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Book Review
Pressure Groups, Democracy and Development Anand Chakravarti
The Politics of Scarcity by Myron Weiner, Asia Publishing House, 1963. pp xv 4-271 price Rs 18
I N D I A ' S p o l i t i c a l leadership i s commit ted to the task of rais ing
the l i v i n g standards of the people w h i l e r emain ing wedded to democrat ic inst i tut ions. The Government has to invest the l i m i t e d resources at its command in plans and programmes that wou ld benefit the nat ion in general. The problem, however, is not one of resources and adminis t ra t ive organisat ion alone. The people are d iv ided in to groups which have thei r own specific interests and demands. (Such groups may be referred to as interest-groups.) A great deal of adaptat ion on the pa r t of the Government to the needs, prejudices and demands of the va r i ous groups becomes necessary. Since it is impossible for the Government to satisfy a l l the demands of a l l the interest-groups, especially when they conflict w i t h nat ional plans, there is a tendency to regard such demands as i l l eg i t ima te . Interest-groups, thus, tend to become alienated f rom the p o l i t i c a l system. They resort to cert a in patterns of coercive behaviour, such as demonstrations, strikes and violence, leading to a breakdown of order — w i t h unfavourable consequences fo r programmes of economic development.
Safe Margin of Bargaining
The author believes that in an underdeveloped country such as I nd i a , where economic development is given considerable importance, the policy-makers and planners tend to ignore the pol i t ica l aspects of the process. W h i l e a t t empt ing to secure the maximisa t ion of nat ional interests, the governmental and bureaucratic elites do not give enough attention to the pa r t i cu la r i s t i c demands of interest-groups. The author feels that there is a safe m a r g i n of barga in ing w i t h i n wh ich interest groups cou ld be given concessions. He says that the Government, by accommoda t ing special interests to na t ional plans in a peaceful and legi t imate manner, w o u l d not have to y ie ld in the end to demonstrations, strikes and violence. I f the Government
were to take the i n i t i a t i v e in approvi n g and encouraging legi t imate barga in ing , the benefits w o u l d be subs tant ia l . The interest-groups themselves w o u l d begin to appreciate that peaceful negotiat ion is a method that wou ld serve not only the interests of the n a t i o n but the i r own interests as w e l l . For, an impor t an t test of the s t ab i l i ty of a p o l i t i c a l system is the extent to w h i c h it becomes acceptable to wider and wider sections of the people. The people must not on ly have a common stake in the system, bu t also consciously par t ic ipa te in i t .
I I
M u c h of the discussion in the book is based on the author's research experience in West Bengal . He has, however, t r ied to f i l l the gap s i n his knowledge of the func t ion ing of interest-groups in the count ry by in t e rv i ewing leaders of such groups f rom the other states. A great deal of generalisation is inevitable in a study of this k i n d . But , this is not to be regarded as a flaw, since the author is not seeking specific answers to l i m i t e d problems, but is t r y i n g to understand the broad po l i t i ca l problems that a developing country such as I n d i a faces.
I l l
Dr Weiner e m p i r i c a l l y examines the characteristics and activit ies of the various interest-groups. The demands of most of the groups have a his tory, and their o r i g i n can be traced to the nationalist movement. Swaraj , for the nationalists, i m p l i e d much more than independence f rom B r i t i s h ru le . I t meant the creation of a social order in wh ich the demands and aspirations of a l l categories of people w o u l d be satisfied. The peasants were promised radical land-reforms. I ndus t r i a l labour was assured of higher wages and better l i v i n g condit ions. Businessmen were t o l d that the restrictions imposed on Ind i an business in the interests of B r i t i s h business wou ld be removed after independence. This w o u l d ensure that proper conditions for suc
cessful trade and commerce p reva i l ed. The m i d d l e classes were made to believe that large-scale indus t r ia l i zat ion and modernisat ion w o u l d never be possible under co lon ia l rule. Regional - l inguis t ic groups w e m assured that a nat ionalis t government w o u l d reorganise the country 's in ternal boundaries to suit reg iona l -cu l tu ra l feelings. The poor and underpr iv i l eged were promised an ega l i t a r i an social order. A n d , finally, the students were made conscious of the i r o w n d i g n i t y and self-respect. In other words, the nationalists were creat ing a whole series of expectations among the people. A n d , since the Government in Independent I n d i a was formed eventually by the nationalists, the expectations of the people were directed towards i t . Groups of people who had common needs and interests began to organise themselves in order to make their demands felt in an effective manner. Po l i t i c a l parties which were interested in get t ing a foothold in I n d i a n pol i t ics t r i ed to get suppor t for themselves by incorporati ng the demands of interest-groups in their programmes. The support of po l i t i ca l part ies gave interest-groups an ar t icu la te leadership, arid i t u l t i mately became possible to v iola te the law in order to make their demands felt .
