HUMANIORA

VOLUME 22 No. 2 Juni 201 0 Halaman 113-124

RUMOURS AND REALITIES OF MARRIAGE PRACTICES IN CONTEMPORARY SAMlN SOCIETY

Arif Rohman *

ABSTRACT

Since the mid - 19"h century the Samin people have made a contribution to resisting the Dutch colonial rule in rural Java through their non-violence movement and passive resistance (lijdeiijk verset). History also notes that they have a unique culture and system of values which reflect their own local wisdom. However, many negative rumours have become widespread regarding this community. This article explores the marriage practices in Samin society and investigates how this society gives meaning to these marriage practices. It also examines whether the practice of 'virginity tests' and 'stray marriages' exist in contemporary Samin qociety.

Key Words: Samin, marriage, rumours, 'virginity tests', 'stray marriages'

ABSTRAK

Sejak pertengahan abad ke- 19, masyarakat Samin telah banyak be jasa dalam melawan penjajahan Belanda di pedalaman Jawa melalui gerakan anti-kekerasan dan penolakan pasifnya. Namun demikian, menariknya justru banyak rumor negatif yang muncul dan berkembang seputar komuniti ini. Paper ini membahas praktek perkawinan di masyarakat Samin dan bagairnana rnereka memberi rnakna pada sistem perkawinan mereka. Tulisan ini memeriksa apakah praktek 'Tes Keperawanan' dan 'Kawin Umbaran' benar ada dan terjadi di masyarakat Samin, khususnya di IUopoduwur Btora.

Kata Kunci: Samin, perkawinan, rumor, 'tes keperawanan', kawin umbaran

* Staff of the Directorate General for Rehabiliition and Social Senbs, the Mnistry of Sodel Affairs.

Humnioml Vd. 22# No. 2 Juni2010: 113-124

people can conclude that they are living together out of wedlock. Furthermore, these marriages usually are not reported officially to the govemment, so that most ofthem are iltegal (not certified). As a mnseqwnce, the multing ch4dfBi-1 do not have birth certificates. The rumour about the 'virginity test' has become Mespreiad, as evidenced by jokes like: 'If you want to "get married under a tme" (iltegdlyt without any mnseqm17~8s) and want to gett "frse" *in& just go to the Sarrtin, you can leave the woman whenever you want, even just one day after having sex.'

A number of studies have been conducted on M n society from dierent perspectives. For example, there are those that examine the Samin movement in terms of the causes and origins of the movement2, the nature of their religion3, the patron-client relationships around their movemenv, the uniqueness of their language5, and how they survived the Dutch colonial period by creating a special architectural design in their dwelling system6. However, little information regarding marriage practices in Samin society is available. The study of mamage practices in this community is therefm crucial because it mcems the status and treatment of women.

Marriage can be defined as 'a life-long union of a man and a woman for the purpose of establishing a family'.'The goals of marriage are to provide opportunities for sexual intimacy, companionship, family continuity, establishment of parenthood, legitimate reprodudion, emotional fulfilment, and widening of inter-personal relati~ns.~ Through marriage, humans can build a family and strengthen their kinship

In his worklo, Mul lah discusses marriage pmdes in Samin society. He dassifies marriage practices in Samin society as endogamous. Endogmy refers to a system where group members find spouses from within the group. He ar~ues that endogamous marriage has been ~ t o e n s w e t h a t t h e i r a r s t o r n s a n d M i may continue. Thus, there are several steps in their mamage practices, such as looking for the wife, engagement, apprenticeship, harmonizing

and answering, and th to that of RosyidI2, of marriage. Howewr, more on the care o community, while Rosyid the marriage practi without analysing their meanings.

