the six indicators of quality of walking trips. The
availability of destinations is higher in the original settlement of the city, the
geographic centre, and residential areas in the west and east. Suburban areas at the
fringes tend to perform worse. In contrast, the quality of walking is better in the fringes
of the city. Central areas are in the middle of the scale and the areas faring the worst
are small neighbourhoods scattered across the city.
Figure 7: Neighbourhood positions in combined rank of walkability indicators
5. Conclusions
This paper assessed the availability of destinations for pedestrians and the quality of
walking trips, measured by indicators take consideration the specific context of a fast-
growing African city. The indicators were constructed based on variables of the natural
and built environment and the analysis related the indicators with income levels and
degree of urban consolidation of the neighbourhood. The results show that walkability
is highly variable and there are no areas of the city and social groups systematically at
disadvantage. Walking access to jobs, shops, services, bus stops and leisure areas tend
to be higher in higher-income neighbourhoods in more consolidated neighbourhoods.
However, other neighbourhoods have advantages in terms of access to people,
availability of pedestrian space, and exposure to motorised traffic.
These results have implications for public policy in Praia, which can be generalized
for similar African cities. There is a clear split between the obstacles faced by
pedestrians in areas with different incomes and degrees of consolidation. Policy
interventions to remove those obstacles apply to all the neighbourhoods with similar
characteristics in terms of those two variables. For example, in neighbourhoods with
low income located in less consolidated areas, the priority is the application of
economic and land use policies to increase the number of jobs and facilities within
walking distance of residential areas. In neighbourhoods with low income located in
more consolidated areas, transport, land use, and housing policies are needed to reduce
the number of trips using routes that cross areas with environmental risk. High-income
neighbourhoods in less consolidated areas require measures to reduce the dispersion
of the population. In high-income neighbourhoods in more consolidated areas, the
measures are similar to the ones applied in similar neighbourhoods in developed
countries, such as the redesign of streets to increase the space available for walking
and outdoor life, and traffic restriction measures to reduce the risks posed by motorised
traffic.
However, the identification of the measures suitable to each place requires further
information, calling for additional research. The analysis in this paper provided a
general assessment of the relative positions of each neighbourhood in several
dimensions of walkability. This approach allows for a characterization of the
disadvantages of each neighbourhood in relation to the rest of the city. However, the
definition of policy priorities should also take into account the conditions of each
neighbourhood in relation to what society regards as minimum standards. Variations
within each neighbourhood are also relevant, as obstacles to walking may be felt only
in a small part of the neighbourhood. Finally, policy-makers must consider people's
perceptions about the different dimensions of walkability and how they relate with the
objective values measured by methods such as those recommended in this paper.
6. Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank José Carlos Borges (National Statistics Office) and José
Constantino Veiga and (Praia Municipal Government) for providing access to some of
the data used in this study.
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