Indian Leaders

Contents

1 Kalpana Chawla 11.1 Early life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 Career . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.3 Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21.4 Awards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21.5 Memorials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21.6 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31.7 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31.8 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31.9 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41.10 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

2 K. Kamaraj 52.1 Early life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

2.1.1 Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62.1.2 Electoral history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82.1.3 Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82.1.4 Popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82.1.5 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92.1.6 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

3 Mahatma Gandhi 103.1 Early life and background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103.2 English barrister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123.3 Civil rights activist in South Africa (1893–1914) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.3.1 Gandhi and the Africans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143.4 Struggle for Indian Independence (1915–47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

3.4.1 Role in World War I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153.4.2 Champaran and Kheda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153.4.3 Khilafat movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153.4.4 Non-cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163.4.5 Salt Satyagraha (Salt March) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173.4.6 Untouchables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

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3.4.7 Congress politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193.4.8 World War II and Quit India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193.4.9 Partition and independence, 1947 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

3.5 Assassination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203.5.1 Ashes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

3.6 Principles, practices and beliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213.6.1 Influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223.6.2 Tolstoy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223.6.3 Truth and Satyagraha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233.6.4 Nonviolence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233.6.5 Vegetarianism, food, and animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243.6.6 Fasting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253.6.7 Brahmacharya, celibacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253.6.8 Nai Talim, basic education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253.6.9 Swaraj, self-rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263.6.10 Gandhian economics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

3.7 Literary works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263.8 Legacy and depictions in popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

3.8.1 Followers and international influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273.8.2 Global holidays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293.8.3 Awards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293.8.4 Film, theatre and literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303.8.5 Current impact within India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

3.9 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303.10 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303.11 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

3.11.1 Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383.11.2 Primary sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

3.12 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

4 Jawaharlal Nehru 414.1 Early life and career (1889–1912) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 414.2 Struggle for Indian Independence (1912–47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

4.2.1 Home rule movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444.2.2 Non-cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444.2.3 Internationalising the struggle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444.2.4 Republicanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454.2.5 Declaration of Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454.2.6 Civil disobedience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 464.2.7 Architect of India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 464.2.8 Electoral politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474.2.9 World War II and Quit India movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

CONTENTS iii

4.3 Prime Minister of India (1947–64) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 494.3.1 Assassination attempts and security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 504.3.2 Economic policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 514.3.3 Agriculture policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 514.3.4 Domestic policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 514.3.5 Social policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 524.3.6 Foreign policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

4.4 Sino-Indian War of 1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 554.5 Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 564.6 On Caste system, and Caste based reservations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 564.7 Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

4.7.1 Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 574.7.2 On Cow Protection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 584.7.3 On Spiritualism in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

4.8 Secular State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 584.9 Views on communalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 594.10 Nehru and Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 594.11 Personal life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

4.11.1 Nehru as a person . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 604.12 Legacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

4.12.1 Nehru and Patel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 614.12.2 Commemoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 624.12.3 In popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

4.13 Writings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 634.14 Awards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 634.15 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 634.16 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 634.17 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 674.18 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 674.19 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 674.20 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

4.20.1 Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 684.20.2 Images . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 734.20.3 Content license . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

Chapter 1

Kalpana Chawla

Kalpana Chawla (March 17, 1962[2][lower-alpha 1] –February 1, 2003) was the first Indian-Americanastronaut[3] and first Indian woman in space.[4] She firstflew on Space Shuttle Columbia in 1997 as a missionspecialist and primary robotic arm operator. In 2003,Chawla was one of the seven crew members killed in theSpace Shuttle Columbia disaster.[5]

1.1 Early life

Kalpana Chawla was born on March 17, 1962 in Karnal,Haryana state, India. She completed her earlier schoolingat Tagore Baal Niketan Senior Secondary School, Kar-nal and completed her Bachelor of Engineering degree inAeronautical Engineering at Punjab Engineering Collegeat Chandigarh in 1982. She moved to the United Statesin 1982 where she obtained a Master of Science degreein aerospace engineering from the University of Texasat Arlington in 1984.[6] Determined to become an astro-naut even in the face of the Challenger disaster, Chawlawent on to earn a second Masters in 1986 and a PhD[7]

in aerospace engineering in 1988 from the University ofColorado at Boulder.[8]

1.2 Career

In 1988, she began working at the NASAAmes ResearchCenter as Vice President of Overset Methods, Inc. whereshe did Computational fluid dynamics (CFD) research onVertical/Short Takeoff and Landing concepts.[8] Chawlaheld a Certificated Flight Instructor rating for airplanes,gliders and Commercial Pilot licenses for single andmulti-engine airplanes, seaplanes and gliders.[9]

Becoming a naturalized U.S. citizen in April 1991,Chawla applied for the NASA Astronaut Corps.[2] Shejoined the Corps in March 1995 and was selected forher first flight in 1996. She spoke the following wordswhile traveling in the weightlessness of space, “You arejust your intelligence”. She had traveled 10.67 millionkm, as many as 252 times around the Earth.Her first space mission began on November 19, 1997, as

part of the six-astronaut crew that flew the Space Shut-tle Columbia flight STS-87. Chawla was the first Indian-born woman and the second Indian person to fly in space,following cosmonaut Rakesh Sharma who flew in 1984on the Soyuz T-11. On her first mission, Chawla trav-eled over 10.4 million miles in 252 orbits of the earth,logging more than 372 hours in space.[8] During STS-87, she was responsible for deploying the Spartan Satel-lite which malfunctioned, necessitating a spacewalk byWinston Scott and Takao Doi to capture the satellite. Afive-month NASA investigation fully exonerated Chawlaby identifying errors in software interfaces and the de-fined procedures of flight crew and ground control.After the completion of STS-87 post-flight activities,Chawla was assigned to technical positions in the astro-naut office to work on the space station, her performancein which was recognized with a special award from herpeers.

Chawla in the space shuttle simulator

In 2000 she was selected for her second flight as part of

1

2 CHAPTER 1. KALPANA CHAWLA

the crew of STS-107. This mission was repeatedly de-layed due to scheduling conflicts and technical problemssuch as the July 2002 discovery of cracks in the shut-tle engine flow liners. On January 16, 2003, Chawla fi-nally returned to space aboard Columbia on the ill-fatedSTS-107 mission. Chawla’s responsibilities included themicrogravity experiments, for which the crew conductednearly 80 experiments studying earth and space science,advanced technology development, and astronaut healthand safety.

1.3 Death

Main article: Space Shuttle Columbia disaster

Chawla died in the Space Shuttle Columbia disasterwhich occurred on February 1, 2003, when the SpaceShuttle disintegrated over Texas during re-entry into theEarth’s atmosphere, with the death of all seven crewmembers, shortly before it was scheduled to conclude its28th mission, STS-107.[10]

1.4 Awards

Posthumously awarded:

• Congressional Space Medal of Honor

• NASA Space Flight Medal

• NASA Distinguished Service Medal

1.5 Memorials

• The girls hostel in NIT Bhopal (Maulana AzadNational Institute of Technology) was renamed toKalpana Chawla Bhavan.

• The Kalpana Chawla ISU Scholarship fund wasfounded by alumni of the International SpaceUniversity (ISU) in 2010 to support Indian stu-dent participation in international space educationprograms.[11]

• The Kalpana Chawla Memorial Scholarship pro-gram was instituted by the Indian Students As-sociation (ISA) at the University of Texas at ElPaso (UTEP) in 2005 for meritorious graduatestudents.[12]

• The Kalpana Chawla Outstanding Recent AlumniAward at the University of Colorado, given since1983, was renamed for Chawla.[13]

• In Karnal, Chawla’s birthplace, at least 30,000school children and citizens joined hands to make a36.4-km-long human chain to support the demandfor a Kalpana Chawla Government Medical Col-lege in the city, which was announced by HealthMinister of India C. P. Thakur and later promisedby Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh. TheKalpana Chawla Medical College Nirman Commit-tee, backed by volunteers and activists of various or-ganizations, supported by students from 34 schools,swarmed the roads and formed a chain along theroads in Karnal to demonstrate that they continuedto revere Chawla as an outstanding astronaut.[14] OnNovember 18, 2013, the foundation stone of the col-lege was laid in hermemory by the state government.

• Asteroid 51826 Kalpanachawla, one of sevennamed after the Columbia's crew.[15]

• On February 5, 2003, India’s prime minister an-nounced that the meteorological series of satellites,MetSat, was to be renamed as “Kalpana”. The firstsatellite of the series, “MetSat-1”, launched by Indiaon September 12, 2002, is now known as "Kalpana-1". "Kalpana-2" was expected to be launched by2007.[16]

• 74th Street in Jackson Heights, Queens, New YorkCity has been renamed 74th Street Kalpana ChawlaWay in her honor.[17]

• The University of Texas at Arlington, where Chawlaobtained a Master of Science degree in aerospaceengineering in 1984, opened a dormitory namedKalpana Chawla Hall in 2004. [18]

Kalpana Chawla Hall, University of Texas Arlington

• The Kalpana Chawla Award was instituted by thegovernment of Karnataka in 2004 for young womenscientists.[19]

• The girls’ hostel at Punjab Engineering College isnamed after Chawla. In addition, an award of INR

1.7. NOTES 3

twenty-five thousand, a medal, and a certificate is in-stituted for the best student in the Aeronautical En-gineering department.[20]

• NASA has dedicated a supercomputer toChawla.[21]

• One of Florida Institute of Technology's studentapartment complexes, Columbia Village Suites, hashalls named after each of the astronauts, includingChawla.

• The NASA Mars Exploration Rover mission hasnamed seven peaks in a chain of hills, named theColumbia Hills, after each of the seven astronautslost in the Columbia shuttle disaster. One of them isChawla Hill, named after Chawla.

• Steve Morse from the band Deep Purple created thesong “Contact Lost” in memory of the Columbiatragedy along with her interest in the band. The songcan be found on the album Bananas.[22]

• Novelist Peter David named a shuttlecraft, theChawla, after the astronaut in his 2007 Star Treknovel, Star Trek: The Next Generation: Before Dis-honor.[23]

• The University of Texas at Arlington dedicated theKalpana Chawla Memorial on May 3, 2010, inNeddermanHall, one of the primary buildings in theCollege of Engineering.[24]

• The Government of Haryana established theKalpana Chawla Planetarium in Jyotisar,Kurukshetra.[25]

• The Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur,named the Kalpana Chawla Space Technology Cellin her honor.[26][27]

• Delhi Technological University named a girls’ hostelafter Chawla.[28]

• A military housing development at Naval Air Sta-tion Patuxent River, Maryland, has been namedColumbia Colony, and includes a street namedChawla Way.

• The girls hostel in SIRT Bhopal (Sagar Instituteof Research and Technology) is named KalpanaChawla Hostel.[29]

• The girls hostel in Pondicherry Central University isnamed Kalpana Chawla Hostel. [30]

1.6 See also

• List of Asian American astronauts

• List of female astronauts

1.7 Notes[1] Though her birth date has sometimes been reported as July

1, 1961, that date entered her official records because itwas used to enroll her in school at a younger-than-normalage.

1.8 References[1] “Life facts”. NASA. Retrieved February 27, 2014.

[2] Basu, Biman (May 2012). “Book Review: Biographyof Kalpana Chawla” (PDF). Science Reporter: pp.40–41.Retrieved 2013-07-06. Born on 17 March 1962 in Kar-nal, Haryana.

[3] Salim Rizvi (December 11, 2006). “Indo-US astronautfollows Kalpana’s footsteps”. New York: BBC. RetrievedNovember 20, 2012. Almost four years after the deathof the first Indian-American astronaut Kalpana Chawla inthe Columbia space shuttle disaster, Nasa has sent anotherwoman of Indian origin into space.

[4] Nola Taylor Redd. “Kalpana Chawla: Biography &Columbia Disaster”. Space.com (Tech Media Network).Retrieved November 20, 2012.

[5] “Kalpana Chawla”. Retrieved 2012-05-24.

[6] Chawla, Kalpana (1984), MS Thesis Optimization of crossflow fan housing for airplane wing installation., Universityof Texas at Arlington, p. 97

[7] Chawla, Kalpana (1988), PhD Thesis Computation of dy-namics and control of unsteady vortical flows., Universityof Colorado at Boulder, p. 147

[8] “Kalpana Chawla (PH.D)". Biographical Data. NASA.Retrieved September 14, 2014.

[9] “Kalpana Chawla”. I Love India. Retrieved September14, 2014.

[10] Correspondent, A. “Space Shuttle Explodes, KalpanaChawla dead”. Rediff.

[11] Kalpana Chawla International Space University Scholar-ship

[12] “Kalpana Chawla Memorial Scholarship”. UTEP. Re-trieved 2008-06-10.

[13] “Kalpana Chawla Award”. University of Colorado. Re-trieved 2012-02-12.

[14] "www.tribuneindia.com". The Tribune. India. Retrieved2010-12-10.

[15] “Tribute to the Crew of Columbia”. NASA JPL. Re-trieved 2007-06-10.

[16] “ISRO METSAT Satellite Series Named After ColumbiaAstronaut Kalpana Chawla”. Spaceref.com. Retrieved2007-06-10.

4 CHAPTER 1. KALPANA CHAWLA

[17] Rajghatta, Chidanand (Jul 12, 2004). “NY has KalpanaChawlaWay”. The Times of India. Retrieved 27 February2014.

[18] “Kalpana Chawla Hall”. University of Texas at Arlington.Retrieved 2013-05-16.

[19] “KalpanaChawlaAward instituted”. The Hindu (Chennai,India). 2004-03-23. Retrieved 2007-06-10.

[20] “Punjab Engineering College remembers Kalpana”. TheIndian Express. Retrieved 2007-06-10.

[21] “NASA Names Supercomputer After Columbia Astro-naut”. About.com. Retrieved 2007-06-10.

[22] “Space Music – Rock/Pop”. HobbySpace. 2005-08-31.Retrieved 2010-12-10.

[23] David, Peter; Star Trek: Next Generation: Before Dis-honor; Page 24.

[24] “Kalpana Chawla Display Dedicated at Nedderman Hall”.The University of Texas at Arlington. Retrieved 2013-05-16.

[25] “IBN News”. Ibnlive.in.com. 2010-02-03. Retrieved2010-12-10.

[26] Saxena, Ambuj. “Kalpana Chawla Space Technology Cell| Flickr – Photo Sharing!". Flickr. Retrieved 2010-12-10.

[27] “Space Technology Cell”. Kcstc.iitkgp.ernet.in. Re-trieved 2010-12-10.

[28] http://hostels.dtu.ac.in/girls-hostels/kalpana-chawla-hostel/

[29]

[30]

1.9 Further reading• Among The Stars-Life and Dreams of Kalpana

Chawla by Gurdeep Pandher

• India’s 50 Most Illustrious Women (ISBN 81-88086-19-3) by Indra Gupta

• Kalpana Chawla, a life (ISBN 0-14-333586-3) byAnil Padmanabhan

• The Edge of Time: The Authoritative Biography ofKalpana Chawla by Jean-Pierre Harrison

1.10 External links• Kalpana Chawla Family Foundation

• Celebrating Life of Kalpana Chawla

• Kalpana Chawla Excellence Awards 2012

• Kalpana Chawla profile in India Currents 1998

Chapter 2

K. Kamaraj

“Kamaraj” redirects here. For the village in Iran, seeKamaraj, Iran. For the administrative subdivision ofIran, see Kamaraj Rural District. For the AIADMKpolitician, see Dr. K. Kamaraj.In this Indian name, the name Kumarasami is apatronymic, not a family name, and the person should bereferred to by the given name, Kamaraj.

Kumarasami Kamaraj , better known as K. Kama-raj, (15 July 1903[1] – 2 October 1975[2]) was an Indianpolitician from Tamil Nadu widely acknowledged as the“Kingmaker” in Indian politics during the 1960s. He wasthe chief minister of Tamil Nadu during 1954–1963 anda Member of Parliament during 1952–1954 and 1967–1975. He was known for his simplicity and integrity.[1][3]

He was involved in the Indian independence move-ment.[4] As the president of Indian National Congress, hewas instrumental in navigating the party after the deathof Jawaharlal Nehru and bringing to power two PrimeMinisters namely Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964 and IndiraGandhi in 1966. In Tamil Nadu, his home state, he is stillremembered for bringing school education to millions ofthe rural poor by introducing free education and the freeMidday Meal Scheme during his tenure as chief minis-ter. He was awarded India’s highest civilian honour, theBharat Ratna, posthumously in 1976.[5] The domestic ter-minal of the Chennai airport is named “Kamaraj Termi-nal”, Chennai’s Beach Road renamed “Kamarajar Salai”,Bangalore's North Parade Road as “K. Kamaraj Rd.” andthe Madurai Kamaraj University in his honour.[3][6]

2.1 Early life

Kamaraj was born on 15 July 1903 toKumarasamyNadarand Sivakami Ammaiar at Virudhunagar in Tamil Nadu.His father Kumarasamy Nadar was a merchant. In 1907,four years after the birth of Kamaraj, his sister Nagammalwas born. At age 5 (1907), Kamaraj was admitted to atraditional school and in 1908 hewas admitted to YenadhiNarayana Vidhya Salai. In 1909 Kamaraj was admittedin Virudupatti High School. Kamaraj’s father died whenhe was six years old and his mother was forced to support

her family. In 1914 Kamaraj dropped out of school tosupport his family.[7]

During this time he started joining processions and at-tending public meetings about the Indian Home RuleMovement. Kamaraj developed an interest in prevailingpolitical conditions by reading newspapers daily.[8]

The Jallianwala Bagh massacre was the decisive turningpoint in his life, and at this point he decided his aim wasto fight for national freedom and to bring an end to for-eign rule.[9][10] In 1920, at the age of 18, he became activeas a political worker and joined Congress as a full-timeworker.[10] In 1921 Kamaraj was organising public meet-ings at Virudhunagar for Congress leaders. He was eagerto meet Gandhi, and when Gandhi visited Madurai on 21September 1921Kamaraj attendedGandhi’s publicmeet-ing and met him for the first time in person. He visitedvillages carrying Congress propaganda.[11]

In 1922 Congress was boycotting the visit of the Princeof Wales as part of the Non-Cooperation Movement. Hecame to Madras and took part in this event.[12] He partic-ipated in the famous Vaikom Satyagraha led by GeorgeJoseph against the atrocities of the higher caste Hindusagainst the Harijans.[13] In 1923–25Kamaraj participatedin the Nagpur Flag Satyagraha .[14] In 1927 Kamarajstarted the Sword Satyagraha in Madras and was cho-sen to lead the Neil Statue Satyagraha, but this was givenup later in view of the Simon Commission boycott.[15]Kamaraj led almost all the agitation and demonstrationagainst British rule.[16]

Kamaraj was first jailed in June 1930 for two years inAlipore Jail, Calcutta, for participation in the “Salt Satya-graha” led by Rajagopalachari at Vedaranyam; he was re-leased early in 1931 in consequence of the Gandhi-IrwinPact before he could serve his full term imprisonment.In 1932 Section 144 was imposed in Madras prohibitingthe holding of meetings and organisation of processionsagainst the arrest of Gandhi in Bombay. In Virdhunagarunder Kamaraj’s leadership processions and demonstra-tions happened every day. Kamaraj was arrested again inJanuary 1932 and sentenced to 1 year’s imprisonment.[17]

In 1933 Kamaraj was falsely implicated in the Virud-hunagar bomb case. Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and

5

6 CHAPTER 2. K. KAMARAJ

George Joseph argued on Kamaraj’s behalf and provedthe charges to be baseless. [18]

Kamaraj was conducting a vigorous campaign through-out the State asking people not to contribute to war fundswhen Sir Arthur Hope the Madras Governor was collect-ing contributions to funds for the Second World War. InDecember 1940 he was arrested again at Guntur underthe 'Defence of India rules’ for speeches opposing contri-butions to the war fund and sent to Vellore Central Prisonwhile he was on his way to Wardha to get Gandhi’s ap-proval for a list of Satyagrahis. While in jail, he waselected as Municipal Councillor of Virudhunagar. Hewas released 9 months later in Nov 1941 and resignedfrom this post as he thought he had greater responsibilityfor the nation. [19][20] His principle was “One should notaccept any post to which one could not do full justice”.In 1942 Kamaraj attended the All India Congress Com-mittee in Bombay and returned to spread propaganda ma-terial for the “Quit India Movement” called by Gandhi.The Police issued orders to all the leaders who attendedthis Bombay session. Kamaraj did not want to get ar-rested before he took the message to all district and localleaders. He decided not to go to Madras and decided tocut short his trip; he saw a large number of policemenwaiting for the arrest of Congress leaders in Arakonambut managed to escape from the police and went to Ra-nipet, Tanjore, Trichy and Madurai to inform local lead-ers about the Programme. He reached Virdhunagar afterfinishing his work and sent a message to the local policethat he was ready to be arrested. He was arrested in Au-gust 1942. He was under detention for 3 years and wasreleased in June 1945. This was the last term of his prisonlife.[13][19][21]

Kamaraj was imprisoned six times by the British forhis pro-Independence activities, accumulating more than3,000 days in jail.[22]

2.1.1 Politics

On 13April 1954, Kamaraj became the ChiefMinister ofMadras Province. To everyone’s surprise, Kamaraj nom-inated C. Subramaniam and M. Bhakthavatsalam, whohad contested his leadership, to the newly formed cabi-net.

Education

As Chief Minister, Kamaraj removed the family vocationbased Hereditary Education Policy introduced by Rajaji.The State made immense strides in education and trade.New schools were opened, so that poor rural students hadto walk no more than three kilometres to their nearestschool. Better facilities were added to existing ones. Novillage remained without a primary school and no pan-chayat without a high school. Kamaraj strove to eradi-cate illiteracy by introducing free and compulsory edu-

cation up to the eleventh standard. He introduced theMidday Meal Scheme to provide at least one meal perday to the lakhs of poor school children ((The Mid-dayMeal Scheme, was first introduced in 1920 by theMadrasCorporation with the approval of the legislative council,as a breakfast scheme in a corporation school at ThousandLights, Madras for the first time in the world)) Later it wasexpanded to four more schools. This was the precursorto the free noon meal schemes introduced by K. Kamarajin 1960’s and expanded by M. G. Ramachandran in the1980s.. He introduced free school uniforms to weed outcaste, creed and class distinctions among young minds.

Kamaraj Statue in Marina Beach, Chennai depicting his contri-bution to education in the state

During the British regime the education rate was only 7per cent. But after Kamaraj’s reforms it reached 37% .Apart from increasing the number of schools, steps weretaken to improve standards of education. To improvestandards, the number of working days was increasedfrom 180 to 200; unnecessary holidays were reduced;and syllabuses were prepared to give opportunity to vari-ous abilities. Kamaraj and Bishnuram Medhi (Governor)took efforts to establish IIT Madras in 1959.