The uniqueness of the manSagh3 pradio85 in Samin society has been recognised by Shiraishi.I3 Shiraishi describes the concept of 'stmy marriage' as a way in which a man who ~oo~adul terycan 'puf i fyh~body ' . Sbrry martiage, acoweling to Shiraishi, is a ritual in which a man has to ask a woman, not his intended wife, to many him without any coeraon or tricks. After sleeping together, only once, and after leaving the woman, he can return to his wife.I4 However, even though he described the 'stray marriage'

i

custom in Samin society, he was interested in the social and political context surrounding the i

Samin movement and his data was based only on an old document, 'Dangir's testimony', which 4

comprises the notes that the patih (vice regent) i i

of the Regency of Pati made after he intermgated I

Dangir, a Samin villager of Genengmulyo who 1 was arrested on November 26,1928. 1

Another study related to the marriage j

practices in Samin society is that of Murnfangati.15 She mentions that their marriages are usually performed by parents and are not reported officially to the govemment, so that most of the resulting children do not have birth certificates. However, her study is too superF6cfal and lacks focus, endeavouring as it does to aover too many aspects of the Samin society.

To understand the m a w system in the Samin community we need to understand their belief system. In relation t~ this, Martin van Bruinesseni6 argues that the hmin community is one of the sectarian movaments which developed and left ~kilam. We ~ ~ t q o h s the Samin fnobmmtsa cmmwnit)rwhlch develops by withdrawing from other oomnit ies and making an md&i group. They tries to find their own spiritualitywithart caring about what people say outside their mmunity. van Bruinessen

Arif Rohmn, Rumours And Realities of MElniage Pradr'e~ts In Contempmty SarrJn Sodety

explains that this happened due to the lack of communication bebeen Islamic organnuations, whiehwerem~inttrban~,andperipheral ocmmwnitsesind~.Howlevler,h'hisargmt has been nejedd by Niels lvb~kW~UVh0 Wives that Agama Adam (the 'Religion of Adam') resembles Buddhism. On the other hand, James C. believes that gamin teachings ar &ma Aaaamc#n bedassiiapartd-beM, that is the non-Islamic local ~ @ $ i W i f s of rural Java. Benda and Castles1s also argue that A g m Adam is not Islamic. They see it as an indigenous messianicrnomt, not inspired by Islam (which salvation in a Holy War and the cxxning of a M i ) , bu2 ratherwas inspir- ed by Hindu-Buddhist Javanese culture which looks to a Ratu Adil or Hem T j (Jugt King).

The literature mkw k s shorwn 4hat mmy scholars have been intembd in &dying the Samin movement difbmt Thgse studies, however9 haw es: (1) most of them are ~ ~ f r o m t t t e D u t e h any attempts to investigate the subjective meanings of the marriage practices themselves; (2) most ufthem have focused on theclamiption of the marriage process without positioning women on centre stage; (3) even though there are studies related to the M a g e pradkm in Samin sxkty, the analysis of the practices in these studies is supe-1, and has a lack of focus, notseeking an i-tton dthe amspt

paper poses the following questions: extentdothepra

r marriages' exist m What are the actual ma Samin people in Klopodwt?

SAMIN KLOPODUWUR A study of the Geger Sattrin (Sanin

movement) in rural Java during the Dutch cdonial

era cannot be separated f m the life of Soemntiko amin, the founding father of this m m & . Sfman& Samb~ was boFn in lW%l as Raden K ~ h a r . ~ n K&ar changed his name to Soemtiko ita~skto sodalke with 0relinau)c people. Many saum~ menth that P b Kedbn Bkm was bdmed to be the hometown of S08mko." most peopte in PIoss W h do not to b e t h e c a s e . " P e o p l e i n R m ~ E r w him as a simple and konest gaodattitudeandwasweb u f t h i s , h e w a s w e l l ~ . ~ n U k t ) popular in his neighbourhod when he reskstd

new image of him as a hero, At the time,

generation to sprehld Sammism around 191f. w sons and Kajen Pati, and EngW (a mnEn;korM of Soerantiko), who spread Sarninisrn in m, ~.310ra.#ErlgtaP$c &minim in -due wmgw'(a hmnwhoWv6F)IgOM)mm and saMi, which means he had s u m & and magical power).