I V
The author makes a dis t inct ion between two types of interest-groups: one type he calls communi ty associations, and the other, mass organi sations. Membership of the former is ascriptive, w h i l e membership of the latter is vo lun ta ry . There are four major types of communi ty associations in I n d i a n pol i t ics , based on caste, r e l i g ion , t r ibe and language. Mass organisations refer to associations of peasants, industr ia l -workers , businessmen and students.
Of the four communi ty associations, caste groups p l ay a very significant role in the poli t ics of the country. Castes no longer have a local base but have spread out ho r i -
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M a r c h 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
zon ta l ly w i t h the development of communications, urbanisa t ion, and w i t h the in t roduc t ion of adu l t franchise. The sentiments of caste affiliat ion are used in an increasing range of social and po l i t i ca l activit ies. A local caste may be organised, as in the Scheduled Castes Federation, to w i n benefits for i tself under the const i tu t ional provisions for scheduled castes. I t may support a p o l i t i c a l par ty , l i k e the Kammas of A n d h r a Pradesh who support the Communists . Caste may also p lay an independent p o l i t i c a l role. In Madras , fo r example, the P a l l i caste — an intermediate caste of agr icu l tu ra l labourers — organised the T a m i l -nad Toi ler ' s Par ty and the Commonweal Par ty to demand greater educational opportuni t ies and greater p o l i t i c a l power. A group of castes may f o r m an al l iance against another caste, l i ke the DK and D M K in the South, w h i c h are organised, against the Brahmins . F i n a l l y , a caste may be organised on an ad hoc basis as in v i l l age panchayat elections.
In whatever fo rm castes are organised, they seek to maximise the benefits they can derive for themselves both in the economic and po l i t i ca l sphere. A loca l ly power fu l caste in a r u r a l area can, and does reap most of the benefits of agr icu l t u r a l development programmes. A n d this is something that conflicts w i t h the Government's a im which is to see that the gains of development are d is t r ibu ted evenly ever the whole r u r a l communi ty .
Religion, Tribe, Language
Religious and t r i b a l associations have resulted f rom the fear of being c u l t u r a l l y ob l i te ra ted in the process of modernisat ion. The A k a l i Dal, a re l ig ious association of the Sikhs, has agitated for the creation of a S ikh m a j o r i t y state wh ich w o u l a preserve the in tegr i ty of the S ikh communi ty . T r i b a l associations have been fo rmed , either to maximise economic benefits and employment opportuni t ies , as in West Bengal , or, in the f o r m of p o l i t i c a l parties — as the Jharkhand Par ty in Orissa — to w i n power w i t h i n the exis t ing p o l i t i c a l system. F ina l ly , as in the case of the Naga N a t i o n a l Counc i l in Assam, attempts have beer made to secede f rom the I n d i a n U n i o n .
The demand for l inguis t ic pro
vinces by language groups posed a great threat to the peace a n d u n i t y of the country . The Government, faced w i t h the prospect of seeing its p lans for economic development completely paralysed, was forced to respond to the demand for l inguis t ic states — a l though th is was cont rary to its o r i g i n a l in ten t ion .
The relations between the Government and trade unions dramatise the conflict between the product ive requirements of the state and the consumption requirements of organised groups. The demands of trade unioris are apparent ly directed against the management, but , i f one takes a broader view, they are closely bound up w i t h Government and pol i t ics : A great many of the actions of the unions are condi t ioned by government legislat ion and administr a t ion . The in i t i a t ive taken by Gov-errimerit for conci l ia t ion and arbi t r a t ion makes it unnecessary for the management to consult labour . A n d , when labour refuses to accept t r i bunal judgements and resorts to a str ike, the s t r ike is termed i l l e g a l — and Government comes hi as a protector of the management.