Agriculture

Major irrigation schemes were planned in Kamaraj’s pe-riod. Dams and irrigation canals were built across higherBhavani, Mani Muthar, Aarani, Vaigai, Amaravathi,Sathanur, Krishnagiri, Pullambadi, Parambikulam andNeyyaru among others. The Lower Bhavani Dam inErode district brought 207,000 acres (840 km2) of land

2.1. EARLY LIFE 7

under cultivation. 45,000 acres (180 km2) of land bene-fited from canals constructed from the Mettur Dam. TheVaigai and Sathanur systems facilitated cultivation acrossthousands of acres of lands in Madurai and North Arcotdistricts respectively. Rs 30 crores were planned to bespent for Parambikulam River scheme, and 150 lakhs ofacres of lands were brought under cultivation; one third ofthis (i.e. 56 lakhs of acres of land) received a permanentirrigation facility.In 1957–61 1,628 tanks were de-silted under the Small Ir-rigation Scheme, and 2,000 wells were dug with outlets.Long term loans with 25% subsidy were given to farmers.In addition farmers who had dry lands were given oil en-gines and electric pump sets on an instalment basis. Hethen was caught for a case for selling harmful fertilizers.

Commerce and Industry

Industries with huge investments in crores of Rupees werestarted in his period: Neyveli Lignite Corporation, BHELat Trichy, Manali Oil Refinery, Hindustan raw photo filmfactory at Ooty, surgical instruments factory at Chennai,and a railway coach factory at Chennai were established.Industries such as paper, sugar, chemicals and cementtook off during the period.

Kamaraj’s First Cabinet

Kamaraj’s council of ministers during his first tenure asChief Minister (13 April 1954 – 31 March 1957):[23]

Changes

• Following the States Reorganisation Act of 1956, A.B. Shetty quit the Ministry on 1 March 1956 and hisportfolio was shared between the other ministers.

Kamaraj’s Second Cabinet

Kamaraj’s council of ministers during his second tenureas Chief Minister (1 April 1957 – 1 March 1962):[24]

Kamaraj’s Third Cabinet

Kamaraj’s council of ministers during his third tenureas Chief Minister (3 March 1962 – 2 October1963):[24][25][26]

Kamaraj Plan

Kamaraj remained Chief Minister for three consecutiveterms, winning elections in 1957 and 1962. Kamaraj no-ticed that the Congress party was slowly losing its vigour.

Kamarajar Statue situated in Tirumangalam PKN Higher Sec-ondary School

OnGandhi Jayanti day, 2 October 1963, he resigned fromthe Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Post. He proposed thatall senior Congress leaders should resign from their postsand devote all their energy to the re-vitalization of theCongress.In 1963 he suggested to Nehru that senior Congress lead-ers should leave ministerial posts to take up organisationalwork. This suggestion came to be known as the Kama-raj Plan, which was designed primarily to dispel fromthe minds of Congressmen the lure of power, creatingin its place a dedicated attachment to the objectives andpolicies of the organisation. Six Union Ministers and sixChief Ministers including Lal Bahadur Shastri, JagjivanRam, Morarji Desai, Biju Patnaik and S.K. Patil followedsuit and resigned from their posts. Impressed by Kama-raj’s achievements and acumen, Prime Minister Jawahar-

8 CHAPTER 2. K. KAMARAJ

Kamaraj statue at East Tambaram, Chennai

lal Nehru felt that his services were needed more at thenational level. In a swift move he brought Kamaraj toDelhi as the President of the Indian National Congress.Nehru realized that in addition to wide learning and vi-sion, Kamaraj possessed enormous common sense andpragmatism. Kamaraj was elected President, Indian Na-tional Congress, on 9 October 1963.[27]

The King Maker

After Nehru’s death in 1964, Kamaraj successfully navi-gated the party through turbulent times. As president ofthe Indian National Congress, he refused to become thenext prime minister himself.

Split of Congress

When the Congress split in 1969, Kamaraj became theleader of the Indian National Congress (Organisation) inTamil Nadu. The party failed poorly in the 1971 electionsamid allegations of fraud by the opposition parties. He re-mained as the leader of INC(O) till his death in 1975.[28]

2.1.2 Electoral history

2.1.3 Death

Kamaraj memorial in Chennai

Kamaraj memorial in Chennai

Kamaraj died at his home, on Gandhi Jayanti day (2 Oc-tober 1975), which was also the 12th anniversary of hisresignation. He was aged 72 and died in his sleep. He wasawarded India’s highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratnaposthumously in 1976.

2.1.4 Popular culture

In 2004 a Tamil film titled Kamaraj was made based onthe life history of Kamaraj. The English version of the

2.1. EARLY LIFE 9

film was released on DVD in 2007.

2.1.5 References[1] Revised edition of book on Kamaraj to be launched, The

Hindu, 8 July 2009

[2] Crusading Congressman, Frontline Magazine, hinduon-net.com. 15–28 September 2001

[3] He raised the bar with simplicity, The Hindu 16 July 2008

[4] The commonsense politician, Frontline Magazine, 17–30August 2002

[5] “PadmaAwards Directory (1954–2007)" (PDF).Ministryof Home Affairs. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4March 2009. Retrieved 7 December 2010.

[6] Man of the people, The Tribune, 4 October 1975

[7] Kapur, Raghu Pati (1966). Kamaraj, the iron man.Deepak Associates. p. 12.

[8] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka-maraj. Concept Publishing Company. p. 23.

[9] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka-maraj. Concept Publishing Company. p. 24.

[10] Freedom Movement In Madras Presidency With SpecialReference To The Role Of Kamaraj (1920–1945), Page 1

[11] Early Life of K. Kamaraj. p. 25.

[12] Freedom Movement In Madras Presidency With SpecialReference To The Role Of Kamaraj (1920–1945), Page 2

[13] Bhatnagar, R. K. “Tributes To Kamaraj”. Asian Tribune.Retrieved 3 February 2014.

[14] K.Kamaraj

[15] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka-maraj. Concept Publishing Company. p. 30.

[16] Remembering Our Leaders. p. 145.

[17] Freedom Movement In Madras Presidency With SpecialReference To The Role Of Kamaraj (1920–1945), Page 3

[18] George Joseph, a true champion of subaltern

[19] Remembering Our Leaders. p. 146.

[20] Encyclopedia of Bharat Ratnas. p. 88.

[21] Encyclopedia of Bharat Ratnas. p. 89.

[22] Stepan, Alfred; Linz, Juan J.; Yadav, Yogendra (2011).Crafting State-Nations: India and Other MultinationalDemocracies. JHUPress. p. 124. ISBN 9780801897238.

[23] A Review of the Madras Legislative Assembly (1952–1957)

[24] Kandaswamy, P. (2001). The Political Career of K. Ka-maraj. Concept Publishing Company. pp. 62–64.

[25] The Madras Legislative Assembly, Third Assembly I Ses-sion

[26] The Madras Legislative Assembly, Third Assembly IISession

[27]

[28] Gopal, Madan (1990). K.S. Gautam, ed. India throughthe ages. Publication Division, Ministry of Informationand Broadcasting, Government of India. p. 164.

2.1.6 External links

• Kamarajar Blog From Kamaraj’s Family with rarePhoto collection

• The official website about Perunthalivar Kamaraj byCongress Party

Chapter 3

Mahatma Gandhi

“Gandhi” redirects here. For other uses, see Gandhi(disambiguation).

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (/ˈɡɑːndi, ˈɡæn-/;[2]Hindustani: [ˈmoːɦənd̪aːs ˈkərəmtʃənd̪ ˈɡaːnd̪ʱi]; 2 Octo-ber 1869 – 30 January 1948) was the preeminent leaderof Indian independence movement in British-ruled In-dia. Employing nonviolent civil disobedience, Gandhiled India to independence and inspired movements forcivil rights and freedom across the world. The honorificMahatma (Sanskrit: “high-souled”, “venerable”)[3])—applied to him first in 1914 in South Africa,[4]—is nowused worldwide. He is also called Bapu (Gujarati: en-dearment for “father”,[5] “papa”[5][6]) in India.Born and raised in a Hindu merchant caste family incoastal Gujarat, western India, and trained in law at theInner Temple, London, Gandhi first employed nonvio-lent civil disobedience as an expatriate lawyer in SouthAfrica, in the resident Indian community’s struggle forcivil rights. After his return to India in 1915, he setabout organising peasants, farmers, and urban labourersto protest against excessive land-tax and discrimination.Assuming leadership of the Indian National Congressin 1921, Gandhi led nationwide campaigns for easingpoverty, expanding women’s rights, building religious andethnic amity, ending untouchability, but above all forachieving Swaraj or self-rule.Gandhi famously led Indians in challenging the British-imposed salt tax with the 400 km (250 mi) Dandi SaltMarch in 1930, and later in calling for the British to QuitIndia in 1942. He was imprisoned for many years, uponmany occasions, in both South Africa and India. Gandhiattempted to practise nonviolence and truth in all situa-tions, and advocated that others do the same. He livedmodestly in a self-sufficient residential community andwore the traditional Indian dhoti and shawl, woven withyarn hand-spun on a charkha. He ate simple vegetarianfood, and also undertook long fasts as a means of bothself-purification and social protest.Gandhi’s vision of a free India based on religious plu-ralism, however, was challenged in the early 1940s bya new Muslim nationalism which was demanding a sep-arate Muslim homeland carved out of India.[7] Even-

tually, in August 1947, Britain granted independence,but the British Indian Empire[7] was partitioned intotwo dominions, a Hindu-majority India and MuslimPakistan.[8] As many displaced Hindus, Muslims, andSikhs made their way to their new lands, religious vio-lence broke out, especially in the Punjab and Bengal. Es-chewing the official celebration of independence in Delhi,Gandhi visited the affected areas, attempting to providesolace. In the months following, he undertook severalfasts unto death to promote religious harmony. The lastof these, undertaken on 12 January 1948 at age 78,[9] alsohad the indirect goal of pressuring India to pay out somecash assets owed to Pakistan.[9] Some Indians thoughtGandhi was too accommodating.[9][10] Nathuram Godse,a Hindu nationalist, assassinated Gandhi on 30 January1948 by firing three bullets into his chest at point-blankrange.[10]

Indians widely describe Gandhi as the father of the na-tion.[11][12] His birthday, 2 October, is commemorated asGandhi Jayanti, a national holiday, and world-wide as theInternational Day of Nonviolence.

3.1 Early life and background

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi[13] was born on 2 Oc-tober 1869[1] to a Hindu Modh Baniya family[14] inPorbandar (also known as Sudamapuri), a coastal townon the Kathiawar Peninsula and then part of the smallprincely state of Porbandar in the Kathiawar Agency ofthe Indian Empire. His father, Karamchand UttamchandGandhi (1822–1885), served as the diwan (chief minis-ter) of Porbandar state.The Gandhi family originated from the village of Kutianain what was then Junagadh State.[15] In the late 17th orearly 18th century, one Lalji Gandhi moved to Porban-dar and entered the service of its ruler, the Rana. Suc-cessive generations of the family served as civil servantsin the state administration before Uttamchand, Mohan-das’s grandfather, became diwan in the early 19th centuryunder the then Rana of Porbandar, Khimojiraji.[15][16]In 1831, Rana Khimojiraji died suddenly and was suc-ceeded by his 12-year-old only son, Vikmatji.[16] As a re-sult, Rana Khimojirajji’s widow, Rani Rupaliba, became

10

3.1. EARLY LIFE AND BACKGROUND 11

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in his earliest known photo,aged 7, c. 1876

Regent for her son. She soon fell out with Uttamchandand forced him to return to his ancestral village in Juna-gadh. While in Junagadh, Uttamchand appeared beforeits Nawab and saluted himwith his left hand instead of hisright, replying that his right hand was pledged to Porban-dar’s service.[15] In 1841, Vikmatji assumed the throneand reinstated Uttamchand as his diwan.In 1847, Rana Vikmatji appointed Uttamchand’s son,Karamchand, as diwan after disagreeing with Uttamc-hand over the state’s maintenance of a British garrison.[15]Although he only had an elementary education andhad previously been a clerk in the state administration,Karamchand proved a capable chief minister.[17] Duringhis tenure, Karamchand married four times. His first twowives died young, after each had given birth to a daughter,and his third marriage was childless. In 1857, Karamc-hand sought his third wife’s permission to remarry; thatyear, he married Putlibai (1844–1891), who also camefrom Junagadh,[15] and was from a Pranami Vaishnavafamily.[18][19][20][21] Karamchand and Putlibai had three

children over the ensuing decade, a son, Laxmidas (c.1860 – March 1914), a daughter, Raliatbehn (1862–1960) and another son, Karsandas (c. 1866–1913).[22][23]

On 2 October 1869, Putlibai gave birth to her last child,Mohandas, in a dark, windowless ground-floor room ofthe Gandhi family residence in Porbandar city. As achild, Gandhi was described by his sister Raliat as “rest-less as mercury...either playing or roaming about. One ofhis favourite pastimes was twisting dogs’ ears.”[24] The In-dian classics, especially the stories of Shravana and kingHarishchandra, had a great impact on Gandhi in his child-hood. In his autobiography, he admits that they left anindelible impression on his mind. He writes: “It hauntedme and I must have acted Harishchandra to myself timeswithout number.” Gandhi’s early self-identification withtruth and love as supreme values is traceable to these epiccharacters.[25][26]

The family’s religious background was eclectic. Gandhi’sfather was Hindu[27] and his mother was from a PranamiVaishnava family. Religious figures were frequent visi-tors to the home.[28] Gandhi was deeply influenced by hismother Putlibai, an extremely pious lady who “would notthink of taking her meals without her daily prayers...shewould take the hardest vows and keep them withoutflinching. To keep two or three consecutive fasts wasnothing to her.”[29]

In the year of Mohandas’s birth, Rana Vikmatji was ex-iled, stripped of direct administrative power and demotedin rank by the British political agent, after having orderedthe brutal executions of a slave and an Arab bodyguard.Possibly as a result, in 1874 Karamchand left Porbandarfor the smaller state of Rajkot, where he became a coun-sellor to its ruler, the Thakur Sahib; though Rajkot was aless prestigious state than Porbandar, the British regionalpolitical agency was located there, which gave the state’sdiwan a measure of security.[30] In 1876, Karamchandbecame diwan of Rajkot and was succeeded as diwan ofPorbandar by his brother Tulsidas. His family then re-joined him in Rajkot.[31]

On 21 January 1879, Mohandas entered the local taluk(district) school in Rajkot, not far from his home. Atschool, he was taught the rudiments of arithmetic, his-tory, the Gujarati language and geography.[31] Despitebeing only an average student in his year there, in Oc-tober 1880 he sat the entrance examinations for Kathi-awar High School, also in Rajkot. He passed the ex-aminations with a creditable average of 64 percent andwas enrolled the following year.[32] During his years atthe high school, Mohandas intensively studied the En-glish language for the first time, along with continuing hislessons in arithmetic, Gujarati, history and geography.[32]His attendance and marks remained mediocre to average,possibly due to Karamchand falling ill in 1882 and Mo-handas spendingmore time at home as a result.[32] Gandhishone neither in the classroom nor on the playing field.One of the terminal reports rated him as “good at En-

12 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

glish, fair in Arithmetic and weak in Geography; conductvery good, bad handwriting”.While at high school, Mohandas came into contact withstudents of other castes and faiths, including several Par-sis and Muslims. A Muslim friend of his elder brotherKarsandas, named Sheikh Mehtab, befriended Mohan-das and encouraged the strictly vegetarian boy to try eat-ing meat to improve his stamina. He also took Mohandasto a brothel one day, though Mohandas “was struck blindand dumb in this den of vice,” rebuffed the prostitutes’ ad-vances and was promptly sent out of the brothel. As ex-perimenting with meat-eating and carnal pleasures onlybrought Mohandas mental anguish, he abandoned bothand the company of Mehtab, though they would maintaintheir association for many years afterwards.[33]

In May 1883, the 13-year-old Mohandas was married to14-year-old Kasturbai Makhanji Kapadia (her first namewas usually shortened to “Kasturba”, and affectionatelyto “Ba”) in an arranged child marriage, according to thecustom of the region.[34] In the process, he lost a year atschool.[35] Recalling the day of their marriage, he oncesaid, “As we didn't know much about marriage, for us itmeant only wearing new clothes, eating sweets and play-ing with relatives.” However, as was prevailing tradition,the adolescent bride was to spend much time at her par-ents’ house, and away from her husband.[36]Writingmanyyears later, Mohandas described with regret the lustfulfeelings he felt for his young bride, “even at school I usedto think of her, and the thought of nightfall and our sub-sequent meeting was ever haunting me.”[37]

In late 1885, Karamchand died, on a night when Mohan-das had just left his father to sleep with his wife, despitethe fact she was pregnant.[38] The couple’s first child wasborn shortly after, but survived only a few days. The dou-ble tragedy haunted Mohandas throughout his life, “theshame, to which I have referred in a foregoing chapter,was this of my carnal desire even at the critical hour ofmy father’s death, which demanded wakeful service. It isa blot I have never been able to efface or forget...I wasweighed and found unpardonably wanting because mymind was at the same moment in the grip of lust.[38][39]Mohandas and Kasturba had four more children, all sons:Harilal, born in 1888; Manilal, born in 1892; Ramdas,born in 1897; and Devdas, born in 1900.[34]

In November 1887, he sat the regional matriculation ex-ams in Ahmedabad, writing exams in arithmetic, his-tory, geography, natural science, English and Gujarati.He passed with an overall average of 40 percent, ranking404th of 823 successful matriculates.[40] In January 1888,he enrolled at Samaldas College in Bhavnagar State, thenthe sole degree-granting institution of higher educationin the region. During his first and only term there, hesuffered from headaches and strong feelings of home-sickness, did very poorly in his exams in April and with-drew from the college at the end of the term, returning toPorbandar.[41]

3.2 English barrister

Gandhi and his wife Kasturba (1902)

As the best-educated of his brothers, Gandhi was seen byhis family as the best candidate to one day succeed hisfather and his uncle Tulsidas as diwan.[42] Mavji Dave,a Brahmin priest and family friend, advised Gandhi andhis family that he should qualify as a barrister in Lon-don, after which he would be certain to achieve the di-wanship.[43] Initially, Putlibai did not want her youngestson to leave India and travel across the “black waters”,thereby losing his caste. Gandhi’s uncle Tulsidas alsotried to dissuade his nephew. Finally, Gandhi made a vowto his mother in the presence of a Jain monk to observethe precepts of sexual abstinence as well as abstinencefrom meat and alcohol, after which Putlibai gave her per-mission and blessing.[44][45] In July, Kasturba gave birthto the couple’s first surviving son, Harilal.[46]

On 10August, Gandhi left Porbandar for Bombay (Mum-bai). Upon arrival in the port, he was met by the head ofthe Modh Bania community, who had known Gandhi’sfamily. Having learned of Gandhi’s plans, he and otherelders warned Gandhi that he would be excommunicatedif he did not obey their wishes and remain in India. AfterGandhi reiterated his intentions to leave for England, theelders declared him an outcast.[47]

In London, Gandhi studied law and jurisprudence and en-rolled at the Inner Temple with the intention of becominga barrister. His time in London was influenced by the vowhe had made to his mother. Gandhi tried to adopt “En-glish” customs, including taking dancing lessons. How-ever, he could not appreciate the bland vegetarian foodoffered by his landlady and was frequently hungry untilhe found one of London’s few vegetarian restaurants. In-fluenced by Henry Salt’s writing, he joined the VegetarianSociety, was elected to its executive committee,[48] andstarted a local Bayswater chapter.[20] Some of the vege-tarians he met were members of the Theosophical Soci-ety, which had been founded in 1875 to further univer-sal brotherhood, and which was devoted to the study ofBuddhist and Hindu literature. They encouraged Gandhito join them in reading the Bhagavad Gita both in trans-lation as well as in the original.[48] Not having shown in-

3.3. CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST IN SOUTH AFRICA (1893–1914) 13

terest in religion before, he became interested in religiousthought.Gandhi was called to the bar in June 1891 and then leftLondon for India, where he learned that his mother haddied while he was in London and that his family had keptthe news from him.[48] His attempts at establishing a lawpractice in Bombay failed because he was psychologicallyunable to cross-question witnesses. He returned to Rajkotto make a modest living drafting petitions for litigants,but he was forced to stop when he ran foul of a Britishofficer.[20][48] In 1893, he accepted a year-long contractfrom Dada Abdulla & Co., an Indian firm, to a post inthe Colony of Natal, South Africa, a part of the BritishEmpire.[20]

3.3 Civil rights activist in SouthAfrica (1893–1914)

Gandhi in South Africa (1895)

Gandhi was 24 when he arrived in South Africa[49] towork as a legal representative for the Muslim IndianTraders based in the city of Pretoria.[50] He spent 21 yearsin South Africa, where he developed his political views,ethics and political leadership skills.Indians in South Africa were led by wealthy Muslims,who employed Gandhi as a lawyer, and by impoverishedHindu indentured labourers with very limited rights.Gandhi considered them all to be Indians, taking a life-time view that “Indianness” transcended religion andcaste. He believed he could bridge historic differences,especially regarding religion, and he took that belief backto India where he tried to implement it. The SouthAfrican experience exposed handicaps to Gandhi that hehad not known about. He realised he was out of contactwith the enormous complexities of religious and culturallife in India, and believed he understood India by gettingto know and leading Indians in South Africa.[51]

In SouthAfrica, Gandhi faced the discrimination directed

at all coloured people. He was thrown off a train atPietermaritzburg after refusing to move from the first-class. He protested and was allowed on first class thenext day.[52] Travelling farther on by stagecoach, he wasbeaten by a driver for refusing to move to make room fora European passenger.[53] He suffered other hardships onthe journey as well, including being barred from severalhotels. In another incident, the magistrate of a Durbancourt ordered Gandhi to remove his turban, which he re-fused to do.[54]

These events were a turning point in Gandhi’s life andshaped his social activism and awakened him to social in-justice. After witnessing racism, prejudice and injusticeagainst Indians in South Africa, Gandhi began to ques-tion his place in society and his people’s standing in theBritish Empire.[55]

Gandhi with the stretcher-bearers of the Indian AmbulanceCorps

Gandhi extended his original period of stay in SouthAfrica to assist Indians in opposing a bill to deny themthe right to vote. He asked Joseph Chamberlain, theBritish Colonial Secretary, to reconsider his position onthis bill.[50] Though unable to halt the bill’s passage,his campaign was successful in drawing attention to thegrievances of Indians in South Africa. He helped foundthe Natal Indian Congress in 1894,[20][52] and through thisorganisation, he moulded the Indian community of SouthAfrica into a unified political force. In January 1897,when Gandhi landed in Durban, a mob of white settlersattacked him[56] and he escaped only through the effortsof the wife of the police superintendent. However, he re-fused to press charges against any member of the mob,stating it was one of his principles not to seek redress fora personal wrong in a court of law.[20]

In 1906, the Transvaal government promulgated a newAct compelling registration of the colony’s Indian pop-ulation. At a mass protest meeting held in Johannesburgon 11 September that year, Gandhi adopted his still evolv-ing methodology of Satyagraha (devotion to the truth), ornonviolent protest, for the first time.[57] He urged Indiansto defy the new law and to suffer the punishments for do-ing so. The community adopted this plan, and during theensuing seven-year struggle, thousands of Indians werejailed, flogged, or shot for striking, refusing to register,

14 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

for burning their registration cards or engaging in otherforms of nonviolent resistance. The government success-fully repressed the Indian protesters, but the public out-cry over the harsh treatment of peaceful Indian protestersby the South African government forced South Africanleader Jan Christiaan Smuts, himself a philosopher, to ne-gotiate a compromise with Gandhi. Gandhi’s ideas tookshape, and the concept of Satyagrahamatured during thisstruggle.