However, after Surosentiko did, Saminism was split into five groups: SBmfn Lugw, a m i n SangM, ~ m i n h p i ~ m m r p i n g , Ssmin Gogd and&&--, Samblq~ucomprisesthe

of §uemn&a Salwln who stressed

Humaniora, W. 22, No. 2 Juni 201.0: 113-124

do not really know about the Samin beliefs but nevertheless dam t h m - as Samin people (people also call them Samfn-s~mhan or nyamin, which means pretending to be M n people). The last group is Samh Kas&dw, who are the followers of Sowmtiko Samin who put more stress on spedal rituals. This caMcatkm is slightly different that of Benda and Castles who dassify Srtmin pero(ale into onJy two cate- gories: Samin Lugu and Samin Sangkak..2b

Engkrek, who spread Saminism in Klopo- duwur, had other names such as Siman-and Sodikromo. He came to Klopoduwur with five canfrik (students) including Dungkik, Gaiman, Singosamin, Mint0 and Sahmo. With hi can'k, Engkrek babat alas, i.e., he deared an area for settlement at Karang Pace. This area was given to his catfk and Karang Pace became the head- quarter for the Samin people in Klopodhuwur. Through rnaniageswiththe localwwnen, Engkmk and his cantrik became inmasingly popular in this village. After discovering that Engkrekwas a saktiperson, almost all village rnernbew became his followers and he became well-known to people in other villages. Many people, minJy coming from Pati, Kudus and Jepara, came to the area to study aminism. In his efforts to seek followam, Engkrek @n gave kas8MBnsuch 9s

fFMn-1- ~~

A Samin in Wong Sikep or always does setf-inm-R or her faith) rather than Wm$j because the term Wong Sam& connotations because of the Sam& pay tax. Most people in Klapodw hmw Engkrek, since there was a rurnour that Engkrek, even though he was a cetrik of Soerantiko, rejected the idea of ce3ehm Soerantiko Samin as the &tuj Adil. A p ~ ~ because of Wis rejection, he was expetled Barn the communitywhich initiated this debmbn. This explains why Engkrek came to Klopoduwur and never menthd ~ & o f s name subsequently. Engkrek died two pars after Indonesia's Independence and he was buried in Klopoduwur in I 947.n

THE STAGES OF MARRfAOE The marriage practice in the Samin

community differs from that in the common Javanese tradition. Matiage is carried out only between the Barnin members base-el on adat (customary law) which requires endogamy. Samin pmpk can many outside the Samin commwfityanty people beeam Samin.

is meant to mainbin the min community. Samin

bib &at marriage is s a d as it is awq+ to adsieve magnanimity and to produce

.. . .. ? /

Picture 1. Proud to be Samin: A Sarnin ' ~ ~ ' W m r , Blom.

Atif Rohman, Rumours And Realities of h.f%wtage Practices In Cont~mpmry Samtn WWy

good descendants. M a w e is based on love without coercion by others. They have a belief that 'Kabeh lmang ganteng, kabeh W o k ayu' (all men are handsome, a11 women beautiful). This means that thydo not d i i i m t e against people on the basis of physical appearance or status.

Mamiage in Samin community is performed without government involvement. They refuse kawin coro twgum (marriage by govmment rubs). In the Samin M(lopoduwur community today, whieh can be cxmklered as ribre tmdm than other Samin communities such as BomtKmg, Balong and Tanduran, after their marriage, a newly married cuuple report thdr marriage to the government to get a marriage certificate. In the past, Samin psaple in Klopoduwur did not report their marriages. As a consequence, their offspring did not have birth certifmtes or identity cards. They argued that if they registered their marriage, thaJ gcwwmmt would record them as the fdkwers of one of the six state religion^.^ This wcnold m a n they would be betraying Agama Adam as their belief system.