The trade un ion movement in I n d i a is d iv ided by three conf l ic t ing p o l i t i c a l pul ls . The Government, the Congress Par ty and the I n d i a n Nat iona l Trade U n i o n Congress ( I N T U C ) have moderate unionism as thei r ideal . This , they believe, w i l l not o n l y safeguard the interests of the workers but contr ibute to the economic g rowth of the country. The Socialists and their un ion , the H i n d Mazdoor Sabha ( H M S ) , believe in m i l i t a n t un ion ism. The economic interests of the workers are regarded as paramount and there is a readiness to par t ic ipate in strikes. F i n a l l y , the Communis t dominated A l l - I n d i a Trade Union Congress ( A 1 T U C ) believes that m i l i t a n t unionism can be used as an ins t rument for the Communist Par ty to w i n power and destroy the inst i tut ions of representa t ive government.
The author says that it is doubt f u l whether moderate unionism can u l t ima te ly w i n against m i l i t a n t un ion i sm. W h a t is needed is m i l i tant un ion ism commit ted to the democra t ic f ramework. On ly this k i n d of un ionism can compete successf u l l y w i t h the " t o t a l i t a r i a n ' unionism of the Communists . This means
that Government and p r iva te business w o u l d have to agree to increase the share of labour in the na t iona l d iv idend . Consequently, the practicable rate of investment in indust ry w o u l d be reduced.
Organised Business
In a coun t ry such as I nd i a , commi t t ed to the socialistic pattern of society, the business communi t ies have to adapt themselves to the po l i cies and programmes of the government. A c c o r d i n g to the author, though business in I n d i a is we l l organised, i ts impact on the policies of the Central government is neg l i g ib le . M a n y persons expected that the Swatantra Par ty would provide a powerful forurn of representation for the interests of the business communi t ies . This , however, d i d not happen because I n d i a n business is almost w h o l l y at the mercy of government regulat ions for permission to undertake act ivi t ies of importance to i t . Therefore, at the level of p o l i tics and publ ic p o l i c y the business communi t ies are in l ine w i t h the policies of the nat ional leadership. They support the Congress Pa r ty and make substantial donations to its funds. But , it is at the level of the adminis t ra t ion that businessmen succeed in exer t ing pressures that enable them to derive benefits to themselves. This is especially so at the level of the State Government admin i s t r a t ion . The ' 'bakshish " system, a euphemism for b r ibe ry , enables businessmen to move the otherwise r i g i d wheels of the adminis t rat ion to enable them to proceed w i t h their activit ies. For example, l icences are needed to open a new business, but businessmen can buy licences th rough the local Congress Par ty and the local admin i s t r a t i on . Or , again, th rough the "bakshish" system i m p o r t restr ict ions can be effect ively by-passed. Organised business is thus able to get more or less what i t wants not by ove r t l y opposing the socialistic policies of Government, bu t by covert ly manipula t i n g the local admin i s t r a t ion , or the local pa r ty organisat ion.
The chapter on agrar ian movements is interesting. The re la t ive ly stable posi t ion of the Congress Party is a t t r ibutable to its strength in the ru ra l areas. The powerful agricu l tu ra l classes, more especially the emerging and inf luent ia l class of owner-cul t ivators , tend to support the Congress. This is related to the
605
M a r c h 2 8 1 9 6 4 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
zonta l ly w i t h the development of communications, urbanisa t ion, and w i t h the in t roduc t ion of adu l t f ranchise. The sentiments of caste affiliat ion are used in an increasing range of social and po l i t i ca l act ivi t ies . A local caste may be organised, as in the Scheduled Castes Federation, to w i n benefits for i tself under the const i tu t ional provisions for scheduled castes. I t may support a p o l i t i ca l par ty , l i k e the Kammas of A n d h r a Pradesh who support the Communists. Caste may also p l ay an independent p o l i t i c a l role. In Madras , fo r example, the P a l l i caste — an intermediate caste of ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers — organised the T a m i l -nad Toi ler ' s Par ty and the Commonweal Par ty to demand greater educat ional opportuni t ies and greater p o l i t i c a l power. A group of castes may f o r m an al l iance against another caste, l i ke the DK and D M K in the South, w h i c h are organised, against the Brahmins . F i n a l l y , a caste may be organised on an ad hoc basis as in v i l l age panchayat elections.
In whatever fo rm castes are organised, they seek to maximise the benefits they can derive for themselves both in the economic and po l i t i ca l sphere. A loca l ly power fu l caste in a ru ra l area can, and does reap most of the benefits of agr icu l tu ra l development programmes. A n d this is something that conflicts w i t h the Government's a im which is to see that the gains of development are d i s t r ibu ted evenly ever the whole r u r a l communi ty .