3.3.1 Gandhi and the Africans

Gandhi photographed in South Africa (1909)

Gandhi focused his attention on Indians while in SouthAfrica and opposed the idea that Indians should be treatedat the same level as native Africans while in SouthAfrica.[58][59][60] He also stated that he believed “thatthe white race of South Africa should be the predom-inating race.”[61] After several treatments he receivedfrom Whites in South Africa, Gandhi began to changehis thinking and apparently increased his interest inpolitics.[62] White rule enforced strict segregation amongall races and generated conflict between these communi-ties. Bhana and Vahed argue that Gandhi, at first, sharedracial notions prevalent of the times and that his experi-ences in jail sensitised him to the plight of South Africa’sindigenous peoples.[63]

During the Boer War, Gandhi volunteered in 1900 toform a group of ambulance drivers. He wanted to dis-prove the British idea that Hindus were not fit for “manly”activities involving danger and exertion. Gandhi raisedeleven hundred Indian volunteers. They were trained and

medically certified to serve on the front lines. At SpionKop Gandhi and his bearers had to carry wounded sol-diers for miles to a field hospital because the terrain wastoo rough for the ambulances. Gandhi was pleased whensomeone said that European ambulance corpsmen couldnot make the trip under the heat without food or water.General Redvers Buller mentioned the courage of the In-dians in his dispatch. Gandhi and thirty-seven other In-dians received the War Medal.[64]

In 1906, when the British declared war against the ZuluKingdom in Natal, Gandhi encouraged the British torecruit Indians.[65] He argued that Indians should sup-port the war efforts to legitimise their claims to fullcitizenship.[65] The British accepted Gandhi’s offer to leta detachment of 20 Indians volunteer as a stretcher-bearercorps to treat wounded British soldiers. This corps wascommanded by Gandhi and operated for less than twomonths.[66] The experience taught him it was hopelessto directly challenge the overwhelming military power ofthe British army—he decided it could only be resisted innonviolent fashion by the pure of heart.[67]

In 1910, Gandhi established an idealistic communitycalled 'Tolstoy Farm' near Johannesburg, where he nur-tured his policy of peaceful resistance.[68]

After blacks gained the right to vote in South Africa,Gandhi was proclaimed a national hero with numerousmonuments.[69]

3.4 Struggle for Indian Indepen-dence (1915–47)

See also: Indian independence movement

At the request of Gokhale, conveyed to him by C.F. An-drews, Gandhi returned to India in 1915. He broughtan international reputation as a leading Indian national-ist, theorist and organiser. He joined the Indian NationalCongress and was introduced to Indian issues, politics andthe Indian people primarily by Gopal Krishna Gokhale.Gokhale was a key leader of the Congress Party bestknown for his restraint and moderation, and his insistenceon working inside the system. Gandhi took Gokhale’s lib-eral approach based on British Whiggish traditions andtransformed it to make it look wholly Indian.[70]

Gandhi took leadership of the Congress in 1920 and be-gan escalating demands until on 26 January 1930 the In-dian National Congress declared the independence of In-dia. The British did not recognise the declaration butnegotiations ensued, with the Congress taking a role inprovincial government in the late 1930s. Gandhi andthe Congress withdrew their support of the Raj when theViceroy declared war on Germany in September 1939without consultation. Tensions escalated until Gandhi de-manded immediate independence in 1942 and the British

3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 15

responded by imprisoning him and tens of thousandsof Congress leaders. Meanwhile, the Muslim Leaguedid co-operate with Britain and moved, against Gandhi’sstrong opposition, to demands for a totally separate Mus-lim state of Pakistan. In August 1947 the British parti-tioned the land with India and Pakistan each achievingindependence on terms that Gandhi disapproved.[71]

3.4.1 Role in World War I

See also: The role of India in World War I

In April 1918, during the latter part of World War I, theViceroy invited Gandhi to a War Conference in Delhi.[72]Perhaps to show his support for the Empire and help hiscase for India’s independence,[73] Gandhi agreed to ac-tively recruit Indians for the war effort.[74] In contrast tothe Zulu War of 1906 and the outbreak of World War Iin 1914, when he recruited volunteers for the AmbulanceCorps, this time Gandhi attempted to recruit combatants.In a June 1918 leaflet entitled “Appeal for Enlistment”,Gandhi wrote “To bring about such a state of things weshould have the ability to defend ourselves, that is, theability to bear arms and to use them...If we want to learnthe use of arms with the greatest possible despatch, it isour duty to enlist ourselves in the army.”[75] He did, how-ever, stipulate in a letter to the Viceroy’s private secretarythat he “personally will not kill or injure anybody, friendor foe.”[76]

Gandhi’s war recruitment campaign brought into questionhis consistency on nonviolence. Gandhi’s private secre-tary noted that “The question of the consistency betweenhis creed of 'Ahimsa' (nonviolence) and his recruitingcampaign was raised not only then but has been discussedever since.”[74]

3.4.2 Champaran and Kheda

Main article: Champaran and Kheda SatyagrahaGandhi’s first major achievements came in 1918 withthe Champaran and Kheda agitations of Bihar and Gu-jarat. The Champaran agitation pitted the local peasantryagainst their largely British landlords who were backedby the local administration. The peasantry was forced togrow Indigo, a cash crop whose demand had been declin-ing over two decades, and were forced to sell their cropsto the planters at a fixed price. Unhappy with this, thepeasantry appealed to Gandhi at his ashram in Ahmed-abad. Pursuing a strategy of nonviolent protest, Gandhitook the administration by surprise and won concessionsfrom the authorities.[77]

In 1918, Khedawas hit by floods and famine and the peas-antry was demanding relief from taxes. Gandhi movedhis headquarters to Nadiad,[78] organising scores of sup-porters and fresh volunteers from the region, the most no-

Gandhi in 1918, at the time of the Kheda and Champaran Satya-grahas

table being Vallabhbhai Patel.[79] Using non-cooperationas a technique, Gandhi initiated a signature campaignwhere peasants pledged non-payment of revenue even un-der the threat of confiscation of land. A social boycottof mamlatdars and talatdars (revenue officials within thedistrict) accompanied the agitation. Gandhi worked hardto win public support for the agitation across the country.For five months, the administration refused but finally inend-May 1918, the Government gave way on importantprovisions and relaxed the conditions of payment of rev-enue tax until the famine ended. In Kheda, Vallabhb-hai Patel represented the farmers in negotiations with theBritish, who suspended revenue collection and releasedall the prisoners.[80]

3.4.3 Khilafat movement

In 1919, Gandhi, with his weak position in Congress,decided to broaden his political base by increasing hisappeal to Muslims. The opportunity came in the formof the Khilafat movement, a worldwide protest by Mus-lims against the collapsing status of the Caliph, the leaderof their religion. The Ottoman Empire had lost theFirst World War and was dismembered, as Muslimsfeared for the safety of the holy places and the prestige

16 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

of their religion.[81] Although Gandhi did not originatethe All-India Muslim Conference,[82] which directed themovement in India, he soon became its most prominentspokesman and attracted a strong base of Muslim sup-port with local chapters in all Muslim centres in India.[83]As a mark of solidarity with Indian Muslims he returnedthe medals that had been bestowed on him by the Britishgovernment for his work in the Boer and Zulu Wars. Hebelieved that the British government was not being hon-est in its dealings with Muslims on the Khilafat issue.His success made him India’s first national leader with amulticultural base and facilitated his rise to power withinCongress, which had previously been unable to influencemany Indian Muslims. In 1920 Gandhi became a majorleader in Congress.[84][85] By the end of 1922 the Khilafatmovement had collapsed.[86]

Gandhi always fought against “communalism”, which pit-ted Muslims against Hindus in Indian politics, but hecould not reverse the rapid growth of communalism after1922. Deadly religious riots broke out in numerous cities,including 91 in Uttar Pradesh alone.[87][88] At the leader-ship level, the proportion of Muslims among delegates toCongress fell sharply, from 11% in 1921 to under 4% in1923.[89]

3.4.4 Non-cooperation

Main article: Non-cooperation movementIn his famous bookHind Swaraj (1909) Gandhi declared

Mahatma Gandhi spinning yarn, in the late 1920s

that British rule was established in India with the co-operation of Indians and had survived only because of thisco-operation. If Indians refused to co-operate, Britishrule would collapse and swaraj would come.[90]

With Congress now behind him in 1920, Gandhi had thebase to employ non-cooperation, nonviolence and peace-ful resistance as his “weapons” in the struggle against theBritish Raj. His wide popularity among both Hindus andMuslims made his leadership possible; he even convincedthe extreme faction of Muslims to support peaceful non-cooperation.[83] The spark that ignited a national protest

was overwhelming anger at the Jallianwala Baghmassacre(or Amritsar massacre) of hundreds of peaceful civiliansby British troops in Punjab. Many Britons celebrated theaction as needed to prevent another violent uprising simi-lar to the Rebellion of 1857, an attitude that caused manyIndian leaders to decide the Raj was controlled by theirenemies. Gandhi criticised both the actions of the BritishRaj and the retaliatory violence of Indians. He authoredthe resolution offering condolences to British civilian vic-tims and condemning the riots which, after initial oppo-sition in the party, was accepted following Gandhi’s emo-tional speech advocating his principle that all violencewas evil and could not be justified.[91]

After the massacre and subsequent violence, Gandhi be-gan to focus on winning complete self-government andcontrol of all Indian government institutions, maturingsoon into Swaraj or complete individual, spiritual, politi-cal independence.[92] During this period, Gandhi claimedto be a “highly orthodox Hindu" and in January 1921during a speech at a temple in Vadtal, he spoke of therelevance of non-cooperation to Hindu Dharma, “At thisholy place, I declare, if you want to protect your 'HinduDharma', non-cooperation is first as well as the last lessonyou must learn up.”[93]

Sabarmati Ashram, Gandhi’s home in Gujarat as seen in 2006.

In December 1921, Gandhi was invested with executiveauthority on behalf of the Indian National Congress. Un-der his leadership, the Congress was reorganised with anew constitution, with the goal of Swaraj. Membership inthe party was opened to anyone prepared to pay a tokenfee. A hierarchy of committees was set up to improvediscipline, transforming the party from an elite organisa-tion to one of mass national appeal. Gandhi expanded hisnonviolence platform to include the swadeshi policy—theboycott of foreign-made goods, especially British goods.Linked to this was his advocacy that khadi (homespuncloth) be worn by all Indians instead of British-made tex-tiles. Gandhi exhorted Indian men and women, rich or

3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 17

poor, to spend time each day spinning khadi in supportof the independence movement.[94]

Gandhi even invented a small, portable spinning wheelthat could be folded into the size of a small typewriter.[95]This was a strategy to inculcate discipline and dedicationto weeding out the unwilling and ambitious and to includewomen in themovement at a timewhenmany thought thatsuch activities were not respectable activities for women.In addition to boycotting British products, Gandhi urgedthe people to boycott British educational institutions andlaw courts, to resign from government employment, andto forsake British titles and honours.[96]

“Non-cooperation” enjoyed widespread appeal and suc-cess, increasing excitement and participation from allstrata of Indian society. Yet, just as the movementreached its apex, it ended abruptly as a result of a violentclash in the town of Chauri Chaura, Uttar Pradesh, inFebruary 1922. Fearing that the movement was aboutto take a turn towards violence, and convinced that thiswould be the undoing of all his work, Gandhi calledoff the campaign of mass civil disobedience.[97] Thiswas the third time that Gandhi had called off a majorcampaign.[98] Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922,tried for sedition, and sentenced to six years’ imprison-ment. He began his sentence on 18 March 1922. He wasreleased in February 1924 for an appendicitis operation,having served only two years.[99]

Without Gandhi’s unifying personality, the Indian Na-tional Congress began to splinter during his years inprison, splitting into two factions, one led by Chitta Ran-jan Das and Motilal Nehru favouring party participa-tion in the legislatures, and the other led by ChakravartiRajagopalachari and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, oppos-ing this move. Furthermore, co-operation among Hindusand Muslims, which had been strong at the height of thenonviolence campaign, was breaking down. Gandhi at-tempted to bridge these differences through many means,including a three-week fast in the autumn of 1924, butwith limited success.[100] In this year, Gandhi was per-suaded to preside over the Congress session to be heldin Belgaum. Gandhi agreed to become president of thesession on one condition: that Congressmen should taketo wearing homespun khadi. In his long political career,this was the only time when he presided over a Congresssession.[101]

3.4.5 Salt Satyagraha (Salt March)

Main article: Salt SatyagrahaGandhi stayed out of active politics and, as such, thelimelight for most of the 1920s. He focused instead onresolving the wedge between the Swaraj Party and the In-dian National Congress, and expanding initiatives againstuntouchability, alcoholism, ignorance, and poverty. Hereturned to the fore in 1928. In the preceding year,the British government had appointed a new constitu-

Original footage of Gandhi and his followers marching to Dandiin the Salt Satyagraha

tional reform commission under Sir John Simon, whichdid not include any Indian as its member. The resultwas a boycott of the commission by Indian political par-ties. Gandhi pushed through a resolution at the CalcuttaCongress in December 1928 calling on the British gov-ernment to grant India dominion status or face a new cam-paign of non-cooperation with complete independencefor the country as its goal. Gandhi had not only moder-ated the views of younger men like Subhas Chandra Boseand Jawaharlal Nehru, who sought a demand for imme-diate independence, but also reduced his own call to aone-year wait, instead of two.[102]

The British did not respond. On 31 December 1929, theflag of India was unfurled in Lahore. 26 January 1930was celebrated as India’s Independence Day by the IndianNational Congress meeting in Lahore. This day was com-memorated by almost every other Indian organisation.Gandhi then launched a new Satyagraha against the tax onsalt in March 1930. This was highlighted by the famousSalt March to Dandi from 12 March to 6 April, where hemarched 388 kilometres (241 mi) from Ahmedabad toDandi, Gujarat to make salt himself. Thousands of Indi-ans joined him on this march to the sea. This campaignwas one of his most successful at upsetting British holdon India; Britain responded by imprisoning over 60,000people.[103]

Women

Gandhi strongly favoured the emancipation of women,and he went so far as to say that “the women have come tolook upon me as one of themselves.” He opposed purdah,child marriage, untouchability, and the extreme oppres-sion of Hindu widows, up to and including sati. He espe-cially recruited women to participate in the salt tax cam-paigns and the boycott of foreign products.[104] Sarmaconcludes that Gandhi’s success in enlisting women inhis campaigns, including the salt tax campaign, the anti-untouchability campaign and the peasant movement, gave

18 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

Mahadev Desai (left) reading out a letter to Gandhi from theViceroy at Birla House, Bombay, 7 April 1939

many women a new self-confidence and dignity in themainstream of Indian public life.[105]

Gandhi as folk hero

Congress in the 1920s appealed to peasants by portray-ing Gandhi as a sort of messiah, a strategy that succeededin incorporating radical forces within the peasantry intothe nonviolent resistance movement. In thousands of vil-lages plays were performed that presented Gandhi as thereincarnation of earlier Indian nationalist leaders, or evenas a demigod. The plays built support among illiteratepeasants steeped in traditional Hindu culture. Similarmessianic imagery appeared in popular songs and poems,and in Congress-sponsored religious pageants and cele-brations. The result was that Gandhi became not only afolk hero but the Congress was widely seen in the villagesas his sacred instrument.[106]

Negotiations

The government, represented by Lord Edward Irwin, de-cided to negotiate with Gandhi. The Gandhi–Irwin Pactwas signed in March 1931. The British Governmentagreed to free all political prisoners, in return for the sus-pension of the civil disobedience movement. Also as aresult of the pact, Gandhi was invited to attend the RoundTable Conference in London as the sole representative ofthe Indian National Congress. The conference was a dis-appointment to Gandhi and the nationalists, because it fo-

A 1932 cartoon; Lord Willingdon goes on hunger strike to forceMr. Gandhi to admit the new constitution as “touchable”

cused on the Indian princes and Indian minorities ratherthan on a transfer of power. Lord Irwin’s successor, LordWillingdon, taking a hard line against nationalism, begana new campaign of controlling and subduing the nation-alist movement. Gandhi was again arrested, and the gov-ernment tried and failed to negate his influence by com-pletely isolating him from his followers.[107]

In Britain, Winston Churchill, a prominent Conservativepolitician who was then out of office, became a vigorousand articulate critic of Gandhi and opponent of his long-term plans. Churchill often ridiculed Gandhi, saying in awidely reported 1931 speech:

It is alarming and also nauseating to see MrGandhi, a seditious Middle Temple lawyer,now posing as a fakir of a type well knownin the East, striding half-naked up the stepsof the Vice-regal palace....to parley on equalterms with the representative of the King-Emperor.[108]

3.4.6 Untouchables

In 1932, through the campaigning of the Dalit leader B.R. Ambedkar, the government granted untouchables sep-arate electorates under the new constitution, known as theCommunal Award. In protest, Gandhi embarked on asix-day fast on 20 September 1932, while he was impris-oned at the Yerwada Jail, Pune.[109] The resulting pub-lic outcry successfully forced the government to adopt anequitable arrangement (Poona Pact) through negotiationsmediated by Palwankar Baloo.[109] This was the start ofa new campaign by Gandhi to improve the lives of theuntouchables, whom he named Harijans, the children ofGod.[110] On 8 September 1931, Gandhi who was sailingon SS Rajputana, to the second Round Table Conferencein London, met Meher Baba in his cabin on board theship, and discussed issues of untouchables, politics, stateIndependence and spirituality[111]

On 8 May 1933, Gandhi began a 21-day fast of self-

3.4. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1915–47) 19

purification and launched a one-year campaign to helpthe Harijan movement.[112] This new campaign was notuniversally embraced within the Dalit community, asAmbedkar condemned Gandhi’s use of the term Hari-jans as saying that Dalits were socially immature, andthat privileged caste Indians played a paternalistic role.Ambedkar and his allies also felt Gandhi was undermin-ing Dalit political rights. Gandhi had also refused to sup-port the untouchables in 1924–25 when they were cam-paigning for the right to pray in temples. Because ofGandhi’s actions, Ambedkar described him as “deviousand untrustworthy”.[98] Gandhi, although born into theVaishya caste, insisted that he was able to speak on be-half of Dalits, despite the presence of Dalit activists suchas Ambedkar.[113] Gandhi and Ambedkar often clashedbecause Ambedkar sought to remove the Dalits out of theHindu community, while Gandhi tried to save Hinduismby exorcising untouchability. Ambedkar complained thatGandhi moved too slowly, while Hindu traditionalists saidGandhi was a dangerous radical who rejected scripture.Guha noted in 2012 that, “Ideologues have carried theseold rivalries into the present, with the demonization ofGandhi now common among politicians who presume tospeak in Ambedkar’s name.”[114]

3.4.7 Congress politics

In 1934 Gandhi resigned from Congress party mem-bership. He did not disagree with the party’s positionbut felt that if he resigned, his popularity with Indianswould cease to stifle the party’s membership, which actu-ally varied, including communists, socialists, trade union-ists, students, religious conservatives, and those with pro-business convictions, and that these various voices wouldget a chance to make themselves heard. Gandhi alsowanted to avoid being a target for Raj propaganda by lead-ing a party that had temporarily accepted political accom-modation with the Raj.[115]

Gandhi returned to active politics again in 1936, withthe Nehru presidency and the Lucknow session of theCongress. Although Gandhi wanted a total focus onthe task of winning independence and not speculationabout India’s future, he did not restrain the Congress fromadopting socialism as its goal. Gandhi had a clash withSubhas Chandra Bose, who had been elected president in1938, and who had previously expressed a lack of faith innonviolence as a means of protest.[116] Despite Gandhi’sopposition, Bose won a second term as Congress Pres-ident, against Gandhi’s nominee, Dr. Pattabhi Sitara-mayya; but left the Congress when the All-India lead-ers resigned en masse in protest of his abandonment ofthe principles introduced by Gandhi.[117][118] Gandhi de-clared that Sitaramayya’s defeat was his defeat.[119]

3.4.8 World War II and Quit India

Main article: Quit India MovementGandhi initially favoured offering “nonviolent moral sup-

Gandhi and Nehru in 1942

port” to the British effort whenWorld War II broke out in1939, but the Congressional leaders were offended by theunilateral inclusion of India in the war without consulta-tion of the people’s representatives. All Congressmen re-signed from office.[120] After long deliberations, Gandhideclared that India could not be party to a war ostensi-bly being fought for democratic freedom while that free-dom was denied to India itself. As the war progressed,Gandhi intensified his demand for independence, callingfor the British to Quit India in a speech at Gowalia TankMaidan. This was Gandhi’s and the Congress Party’smost definitive revolt aimed at securing the British exitfrom India.[121]

Gandhi was criticised by some Congress party membersand other Indian political groups, both pro-British andanti-British. Some felt that not supporting Britain morein its struggle against Nazi Germany was unethical. Oth-ers felt that Gandhi’s refusal for India to participate in thewar was insufficient and more direct opposition should betaken, while Britain fought against Nazism, it continuedto refuse to grant India Independence. Quit India becamethe most forceful movement in the history of the strug-gle, with mass arrests and violence on an unprecedentedscale.[122]

In 1942, although still committed in his efforts to “launcha nonviolent movement”, Gandhi clarified that the move-ment would not be stopped by individual acts of violence,saying that the “ordered anarchy” of “the present system ofadministration” was “worse than real anarchy.” [123][124]

He called on all Congressmen and Indians to maintaindiscipline via ahimsa, and Karo ya maro (“Do or die”) in

20 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

the cause of ultimate freedom.[125]

Gandhi and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Bombay, 1944

Gandhi and the entire Congress Working Committeewere arrested in Bombay by the British on 9 August 1942.Gandhi was held for two years in the Aga Khan Palacein Pune. It was here that Gandhi suffered two terribleblows in his personal life. His 50-year-old secretary Ma-hadev Desai died of a heart attack 6 days later and hiswife Kasturba died after 18 months’ imprisonment on 22February 1944; six weeks later Gandhi suffered a severemalaria attack. He was released before the end of the waron 6 May 1944 because of his failing health and neces-sary surgery; the Raj did not want him to die in prison andenrage the nation. He came out of detention to an alteredpolitical scene—the Muslim League for example, whicha few years earlier had appeared marginal, “now occu-pied the centre of the political stage”[126] and the topicof Muhammad Ali Jinnah's campaign for Pakistan wasa major talking point. Gandhi met Jinnah in September1944 in Bombay but Jinnah rejected, on the grounds thatit fell short of a fully independent Pakistan, his proposalof the right of Muslim provinces to opt out of substantialparts of the forthcoming political union.[127][128]

While the leaders of Congress languished in jail, theother parties supported the war and gained organizationalstrength. Underground publications flailed at the ruth-less suppression of Congress, but it had little control overevents.[129] At the end of the war, the British gave clear in-dications that power would be transferred to Indian hands.At this point Gandhi called off the struggle, and around100,000 political prisoners were released, including theCongress’s leadership.[130]

3.4.9 Partition and independence, 1947

See also: Partition of IndiaAs a rule, Gandhi was opposed to the concept of partitionas it contradicted his vision of religious unity.[131] Con-cerning the partition of India to create Pakistan, whilethe Indian National Congress and Gandhi called for theBritish to quit India, the Muslim League passed a reso-lution for them to divide and quit, in 1943.[132] Gandhisuggested an agreement which required the Congress and

Gandhi in 1947, with Lord Louis Mountbatten, Britain’s lastViceroy of India, and his wife Vicereine Edwina Mountbatten.