Adat in the Samin community divides the mamiage process into several stages. These stages have been examined by R o ~ y i d ~ ~ . However, Rosyid's work is descriptive and does not analyse the meaning of marriage practices in Samin society. According to Rosyid, the first stage is nyuwuk (asking a woman's marib! status). In this stage, a man who is ready to marry asks about the status of a woman he wants to marry. Nyuwuk -can be done by the man or by his parents. If her status is m a W , then the man will withdraw the woman is still woman's parents will ask she consents or not to the p agrees with the proposal, the man a n the woman's house to continuer fbr s stage, that is ngawulo ('appmn woman's house). However, in n ) l m k I h woman has a right to accept or to refuse the marriage proposal. The man has to accept

whether st-le agrees r x d h g m . This stmws that in Samin marriage bacfitkwr, a wonm has freedom to chose her hu8band witha$ m y coercion from others;. This difftam fmm tb Javanese adat, where most maMages am arranged by the parents of the coupk.=

For some people in Samin communities, nyuwuk is then followed by nywito (the groom's family applies for In this stage, they will and g d a n i g setangkep"as part ofthe The gambjr and sirih is believed spirits away, while gedang symbolises a relationship between the bridegroom and bride that will continue hpptty until the end of their lives. At this &tag&, the parents of the groom eatrrrst their w n fa Ms

many cases where after

view the nyuwito tmdiiion as mmty a pro$lem of selem (taste). The groam's pslaene usual& understand his attitude b a b o ~ . ~ The parents son's decision aocolrding t~ the nyuw g ~ d h e l . ~ f%& Ian (eloping) rarely happens. 713'1 ##am fmrn the Javanese adat, which has many ceretno- nies and demands high costs.SB In nyuwuk or nyuwo, there is no as& fubn or m s kawin (bride prim). this is because Samin people believe that this system has more dis- advantages than advantages. For example, if the groom is from a poor

st@tw a8 hwmn beings) so that e f ~ t B dbtrJrb5ng to the Samin

W to stay in the parents-in-law's house and workg forthem as a peasant in sawah or tqal

Hmnion,, Vd. 22, No. 2 Juni2010: 113124

(wet or dry rice fields), or as a shepherd of mffle. In this stage, he does not rec~ive afiy payment, but all of his needs wiU be for by his parents-in-law. In this stage is regarded as a family member and is to sleep with his YisnM. The length af the ngawulo stage is relative and depends on the situation. For bridegrooms who are already mature, it may not take a long time. It m i d be a week or two. But for those who ape still young, it could reach up to two years. In this coptext, the marriage will be considered 'lawful' if the bride's parents have approved their relations.

After ngawulo, the next stage is kondo (reporting to the woman's parents) that they have done sikep rabi31 (sexual intercourse) as proof that they really pod0 senenge (love each other). Samin people believe that marriage has to be based on love and this has to be proven by having sexual intercourse during the ngawulo stage.

The last stage in the Samin marriage process is diseksekno (witness ceremony). In this stage, the groom will testify that he has done sikep rabi with the bride. The bride's parents wilt witness that the bridegroom has passed the process well. It is thus shown that they tumbuh katresnan (realty love each Qther) and are mkun (harmonious). Based on isdat,

the task of the bride's mother is oqmbing tM ca;rmmony (to make them mkun). The task of the We's father is to giw agresrrrent to fkdr relaf-ion$hSp. The period far dimk~ekno is

apik'(the faster the better). &miin peopk do not irmdve

the w v m m & . This h because g m r r r m authority is not seen a$ superior to parents' authority (gowrnmnt is made up d human beings who are not su are just as human). That is wh considered 'legal' even th only by parents. By contrast, they rept#t to Sesepuh Samin (a Samin ekler), who attmds the ceremony. This d i i r s from the txdirwry Javanese custom in which marriages are performed by naib or penghulu (a b a d Islamic religious representative).* Diseksekfio is marked by adang akW. i