Religion, Tribe, Language
Religious and t r i ba l associations have resulted f rom the fear of being c u l t u r a l l y obl i te ra ted in the process of modernisat ion. The A k a l i D a l , a re l igious association of the Sikhs, has agitated for the creation of a S ikh m a j o r i t y state which w o u l d preserve the in tegr i ty of the S ikh communi ty . T r i b a l associations have been formed , either to maximise economic benefits and employment opportuni t ies , as in West Bengal , or , in the f o r m of political parties — as the Jharkhand Party in Orissa — to w i n power w i t h i n the exis t ing p o l i t i c a l system. Final ly , as in the case of the Naga Nat iona l Counc i l in Assam, attempts have beer made to secede from the Ind i an U n i o n .
The demand for l inguis t ic pro
vinces by language groups posed a great threat to the peace and u n i t y of the country . The Government, faced w i t h the prospect of seeing its plans for economic development completely paralysed, was forced to respond to the demand for l inguis t ic states — a l though th is was contrary to its o r i g i n a l in ten t ion .
The relations between the Government and trade unions dramatise the conflict between the product ive requirements of the state and the consumption requirements of organised groups. The demands of trade unions are apparent ly directed against the management, but , i f one takes a broader view, they are closely bound up w i t h Government and pol i t ics : A great many of the actions of the unions are condit ioned by government legislat ion and administr a t i on . The in i t i a t ive taken by Government for conci l ia t ion and arbi t r a t ion makes it unnecessary for the management to consult labour . A n d , when labour refuses to accept t r i bunal judgements and resorts to a str ike, the s t r ike is termed i l l e g a l — and Government comes in as a protector of the management.
The trade un ion movement in I n d i a is d iv ided by three conf l ic t ing po l i t i c a l pul ls . The Government, the Congress Party and the I n d i a n Nat iona l Trade Union Congress ( I N T U C ) have moderate unionism as their ideal. This, they believe, w i l l not o n l y safeguard the interests of the workers but contr ibute to the economic growth of the country . The Socialists and their un ion , the H i n d Mazdoor Sabha ( H M S ) , believe in m i l i t a n t un ion i sm. The economic interests of the workers are regarded as paramount and there is a readiness to par t ic ipate in strikes. F i n a l l y , the Communis t dominated A l l - I n d i a Trade Union Congress ( A I T U C ) believes that militant unionism can be used as an instrument for the Communist Par ty to win power and destroy the insti tutions of representa t ive government.
The author says tha t i t is doubt ful whether moderate unionism can ul t imate ly w i n against m i l i t a n t un ionism. W h a t is needed is m i l i tant unionism commit ted to the democra t ic f ramework. On ly this k i n d of unionism can compete successf u l l y w i t h the " t o t a l i t a r i a n ' ' unionism of the Communists . Th i s means
that Government and pr iva te business w o u l d have to agree to increase the share of labour in the na t ional d iv idend . Consequently, the practicable rate of investment in industry wou ld be reduced.
Organised Business
In a coun t ry such as I n d i a , commi t t ed to the socialistic pattern of society, the business communi t ies have to adapt themselves to the po l i cies and programmes of the government. A c c o r d i n g to the author, though business in I n d i a i s w e l l organised, i ts impact on the policies of the Central government is neg l i g ib le . M a n y persons expected that the Swatantra Par ty wou ld provide a powerfu l f o r u m of representation for the interests of the business communi t ies . This , however, d i d not happen because I n d i a n business is almost w h o l l y at the mercy of government regulat ions for permission to undertake act ivi t ies of importance to i t . Therefore, at the level of p o l i tics and publ ic p o l i c y the business communi t ies are in l ine w i t h the policies of the national leadership. They support the Congress Pa r ty and make substantial donations to its funds. But , it is at the level of the adminis t ra t ion that businessmen succeed in exer t ing pressures that enable them to derive benefits to themselves. This is especially so at the level of the State Government admin i s t ra t ion . The "bakshish" system, a euphemism for b r ibe ry , enables businessmen to move the otherwise r i g i d wheels of the adminis t ra t ion to enable them to proceed w i th their activit ies. For example, l icences are needed to open a new business, but businessmen can buy l icences th rough the local Congress Par ty and the local admin i s t r a t i on . Or , again, t h rough the "bakshish" syst em i m p o r t restrictions can be effect ively by-passed. Organised business is' thus able to get more or /ess what it wants not by overfly opposi n g the socialistic policies of Government, bu t by covertly manipulat ing the local admin i s t ra t ion , or the local par ty organisat ion.