Muslim League to co-operate and attain independenceunder a provisional government, thereafter, the questionof partition could be resolved by a plebiscite in the dis-tricts with aMuslimmajority.[133] When Jinnah called forDirect Action, on 16 August 1946, Gandhi was infuri-ated and personally visited the most riot-prone areas tostop the massacres.[134] He made strong efforts to unitethe Indian Hindus, Muslims, and Christians and strug-gled for the emancipation of the "untouchables" in Hindusociety.[135]

India’s partition and independence were accompanied bymore than half a million killed in riots as 10–12 millionHindus, Sikhs and Muslims crossed the borders dividingIndia and Pakistan.[136] Gandhi, having vowed to spendthe day of independence fasting and spinning, was in Cal-cutta on August 15, 1947 where he prayed, confrontedrioters and worked with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy tostop the communal killing.[137] But for his teachings, theefforts of his followers, and his own presence, there per-haps could have been much more bloodshed during thepartition, according to prominent Norwegian historian,Jens Arup Seip.[138]

Stanley Wolpert has argued, the “plan to carve up BritishIndia was never approved of or accepted by Gandhi...whorealised too late that his closest comrades and discipleswere more interested in power than principle, and that hisown vision had long been clouded by the illusion that thestruggle he led for India’s independence was a nonviolentone.”[139]

3.5 Assassination

See also: Assassination of Mahatma GandhiMohandas Karamchand Gandhi was assassinated in thegarden of the former Birla House (now Gandhi Smriti)at 5:17 pm on 30 January 1948. Accompanied by hisgrandnieces, Gandhi was on his way to address a prayermeeting, when his assassin, Nathuram Godse, fired three

3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 21

Memorial at the former Birla House, New Delhi, where Gandhiwas assassinated at 5:17 pm on 30 January 1948 on his wayto a prayer meeting. Stylised footsteps are shown leading to thememorial.

bullets from a Beretta 9 mm pistol into his chest atpoint-blank range.[140] Godse was a Hindu nationalistwith links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha, who heldGandhi guilty of favouring Pakistan and strongly op-posed the doctrine of nonviolence.[141] Godse and his co-conspirator were tried and executed in 1949. Gandhi’smemorial (or Samādhi) at Rāj Ghāt, New Delhi, bearsthe epigraph “Hē Ram” (Devanagari: ! or, HeRām), which may be translated as “Oh God”. Theseare widely believed to be Gandhi’s last words afterhe was shot, though the veracity of this statement hasbeen disputed.[142] Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru ad-dressed the nation through radio:[143]

Friends and comrades, the light has goneout of our lives, and there is darkness every-where, and I do not quite know what to tell youor how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu aswe called him, the father of the nation, is nomore. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; never-theless, we will not see him again, as we haveseen him for these many years, we will not runto him for advice or seek solace from him,and that is a terrible blow, not only for me,but for millions and millions in this country.—Jawaharlal Nehru’s address to Gandhi[144]

Gandhi’s death was mourned nationwide. Over two mil-lion people joined the five-mile long funeral processionthat took over five hours to reach Raj Ghat from Birlahouse, where he was assassinated. Gandhi’s body wastransported on a weapons carrier, whose chassis was dis-mantled overnight to allow a high-floor to be installed sothat people could catch a glimpse of his body. The en-gine of the vehicle was not used, instead four drag-ropesmanned by 50 people each pulled the vehicle.[145] AllIndian-owned establishments in London remained closedinmourning as thousands of people from all faiths and de-nominations and Indians from all over Britain converged

at India House in London.[146]

While India mourned and communal (inter-religious) vi-olence escalated, there were calls for retaliation, and evenan invasion of Pakistan by the Indian army. Nehru andPatel, the two strongest figures in the government and inCongress, had been pulling in opposite directions; the as-sassination pushed them together. They agreed the firstobjective must be to calm the hysteria.[147] They calledon Indians to honour Gandhi’s memory and even morehis ideals.[148] They used the assassination to consolidatethe authority of the new Indian state. The governmentmade sure everyone knew the guilty party was not a Mus-lim. Congress tightly controlled the epic public displaysof grief over a two-week period—the funeral, mortuaryrituals and distribution of the martyr’s ashes—as millionsparticipated and hundreds of millions watched. The goalwas to assert the power of the government and legitimisethe Congress Party’s control. This move built upon themassive outpouring of Hindu expressions of grief. Thegovernment suppressed the RSS, the Muslim NationalGuards, and the Khaksars, with some 200,000 arrests.Gandhi’s death and funeral linked the distant state withthe Indian people and made more understand why reli-gious parties were being suppressed during the transitionto independence for the Indian people.[149]

3.5.1 Ashes

By Hindu tradition the ashes were to be spread on ariver. Gandhi’s ashes were poured into urns which weresent across India for memorial services.[150] Most wereimmersed at the Sangam at Allahabad on 12 February1948, but some were secretly taken away. In 1997,Tushar Gandhi immersed the contents of one urn, foundin a bank vault and reclaimed through the courts, at theSangam at Allahabad.[151][152] Some of Gandhi’s asheswere scattered at the source of the Nile River near Jinja,Uganda, and a memorial plaque marks the event. On 30January 2008, the contents of another urn were immersedat Girgaum Chowpatty. Another urn is at the palace ofthe Aga Khan in Pune[151] (where Gandhi had been im-prisoned from 1942 to 1944) and another in the Self-Realization Fellowship Lake Shrine in Los Angeles.[153]

3.6 Principles, practices and beliefs

Main article: Gandhism

Gandhism designates the ideas and principles Gandhipromoted. Of central importance is nonviolent resis-tance. A Gandhian can mean either an individual whofollows, or a specific philosophy which is attributed to,Gandhism.[77] M. M. Sankhdher argues that Gandhismis not a systematic position in metaphysics or in politicalphilosophy. Rather, it is a political creed, an economic

22 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

doctrine, a religious outlook, a moral precept, and espe-cially, a humanitarian world view. It is an effort not tosystematise wisdom but to transform society and is basedon an undying faith in the goodness of human nature.[154]However Gandhi himself did not approve of the notionof “Gandhism”, as he explained in 1936:

There is no such thing as “Gandhism”, andI do not want to leave any sect after me. I donot claim to have originated any new principleor doctrine. I have simply tried in my own wayto apply the eternal truths to our daily life andproblems...The opinions I have formed and theconclusions I have arrived at are not final. I maychange them tomorrow. I have nothing new toteach the world. Truth and nonviolence are asold as the hills.[155]

3.6.1 Influences

Gandhi with famous poet Rabindranath Tagore, 1940

Historian R.B. Cribb argues that Gandhi’s thoughtevolved over time, with his early ideas becoming the coreor scaffolding for his mature philosophy. In London hecommitted himself to truthfulness, temperance, chastity,and vegetarianism. His return to India to work as a lawyerwas a failure, so he went to South Africa for a quarter cen-tury, where he absorbed ideas from many sources, mostof them non-Indian.[156] Gandhi grew up in an eclecticreligious atmosphere and throughout his life searched forinsights from many religious traditions.[157] He was ex-posed to Jain ideas through his mother who was in con-tact with Jain monks. Themes from Jainism that Gandhiabsorbed included asceticism; compassion for all formsof life; the importance of vows for self-discipline; veg-etarianism; fasting for self-purification; mutual toleranceamong people of different creeds; and “syadvad”, the ideathat all views of truth are partial, a doctrine that lies at theroot of Satyagraha.[158] He receivedmuch of his influencefrom Jainism particularly during his younger years.[159]

Gandhi’s London experience provided a solid philosoph-ical base focused on truthfulness, temperance, chastity,and vegetarianism. When he returned to India in 1891,his outlook was parochial and he could not make a liv-ing as a lawyer. This challenged his belief that practi-cality and morality necessarily coincided. By moving in1893 to South Africa he found a solution to this prob-lem and developed the central concepts of his maturephilosophy.[160] N. A. Toothi[161] felt that Gandhi was in-fluenced by the reforms and teachings of Swaminarayan,stating “Close parallels do exist in programs of socialreform based on to nonviolence, truth-telling, clean-liness, temperance and upliftment of the masses.”[162]Vallabhbhai Patel, who grew up in a Swaminarayanhousehold was attracted to Gandhi due to this aspect ofGandhi’s doctrine.[163]

Gandhi’s ethical thinking was heavily influenced bya handful of books, which he repeatedly meditatedupon. They included especially Plato's Apology and JohnRuskin's Unto this Last (1862) (both of which he trans-lated into his native Gujarati); William Salter’s EthicalReligion (1889); Henry David Thoreau's On the Duty ofCivil Disobedience (1849); and Leo Tolstoy's The King-dom of God Is Within You (1894). Ruskin inspired hisdecision to live an austere life on a commune, at first onthe Phoenix Farm in Natal and then on the Tolstoy Farmjust outside Johannesburg, South Africa.[51]

Balkrishna Gokhale argues that Gandhi took his philoso-phy of history fromHinduism and Jainism, supplementedby selected Christian traditions and ideas of Tolstoy andRuskin. Hinduism provided central concepts of God’srole in history, of man as the battleground of forces ofvirtue and sin, and of the potential of love as an histori-cal force. From Jainism, Gandhi took the idea of apply-ing nonviolence to human situations and the theory thatAbsolute Reality can be comprehended only relatively inhuman affairs.[164]

Historian Howard Spodek argues for the importance ofthe culture of Gujarat in shaping Gandhi’s methods.Spodek finds that some of Gandhi’s most effective meth-ods such as fasting, non-cooperation and appeals to thejustice and compassion of the rulers were learned as ayouth in Gujarat. Later on, the financial, cultural, or-ganizational and geographical support needed to bringhis campaigns to a national audience were drawn fromAhmedabad and Gujarat, his Indian residence 1915–1930.[165]

3.6.2 Tolstoy

Along with the book mentioned above, in 1908 Leo Tol-stoy wrote A Letter to a Hindu, which said that only by us-ing love as a weapon through passive resistance could theIndian people overthrow colonial rule. In 1909, Gandhiwrote to Tolstoy seeking advice and permission to repub-lish A Letter to a Hindu in Gujarati. Tolstoy responded

3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 23

Mohandas K. Gandhi and other residents of Tolstoy Farm, SouthAfrica, 1910

and the two continued a correspondence until Tolstoy’sdeath in 1910 (Tolstoy’s last letter was to Gandhi).[166]The letters concern practical and theological applicationsof nonviolence.[167] Gandhi saw himself a disciple of Tol-stoy, for they agreed regarding opposition to state author-ity and colonialism; both hated violence and preachednon-resistance. However, they differed sharply on po-litical strategy. Gandhi called for political involvement;he was a nationalist and was prepared to use nonviolentforce. He was also willing to compromise.[168] It was atTolstoy Farm where Gandhi and Hermann Kallenbachsystematically trained their disciples in the philosophy ofnonviolence.[169]

3.6.3 Truth and Satyagraha

“God is truth. The way to truth lies through ahimsa(nonviolence)"—Sabarmati 13 March 1927

Gandhi dedicated his life to the wider purpose of discov-ering truth, or Satya. He tried to achieve this by learningfrom his own mistakes and conducting experiments onhimself. He called his autobiography The Story of MyExperiments with Truth.[170]

Bruce Watson argues that Gandhi based Satyagraha onthe Vedantic ideal of self-realization, and notes it alsocontains Jain and Buddhist notions of nonviolence, veg-etarianism, the avoidance of killing, and 'agape' (univer-

sal love). Gandhi also borrowed Christian-Islamic ideasof equality, the brotherhood of man, and the concept ofturning the other cheek.[171]

Gandhi stated that the most important battle to fightwas overcoming his own demons, fears, and insecurities.Gandhi summarised his beliefs first when he said “God isTruth”. He would later change this statement to “Truthis God”. Thus, satya (truth) in Gandhi’s philosophy is“God”.[172]

The essence of Satyagraha (a name Gandhi inventedmeaning “adherence to truth”[173]) is that it seeks to elim-inate antagonisms without harming the antagonists them-selves and seeks to transform or “purify” it to a higherlevel. A euphemism sometimes used for Satyagraha isthat it is a “silent force” or a “soul force” (a term also usedby Martin Luther King Jr. during his famous "I Have aDream" speech). It arms the individual with moral powerrather than physical power. Satyagraha is also termed a“universal force”, as it essentially “makes no distinctionbetween kinsmen and strangers, young and old, man andwoman, friend and foe.”[174]

Gandhi wrote: “There must be no impatience, no bar-barity, no insolence, no undue pressure. If we want tocultivate a true spirit of democracy, we cannot affordto be intolerant. Intolerance betrays want of faith inone’s cause.”[175] Civil disobedience and non-cooperationas practised under Satyagraha are based on the “law ofsuffering”,[176] a doctrine that the endurance of sufferingis a means to an end. This end usually implies a moralupliftment or progress of an individual or society. There-fore, non-cooperation in Satyagraha is in fact a means tosecure the co-operation of the opponent consistently withtruth and justice.[177]

3.6.4 Nonviolence

Although Gandhi was not the originator of the principleof nonviolence, he was the first to apply it in the politi-cal field on a large scale.[178] The concept of nonviolence(ahimsa) and nonresistance has a long history in Indianreligious thought. Gandhi explains his philosophy andway of life in his autobiography The Story of My Experi-ments with Truth. Gandhi realised later that this level ofnonviolence required incredible faith and courage, whichhe believed everyone did not possess. He therefore ad-vised that everyone need not keep to nonviolence, espe-cially if it were used as a cover for cowardice, saying,“where there is only a choice between cowardice and vi-olence, I would advise violence.”[179][180]

Gandhi thus came under some political fire for his crit-icism of those who attempted to achieve independencethroughmore violent means. His refusal to protest againstthe hanging of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Udham Singhand Rajguru were sources of condemnation among someparties.[181][182]

24 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

Gandhi with textile workers at Darwen, Lancashire, 26 Septem-ber 1931.

Of this criticism, Gandhi stated, “There was a time whenpeople listened to me because I showed them how to givefight to the British without arms when they had no arms ...but today I am told that my nonviolence can be of no availagainst the [Hindu–Moslem riots] and, therefore, peopleshould arm themselves for self-defense.”[183]

Gandhi’s views came under heavy criticism in Britainwhen it was under attack from Nazi Germany, and laterwhen theHolocaust was revealed. He told the British peo-ple in 1940, “I would like you to lay down the arms youhave as being useless for saving you or humanity. Youwill invite Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini to take whatthey want of the countries you call your possessions... Ifthese gentlemen choose to occupy your homes, you willvacate them. If they do not give you free passage out,you will allow yourselves, man, woman, and child, tobe slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance tothem.”[184] George Orwell remarked that Gandhi’s meth-ods confronted 'an old-fashioned and rather shaky despo-tism which treated him in a fairly chivalrous way', nota totalitarian Power, 'where political opponents simplydisappear.'[185]

In a post-war interview in 1946, he said, “Hitler killedfive million Jews. It is the greatest crime of our time. Butthe Jews should have offered themselves to the butcher’sknife. They should have thrown themselves into the seafrom cliffs... It would have aroused the world and thepeople of Germany... As it is they succumbed anyway intheir millions.”[186] Gandhi believed this act of “collectivesuicide”, in response to the Holocaust, “would have been

heroism”.[187]

Muslims

One of Gandhi’s major strategies, first in South Africaand then in India, was uniting Muslims and Hindus towork together in opposition to British imperialism. In1919–22 he won strong Muslim support for his leader-ship in the Khilafat Movement to support the historicOttoman Caliphate. By 1924, that Muslim support hadlargely evaporated.[188][189]

Jews

In 1931, he suggested that while he could understand thedesire of European Jews to emigrate to Palestine, he op-posed any movement that supported British colonialismor violence. Muslims throughout India and the MiddleEast strongly opposed the Zionist plan for a Jewish statein Palestine, and Gandhi (and Congress) supported theMuslims in this regard. By the 1930s all major politicalgroups in India opposed a Jewish state in Palestine.[190]

This led to discussions concerning the persecution of theJews in Germany and the emigration of Jews fromEuropeto Palestine, which Gandhi framed through the lens ofSatyagraha.[137][191] In 1937, Gandhi discussed Zionismwith his close Jewish friend Hermann Kallenbach.[192] Hesaid that Zionism was not the right answer to the Jew-ish problem[193] and instead recommended Satyagraha.Gandhi thought the Zionists in Palestine represented Eu-ropean imperialism and used violence to achieve theirgoals; he argued that “the Jews should disclaim any in-tention of realizing their aspiration under the protectionof arms and should rely wholly on the goodwill of Arabs.No exception can possibly be taken to the natural desireof the Jews to found a home in Palestine. But they mustwait for its fulfillment till Arab opinion is ripe for it.”[137]In 1938, Gandhi stated that his “sympathies are all withthe Jews. I have known them intimately in South Africa.Some of them became life-long companions.” Philoso-pher Martin Buber was highly critical of Gandhi’s ap-proach and in 1939 wrote an open letter to him on thesubject. Gandhi reiterated his stance on the use of Satya-graha in Palestine in 1947.[194]

3.6.5 Vegetarianism, food, and animals

StephenHay argues that Gandhi looked into numerous re-ligious and intellectual currents during his stay in London. He especially appreciated how the theosophical move-ment encouraged a religious eclecticism and an antipa-thy to atheism. Hay says the vegetarian movement hadthe greatest impact for it was Gandhi’s point of entry intoother reformist agendas of the time.[195] The idea of veg-etarianism is deeply ingrained in Hindu and Jain tradi-tions in India, especially in his native Gujarat.[196] Gandhi

3.6. PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES AND BELIEFS 25

was close to the chairman of the London Vegetarian So-ciety, Dr. Josiah Oldfield, and corresponded with HenryStephens Salt, a vegetarian campaigner. Gandhi becamea strict vegetarian. He wrote the book The Moral Basis ofVegetarianism and wrote for the London Vegetarian So-ciety’s publication.[197] Gandhi was somewhat of a foodfaddist taking his own goat to travels so he could alwayshave fresh milk.[198]

Gandhi noted in The Story of My Experiments with Truth,that vegetarianism was the beginning of his deep com-mitment to Brahmacharya; without total control of thepalate, his success in following Brahmacharya wouldlikely falter. “You wish to know what the marks of aman are who wants to realise Truth which is God”, hewrote. “He must reduce himself to zero and have per-fect control over all his senses-beginning with the palateor tongue.”[199][200] Gandhi also stated that he followeda fruitarian diet for five years but discontinued it due topleurisy and pressure from his doctor. He thereafter re-sumed a vegetarian diet.Gandhi also opposed vivisection: “Vivisection in myopinion is the blackest of all the blackest crimes thatman is at present committing against god and his faircreation.”[201]

3.6.6 Fasting

See also: List of fasts undertaken by Mahatma GandhiGandhi used fasting as a political device, often threat-

Fasting, with young Indira Gandhi, mid-1920s

ening suicide unless demands were met. Congress pub-licised the fasts as a political action that generatedwidespread sympathy. In response the government triedto manipulate news coverage to minimise his challenge tothe Raj. He fasted in 1932 to protest the voting schemefor separate political representation for Dalits; Gandhidid not want them segregated. The government stoppedthe London press from showing photographs of his ema-ciated body, because it would elicit sympathy. Gandhi’s1943 hunger strike took place during a two-year prisonterm for the anticolonial Quit India movement. The gov-ernment called on nutritional experts to demystify his ac-

tion, and again no photos were allowed. However, his fi-nal fast in 1948, after India was independent, was laudedby the British press and this time did include full-lengthphotos.[202]

Alter argues that Gandhi’s fixation on diet and celibacywere much deeper than exercises in self-discipline.Rather, his beliefs regarding health offered a critique ofboth the traditional Hindu system of ayurvedic medicineand Western concepts. This challenge was integral to hisdeeper challenge to tradition andmodernity, as health andnonviolence became part of the same ethics.[203]

3.6.7 Brahmacharya, celibacy

In 1906 Gandhi, although married and a father, vowedto abstain from sexual relations. In the 1940s, in hismid-seventies, he brought his grandniece Manubehn tosleep naked in his bed as part of a spiritual experimentin which Gandhi could test himself as a “brahmachari”.Several other young women and girls also sometimesshared his bed as part of his experiments.[204] Gandhi’sbehaviour was widely discussed and criticised by familymembers and leading politicians, including Nehru. His“half naked” costume had long been the topic of ridiculein Britain and America.[205] Some members of his staffresigned, including two editors of his newspaper who leftafter refusing to print parts of Gandhi’s sermons dealingwith his sleeping arrangements. But Gandhi said that ifhe wouldn't let Manu sleep with him, it would be a signof weakness.[206]

Gandhi discussed his experiment with friends and re-lations; most disagreed and the experiment ceased in1947.[207] Religious studies scholar Veena Howard arguesthat Gandhi made “creative use”[208]:130 of his celibacyand his authority as a mahatma “to reinterpret religiousnorms and confront unjust social and religious conven-tions relegating women to lower status.”[208]:130 Accord-ing to Howard, Gandhi “developed his discourse as a re-ligious renouncer within India’s traditions to confront re-pressive social and religious customs regarding womenand to bring them into the public sphere, during a timewhen the discourse on celibacy was typically imbuedwith masculine rhetoric and misogynist inferences.... hiswritings show a consistent evolution of his thought to-ward creating an equal playing field for members of bothsexes and even elevating women to a higher plane—all through his discourse and unorthodox practice ofbrahmacharya.”[208]:137