1 In diskwkm, the g r m h a to say the j

Sadat (The Samin profession of kith). The Sadat contains a statement that the g m acknowledges the bride as b tu r urip ( M d for life) and promises to stay together and nukulke wlji sejati (give descmdanb). Hem is the Sadat that is said by the groom:

'Kuk wong,

JmRS ~ m w , Pang8tlW Dam1 kuk, sikq M i ,

Demen jag, Tata-tata wedok,

Pangaran Y, D m k s laki Demen janp &tk nikah empm kulb lakoni. '

'I am a human, of the male wx, Called X,

. . -2

Arif Rohman, Rumours And Realities of MaRiaw PracEtiws In

palakrama qm m q w , memangun tram Wyd,

kasempar kasandhung dugi

haBefofly your maniage will produce goorl d m d a n b . '

The other reason why the 'virginity test' is nat mmgnised in the Samin community is

htty is nd important. Samin people people are married based on the

Fwfncipte of podho senenge (kwhyl lother). They believe that as human beings, they should respect others; ewen those who are dis8bM or not virgins. Many cases show that dibled ~ k , a l s o m n y ; W i d o ; w s a ~ ~ h ~ because of love. People are seen as being the same and Samin do not discriminate on the Wis of physical appearance or virginity. A han who loved a widow will fully accept her (unlike in mainstream Javanese culture). Due ta this belief, the idea of a 'virginity test' in Samin sodety does not make sense and contradicts the Samin belief system.

The last argument against the idea of 'virginity tests' in Samin society is based on their - bel'mf that 'Bojo siji kanggo s8Iawasca'(one wife farewer). This means that when a rnan has sex with a woman, he is effectively making a pegat mati oath? He and his wife seek to keep their oath and try to niteni (always be introspective and remember the oath). That is why Samin KIopoduwur prefers to be called mngpcsnitt+n (pecpie who are niteno. After having sexual intercourse, a couple will not &wee until one

dear that A ~ A ~

of 'virginity tests' and polyandry in the Samh community seems b be myths.

'STRAY MARRIAGES' Another rurnour about the Samin m u n i t y

is that they encourage a practice of 'stray marriage'. According to Dangir's Testimony, if Samin men commit adultery, they have to purify their body through a 'stray marriage'. In a 'stray rrraniage' a man should look for a m n (apart from his own wife) to 'marry'. This ritual shoutd be done without coercion or deception, and &so

has to be bas4 an OQhmnt and

to be a wife'.* Samin people in Kt@# rmy fha t

adultery rarely happens ir9 tllts3r -&. If it does happen it is m m i t t d the community. This is live together with th Samin. Thekickof u system in this com why people outside judgmenbthatadwhBIm h ~ ~ l

'Stray marriage' does ncd rn to exist in the Samin Klopoduwur mmwrMy, This k due to the belief that a woman's status in the community is higher than that of8 man. This is based on the reality that m can ad as mothers, and therefore have signifiaa~t d t because of smh mles as giving birth, bw8t feeding, & i , caring and teaching OtaHdten. They believe that w m n rn lke place of rice). It is the hu&ndgs givedlmtohiswffe.Sa that b m i (&) is woman mother). Thsmfum, mothgr is the qmbd of

Thb b illustmbd by the pwerB Iku ano ing ngisor telapak sikile

mboke'(Paradise lies under a m o W s feet). As a result women can piay roles in both the dm&ic and public spheres be l i i that women can heaven but not to hell highly untikely that the support a practice as degrading to women as

ofwMchistouusa

patiently; if insulted mmams~~1TQfWf-ormonsyorfoodfrom anyone; but ifmykine asks for food or money