T h e chapter on agrar ian movements is interesting. The relatively stable posi t ion of the Congress Party is a t t r ibu table to its strength in the ru ra l areas. The powerful agr i c u l t u r a l classes, more especially the emerg ing and inf luent ia l class of owner-cul t ivators , tend to suppor t the Congress. Th i s is related to the
605
March 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
606
M a r c h 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
fact that they stand to benefit f r o m Government plans for ag r i cu l t u r a l development. But , as the author h i m self acknowledges, this very fact creates a bottleneck for s t ruc tura l changes in ru ra l areas. For example, the Congress Par ty reso lu t ion at Nagpur that India 's future agrar i a n pat tern should be based on a system of j o i n t cooperative farms, was met w i t h heavy opposi t ion f r o m State pol i t ic ians concerned w i t h the p o l i t i c a l consequences of the proposal. Thus, wh i l e i t is possible for the nat ional leadership to take a radica l view of a g r i c u l t u r a l matters, the same cannot be said for the State governments. The pol i t ic ians at the State level who are extremely sensitive to local p u l l s and pressures are often, for this very reason, at odds wi th the policies of the Centre.
Students as a Pressure-Group
In the chapter on students, the author is concerned w i t h the role o f students in Ind ian pol i t ics . An increasing number of students w h o j o i n the universities are f r o m ru ra l areas. The fact that a number of these students belong to inf luent ia l famil ies in the r u r a l sector makes them attractive recruits for p o l i t i c a l parties. The author says, in addit i on , that the g r o w i n g " r u r a l i s a t i o n " of Ind ian universit ies is related, in part , to student ind i sc ip l ine . Both r u r a l and urban students regard the univers i ty degree rather than uni-versitv education as such as the pre-condi t ion for employment . A n d to the extent that employment is not for thcoming, they do not feel themselves c o m m i t t e d to the educational process.
An interest ing dis t inct ion is made between students of the l iberal arts and law, on the one hand, and students of science, engineering and agr icu l tu re , on the other. The latter do not face any acute employment problems since they are, gener a l l y , absorbed i n t o various technical professions. Hence, they do not present any m a j o r d i sc ip l ina ry problems. Students of arts and law, however, f ind i t far more difficult to f ind employment . P o l i t i c a l parties, such as the Communi s t Pa r ty , capitalise on this p rob lem and succeed in r ec ru i t i ng a large number of supporters f r o m among the ever-growi n g category of 'educated unemployed' .
V
The author concludes h is discussion by suggesting f ive methods by which the pressure of p o l i t i c a l demands on Government m a y be reduced: Firs t , Government should avoid i n v o l v i n g i tself in matters which do not threaten the broad public interest. This w o u l d ensure that conflicts are dissipated w i t h i n the society and not d i rec t ly focussed on the central au thor i ty . Labour and management, fo r example, cou ld settle differences between themselves w i t h i n the f ramework of laws and rules. There is no need for the Government to intervene. In this way it wou ld be possible fo r the centre to reap the benefits of a federal po l i t i c a l s t ructure . I t need not burden itself w i th the p r o b l e m of dealing w i t h a l l conflicts that arise in the society. The various State Governments could be re l ied upon to p e r f o r m this task.
Second, there should be consultative bodies (a device already in use) which provide oppor tuni t ies for organised groups to make consultations wi th Government agencies. At present, however, these bodies do not adequately represent interest-groups. I f this shor tcoming were to be remedied there w o u l d be an i m provement in communica t ion between Government and organised groups wh ich w o u l d , in t u r n , greatly faci l i ta te the set t l ing of differences in a peaceful manner.
Wil l Decentralisation Help ?
T h i r d , local government ins t i tutions should be strengthened; they should be given greater power and responsibi l i t ies . The author believes that so l ong as local government inst i tut ions pe r fo rm their tasks, the State and Central governments w i l l be strengthened. He seems to i m p l y that the persons who fo rm local government bodies w o u l d have a sense of pub l i c duty and responsib i l i t y . But , i t is precisely at such levels that powerfu l interest-groups, l ike caste associations, exert the greatest influence and pressure. Therefore, far f r o m he lp ing the State and Central Governments to implement policies, loca l bodies m i g h t , in fact, impede them.
Four th , decisions affecting major economic investments, such as the b u i l d i n g of a steel factory, or the location of an o i l ref inery, should be made by technicians and admin
i s t r a t o r s — and not by po l i t i c ians . When po l i t i c i ans make such decisions, it is natural that pressure groups w o u l d t r y and coerce, the Government to gain favours for themselves.