3.6.8 Nai Talim, basic education

Main article: Nai Talim

Gandhi’s educational policies reflected Nai Talim ('BasicEducation for all'), a spiritual principle which states that

26 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

knowledge and work are not separate. It was a reactionagainst the British educational system and colonialism ingeneral, which had the negative effect of making Indianchildren alienated and career-based; it promoted disdainfor manual work, the development of a new elite class,and the increasing problems of industrialisation and ur-banisation. The three pillars of Gandhi’s pedagogy wereits focus on the lifelong character of education, its socialcharacter and its form as a holistic process. For Gandhi,education is 'the moral development of the person', a pro-cess that is by definition 'lifelong'.[209]

Nai Talim evolved out of the spiritually oriented edu-cation program at Tolstoy Farm in South Africa, andGandhi’s work at the ashram at Sevagram after 1937.[210]After 1947 the Nehru government’s vision of an indus-trialised, centrally planned economy had scant place forGandhi’s village-oriented approach.[211]

3.6.9 Swaraj, self-rule

Main article: Swaraj

Rudolph argues that after a false start in trying to em-ulate the English in an attempt to overcome his timid-ity, Gandhi discovered the inner courage he was seek-ing by helping his countrymen in South Africa. The newcourage consisted of observing the traditional Bengaliway of “self-suffering” and, in finding his own courage,he was enabled also to point out the way of 'Satyagraha'and 'ahimsa' to the whole of India.[212] Gandhi’s writingsexpressed four meanings of freedom: as India’s nationalindependence; as individual political freedom; as groupfreedom from poverty; and as the capacity for personalself-rule.[213]

Gandhi was a self-described philosophical anarchist,[214]and his vision of India meant an India without an underly-ing government.[215] He once said that “the ideally nonvi-olent state would be an ordered anarchy.”[216] While po-litical systems are largely hierarchical, with each layer ofauthority from the individual to the central governmenthave increasing levels of authority over the layer below,Gandhi believed that society should be the exact oppo-site, where nothing is done without the consent of anyone,down to the individual. His idea was that true self-rulein a country means that every person rules his or herselfand that there is no state which enforces laws upon thepeople.[217]

This would be achieved over time with nonviolent conflictmediation, as power is divested from layers of hierarchi-cal authorities, ultimately to the individual, which wouldcome to embody the ethic of nonviolence. Rather thana system where rights are enforced by a higher authority,people are self-governed by mutual responsibilities. Onreturning from South Africa, when Gandhi received a let-ter asking for his participation in writing a world charterfor human rights, he responded saying, “in my experi-

ence, it is far more important to have a charter for humanduties.”[218]

A free India did not mean merely transferring the estab-lished British administrative structure into Indian hands.He warned, “you would make India English. And whenit becomes English, it will be called not Hindustan butEnglishtan. This is not the Swaraj I want.”[219] Tewariargues that Gandhi saw democracy as more than a sys-tem of government; it meant promoting both individual-ity and the self-discipline of the community. Democracywas a moral system that distributed power and assistedthe development of every social class, especially the low-est. It meant settling disputes in a nonviolent manner; itrequired freedom of thought and expression. For Gandhi,democracy was a way of life.[220]

3.6.10 Gandhian economics

A free India for Gandhi meant the flourishing of thou-sands of self-sufficient small communities who rule them-selves without hindering others. Gandhian economics fo-cused on the need for economic self-sufficiency at thevillage level. His policy of “sarvodaya”[221] called forending poverty through improved agriculture and small-scale cottage industries in every village.[222] Gandhi chal-lenged Nehru and the modernizers in the late 1930s whocalled for rapid industrialisation on the Soviet model;Gandhi denounced that as dehumanising and contraryto the needs of the villages where the great majority ofthe people lived.[223] After Gandhi’s death Nehru led In-dia to large-scale planning that emphasised modernisa-tion and heavy industry, while modernising agriculturethrough irrigation. Historian Kuruvilla Pandikattu says“it was Nehru’s vision, not Gandhi’s, that was eventuallypreferred by the Indian State.”[224] After Gandhi’s deathactivists inspired by his vision promoted their oppositionto industrialisation through the teachings of Gandhianeconomics. According to Gandhi, “Poverty is the worstform of violence.”

3.7 Literary works

Gandhi was a prolific writer. One of Gandhi’s earliestpublications, Hind Swaraj, published in Gujarati in 1909,is recognised as the intellectual blueprint of India’s in-dependence movement. The book was translated intoEnglish the next year, with a copyright legend that read“No Rights Reserved”.[225] For decades he edited severalnewspapers including Harijan in Gujarati, in Hindi andin the English language; Indian Opinion while in SouthAfrica and, Young India, in English, and Navajivan, a Gu-jarati monthly, on his return to India. Later, Navajivanwas also published in Hindi. In addition, he wrote lettersalmost every day to individuals and newspapers.[226]

Gandhi also wrote several books including his autobiog-

3.8. LEGACY AND DEPICTIONS IN POPULAR CULTURE 27

Young India, a weekly journal published by Gandhi from 1919to 1932

raphy, The Story of My Experiments with Truth (Gujarātī" "), of which he boughtthe entire first edition to make sure it was reprinted.[98]His other autobiographies included: Satyagraha in SouthAfrica about his struggle there, Hind Swaraj or IndianHome Rule, a political pamphlet, and a paraphrase in Gu-jarati of John Ruskin's Unto This Last.[227] This last es-say can be considered his programme on economics. Healso wrote extensively on vegetarianism, diet and health,religion, social reforms, etc. Gandhi usually wrote in Gu-jarati, though he also revised the Hindi and English trans-lations of his books.[228]

Gandhi’s complete works were published by the Indiangovernment under the name The Collected Works of Ma-hatma Gandhi in the 1960s. The writings comprise about50,000 pages published in about a hundred volumes. In2000, a revised edition of the complete works sparked acontroversy, as it contained a large number of errors andomissions.[229] The Indian government later withdrew therevised edition.[230]

3.8 Legacy and depictions in popu-lar culture

See also: List of artistic depictions of Mahatma Gandhiand List of roads named after Mahatma Gandhi

A wall graffiti in San Francisco containing a quote and image ofGandhi

• The word Mahatma, while often mistaken forGandhi’s given name in the West, is taken fromthe Sanskrit words maha (meaning Great) and atma(meaning Soul). Rabindranath Tagore is said to haveaccorded the title to Gandhi.[231] In his autobiogra-phy, Gandhi nevertheless explains that he never val-ued the title, and was often pained by it.[232][233][234]

• Innumerable streets, roads and localities in India arenamed afterM.K.Gandhi. These includeM.G.Road(the main street of a number of Indian cities includ-ing Mumbai and Bangalore), Gandhi Market (nearSion, Mumbai) and Gandhinagar (the capital of thestate of Gujarat, Gandhi’s birthplace).[235]

• In 2009, the search engine Google commemoratedGandhi in their Google Doodle.[236]

3.8.1 Followers and international influence

Statue of Mahatma Gandhi at York University.

Gandhi influenced important leaders and political move-ments. Leaders of the civil rights movement in theUnited States, including Martin Luther King, James

28 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

Mahatma Gandhi on a 1969 postage stamp of the Soviet Union

Mahatma Gandhi at Praça Túlio Fontoura, São Paulo, Brazil.Statue by Gautam Pal

Lawson, and James Bevel, drew from the writings ofGandhi in the development of their own theories aboutnonviolence.[237][238][239] King said “Christ gave us thegoals and Mahatma Gandhi the tactics.”[240] King some-times referred to Gandhi as “the little brown saint.”[241]Anti-apartheid activist and former President of SouthAfrica, Nelson Mandela, was inspired by Gandhi.[242]Others include Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan,[243] SteveBiko, and Aung San Suu Kyi.[244]

In his early years, the former President of South AfricaNelson Mandela was a follower of the nonviolent re-sistance philosophy of Gandhi.[242] Bhana and Vahedcommented on these events as “Gandhi inspired suc-

ceeding generations of South African activists seekingto end White rule. This legacy connects him to NelsonMandela...in a sense Mandela completed what Gandhistarted.”[63]

Gandhi’s life and teachings inspired many who specif-ically referred to Gandhi as their mentor or who dedi-cated their lives to spreading Gandhi’s ideas. In Europe,Romain Rolland was the first to discuss Gandhi in his1924 bookMahatma Gandhi, and Brazilian anarchist andfeminist Maria Lacerda de Moura wrote about Gandhiin her work on pacifism. In 1931, notable Europeanphysicist Albert Einstein exchanged written letters withGandhi, and called him “a role model for the generationsto come” in a letter writing about him.[245] Einstein saidof Gandhi:

Mahatma Gandhi’s life achievement standsunique in political history. He has inventeda completely new and humane means for theliberation war of an oppressed country, andpractised it with greatest energy and devotion.The moral influence he had on the consciouslythinking human being of the entire civilizedworld will probably be much more lasting thanit seems in our time with its overestimation ofbrutal violent forces. Because lasting will onlybe the work of such statesmen who wake upand strengthen the moral power of their peoplethrough their example and educational works.We may all be happy and grateful that destinygifted us with such an enlightened contempo-rary, a role model for the generations to come.

Generations to come will scarce believethat such a one as this walked the earth in fleshand blood.

Lanza del Vasto went to India in 1936 intending tolive with Gandhi; he later returned to Europe to spreadGandhi’s philosophy and founded the Community ofthe Ark in 1948 (modelled after Gandhi’s ashrams).Madeleine Slade (known as “Mirabehn”) was the daugh-ter of a British admiral who spent much of her adult lifein India as a devotee of Gandhi.[246][247]

In addition, the British musician John Lennon referredto Gandhi when discussing his views on nonviolence.[248]At the Cannes Lions International Advertising Festival in2007, former US Vice-President and environmentalist AlGore spoke of Gandhi’s influence on him.[249]

US President Barack Obama in a 2010 address to theParliament of India said that:

I am mindful that I might not be standingbefore you today, as President of the UnitedStates, had it not been for Gandhi and the mes-sage he sharedwithAmerica and theworld.[250]

3.8. LEGACY AND DEPICTIONS IN POPULAR CULTURE 29

Bust of Gandhi “Apostle of Non Violence” by Kenyan-born artistof Indian origin, Kirti Mandir, in Edinburgh, Scotland

Obama in September 2009 said that his biggest inspira-tion came from Mahatma Gandhi. His reply was in re-sponse to the question 'Who was the one person, dead orlive, that you would choose to dine with?'. He continuedthat “He’s somebody I find a lot of inspiration in. He in-spired Dr. King with his message of nonviolence. Heended up doing so much and changed the world just bythe power of his ethics.”[251]

Time Magazine named The 14th Dalai Lama, LechWałęsa, Martin Luther King, Cesar Chavez, Aung SanSuu Kyi, Benigno Aquino, Jr., Desmond Tutu, andNelson Mandela as Children of Gandhi and his spiritualheirs to nonviolence.[252] The Mahatma Gandhi Districtin Houston, Texas, United States, an ethnic Indian en-clave, is officially named after Gandhi.[253]

3.8.2 Global holidays

In 2007, the United Nations General Assembly declaredGandhi’s birthday 2 October as “the International Day ofNonviolence.”[254] First proposed by UNESCO in 1948,as the School Day of Nonviolence and Peace (DENIP inSpanish),[255] 30 January is observed as the School Day ofNonviolence and Peace in schools of many countries[256]In countries with a Southern Hemisphere school calendar,it is observed on 30 March.[256]

Monument to M.K. Gandhi in New Belgrade, Serbia. On themonument is written “Nonviolence is the essence of all religions”.

3.8.3 Awards

Time magazine named Gandhi the Man of the Year in1930. Gandhi was also the runner-up to Albert Einsteinas "Person of the Century"[257] at the end of 1999. TheGovernment of India awarded the annual Gandhi PeacePrize to distinguished social workers, world leaders andcitizens. Nelson Mandela, the leader of South Africa’sstruggle to eradicate racial discrimination and segrega-tion, was a prominent non-Indian recipient. In 2011,Time magazine named Gandhi as one of the top 25 polit-ical icons of all time.[258]

Gandhi did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize, althoughhe was nominated five times between 1937 and 1948,including the first-ever nomination by the AmericanFriends Service Committee,[259] though he made theshort list only twice, in 1937 and 1947.[135] Decades later,the Nobel Committee publicly declared its regret for theomission, and admitted to deeply divided nationalisticopinion denying the award.[135] Gandhi was nominatedin 1948 but was assassinated before nominations closed.That year, the committee chose not to award the peaceprize stating that “there was no suitable living candidate”and later research shows that the possibility of award-ing the prize posthumously to Gandhi was discussed andthat the reference to no suitable living candidate was toGandhi.[135] When the 14th Dalai Lama was awarded thePrize in 1989, the chairman of the committee said thatthis was “in part a tribute to the memory of MahatmaGandhi”.[135]

30 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

3.8.4 Film, theatre and literature

A 5 hours, 9 minutes long biographical documentaryfilm,[260] Mahatma: Life of Gandhi, 1869–1948, madeby Vithalbhai Jhaveri[261] in 1968, quoting Gandhi’swords and using black & white archival footage and pho-tographs, captures the history of those times. Ben Kings-ley portrayed him in Richard Attenborough's 1982 filmGandhi, which won the Academy Award for Best Pic-ture. The 1996 film The Making of the Mahatma doc-umented Gandhi’s time in South Africa and his transfor-mation from an inexperienced barrister to recognised po-litical leader.[262] Gandhi was a central figure in the 2006Bollywood comedy film Lage Raho Munna Bhai. JahnuBarua’s Maine Gandhi Ko Nahin Mara (I did not killGandhi), places contemporary society as a backdrop withits vanishing memory of Gandhi’s values as a metaphorfor the senile forgetfulness of the protagonist of his 2005film,[263] writes Vinay Lal.[264]

Anti-Gandhi themes have also been showcased throughfilms and plays. The 1995 Marathi play Gandhi VirudhGandhi explored the relationship between Gandhi and hisson Harilal. The 2007 film, Gandhi, My Father was in-spired on the same theme. The 1989 Marathi play MeNathuram Godse Boltoy and the 1997 Hindi play GandhiAmbedkar criticised Gandhi and his principles.[265][266]

Several biographers have undertaken the task of describ-ing Gandhi’s life. Among them are D. G. Tendulkar withhis Mahatma. Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ineight volumes, and Pyarelal and Sushila Nayyar with theirMahatma Gandhi in 10 volumes. The 2010 biography,Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle With Indiaby Joseph Lelyveld contained controversial material spec-ulating about Gandhi’s sexual life.[267] Lelyveld, however,stated that the press coverage “grossly distort[s]" the over-all message of the book.[268] The 2014 filmWelcome BackGandhi takes a fictionalised look at howGandhi might re-act to modern day India.[269]

3.8.5 Current impact within India

The Gandhi Mandapam, a temple in Kanyakumari, Tamil Naduin India. This temple was erected to honour M.K. Gandhi.

India, with its rapid economic modernisation and urbani-sation, has rejected Gandhi’s economics[270] but acceptedmuch of his politics and continues to revere his mem-ory. Reporter Jim Yardley notes that, “modern India ishardly a Gandhian nation, if it ever was one. His visionof a village-dominated economy was shunted aside dur-ing his lifetime as rural romanticism, and his call for anational ethos of personal austerity and nonviolence hasproved antithetical to the goals of an aspiring economicand military power.” By contrast Gandhi is “given fullcredit for India’s political identity as a tolerant, seculardemocracy.”[271]

Gandhi’s birthday, 2 October, is a national holidayin India, Gandhi Jayanti. Gandhi’s image also ap-pears on paper currency of all denominations issued byReserve Bank of India, except for the one rupee note.[272]Gandhi’s date of death, 30 January, is commemorated asa Martyrs’ Day in India.[273]

There are two temples in India dedicated to Gandhi.[274]One is located at Sambalpur in Orissa and the otherat Nidaghatta village near Kadur in Chikmagalurdistrict of Karnataka.[274] The Gandhi Memorial inKanyakumari resembles central Indian Hindu templesand the Tamukkam or Summer Palace in Madurai nowhouses the Mahatma Gandhi Museum.[275]

3.9 See also

• List of peace activists

• List of civil rights leaders

• Daridra Narayana, an axiom enunciated by SwamiVivekananda that espouses service of the poor asequivalent in importance and piety to the service ofGod popularised by Mahatma Gandhi

• Gandhi cap

• Gandhi Teerth – Gandhi International Research In-stitute andMuseum for Gandhian study, research onMahatma Gandhi and dialogue.

3.10 References[1] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 1–3.

[2] “Gandhi”. Random House Webster’s Unabridged Dictio-nary.

[3] McGregor, Ronald Stuart (1993). The Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 799.ISBN 978-0-19-864339-5. Retrieved 31 August 2013.Quote: (mahā- (S. “great, mighty, large, ..., eminent”) +ātmā (S. "1.soul, spirit; the self, the individual; the mind,the heart; 2. the ultimate being.”): “high-souled, of noblenature; a noble or venerable man.”

3.10. REFERENCES 31

[4] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) p. 172: "... Kasturba wouldaccompany Gandhi on his departure from Cape Townfor England in July 1914 en route to India. ... Indifferent South African towns (Pretoria, Cape Town,Bloemfontein, Johannesburg, and the Natal cities ofDurban and Verulam), the struggle’s martyrs were hon-oured and the Gandhi’s bade farewell. Addresses in Dur-ban andVerulam referred to Gandhi as a 'Mahatma', 'greatsoul'. He was seen as a great soul because he had taken upthe poor’s cause. The whites too said good things aboutGandhi, who predicted a future for the Empire if it re-spected justice.” (p. 172).

[5] McAllister, Pam (1982). Reweaving the Web of Life:Feminism and Nonviolence. New Society Publishers. p.194. ISBN 978-0-86571-017-7. Retrieved 31 August2013. Quote: “With love, Yours, Bapu (You closed withthe term of endearment used by your close friends, theterm you used with all the movement leaders, roughlymeaning 'Papa.'" Another letter written in 1940 showssimilar tenderness and caring.

[6] Eck, Diana L. (2003). Encountering God: A SpiritualJourney from Bozeman to Banaras. Beacon Press. p. 210.ISBN 978-0-8070-7301-8. Retrieved 31 August 2013.Quote: "... his niece Manu, who, like others called thisimmortal Gandhi 'Bapu,' meaning not 'father,' but the fa-miliar, 'daddy.'" (p. 210)

[7] Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Mak-ing of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. p. 18.ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Retrieved 1 September 2013.Quote: “the Muslim League had only caught on amongSouth Asian Muslims during the Second World War. ...By the late 1940s, the League and the Congress had im-pressed in the British their own visions of a free future forIndian people. ... one, articulated by the Congress, restedon the idea of a united, plural India as a home for all In-dians and the other, spelt out by the League, rested on thefoundation of Muslim nationalism and the carving out ofa separate Muslim homeland.” (p. 18)

[8] Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Mak-ing of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. p.1. ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Retrieved 1 September2013. Quote: “South Asians learned that the British In-dian empire would be partitioned on 3 June 1947. Theyheard about it on the radio, from relations and friends, byreading newspapers and, later, through government pam-phlets. Among a population of almost four hundred mil-lion, where the vast majority lived in the countryside, ...,it is hardly surprising that many ... did not hear the newsfor many weeks afterwards. For some, the butchery andforced relocation of the summermonths of 1947may havebeen the first they know about the creation of the two newstates rising from the fragmentary and terminally weak-ened British empire in India.” (p. 1)

[9] Brown (1991), p. 380: “Despite and indeed because of hissense of helplessness Delhi was to be the scene of what hecalled his greatest fast. ... His decision was made sud-denly, though after considerable thought – he gave no hintof it even to Nehru and Patel who were with him shortlybefore he announced his intention at a prayer-meeting on12 January 1948. He said he would fast until communal

peace was restored, real peace rather than the calm of adead city imposed by police and troops. Patel and the gov-ernment took the fast partly as condemnation of their de-cision to withhold a considerable cash sum still outstand-ing to Pakistan as a result of the allocation of undividedIndia’s assets, because the hostilities that had broken outin Kashmir; ... But even when the government agreed topay out the cash, Gandhi would not break his fast: that hewould only do after a large number of important politi-cians and leaders of communal bodies agreed to a jointplan for restoration of normal life in the city. Althoughthis six-day fast was a considerable physical strain, dur-ing it Gandhi experienced a great feeling of strength andpeace.”

[10] Cush, Denise; Robinson, Catherine; York, Michael(2008). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Taylor & Francis.p. 544. ISBN 978-0-7007-1267-0. Retrieved 31 August2013. Quote: “The apotheosis of this contrast is the assas-sination of Gandhi in 1948 by a militant Hindu nationalist,Nathuram Godse, on the basis of his 'weak' accommoda-tionist approach towards the new state of Pakistan.” (p.544)

[11] “Gandhi not formally conferred 'Father of the Nation' ti-tle: Govt”, The Indian Express, 11 July 2012.

[12] “Constitution doesn't permit 'Father of the Nation' title:Government”, The Times of India, 26 October 2012.

[13] Todd, Anne M. (2012) Mohandas Gandhi, Infobase Pub-lishing, ISBN 1438106629, p. 8: The name Gandhimeans “grocer”, although Mohandas’s father and grand-father were politicians not grocers.

[14] Renard, John (1999). Responses to One Hundred and OneQuestions on Hinduism By John Renard. p. 139. ISBN9780809138456.

[15] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16March 2015. pp.19–21. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[16] Buyers, Christopher. “Porbandar-India/SALUTESTATES-royalark.net”. Retrieved 16 March 2015.

[17] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.19–21. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[18] Misra, Amalendu (2004). Identity and Religion: Foun-dations of anti-Islamism in India. p. 67. ISBN9780761932277.

[19] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Mohandas: A True Story of aMan, His People, and an Empire By Gandhi. p. 5. ISBN9780143104117.

[20] Tendulkar, D. G. (1951). Mahatma; life of MohandasKaramchand Gandhi. Delhi: Ministry of Information andBroadcasting, Government of India.

[21] Malhotra, S.L (2001). Lawyer to Mahatma: Life, Workand Transformation of M. K. Gandhi. p. 5. ISBN9788176292931.

[22] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16 March 2015. p.21. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

32 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

[23] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16 March 2015. p.512. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[24] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16 March 2015. p.22. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[25] Sorokin, Pitirim Aleksandrovich (2002). The Ways andPower of Love: types, factors, and techniques of moraltransformation. Templeton Foundation Press. p. 169.ISBN 978-1-890151-86-7.

[26] Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber and Rudolph, Lloyd I. (1983).Gandhi: The Traditional Roots of Charisma. Universityof Chicago Press. p. 48. ISBN 9780226731360.

[27] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 2, 8, 269

[28] Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber and Rudolph, Lloyd I. (1983).Gandhi: The Traditional Roots of Charisma. Universityof Chicago Press. p. 17. ISBN 9780226731360.