Arif Rohman, Rumows And Reams of P r a a I n

from you, give it freely.'45 In Agama Adam they disasters, accidents, failed harvests, social believe that sin cannot be absolved. If a sin isolation or gossiping by others. The could be absolved then people would sin more. consequence of sin after salin sandangan" Samin people also believe in in which (death) is more horrifying as they will be someone who does sin will suffer either in this reincarnated as animals. Related to this, world or the next. In this world, for example, Saministssay: they might face some bad experiences like

'Nandur pari,

tukul pan, ngunduh pari,

nandur jagung, tukul jagung,

ngunduh h u n g ,

sing becik ketitik,

sing oh, ketom. '

ahotution (and this

m ' s We is w m q ttab &in wit1 wffer

'Plant rice,

grow rice, harvest rice, plant corn, grow corn,

everyone will see what is good, and what is bad.' (i.e. 'You reap what you sow').

, Vd. 22, No. 2 Juni2070: 713-124

On the basis of my fieldwork, 1 betierwe 'virginity tests' and 'stray marriwes' are just myths. In contrast, the Sarnin w m u n i Q through their maniage s p t m show 8 wodd full of respect for women, a world which is egalitarian. This flows from Agma Adam beliefs. To maintain this system, social sanctions are created for those who have broken the rules. These rules seek to mate a society which values women, a society which is harmonious, tolerant, and egalitarian. In this context, the myths of 'virginity tests' and 'stray marriages' do not seem at all credible.

The Samin Klopoduwur marriage practice system seems to show a high level of respect for women. The rumours about the 'virginity tests' and the 'stray marriages' have made Samin people vulnerable and marginalised. Those who were rnostty insulted by the rumours were women. To reveal the reasons behind the rumours, it is necessary to look at and to understand the social and political context surrounding Samin. Understanding the history of Samin society will help in answering why the rumours exist.

I. I ~ t i k e t o t h a n k m y s o p e r v i a > n r D r . ~ ~ , Dr. Gail Hawkes, and Siepbn Millew. lndira Perrnanasari, 'Saat 'sedulur sikep" bertemu negara', Kovnipas, 27 7 r M 0 5 . RtMeved 28 July 2008 from KCM, httpJM.kompas.~~m/komp~w- oc3hrkll)51 aM71h~m8nioraMI 58516.htm. Harry J. Benda & Lance Castles, 'The Samin Movement', in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 125, no. 2, Leiden. 1969; A. Pieter E. Kower, 'The Samin movement and millenarism', B!pmgen Wde TaaC, Land- en Volkenkunde 132, no. 2/3, Leiden, 1976; V i T . King, 'Some obsewaOns on the Samin movement of North-Central Java: !&gps&m bthe theoretical analygis of the clpmics of rural unrest', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, hnd- en Volkenkunde 129, no. 4, Leiden, 1973; Nancy Lee Peluso, 'The emergence of uscientific" forestry in adonhlJava', inRich~sts,RmrPeople:~ Contrd and Resistance in Jam, Berkeley, IW2. Justus M. van der Kmef, 'Javanese messianic expectations: Their oridin and cultural context', CarPlparativsStudiesCn~fyandHistory,vol, 1,no. 4, Jun., 1959; Martin van Bnrinessen, 'Gerakan

sempalan di kalangan wrtrat :Later belakmg sosiaUxlday9', u d m , vol.3, m. I, 1992; James C. Scott, 'Protest and pmfan~tlon: Agrarian revolt and the l i i tradition (Part Il)', Theory a n d w , wl. 4, no. 2, s8tlmmWl 1997; ~~, %On~andBuddhism:AnioQemaFWWba Ssamln Community, Asian Quart@&, no. 3,1993. hrlichae( Adas, 'From avoidance to confrontation:

I and colonial Southeast

Lanaage:mssinkl M o m and tts Philosophy of Language', Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 24, no. 4,1987; Shiraishi, 'DangWs testimony' Retno Hastijanti, 'Konsep sedulur sebagai faktor penghalang terbentuknya ruang ekskiusif pada permukiman kawn sarnin', fNmnsi TeknikAmiWfur, vol. 30, no. 2, Dec., 2002. S. Sarantakos, Maniage and The Family: A MUM- CuIfuml Study, Sydney, 1980, p. 54. Ibid, p. 55. The term kinship usually refers to relationships established by birth and descent (D. Morg9n, Social Theoryand The Fami&, bLoncfiM, 1978, p. 68). Abdullah, 'Anak orang Samin', in

Did, eds. Aswab Mahasin, lsmed Natsir & Thamrin Harridan, Jakarta, 1B2. Ibid., pp. 31 7-318. Moh. Rosyid, Samri, Kudus : Bersahaja cff fengah askefhe 1 ~ 1 , Ywyakarta, 2008. Shimishi, 'DangUs tesbimony'. Ibid., p. 100. Titi FAurnkangati, et a/., Kearifn Ldcald Lhgkmgan Masyamkat Samin Kabupaten B l m Jam Tengah, Yogyakarta, 2004. Bnrinessen, 'Gerakan sempalan3, p. 21. Mukler, 'Samhism and Buddhii', pp. 62-67. Scott, 'Protest and Benda & Castl Raden is an im creates social distance between its owner and ordinary Javanese. Mumfangati, et. a/, Kita&&n* p. 23; %@a Yuwana Sudikan, Tmdisi dari ##&a, Smamng, 1996, p. 13. Interviawm KamNw P b o Kedren, 31 December 2008.

Movement', pp. 218. ,02/1118 March 1972,

Rstrieved I 7 Aug. 2008 from http:ltmajalah.

Atif Rohman. Rumours And Reditid

tempointeraktif.com/idlarsipll972/03/18/ILS/ mbm.19720318.1LS59192.id.htrnl From 1978 to 2000 the Indonesian government officiaily acknowlecLged only five digions (Islam, Protestant Christianity, Catholic Christianity, Buddhism, and Hinduism). However, in 2000 the go~adsnowledgedConfucianlwnasu?esixul official religion in Indonesia. Sikhism also has a recognised status, but is not a state religion. Rosyid, Samin Kudus. Hildred Gee&, The Javanese Family, Illinois, 1989, p. 67; Masrl Singarimbun & Chris Manning, 'Marriage and Divorce in Mojolama', Indonesia, vol. 17, Apr., p. 68. Gamtwiis an ingredient used in betel chewing, tanning and dyeing. W h is betel leaves. Gedang setangkep is several hands of bananas. Jago anut babon (a cock follows a hen): 'The man hers alreadyfallen for the woman'. Kebo nyusu gudhel (a -lo suddss their children's breast): 'Parents following what their children wanr. Koentjaraningrat, Javanese C&m, Word, 1983, p. 126-1 27; G&, The Jav8n8~8 Family, pp. 68-69. Samin people called kviq wxud inbrmurse for man is sikep rabi and for woman is sikep laW. Koentjaraningrat, Javanese Cuntum, p. 130. Adang akeh ('cooking a lot of rice'): A kind of Wamatan (ritual feast) which involves inviting the dogest neighbours to announce that couple have done sikep mbi and sikep laki as a husband and a wife. Kumpul kebo ('Buffalo rnaniage'): Living together out ofwedlock. Fukushima, The Closed Language', pp. 424-429. Sudikan, Tradisi, p. 29. A Pegat mti oath is an oath that people will only reoognise d i i if their spouse is dead. Leaving their marriage is a sin. Shiraishi, 'Dangir's Testimony', p. 100. Benda & Castles, 'The Samin Movement', p. 228. Karma means that every ract wig be met by its own co~UenC8. -in people mention death as Wn amdangm (changing d r e s s ) m e a n s t h a t ~ ~ ~ . ~ only change their 'dress' becam their wul will reincarnate again.

REFERENCES

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