I t is questionable whether this k i n d of measure is r ea l ly feasible — or desirable. In fact, the author himself has contended that in a nation l ike Ind ia , wedded to democracy, the p o l i t i c i a n has to be responsive to publ ic pressures and demands. Fur thermore , even i f major economic decisions are taken solely by technicians and adminis trators , pol icy-makers w i l l not be able to escape the pressure of group demands. Pressure groups can as effectively exert coercive influences on the pol icy-makers by the methods of demonstrations, strikes and violence, leading u l t i m a t e l y to a breakdown of peace and order. Therefore, the central p rob lem of implemen t ing plans of na t ional importance in the face of conf l ic t ing pressures and pu l l s w o u I d remain .
F i f th , the attitudes of the interest-groups should be influenced so that they become conscious of their publ ic responsib i l i ty . In order to achieve this end. the Government should take into consideration the opinions and views of leaders of interest-groups and make them feel that they have a stake in pub l i c matters.
V I
Or Weiner has stated the prob lem of modernisat ion faced by pol i t ic ians and planners in India quite correct) y. The fundamental problem is "how to modernise a State w i t h i n a democratic framework , inspite of pressing po l i t i ca l demands that appear to impede economic p lann ing , national un i ty , and p o l i t i c a l o rde r " (page 9 ) . He very r i gh t ly points out that given the l i m i t e d resources possessed by the Government, a vast gap remains between what organised groups demand and what Government is capable of p r o v i d i n g . He recognises that the Government 's concern for long-term economic p l ann ing impl ies that i t must place l i m i t s on the extent to which i t w i l l satisfy a l l the demands of specific groups. The central theme of his book is, however, that there is a safe marg in of ba rga in ing w i t h in which interest-groups could be given concessions. For , unless nat iona l plans pay at least some atten-
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March 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
t ion to the demands of various i n terest groups it w i l l not be possible to enthose use the people to par t ic ipate fu l ly in programmes of development, the democratic framework of Ind ian p lann ing makes i t necessary to have a l l sections of the nation represented in the process of development .
At the end of the study, however, the author tends to view the demands of interest-groups w i t h a certa in reserve. He says that to the extent "government accedes to these various demands, economic modernisation may be impeded in a n u m -ber of ways" (page 249 ) . Fur the r on. he says: " I f one views India ' s p r i m a r y task as that of achieving m a x i m u m economic g rowth in the shortest per iod of t ime, then the developments suggested in this study m i g h t be viewed w i t h deep a l a r m " (page 2 5 7 ) . Statements such as these do not appear to be consistent w i t h the author 's fundamental po in t that for the healthy g rowth of a democracy in Ind ia a l l the key groups in the po l i t i ca l system should get an adequate oppor tun i ty to barga in l eg i t ima te ly fo r thei r r ights .
One m i g h t very w e l l ask whether it is w h o l l y necessary for the government of a democrat ic count ry such as India to regard the pressure of pub l ic demands on i tself w i t h .grave apprehension. On the contrary , the pressure of p u b l i c demands should be regarded as symbol ic of the desire for development — however par t icu la r i s t ic that desire m i g h t be. The range and var ie ty of groups
Ind ia , and their respective regional affiliations, make i t inevi table that publ ic pressures are exerted most at the s t ruc tura l points that d iv ide one group f rom another, or one region f rom another. The pol icymakers and planners have got to bear this m m i n d .
Dr Weiner has suggested tha t " u n t i l and unless there is more precise i n f o r m a t i o n on the p o l i t i c a l consequences of publ ic investments, it w o u l d p robab ly be wiser to remove investment decisions f r o m the po l i t i ca l arena" (pp 243-244) . Th i s impl ies in overstressing of the concept of economic r a t i ona l i t y w h i c h does not rea l ly fit in w i t h any democra t ic system and, in par t icu lar , that of a vast and diverse coun t ry such as India 's . If the planners and pol icy-makers want to enthuse the people to par t ic ipate in the develop-
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ment process, they must give a new meaning to the concept of rational i t y . The demands of economic rat i ona l i t y have to be toned down, to a certain extent, in order to take some account of the par t icu la r i s t i c
needs of interest-groups. Though this migh t involve a sacrifice in terms of r ig id economic development, it w o u l d be a definite ga in in terms of overa l l nat ional development .
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