[29] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16 March 2015. p.23. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[30] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.24–25. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[31] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16March 2015. pp.24–25. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[32] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.25–26. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[33] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.27–28. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[34] Mohanty, Rekha (2011). “From Satya to Sadbhavna”(PDF). Orissa Review (January 2011): 45–49. Retrieved23 February 2012.

[35] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “At the High School”.

[36] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “Playing the Husband”.

[37] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.28–29. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[38] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. p.29. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[39] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “My Father’s Death and MyDouble Shame”.

[40] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. p.30. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[41] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. p.32. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[42] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “Preparation for England”.

[43] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 12 April 2015. p.32. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[44] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 20–21.

[45] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. p.32. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[46] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.33–34. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[47] Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 4 April 2015. pp.33–34. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

[48] Brown (1991).

[49] Giliomee, Hermann and Mbenga, Bernard (2007). “3”.In Roxanne Reid. New History of South Africa (1st ed.).Tafelberg. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-624-04359-1.

[50] Power, Paul F. (1969). “Gandhi in South Africa”.The Journal of Modern African Studies 7 (3): 441–55.doi:10.1017/S0022278X00018590. JSTOR 159062.

[51] Parekh, Bhikhu C. (2001). Gandhi: a very short intro-duction. Oxford University Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-19-285457-5.

[52] Fischer (2002)

[53] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “More Hardships”.

[54] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “Some Experiences”.

[55] Allen, Jeremiah (2011). Sleeping with Strangers: AVagabond’s Journey Tramping the Globe. Other PlacesPublishing. p. 273. ISBN 978-1-935850-01-4.

[56] " March 1897 Memorial". The Collected Worksof Mahatma Gandhi. Wikisource: correspondence andnewspaper accounts of the incident.

[57] Rai, Ajay Shanker (2000). Gandhian Satyagraha: An An-alytical And Critical Approach. Concept Publishing Com-pany. p. 35. ISBN 978-81-7022-799-1.

[58] The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Governmentof India (CWMG), Vol. I, p. 150.

[59] The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Governmentof India (CWMG), Vol. I, p. 74.

[60] The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Governmentof India (CWMG), Vol. I, pp. 244–45.

[61] The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Governmentof India (CWMG), Vol. I, p. 105.

[62] Quinn, Edward (1 January 2009). Critical Companion toGeorge Orwell. Infobase Publishing. pp. 158–59. ISBN978-1-4381-0873-5. Retrieved 5 October 2012.

[63] Bhana, Surendra; Vahed, Goolam H. (2005). The Makingof a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. Manohar. pp. 44–5, 149. ISBN 978-81-7304-612-4.

[64] Herman (2008) chapter 6.

[65] Beene, Gary (December 2010). The Seeds We Sow: Kind-ness That Fed a Hungry World. Sunstone Press. p. 272.ISBN 978-0-86534-788-5. Retrieved 5 October 2012.

[66] Herman (2008), p. 137.

[67] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 108–09.

[68] See “Gandhi – A Medium for Truth” (link to article inPhilosophy Now magazine), accessed March 2014.

3.10. REFERENCES 33

[69] Smith, Colleen (1 October 2006). “Mbeki: MahatmaGandhi Satyagraha 100th Anniversary (01/10/2006)".Speeches. Polityorg.za. Retrieved 20 January 2012.

[70] Prashad, Ganesh (September 1966). “Whiggism inIndia”. Political Science Quarterly 81 (3): 412–31.doi:10.2307/2147642. JSTOR 2147642.

[71] Markovits, Claude (2004). A History of Modern In-dia, 1480–1950. Anthem Press. pp. 367–86. ISBN9781843310044.

[72] Chronology of Mahatma Gandhi’s Life:India 1918 inWikiSource based on the Collected Works of MahatmaGandhi. Based on public domain volumes.

[73] Gandhi (1940). Chapter “Recruiting Campaign”.

[74] Desai, Mahadev Haribhai (1930). “Preface”. Day-to-day with Gandhi: secretary’s diary. Hemantkumar Nilka-nth (translation). Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan. Archivedfrom the original on 3 June 2007.

[75] Gandhi (1965), Collected Works, Vol 17. Chapter “67.Appeal for enlistment”, Nadiad, 22 June 1918.

[76] Gandhi (1965), Collected Works, Vol 17. “Chapter 8. Let-ter to J. L. Maffey”, Nadiad, 30 April 1918.

[77] Hardiman, David (April 2001). “Champaran and Gandhi:Planters, Peasants and Gandhian Politics by JacquesPouchepadass (Review)". Journal of the Royal Asiatic So-ciety 11 (1): 99–101. doi:10.1017/S1356186301450152.JSTOR 25188108.

[78] “Satyagraha Laboratories of Mahatma Gandhi”. IndianNational Congress website. All India Congress Commit-tee. 2004. Archived from the original on 6 December2006. Retrieved 25 February 2012.

[79] Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 196–97.

[80] Brown, Judith M. (1974). Gandhi’s Rise to Power: IndianPolitics 1915–1922. Cambridge University Press. pp. 94–102. ISBN 978-0-521-09873-1.

[81] Minault, Gail (1982) The Khilafat Movement ReligiousSymbolism and Political Mobilization in India, ColumbiaUniversity Press, ISBN 0231050720

[82] Kham, Aqeeluzzafar (1990). “The All-India MuslimConference and the Origin of the Khilafat Movement inIndia”. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 38 (2):155–62.

[83] Roberts, W. H. (1923). “A Review of the Gandhi Move-ment in India”. Political Science Quarterly 38 (2): 227–48.doi:10.2307/2142634. JSTOR 2142634.

[84] Bose, Sugata and Jalal, Ayesha (2004). Modern SouthAsia: History, Culture, Political Economy. PsychologyPress. pp. 112–14. ISBN 9780203712535.

[85] Brown (1991) pp. 140–47.

[86] von Pochhammer, Wilhelm (2005). India’s Road to Na-tionhood: A Political History of the Subcontinent. AlliedPublishers. p. 440. ISBN 9788177647150.

[87] Sarkar, Sumit (1983). Modern India: 1885–1947.Macmillan. p. 233. ISBN 9780333904251.

[88] Markovits, Claude, ed. (2004). A History of ModernIndia, 1480–1950. Anthem Press. p. 372. ISBN9781843310044.

[89] Brown, JudithMargaret (1994). Modern India: the originsof an Asian democracy. Oxford U. Press. p. 228. ISBN9780198731122.

[90] Mary Elizabeth King, “Mohandas K, Gandhi and MartinLuther King, Jr.'s Bequest: Nonviolent Civil Resistancein a Globalized World” in Lewis V. Baldwin and Paul R.Dekar (2013). “In an Inescapable Network of Mutuality":Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Globalization of an EthicalIdeal. Wipf and Stock. pp. 168–69.

[91] Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1940). An Autobiogra-phy or The Story of My Experiments With Truth (2 ed.).Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House. p. 82. ISBN0-8070-5909-9. Also available at Wikisource.

[92] Chakrabarty, Bidyut (2008). Indian Politics and Societysince Independence: events, processes and ideology. Rout-ledge. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-415-40868-4. Retrieved 4April 2012.

[93] Hardiman (2003), p. 163.

[94] Desai, p. 89.

[95] “Gandhi Invents Spinning Wheel”. Popular Science (Bon-nier Corporation): 60. 1931.

[96] Shashi, p. 9.

[97] Desai, p. 105.

[98] Roberts, Andrew (26 March 2011). “Among the Hagiog-raphers (A book review of “Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhiand His Struggle With India” by Joseph Lelyveld)". WallStreet Journal. Retrieved 14 January 2012.

[99] Datta, Amaresh (1 January 2006). The Encyclopaedia ofIndian Literature (Volume Two) (Devraj To Jyoti). SahityaAkademi. p. 1345. ISBN 978-81-260-1194-0. Retrieved4 April 2012.

[100] Desai, p. 131.

[101] Jain, Jagdishchandra (1987). Gandhi, the forgotten Ma-hatma. Delhi: Mittal Publications. p. 17. ISBN 81-7099-037-8.

[102] Gandhi 1990, p. 172.

[103] Hatt (2002), p. 33.

[104] Norvell, Lyn (1997). “Gandhi and the Indian Women’sMovement”. British Library Journal 23 (1): 12–27. ISSN0305-5167.

[105] Sarma, Bina Kumari (January 1994). “Gandhian Move-ment and Women’s Awakening in Orissa”. Indian Histor-ical Review 21 (1/2): 78–79. ISSN 0376-9836.

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[106] Murali, Atlury (January 1985). “Non-Cooperation inAndhra in 1920–22: Nationalist Intelligentsia and theMobilization of Peasantry”. Indian Historical Review 12(1/2): 188–217. ISSN 0376-9836.

[107] Herman (2008) pp. 375–77.

[108] Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Ri-valry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Ran-dom House. p. 359.

[109] Kamath, M. V. (1995). Gandhi’s Coolie: Life & Timesof Ramkrishna Bajaj. Allied Publishers. p. 24. ISBN8170234875.

[110] Coward, Harold G. (2003). Indian Critiques of Gandhi.SUNY Press. pp. 52–3. ISBN 978-0-7914-5910-2.

[111] Kalchuri, Bhau (1986) “Meher Prabhu: Lord Meher, TheBiography of the Avatar of the Age, Meher Baba”, Mani-festation, Inc., p. 1380.

[112] Desai, pp. 230–89.

[113] 100 Most Influential People of All Times. p. 354.

[114] Guha, Ramachandra (22 June 2012) “The Other LiberalLight”. The New Republic.

[115] Gandhi 1990, p. 246.

[116] Ghose, Sankar (1992). Jawaharlal Nehru, A Biography,p. 137. Allied Publishers Limited.

[117] Gandhi 1990, pp. 277–281.

[118] Sarkar, Jayabrata (18 April 2006). “Power, Hege-mony and Politics: Leadership Struggle in Congress inthe 1930s”. Modern Asian Studies 40 (2): 333–70.doi:10.1017/S0026749X0600179X.

[119] Dash, Siddhartha (January 2005). “Gandhi and SubhasChandra Bose” (PDF). Orissa Review. Retrieved 12 April2012.

[120] Gandhi 1990, pp. 283–286.

[121] Gandhi 1990, p. 309.

[122] Gandhi 1990, p. 318.

[123] Brock, Peter (1983). The Mahatma and mother India: es-says on Gandhiʼs nonviolence and nationalism. NavajivanPublishing House. p. 34.

[124] Limaye, Madhu (1990). Mahatma Gandhi and Jawahar-lal Nehru: a historic partnership. B. R. Publishing Corpo-ration. p. 11. ISBN 8170185475.

[125] von Pochhammer, Wilhelm (2005). India’s Road to Na-tionhood: A Political History of the Subcontinent. AlliedPublishers. p. 469. ISBN 8177647156.

[126] Lapping, Brian (1989). End of empire. Paladin. ISBN978-0-586-08870-8.

[127] “Gandhi, Jinnah Meet First Time Since '44; Disagree onPakistan, but Will Push Peace”. The New York Times. 7May 1947. Retrieved 25 March 2012. (subscription re-quired)

[128] Jalil, Azizul (1944). “When Gandhi met Jinnah”. TheDaily Star. Retrieved 25 March 2012.

[129] Bhattacharya, Sanjoy (2001). Propaganda and informa-tion in Eastern India, 1939–45: a necessary weapon ofwar. Psychology Press. p. 33. ISBN 978-0-7007-1406-3.

[130] Shashi, p. 13.

[131] Reprinted in Fischer (2002), pp. 106–08.

[132] Keen, Shirin (Spring 1998). “The Partition of India”.Emory University.

[133] Jack, p. 418.

[134] Wolpert, Chapter 1.

[135] Tønnesson, Øyvind (1 December 1999). “MahatmaGandhi, the Missing Laureate”. Nobelprize.org. Re-trieved 16 January 2012.

[136] Metcalf, Barbara Daly; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006). Aconcise history of modern India. Cambridge UniversityPress. pp. 221–22. ISBN 978-0-521-86362-9.

[137] Lelyveld, Joseph (2011). Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhiand His Struggle with India. Random House Digital, Inc.pp. 278–81. ISBN 978-0-307-26958-4.

[138] Saikia, Bijoy Sankar (2 October 2006). “Why MahatmaGandhi didn't get a Nobel Prize”. CNN IBN-Live.

[139] Wolpert, p. 7.

[140] Gandhi, Tushar A. (2007). “Let’s Kill Gandhi !": A Chron-icle of His Last Days, the Conspiracy, Murder, Investiga-tion, and Trial. Rupa & Company. p. 12. ISBN 978-81-291-1094-7.

[141] Hardiman, David (2003). Gandhi in His Time and Ours:The Global Legacy of His Ideas. Columbia UniversityPress. pp. 174–76. ISBN 9780231131148.

[142] Lal, Vinay (January 2001). "'Hey Ram': The Politics ofGandhi’s Last Words”. Humanscape 8 (1): 34–38.

[143] Singh, M. K. (2009). Encyclopaedia of Indian War of In-dependence (1857–1947) (Set of 19 Vols.). Anmol Publi-cations Pvt. Ltd. ISBN 978-81-261-3745-9.

[144] Jain, 1996, pp. 45–47.

[145] “Over a million get last darshan”. The Indian Express. 1February 1948. p. 1 (bottom left). Retrieved 19 January2012.

[146] “Of all faiths and races, together they shed their silenttears”. The Indian Express. 31 January 1948. p. 5 (topcentre). Retrieved 19 January 2012.

[147] Guha, Ramachandra (2007), India after Gandhi, HarperCollins, ISBN 978-0-330-50554-3, pp. 37–40.

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[232] Desai, p. viii.

[233] BasuMajumdar, A. K. (1993), Rabindranath Tagore: ThePoet of India, Indus Publishing, ISBN 8185182922, p. 83:“When Gandhi returned to India, Rabindranath’s eldestbrother Dwijendranath, was perhaps the first to addresshim as Mahatma. Rabindranath followed suit and thenthe whole of India called him Mahatma Gandhi.”

[234] Ghose, Sankar (1991). Mahatma Gandhi. Allied Pub-lishers. p. 158. ISBN 9788170232056. So Tagore dif-fered from many of Gandhi’s ideas, but yet he had greatregard for him and Tagore was perhaps the first impor-tant Indian who called Gandhi a Mahatma. But in 1921when Gandhi was asked whether he was really a MahatmaGandhi replied that he did not feel like one, and that, inany event he could not define a Mahatma for he had nevermet any.

[235] Guha, Ramachandra (24 July 2007). India After Gandhi:The History of the World’s Largest Democracy. Delhi:Ecco Press. ISBN 0060198818.

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3.11 Bibliography

3.11.1 Books

• Bondurant, Joan Valérie (1971). Conquest of Vio-lence: the Gandhian philosophy of conflict. Univer-sity of California Press.

• Brown, Judith M. “Gandhi, Mohandas Karamc-hand [Mahatma Gandhi] (1869–1948)", OxfordDictionary of National Biography, Oxford Univer-sity Press, 2004; online edn, January 2011 accessed25 February 2012 (subscription required)

• Brown, Judith M., and Anthony Parel, eds. TheCambridge Companion to Gandhi (2012); 14 esssaysby scholars excerpt and text search

• Brown, Judith Margaret (1991). Gandhi: Prisonerof Hope. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-05125-4.

• Chadha, Yogesh (1997). Gandhi: a life. John Wi-ley. ISBN 978-0-471-24378-6.

• Easwaran, Eknath (2011). Gandhi the Man: HowOne Man Changed Himself to Change the World.Nilgiri Press. ISBN 978-1-586380-55-7.

• Hook, Sue Vander (1 September 2010). MahatmaGandhi: Proponent of Peace. ABDO. ISBN 978-1-61758-813-6.

• Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Gandhi: The Man, HisPeople, and the Empire. University of CaliforniaPress. ISBN 978-0-520-25570-8.

• Gangrade, K.D. (2004). “Role of Shanti Sainiks inthe Global Race for Armaments”. Moral LessonsFrom Gandhi’s Autobiography And Other Essays.Concept Publishing Company. ISBN 978-81-8069-084-6.

• Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Gandhi Before India.Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.

• Hardiman, David (2003). Gandhi in His Time andOurs: the global legacy of his ideas. C. Hurst & Co.ISBN 978-1-85065-711-8.

• Hatt, Christine (2002). Mahatma Gandhi. EvansBrothers. ISBN 978-0-237-52308-4.

3.11. BIBLIOGRAPHY 39

• Herman, Arthur (2008). Gandhi and Churchill: theepic rivalry that destroyed an empire and forged ourage. Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 978-0-553-80463-8.

• Jai, Janak Raj (1996). Commissions and Omissionsby Indian Prime Ministers: 1947–1980. RegencyPublications. ISBN 978-81-86030-23-3.

• Johnson, Richard L. (2006). Gandhi’s Experimentswith Truth: Essential Writings by and about Ma-hatma Gandhi. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7.

• Jones, Constance and Ryan, James D. (2007).Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase Publishing. p.160. ISBN 978-0-8160-5458-9.

• Majmudar, Uma (2005). Gandhi’s Pilgrimage ofFaith: from darkness to light. SUNY Press. ISBN978-0-7914-6405-2.

• Mathew, Sarah; Afreen, Munnazza (9 July 2013).An Introduction to Education. AuthorHouse. ISBN978-1-4772-0447-4.

• Miller, Jake C. (2002). Prophets of a just society.Nova Publishers. ISBN 978-1-59033-068-5.

• Pāṇḍeya, Viśva Mohana (2003). Historiography ofIndia’s Partition: an analysis of imperialist writ-ings. Atlantic Publishers &Dist. ISBN 978-81-269-0314-6.

• Pilisuk, Marc; Nagler, Michael N. (2011). PeaceMovements Worldwide: Players and practices in re-sistance to war. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-313-36482-2.

• Rühe, Peter (5 October 2004). Gandhi. Phaidon.ISBN 978-0-7148-4459-6.

• Schouten, Jan Peter (2008). Jesus as Guru: the im-age of Christ among Hindus and Christians in India.Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-420-2443-4.

• Sharp, Gene (1979). Gandhi as a Political Strate-gist: with essays on ethics and politics. P. SargentPublishers. ISBN 978-0-87558-090-6.

• Shashi, S. S. (1996). Encyclopaedia Indica: India,Pakistan, Bangladesh. Anmol Publications. ISBN978-81-7041-859-7.

• Sofri, Gianni (1999). Gandhi and India: a centuryin focus. Windrush Press. ISBN 978-1-900624-12-1.

• Thacker, Dhirubhai (2006). ""Gandhi, MohandasKaramchand” (entry)". In Amaresh Datta. The En-cyclopaedia of Indian Literature (Volume Two) (De-vraj To Jyoti). Sahitya Akademi. p. 1345. ISBN978-81-260-1194-0.

• Todd, Anne M (2004). Mohandas Gandhi. In-fobase Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7910-7864-8.;short biography for children

• Wolpert, Stanley (2002). Gandhi’s Passion: the lifeand legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford UniversityPress. ISBN 9780199728725.

3.11.2 Primary sources

• Abel M (4 January 2005). Glimpses of Indian Na-tional Movement. ICFAI Books. ISBN 978-81-7881-420-9.

• Andrews, C. F. (2008) [1930]. “VII – The Teach-ing of Ahimsa”. Mahatma Gandhi’s Ideas IncludingSelections from His Writings. Pierides Press. ISBN978-1-4437-3309-0.

• Dalton, Dennis, ed. (1996). Mahatma Gandhi: Se-lected Political Writings. Hackett Publishing. ISBN978-0-87220-330-3.

• Duncan, Ronald, ed. (May 2011). Selected Writ-ings of Mahatma Gandhi. Literary Licensing, LLC.ISBN 978-1-258-00907-6.

• Gandhi, M. K.; Fischer, Louis (2002). Louis Fis-cher, ed. The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology ofHis Writings on His Life, Work and Ideas. VintageBooks. ISBN 978-1-4000-3050-7.

• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1928). Satya-graha in South Africa (in Gujarati) (1 ed.). Ahmed-abad: Navajivan Publishing House. Translated byValji G. Desai Free online access at Wikilivres.ca(1/e). Pdfs from Gandhiserve (3/e) & Yann Forget(hosted by Arvind Gupta) (1/e).

• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1994). The Col-lected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Publications Di-vision, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,Govt. of India. ISBN 978-81-230-0239-2. (100volumes). Free online access from Gandhiserve.

• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1928). “DrainInspector’s Report”. The United States of India 5(6,7,8): 3–4.

• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1990). Desai,Mahadev H., ed. Autobiography: The Story of MyExperiments With Truth. Mineola, N.Y.: Dover.ISBN 0-486-24593-4.

• Gandhi, Rajmohan (9 October 2007). Mohandas:True Story of a Man, His People. Penguin BooksLimited. ISBN 978-81-8475-317-2.

• Guha, Ramachandra (2 October 2013). “1. MiddleCast, Middle Rank”. Gandhi Before India. PenguinBooks Limited. ISBN 978-93-5118-322-8.

40 CHAPTER 3. MAHATMA GANDHI

• Jack, Homer A., ed. (1994). The Gandhi Reader: ASource Book of His Life and Writings. Grove Press.ISBN 978-0-8021-3161-4.

• Johnson, Richard L. and Gandhi, M. K. (2006).Gandhi’s Experiments With Truth: Essential Writingsby and about Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington Books.ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7.

• Todd, Anne M. (1 January 2009). MohandasGandhi. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4381-0662-5.

• Parel, Anthony J., ed. (2009). Gandhi: “HindSwaraj” and Other Writings Centenary Edition.Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-14602-9.

3.12 External links• Mahatma Gandhi at DMOZ

• Sannuti, Arun (6 April 2010). “Mohandas K.Gandhi (1869–1948) – Vegetarianism: The Road toSatyagraha”. International Vegetarian Union (IVU).Retrieved 12 January 2012.

• Riggenbach, Jeff (2 February 2011). “Does GandhiDeserve a Place in the Libertarian Tradition?".Mises Daily (Ludwig von Mises Institute).

• About Mahatma Gandhi

• Gandhi Ashram at Sabarmati

• Gandhi Smriti — Government of India website

• Mani Bhavan Gandhi Sangrahalaya Gandhi Mu-seum & Library

• Sughosh, India (2 October 2010). “Bapu: CompleteLife History”. Research Work. http://www.bapu.sughosh.in. Retrieved 15 August 2012.

• Gandhi Research Foundation – One-Stop info onGandhi

• Mohandas K. Gandhi materials in the South AsianAmerican Digital Archive (SAADA)

• Works by Mahatma Gandhi at Project Gutenberg

• Works by or about Mahatma Gandhi at InternetArchive

• Works by Mahatma Gandhi at LibriVox (public do-main audiobooks)

Chapter 4

Jawaharlal Nehru

Jawaharlal Nehru (/ˈneɪruː, ˈnɛruː/;[1] Hindustani:[ˈdʒəʋaːɦərˈlaːl ˈneːɦru]; 14 November 1889 – 27 May1964) was the first Prime Minister of India and a centralfigure in Indian politics for much of the 20th century.He emerged as the paramount leader of the Indianindependence movement under the tutelage of MahatmaGandhi and ruled India from its establishment as anindependent nation in 1947 until his death in office in1964. Nehru is considered to be the architect of themodern Indian nation-state: a sovereign, socialist, secu-lar, and democratic republic. During his lifetime, he waspopularly known as Pandit Nehru (“Scholar Nehru”) oras Panditji (“Respected Scholar”), while many Indianchildren knew him as "Chacha Nehru"(Uncle Nehru).[2]

The son of Motilal Nehru, a prominent lawyer and na-tionalist statesman and Swaroop Rani, Nehru was a grad-uate of Trinity College, Cambridge and the Inner Tem-ple, where he trained to be a barrister. Upon his returnto India, he enrolled at the Allahabad High Court, andtook an interest in national politics, which eventually re-placed his legal practice. A committed nationalist sincehis teenage years, Nehru became a rising figure in Indianpolitics during the upheavals of the 1910s. He became theprominent leader of the left-wing factions of the IndianNational Congress during the 1920s, and eventually ofthe entire Congress, with the tacit approval of his mentor,Gandhi. As Congress President in 1929, Nehru calledfor complete independence from the British Raj and in-stigated the Congress’s decisive shift towards the left.Nehru and the Congress dominated Indian politics duringthe 1930s as the country moved towards independence.His idea of a secular nation-state was seemingly validatedwhen the Congress, under his leadership, swept the 1937provincial elections and formed the government in sev-eral provinces; on the other hand, the separatist MuslimLeague fared much poorer. But these achievements wereseriously compromised in the aftermath of the Quit In-dia Movement in 1942, which saw the British effectivelycrush the Congress as a political organisation. Nehru,who had reluctantly heeded Gandhi’s call for immediateindependence, for he had desired to support the Alliedwar effort during the Second World War, came out ofa lengthy prison term to a much altered political land-scape. The Muslim League under his old Congress col-

league and now bête noire, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, hadcome to dominate Muslim politics in India. Negotiationsbetween Nehru and Jinnah for power sharing failed andgave way to the independence and bloody partition of In-dia in 1947.Nehru was elected by the Congress to assume office as in-dependent India’s first PrimeMinister, although the ques-tion of leadership had been settled as far back as 1941,when Gandhi acknowledged Nehru as his political heirand successor. As Prime Minister, Nehru set out to re-alise his vision of India. The Constitution of India wasenacted in 1950, after which he embarked on an ambi-tious program of economic, social and political reforms.Chiefly, he oversaw India’s transition from a monarchy toa republic, while nurturing a plural, multi-party democ-racy. In foreign policy, Nehru took a leading role in Non-Alignment while projecting India as a regional hegemonin South Asia.Under Nehru’s leadership, the Congress emerged as acatch-all party, dominating national and state-level poli-tics and winning consecutive elections in 1951, 1957, and1962. He remained popular with the people of India inspite of political troubles in his final years and failure ofleadership during the 1962 Sino-IndianWar. In India, hisbirthday is celebrated as Children’s Day.

4.1 Early life and career (1889–1912)

Jawaharlal Nehru was born on 14 November 1889 inAllahabad in British India. His father, Motilal Nehru(1861–1931), a wealthy barrister who belonged to theKashmiri Pandit community,[3] served twice as Presidentof the Indian National Congress during the Indian inde-pendence movement. His mother, Swaruprani Thussu(1868–1938), who came from a well-known KashmiriBrahmin family settled in Lahore,[4] wasMotilal’s secondwife, the first having died in child birth. Jawaharlal wasthe eldest of three children, two of whom were girls.[5]His elder sister, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, later became thefirst female president of the United Nations General As-sembly.[6] His youngest sister, Krishna Hutheesing, be-

41

42 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Nehru in khaki uniform as a member of Seva Dal.

came a noted writer and authored several books on herbrother.Nehru described his childhood as a “sheltered and un-eventful one.” He grew up in an atmosphere of privilege atwealthy homes including a large palatial estate called theAnand Bhavan. His father had him educated at home byprivate governesses and tutors.[7] Under the influence of atutor, Ferdinand T. Brooks, Nehru became interested inscience and theosophy.[8] Nehru was subsequently initi-ated into the Theosophical Society at age thirteen by fam-ily friend Annie Besant. However, his interest in theoso-phy did not prove to be enduring and he left the societyshortly after Brooks departed as his tutor.[9] Nehru wrote:“for nearly three years [Brooks] was with me and in manyways he influenced me greatly.”[8]

Nehru’s theosophical interests had induced him to thestudy of the scriptures of Buddhism and Hinduism.[10]According to Bal Ram Nanda, these scriptures were

The Nehru family ca. 1890s

Nehru’s “first introduction to the religious and culturalheritage of [India]....[they] provided Nehru the initialimpulse for [his] long intellectual quest which culmi-nated...in the Discovery of India.”[10]

Nehru became an ardent nationalist during his youth. TheSecond Boer War and the Russo-Japanese War inten-sified his feelings. About the latter he wrote, "[The]Japanese victories [had] stirred up my enthusiasm ...Nationalistic ideas filled my mind ... I mused of In-dian freedom and Asiatic freedom from the thraldom ofEurope.”[8] Later when Nehru had begun his institutionalschooling in 1905 at Harrow, a leading school in England,he was greatly influenced by G. M. Trevelyan's GiuseppeGaribaldi books, which he had received as prizes for aca-demic merit.[11] Nehru viewed Garibaldi as a revolution-ary hero. He wrote: “Visions of similar deeds in In-dia came before, of [my] gallant fight for [Indian] free-dom and in my mind India and Italy got strangely mixedtogether.”[8]

Nehru went to Trinity College, Cambridge in October1907 and graduated with an honours degree in NaturalScience in 1910.[12] During this period, Nehru also stud-ied politics, economics, history and literature desultorily.Writings of George Bernard Shaw, H. G. Wells, JohnMaynard Keynes, Bertrand Russell, Goldsworthy LowesDickinson and Meredith Townsend moulded much of hispolitical and economic thinking.[8]

After completing his degree in 1910, Nehru went to Lon-don and stayed there for two years for law studies at the

4.2. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1912–47) 43

Nehru dressed in cadet uniform at Harrow School in England

Nehru at the Allahabad High Court

Inns of Court School of Law (Inner Temple).[13] Duringthis time, he continued to study the scholars of the FabianSociety including BeatriceWebb.[8] Nehru passed his barexaminations in 1912 and was admitted to the Englishbar.[13]

After returning to India in August 1912, Nehru enrolledhimself as an advocate of the Allahabad High Court andtried to settle down as a barrister. But, unlike his father,he had only a desultory interest in his profession and didnot relish either the practice of law or the company oflawyers. Nehru wrote: “Decidedly the atmosphere wasnot intellectually stimulating and a sense of the utter in-sipidity of life grew upon me.”[8] His involvement in na-tionalist politics would gradually replace his legal practicein the coming years.[8]

4.2 Struggle for Indian Indepen-dence (1912–47)

Nehru had developed an interest in Indian politics dur-ing his time in Britain.[14] Within months of his returnto India in 1912 he had attended an annual session ofthe Indian National Congress in Patna.[15] Nehru was dis-concerted with what he saw as a “very much an English-knowing upper class affair.”[16] The Congress in 1912had been the party of moderates and elites.[15] Nehruharboured doubts regarding the ineffectualness of theCongress but agreed to work for the party in support ofthe Indian civil rights movement in South Africa.[17] Hecollected funds for the civil rights campaigners led byGandhi in 1913.[15] Later, he campaigned against the in-dentured labour and other such discriminations faced byIndians in the British colonies.[18]

When theWorldWar I broke out in August 1914, sympa-thy in India was divided. Although educated Indians “byand large took a vicarious pleasure” in seeing the Britishrulers humbled, the ruling upper classes sided with theTriple Entente. Nehru confessed that he viewed the warwith mixed feelings. Frank Moraes wrote: “If [Nehru’s]sympathy was with any country it was with France, whoseculture he greatly admired.”[19] During the war, Nehruvolunteered for the St. John Ambulance and worked asone of the provincial secretaries of the organisation inAllahabad.[15] Nehru also spoke out against the censor-ship acts passed by the British government in India.[20]

Nehru emerged from the war years as a leader whosepolitical views were considered radical. Although thepolitical discourse had been dominated at this time byGopal Krishna Gokhale,[17] a moderate who said that itwas “madness to think of independence”,[15] Nehru hadspoken “openly of the politics of non-cooperation, ofthe need of resigning from honorary positions under thegovernment and of not continuing the futile politics ofrepresentation.”[21] Nehru ridiculed the Indian Civil Ser-vice (ICS) for its support of British policies. He notedthat someone had once defined the Indian Civil Service,“with which we are unfortunately still afflicted in thiscountry, as neither Indian, nor civil, nor a service.”[22]Motilal Nehru, a prominent moderate leader, acknowl-edged the limits of constitutional agitation, but counselled

44 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Nehru in 1918 with wife Kamala and daughter Indira

his son that there was no other “practical alternative” toit. Nehru, however, was not satisfied with the pace of thenational movement. He became involved with aggressivenationalists leaders who were demanding home rule forIndians.[23]

The influence of the moderates on Congress politicsbegan to wane after Gokhale died in 1915.[15] Anti-moderate leaders such as Annie Besant and Bal Gangad-har Tilak took the opportunity to call for a Indian HomeRule movement. But, in 1915, the proposal was rejecteddue to the reluctance of the moderates to commit to sucha radical course of action. Besant nevertheless formed aleague for advocating Home Rule in 1916; and Tilak, onhis release from a prison term, had in April 1916 formedhis own league.[15] Nehru joined both leagues but workedespecially for the former.[24] He remarked later: "[Be-sant] had a very powerful influence on me in my child-hood... even later when I entered political life her influ-ence continued.”[24] Another development which broughtabout a radical change in Indian politics was the espousalof Hindu-Muslim unity with the Lucknow Pact at the an-nual meeting of the Congress in December 1916. Thepact had been initiated earlier in the year at Allahabadat a meeting of the All India Congress Committee, whichwas held at the Nehru residence at Anand Bhavan. Nehruwelcomed and encouraged the rapprochement betweenthe two Indian communities.[24]

4.2.1 Home rule movement

Several nationalist leaders banded together in 1916 underthe leadership of Annie Besant to voice a demand for self-governance and to obtain the status of a Dominion withinthe British Empire as enjoyed by Australia, Canada,South Africa, New Zealand and Newfoundland at thetime. Nehru joined the movement and rose to becomesecretary of Besant’s All India Home Rule League.[24][25]In June 1917 Besant was arrested and interned by theBritish government. The Congress and various other In-dian organisation threatened to launch protests if she werenot set free. The British government was subsequentlyforced to release Besant and make significant conces-sions after a period of intense protests, the Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms.

4.2.2 Non-cooperation

The first big national involvement of Nehru came atthe onset of the non-cooperation movement in 1920.He led the movement in the United Provinces (nowUttar Pradesh). Nehru was arrested on charges of anti-governmental activities in 1921, and was released a fewmonths later. In the rift that formed within the Congressfollowing the sudden closure of the non-co-operationmovement after the Chauri Chaura incident, Nehru re-mained loyal to Gandhi and did not join the Swaraj Partyformed by his father Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das.

4.2.3 Internationalising the struggle

Nehru played a leading role in the development of the in-ternationalist outlook of the Indian independence strug-gle. He sought foreign allies for India and forged linkswith movements for independence and democracy allover the world. In 1927, his efforts paid off and theCongress was invited to attend the congress of oppressednationalities in Brussels in Belgium. The meeting wascalled to co-ordinate and plan a common struggle againstimperialism. Nehru represented India and was elected tothe Executive Council of the League against Imperialismthat was born at this meeting.[26]

During the mid-1930s, Nehru was much concerned withdevelopments in Europe, which seemed to be drifting to-ward another world war. He was in Europe in early 1936,visiting his ailing wife, shortly before she died in a sani-tarium in Switzerland. Even at this time, he emphasisedthat, in the event of war, India’s place was alongside thedemocracies, though he insisted that India could only fightin support of Great Britain and France as a free country.Nehru closely worked with Subhas Chandra Bose in de-veloping good relations with governments of free coun-tries all over the world. However, the two split in thelate 1930s, when Bose agreed to seek the help of fas-cists in driving the British out of India. At the same

4.2. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1912–47) 45

Indira Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi and SanjayGandhi

Nehru and his daughter Indira in Britain, 1930s

time, Nehru had supported the Republicans, who werefighting against Francisco Franco's forces in the SpanishCivil War. Nehru, along with his aide V. K. KrishnaMenon, visited Spain and declared support for the Re-publicans. Nehru refused to meet Benito Mussolini, thedictator of Italy, when the latter expressed his desire tomeet him.[27][28]

4.2.4 Republicanism

Nehru was one of the first nationalist leaders to realisethe sufferings of the people in the states ruled by IndianPrinces. He suffered imprisonment in Nabha, a princelystate, when he went there to see the struggle that was be-ing waged by the Sikhs against the corrupt Mahants. Thenationalist movement had been confined to the territoriesunder direct British rule. Nehru helped to make the strug-gle of the people in the princely states a part of the nation-alist movement for independence. The All India statespeople’s conference was formed in 1927. Nehru who hadbeen supporting the cause of the people of the princelystates for many years was made the President of the con-ference in 1935. He opened up its ranks to membershipfrom across the political spectrum. The body would playan important role during the political integration of In-dia, helping Indian leaders Vallabhbhai Patel and V. P.Menon (to whom Nehru had delegated the task of inte-grating the princely states into India) negotiate with hun-dreds of princes.In July 1946, Nehru pointedly observed that no princelystate could prevail militarily against the army of indepen-dent India.[29] In January 1947, Nehru said that indepen-dent India would not accept the divine right of kings,[30]and in May 1947, he declared that any princely statewhich refused to join the Constituent Assembly wouldbe treated as an enemy state.During the drafting of the Indian constitution, many In-dian leaders (except Nehru) of that time were in favourof allowing each princely state or Covenanting State tobe independent as a federal state along the lines sug-gested originally by the Government of India act (1935).But as the drafting of the constitution progressed andthe idea of forming a republic took concrete shape (dueto the efforts of Nehru), it was decided that all thePrincely states/Covenanting States would merge with theIndian republic. Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi, de-recognized all the rulers by presidential order in 1969,but this was struck down by the Supreme Court of India.Eventually, the government was successful in abolishingthe princely states with the 26th Amendment to the Con-stitution. The process began by Nehru was finally com-pleted by his daughter by the end of 1971.

4.2.5 Declaration of Independence

Nehru was one of the first leaders to demand that theCongress Party should resolve to make a complete andexplicit break from all ties with the British Empire. Heintroduced a resolution demanding “complete nationalindependence” in 1927, which was rejected because ofGandhi’s opposition.[31]

In 1928, Gandhi agreed to Nehru’s demands and pro-posed a resolution that called for the British to grant do-minion status to India within two years. If the British

46 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

failed to meet the deadline, the Congress would call uponall Indians to fight for complete independence. Nehru wasone of the leaders who objected to the time given to theBritish – he pressed Gandhi to demand immediate actionsfrom the British. Gandhi brokered a further compromiseby reducing the time given from two years to one. Nehruagreed to vote for the new resolution.Demands for dominion status was rejected by the Britishin 1929. Nehru assumed the presidency of the Congressparty during the Lahore session on 29 December 1929and introduced a successful resolution calling for com-plete independence.Nehru drafted the Indian declaration of independence,which stated:

“We believe that it is the inalienable rightof the Indian people, as of any other people,to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of theirtoil and have the necessities of life, so that theymay have full opportunities of growth. We be-lieve also that if any government deprives a peo-ple of these rights and oppresses them the peo-ple have a further right to alter it or abolishit. The British government in India has notonly deprived the Indian people of their free-dom but has based itself on the exploitation ofthe masses, and has ruined India economically,politically, culturally and spiritually. We believetherefore, that India must sever the British con-nection and attain Purna Swaraj or complete in-dependence.” [32]

At midnight on New Year’s Eve 1929, Nehru hoisted thetricolour flag of India upon the banks of the Ravi in La-hore. A pledge of independence was read out, which in-cluded a readiness to withhold taxes. The massive gath-ering of public attending the ceremony was asked if theyagreed with it, and the vast majority of people were wit-nessed to raise their hands in approval. 172 Indian mem-bers of central and provincial legislatures resigned in sup-port of the resolution and in accordance with Indian pub-lic sentiment. The Congress asked the people of Indiato observe 26 January as Independence Day. The flag ofIndia was hoisted publicly across India by Congress vol-unteers, nationalists and the public. Plans for a mass civildisobedience were also underway.After the Lahore session of the Congress in 1929, Nehrugradually emerged as the paramount leader of the Indianindependence movement. Gandhi stepped back into amore spiritual role. Although Gandhi did not officiallydesignate Nehru his political heir until 1942, the coun-try as early as the mid-1930s saw in Nehru the naturalsuccessor to Gandhi.

4.2.6 Civil disobedience

Nehru andmost of the Congress leaders were initially am-bivalent about Gandhi’s plan to begin civil disobediencewith a satyagraha aimed at the British salt tax. After theprotest gathered steam, they realised the power of saltas a symbol. Nehru remarked about the unprecedentedpopular response, “it seemed as though a spring had beensuddenly released.”[33] Nehru was arrested on 14 April1930 while entraining from Allahabad for Raipur. Hehad earlier, after addressing a huge meeting and leading avast procession, ceremoniously manufactured some con-traband salt. He was charged with breach of the salt law,tried summarily behind prison walls and sentenced to sixmonths of imprisonment. Nehru nominated Gandhi tosucceed him as Congress President during his absence injail, but Gandhi declined, and Nehru then nominated hisfather as his successor. With Nehru’s arrest the civil dis-obedience acquired a new tempo, and arrests, firing oncrowds and lathi charges grew to be ordinary occurrences.The Salt Satyagraha succeeded in drawing the attentionof the world. Indian, British, and world opinion increas-ingly began to recognise the legitimacy of the claims bythe Congress party for independence. Nehru consideredthe salt satyagraha the high-water mark of his associationwith Gandhi,[34] and felt that its lasting importance wasin changing the attitudes of Indians:

"Of course these movements exercisedtremendous pressure on the British Governmentand shook the government machinery. But thereal importance, to my mind, lay in the effectthey had on our own people, and especially thevillage masses. ... Non-cooperation draggedthem out of the mire and gave them self-respectand self-reliance. ... They acted courageouslyand did not submit so easily to unjust oppression;their outlook widened and they began to think alittle in terms of India as a whole. ... It wasa remarkable transformation and the Congress,under Gandhi’s leadership, must have the creditfor it."[35]

4.2.7 Architect of India

Nehru elaborated the policies of the Congress and a fu-ture Indian nation under his leadership in 1929. He de-clared that the aims of the congress were freedom of reli-gion, right to form associations, freedom of expression ofthought, equality before law for every individual withoutdistinction of caste, colour, creed or religion, protectionto regional languages and cultures, safeguarding the in-terests of the peasants and labour, abolition of untoucha-bility, introduction of adult franchise, imposition of pro-hibition, nationalisation of industries, socialism, and es-tablishment of a secular India. All these aims formed thecore of the “Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy”

4.2. STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1912–47) 47

Gandhi and Nehru in 1942

resolution drafted by Nehru in 1929–31 and were rati-fied by the All India Congress Committee under Gandhi’sleadership.[36] However, some Congress leaders objectedto the resolution and decided to oppose Nehru.The espousal of socialism as the Congress goal wasmost difficult to achieve. Nehru was opposed in this bythe right-wing Congressmen Vallabhbhai Patel, RajendraPrasad and C. Rajagopalachari. Nehru had the supportof the left-wing Congressmen Abul Kalam Azad andSubhas Chandra Bose. The trio combined to oust Prasadas Congress President in 1936. Nehru was elected inhis place and held the presidency for two years (1936–37).[37] Nehru was then succeeded by his socialist col-leagues Bose (1938–39) and Azad (1940–46).After the fall of Bose from the mainstream of Indian pol-itics due to his support of violence in driving the Britishout of India, the power struggle between the socialistsand conservatives balanced out. However, Sardar Pateldied in 1950, leaving Nehru as the sole remaining iconicnational leader, and soon the situation became such thatNehru was able to implement many of his basic policieswithout hindrance. The conservative right-wing of theCongress (composed of India’s upper class elites) wouldcontinue opposing the socialists until the great schism in1969. Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi, was able to ful-fill her father’s dream by the 42nd amendment (1976) ofthe Indian constitution by which India officially became“socialist” and “secular”.[38]

During Nehru’s second term as general secretary of theCongress, he proposed certain resolutions concerning theforeign policy of India.[39] From that time onwards, hewas given carte blanche in framing the foreign policy ofany future Indian nation. Nehru developed good relationswith governments all over the world. He firmly placed In-dia on the side of democracy and freedom during a time

when the world was under the threat of fascism.[28] Nehruwas also given the responsibility of planning the economyof a future India. He appointed the National PlanningCommission in 1938 to help in framing such policies.[40]However, many of the plans framed by Nehru and hiscolleagues would come undone with the unexpected par-tition of India in 1947.

4.2.8 Electoral politics

Jawaharlal Nehru and Rabindranath Tagore

Nehru visit to Europe in 1936 proved to be the watershedin his political and economic thinking. Nehru’s real inter-est in Marxism and his socialist pattern of thought stemfrom that tour. His subsequent sojourns in prison enabledhim to study Marxism in more depth. Interested in itsideas but repelled by some of its methods, he could neverbring himself to accept Karl Marx’s writings as revealedscripture. Yet from then on, the yardstick of his economicthinking remainedMarxist, adjusted, where necessary, toIndian conditions.When the Congress party under Nehru chose to contestelections and accept power under the Federation scheme,Gandhi resigned from party membership. Gandhi didnot disagree with Nehru’s move, but felt that if he re-signed, his popularity with Indians would cease to stiflethe party’s membership. When the elections followingthe introduction of provincial autonomy (under the gov-ernment of India act 1935) brought the Congress partyto power in a majority of the provinces, Nehru’s popu-larity and power was unmatched. Under Muhammad AliJinnah, who was to become the creator of Pakistan, theMuslim League had fared badly at the polls. Nehru de-clared that the only two parties that mattered in India werethe British Raj and Congress. Jinnah statements that theMuslim League was the third and “equal partner” withinIndian politics was widely rejected. Nehru had hoped toelevate Abul KalamAzad as the preeminent leaders of In-dian Muslims, but in this, he was undermined by Gandhi,who continued to treat Jinnah as the voice of Indian Mus-lims.

48 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

4.2.9 World War II and Quit India move-ment

When World war II started, Viceroy Linlithgow had uni-laterally declared India a belligerent on the side of theBritain, without consulting the elected Indian representa-tives. Nehru hurried back from a visit to China, announc-ing that “In a conflict between democracy and Fascism,our sympathies must inevitably be on the side of democ-racy... I should like India to play its full part and throwall her resources into the struggle for a new order.”After much deliberation the Congress under Nehru in-formed the government that it would co-operate with theBritish but on certain conditions. First, Britain must givean assurance of full independence for India after the warand allow the election of a constituent assembly to framea new constitution; second, although the Indian armedforces would remain under the British Commander-in-Chief, Indians must be included immediately in the cen-tral government and given a chance to share power andresponsibility. When Nehru presented Lord Linlithgowwith the demands, he chose to reject them. A deadlockwas reached. “The same old game is played again,” Nehruwrote bitterly to Gandhi, “the background is the same, thevarious epithets are the same and the actors are the sameand the results must be the same.”On 23 October 1939, the Congress condemned theViceroy’s attitude and called upon the Congress min-istries in the various provinces to resign in protest. Be-fore this crucial announcement, Nehru urged Jinnah andthe Muslim League to join the protest but the latter de-clined.In March 1940 Jinnah passed what would come to beknown as the “Pakistan Resolution,” declaring “Muslimsare a nation according to any definition of a nation, andthey must have their homelands, their territory and theirState.” This state was to be known as Pakistan, mean-ing “Land of the Pure.” Nehru angrily declared that “allthe old problems...pale into insignificance before the lat-est stand taken by the Muslim League leader in Lahore.”Linlithgow made Nehru an offer on 8 October 1940. Itstated that Dominion status for India was the objectiveof the British government. However, it referred neitherto a date nor method of accomplishment. Only Jinnahgot something more precise. “The British would not con-template transferring power to a Congress-dominated na-tional government the authority of which was “denied bylarge and powerful elements in India’s national life.”In October 1940, Gandhi and Nehru, abandoning theiroriginal stand of supporting Britain, decided to launch alimited civil disobedience campaign in which leading ad-vocates of Indian independence were selected to partic-ipate one by one. Nehru was arrested and sentenced tofour years’ imprisonment. After spending a little morethan a year in jail, he was released, along with otherCongress prisoners, three days before the bombing of

Pearl Harbor in Hawaii.

Nehru and Jinnah walk together at Simla, 1946

With the Japanese advance to the Indian frontier throughBurma in the spring of 1942, the British government,faced by this new military threat, decided to makesome overtures to India, as Nehru had originally de-sired. Prime Minister Winston Churchill dispatched SirStafford Cripps, a member of the war Cabinet who wasknown to be politically close to Nehru and also knew Jin-nah, with proposals for a settlement of the constitutionalproblem. As soon as he arrived he discovered that Indiawas more deeply divided than he had imagined. Nehru,eager for a compromise, was hopeful. Gandhi was not.Jinnah had continued opposing the Congress. “Pakistanis our only demand,” declared the Muslim League news-paper “Dawn” and by God we will have it.”Cripps’s mission failed as Gandhi would accept nothingless than independence. Relations between Nehru andGandhi cooled over the latter’s refusal to co-operate withCripps, but the two later reconciled. On 15 January 1941Gandhi had stated: “Some say Pandit Nehru and I wereestranged. It will require much more than difference ofopinion to estrange us. We had differences from the timewe became co-workers and yet I have said for some yearsand say so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be mysuccessor.”[41]

Gandhi called on the British to leave India; Nehru, though

4.3. PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA (1947–64) 49

reluctant to embarrass the allied war effort, had no al-ternative but to join Gandhi. Following the Quit Indiaresolution passed by the Congress Party in Mumbai on 8August 1942, the entire Congress working committee, in-cluding Gandhi and Nehru, was arrested and imprisoned.Nehru emerged from this—his ninth and last detention—only on 15 June 1945.During the period where all of the Congress leadershipwere in jail, the Muslim League under Jinnah grew inpower. In April 1943, the League captured the govern-ments of Bengal and, a month later, that of the NorthWest Frontier Province. In none of these provinces hadthe League previously had a majority – only the arrest ofCongress members made it possible. With all theMuslimdominated provinces except the Punjab under Jinnah’scontrol, the artificial concept of a separate Muslim Statewas turning into a reality. However, by 1944, Jinnah’spower and prestige were on the wane. A general sympa-thy towards the jailed Congress leaders was developingamong Muslims, and much of the blame for the disas-trous Bengal famine of 1943–44 during which two mil-lion died, had been laid on the shoulders of the province’sMuslim League government. The numbers at Jinnah’smeetings, once counted in thousands soon numbered onlya few hundreds. In despair, Jinnah left the political scenefor a stay in Kashmir.His prestige was restored unwittingly by Gandhi, who hadbeen released from prison on medical grounds in May1944 and hadmet Jinnah in Bombay in September. Therehe offered the Muslim leader a plebiscite in the Muslimareas after the war to see whether they wanted to separatefrom the rest of India. Essentially, it was an acceptanceof the principle of Pakistan – but not in so many words.Jinnah demanded that the exact words be said; Gandhirefused and the talks broke down.Jinnah however had greatly strengthened his own positionand that of the League. The most influential member ofCongress had been seen to negotiate with him on equalterms. Other Muslim League leaders, opposed both toJinnah and to the partition of India, lost strength.

4.3 PrimeMinister of India (1947–64)

Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the 1946Cabinet Mission to India arrived to propose plans fortransfer of power. Once elected, Nehru headed an in-terim government, which was impaired by outbreaks ofcommunal violence and political disorder, and the op-position of the Muslim League led by Muhammad AliJinnah, who were demanding a separate Muslim state ofPakistan. After failed bids to form coalitions, Nehru re-luctantly supported the partition of India, according to aplan released by the British on 3 June 1947. He took of-fice as the Prime Minister of India on 15 August, and de-

Nehru signing the Indian Constitution c.1950

Lord Mountbatten swears in Jawaharlal Nehru as the first PrimeMinister of free India at the ceremony held at 8:30 am IST on 15August 1947

livered his inaugural address titled "Tryst with Destiny".

Long years ago we made a tryst with des-tiny, and now the time comes when we shallredeem our pledge, not wholly or in full mea-sure, but very substantially. At the stroke ofthe midnight hour, when the world sleeps, In-dia will awake to life and freedom. A momentcomes, which comes but rarely in history, whenwe step out from the old to the new, when anage ends, and when the soul of a nation, longsuppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that atthis solemnmoment we take the pledge of ded-ication to the service of India and her peopleand to the still larger cause of humanity.”[42]

On 30 January 1948, Gandhi was shot while he was walk-ing to a platform from which he was to address a prayermeeting. The assassin, Nathuram Godse, was a Hindunationalist with links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha,who held Gandhi responsible for weakening India by in-sisting upon a payment to Pakistan. Nehru addressed thenation through radio:[43]

Friends and comrades, the light has goneout of our lives, and there is darkness every-where, and I do not quite know what to tell you

50 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Nehru with Albert Einstein at Princeton University, 1949

or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu aswe called him, the father of the nation, is nomore. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; never-theless, we will not see him again, as we haveseen him for these many years, we will not runto him for advice or seek solace from him, andthat is a terrible blow, not only for me, butfor millions and millions in this country.”—Jawaharlal Nehru’s address to Gandhi[44]

President Harry Truman and Jawaharlal Nehru, with Nehru’ssister, Madame Pandit, during Nehru’s visit to the United States,October 1949

Yasmin Khan argued that Gandhi’s death and funeralhelped consolidate the authority of the new Indian stateunder Nehru and Patel. The Congress tightly controlledthe epic public displays of grief over a two-week period—the funeral, mortuary rituals and distribution of the mar-tyr’s ashes—asmillions participated and hundreds of mil-lions watched. The goal was to assert the power of thegovernment, legitimise the Congress party’s control andsuppress all religious para-military groups. Nehru andPatel suppressed the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, theMuslim National Guards, and the Khaksars, with some200,000 arrests. Gandhi’s death and funeral linked the

distant state with the Indian people and made more un-derstand the need to suppress religious parties during thetransition to independence for the Indian people.[45]

In later years there emerged a revisionist school of his-tory which sought to blame Nehru for the partition of In-dia, mostly referring to his highly centralised policies foran independent India in 1947, which Jinnah opposed infavour of a more decentralised India.[46][47] Such viewshas been promoted by the Hindu nationalist BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP), which favours a decentralised centralgovernment in India.[48]

In the years following independence, Nehru frequentlyturned to his daughter Indira to look after him andmanage his personal affairs. Under his leadership, theCongress won an overwhelming majority in the electionsof 1952. Indira moved into Nehru’s official residence toattend to him and became his constant companion in histravels across India and the world. Indira would virtuallybecome Nehru’s chief of staff.Nehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957elections, but his government was facing rising problemsand criticism. Disillusioned by alleged intra-party cor-ruption and bickering, Nehru contemplated resigning butcontinued to serve. The election of his daughter Indira asCongress President in 1959 aroused criticism for allegednepotism, although actually Nehru had disapproved ofher election, partly because he considered it smacked of“dynastism"; he said, indeed it was “wholly undemocraticand an undesirable thing”, and refused her a position inhis cabinet.[49] Indira herself was at loggerheads with herfather over policy; most notably, she used his oft-statedpersonal deference to the Congress Working Committeeto push through the dismissal of the Communist Partyof India government in the state of Kerala, over his ownobjections.[49] Nehru began to be frequently embarrassedby her ruthlessness and disregard for parliamentary tra-dition, and was “hurt” by what he saw as an assertivenesswith no purpose other than to stake out an identity inde-pendent of her father.[50]

In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victoryyet with a diminished majority. Communist and socialistparties were the main beneficiaries although some rightwing groups like Bharatiya Jana Sangh also did well.

4.3.1 Assassination attempts and security

There were four known assassination attempts on Nehru.The first attempt on his life was during partition in1947 while he was visiting North-West Frontier Province(now in Pakistan) in a car.[51] The second one wasby a knife-wielding rickshaw-puller in Maharashtra in1955.[52][53][54][55] The third one happened in Bombay(nowMaharashtra) in 1956.[56][57][58] The fourth one wasa failed bombing attempt on train tracks in Maharash-tra in 1961.[59] Despite threats to his life, Nehru despisedhaving too much security around him and did not like to

4.3. PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA (1947–64) 51

disrupt traffic due to his movement.[60]

4.3.2 Economic policies

Nehru meeting with Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and DeutscheBank chairman Hermann Josef Abs during a state visit to WestGermany in June 1956.

Nehru implemented policies based on import substitutionindustrialisation and advocated a mixed economy wherethe government controlled public sector would co-existwith the private sector.[61] He believed that the establish-ment of basic and heavy industry was fundamental to thedevelopment and modernisation of the Indian economy.The government therefore directed investment primarilyinto key public sector industries – steel, iron, coal, andpower – promoting their development with subsidies andprotectionist policies.[62]

The policy of non-alignment during the Cold War meantthat Nehru received financial and technical support fromboth power blocs in building India’s industrial base fromscratch.[63] Steel mill complexes were built at Bokaroand Rourkela with assistance from the Soviet Unionand West Germany. There was substantial industrialdevelopment.[63] Industry grew 7.0 per cent annually be-tween 1950 and 1965 – almost trebling industrial outputand making India the world’s seventh largest industrialcountry.[63] Nehru’s critics, however, contended that In-dia’s import substitution industrialisation, which was con-tinued long after the Nehru era, weakened the interna-tional competitiveness of its manufacturing industries.[64]India’s share of world trade fell from 1.4 per cent in 1951–1960 to 0.5 per cent over 1981–1990.[65] On the otherhand, India’s export performance is argued to have actu-ally showed sustained improvement over the period. Thevolume of exports went up at an annual rate of 2.9 percent in 1951–1960 to 7.6 per cent in 1971–1980.[66]

GDP and GNP grew 3.9 and 4.0 per cent annually be-tween 1950–51 and 1964–65.[67][68] It was a radical breakfrom the British colonial period.[69] But, in comparisonto other industrial powers in Europe and East Asia, thegrowth rates were considered anaemic at best.[65][70] In-dia lagged behind the miracle economies (Japan, West

Germany, France, and Italy).[71] State planning, controls,and regulations were argued to have impaired economicgrowth.[72] While India’s economy grew faster than boththe United Kingdom and the United States – low initial in-come and rapid population increase – meant that growthwas inadequate for any sort of catch-up with rich incomenations.[70][71][73]

4.3.3 Agriculture policies

Under Nehru’s leadership, the government attempted todevelop India quickly by embarking on agrarian reformand rapid industrialisation. A successful land reformwas introduced that abolished giant landholdings, but ef-forts to redistribute land by placing limits on landown-ership failed. Attempts to introduce large-scale cooper-ative farming were frustrated by landowning rural elites,who formed the core of the powerful right-wing of theCongress and had considerable political support in op-posing the efforts of Nehru. Agricultural productionexpanded until the early 1960s, as additional land wasbrought under cultivation and some irrigation projectsbegan to have an effect. The establishment of agricul-tural universities, modelled after land-grant colleges inthe United States, contributed to the development of theeconomy. These universities worked with high-yieldingvarieties of wheat and rice, initially developed in Mexicoand the Philippines, that in the 1960s began the GreenRevolution, an effort to diversify and increase crop pro-duction. At the same time a series of failed monsoonswould cause serious food shortages despite the steadyprogress and increase in agricultural production.[74]

4.3.4 Domestic policies

Nehru’s study in Teen Murti Bhavan.

See also: States Reorganisation Act

The British Indian Empire, which included present-dayIndia, Pakistan and Bangladesh, was divided into two

52 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

types of territories: the Provinces of British India, whichwere governed directly by British officials responsible tothe Governor-General of India; and princely states, un-der the rule of local hereditary rulers who recognisedBritish suzerainty in return for local autonomy, in mostcases as established by treaty. Between 1947 and about1950, the territories of the princely states were politi-cally integrated into the Indian Union under Nehru andSardar Patel. Most were merged into existing provinces;others were organised into new provinces, such as Ra-jputana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Bharat, and Vind-hya Pradesh, made up of multiple princely states; a few,including Mysore, Hyderabad, Bhopal, and Bilaspur, be-came separate provinces. The Government of India Act1935 remained the constitutional law of India pendingadoption of a new Constitution.The new Constitution of India, which came into force on26 January 1950, made India a sovereign democratic re-public. Nehru declared the new republic to be a “Union ofStates”. The constitution of 1950 distinguished betweenthree main types of states: Part A states, which were theformer governors’ provinces of British India, were ruledby an elected governor and state legislature. The Part Bstates were former princely states or groups of princelystates, governed by a rajpramukh, who was usually theruler of a constituent state, and an elected legislature. Therajpramukh was appointed by the President of India. ThePart C states included both the former chief commission-ers’ provinces and some princely states, and each was gov-erned by a chief commissioner appointed by the Presidentof India. The sole Part D state was the Andaman andNicobar Islands, which were administered by a lieutenantgovernor appointed by the central government.In December 1953, Nehru appointed the States Reorgan-isation Commission to prepare for the creation of stateson linguistic lines. This was headed by Justice Fazal Aliand the commission itself was also known as the FazalAli Commission. The efforts of this commission wereoverseen by Govind Ballabh Pant, who served as Nehru’sHome Minister from December 1954. The commissioncreated a report in 1955 recommending the reorganisa-tion of India’s states. Under the Seventh Amendment,the existing distinction between Part A, Part B, Part C,and Part D states was abolished. The distinction betweenPart A and Part B states was removed, becoming knownsimply as “states”. A new type of entity, the union ter-ritory, replaced the classification as a Part C or Part Dstate. Nehru stressed commonality among Indians andpromoted pan-Indianism. He refused to reorganise stateson either religious or ethnic lines. Western scholars havemostly praised Nehru for the integration of the states intoa modern republic but the act was not accepted univer-sally in India.

Nehru with schoolchildren at the Durgapur Steel Plant. Dur-gapur along with Rourkela and Bhilai were the three integratedsteel plants set up under India’s Second Five-Year Plan in the late1950s.

4.3.5 Social policies

Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of educationfor India’s children and youth, believing it essential forIndia’s future progress. His government oversaw the es-tablishment of many institutions of higher learning, in-cluding the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, theIndian Institutes of Technology, the Indian Institutes ofManagement and the National Institutes of Technology.Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plansto guarantee free and compulsory primary education toall of India’s children. For this purpose, Nehru over-saw the creation of mass village enrolment programmesand the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru alsolaunched initiatives such as the provision of free milk andmeals to children to fight malnutrition. Adult educationcentres, vocational and technical schools were also organ-ised for adults, especially in the rural areas.Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted manychanges to Hindu law to criminalise caste discrimina-tion and increase the legal rights and social freedomsof women.[75][76][77][78] A system of reservations in gov-ernment services and educational institutions was cre-ated to eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantagesfaced by peoples of the scheduled castes and scheduledtribes. Nehru also championed secularism and religiousharmony, increasing the representation of minorities ingovernment.Nehru specifically wrote Article 44 of the Indian con-stitution under the Directive Principles of State Policywhich states : 'The State shall endeavour to secure forthe citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territoryof India.' The article has formed the basis of secularismin India.[79] However, Nehru has been criticised for theinconsistent application of the law. Most notably, Nehruallowed Muslims to keep their personal law in matters re-lating to marriage and inheritance. Also in the small stateof Goa, a civil code based on the old Portuguese Family

4.3. PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA (1947–64) 53

Laws was allowed to continue, and Muslim Personal lawwas prohibited by Nehru. This was the result of the an-nexation of Goa in 1961 by India, when Nehru promisedthe people that their laws would be left intact. This hasled to accusations of selective secularism.While Nehru exempted Muslim law from legislation andthey remained unreformed, he did pass the Special Mar-riage Act in 1954. The idea behind this act was to giveeveryone in India the ability to marry outside the personallaw under a civil marriage. As usual the law applied to allof India, except Jammu and Kashmir (again leading toaccusations of selective secularism). In many respects,the act was almost identical to the Hindu Marriage Actof 1955, which gives some idea as to how secularised thelaw regarding Hindus had become. The Special MarriageAct allowed Muslims to marry under it and thereby retainthe protections, generally beneficial to Muslim women,that could not be found in the personal law. Under theact polygamy was illegal, and inheritance and successionwould be governed by the Indian Succession Act, ratherthan the respective Muslim Personal Law. Divorce alsowould be governed by the secular law, and maintenanceof a divorced wife would be along the lines set down inthe civil law.Nehru led the faction of the Congress party which pro-moted Hindi as the lingua-franca of the Indian nation.After an exhaustive and divisive debate with the non-Hindi speakers, Hindi was adopted as the official lan-guage of India in 1950 with English continuing as an as-sociate official language for a period of fifteen years, af-ter which Hindi would become the sole official language.Efforts by the Indian Government to make Hindi the soleofficial language after 1965 were not acceptable to manynon-Hindi Indian states, who wanted the continued useof English. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK),a descendant of Dravidar Kazhagam, led the oppositionto Hindi. To allay their fears, Nehru enacted the OfficialLanguages Act in 1963 to ensure the continuing use ofEnglish beyond 1965. The text of the Act did not satisfythe DMK and increased their scepticism that his assur-ances might not be honoured by future administrations.The issue was resolved during the premiership of Lal Ba-hadur Shastri, who under great pressure from Nehru’sdaughter, Indira Gandhi, was made to give assurancesthat English would continue to be used as the official lan-guage as long the non-Hindi speaking states wanted. TheOfficial Languages Act was eventually amended in 1967by the Congress Government headed by Indira Gandhito guarantee the indefinite use of Hindi and English asofficial languages. This effectively ensured the current“virtual indefinite policy of bilingualism” of the IndianRepublic.

4.3.6 Foreign policies

See also: Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement

Nehru with Otto Grotewohl, the Prime Minister of East Germany

Nehru led newly independent India from 1947 to 1964,during its first years of independence from British rule.Both the United States and the Soviet Union competed tomake India an ally throughout the Cold War. Nehru alsomaintained good relations with the British Empire. Underthe London Declaration, India agreed that, when it be-came a republic in January 1950, it would join the Com-monwealth of Nations and accept the British monarch asa “symbol of the free association of its independent mem-ber nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth.”The other nations of the Commonwealth recognised In-dia’s continuing membership of the association. The re-action back home was favourable; only the far-left and thefar-right criticised Nehru’s decision.On the international scene, Nehru was a champion ofpacifism and a strong supporter of the United Nations. Hepioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-foundedthe Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neu-trality between the rival blocs of nations led by the US andthe USSR. Recognising the People’s Republic of Chinasoon after its founding (while most of the Western bloccontinued relations with the Republic of China), Nehruargued for its inclusion in the United Nations and refusedto brand the Chinese as the aggressors in their conflictwith Korea.[80] He sought to establish warm and friendlyrelations with China in 1950, and hoped to act as an in-termediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between thecommunist states and the Western bloc.Nehru had promised in 1948 to hold a plebiscite inKashmir under the auspices of the UN. Kashmir was adisputed territory between India and Pakistan, the twohaving gone to war with each other over the state in 1948.However, as Pakistan failed to pull back troops in accor-dance with the UN resolution and as Nehru grew increas-ingly wary of the UN, he declined to hold a plebiscitein 1953. His policies on Kashmir and the integration ofthe state into India was frequently defended in front ofthe United Nations by his aide, Krishna Menon, a bril-liant diplomat who earned a reputation in India for hispassionate speeches.Nehru, while a pacifist, was not blind to the political andgeostrategic reality of India in 1947. While laying the

54 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Nehru receiving US President Dwight D. Eisenhower at Parlia-ment House, 1959

foundation stone of the National Defence Academy (In-dia) in 1949, he stated: “We, who for generations hadtalked about and attempted in everything a peaceful wayand practised non-violence, should now be, in a sense,glorifying our army, navy and air force. It means a lot.Though it is odd, yet it simply reflects the oddness of life.Though life is logical, we have to face all contingencies,and unless we are prepared to face them, we will go un-der. There was no greater prince of peace and apostleof non-violence than Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of theNation, whom we have lost, but yet, he said it was bet-ter to take the sword than to surrender, fail or run away.We cannot live carefree assuming that we are safe. Hu-man nature is such. We cannot take the risks and risk ourhard-won freedom. We have to be prepared with all mod-ern defence methods and a well-equipped army, navy andair force.”[81][82]

Nehru envisioned the developing of nuclear weaponsand established the Atomic Energy Commission of In-dia (AEC) in 1948.[83] Nehru also called Dr. Homi J.Bhabha, a nuclear physicist, who was entrusted with com-plete authority over all nuclear related affairs and pro-grams and answered only to Nehru himself.[83] Indian nu-clear policy was set by unwritten personal understandingbetween Nehru and Bhabha.[83] Nehru famously said toBhabha, "Professor Bhabha take care of Physics, leaveinternational relation to me".[83] From the outset in 1948,Nehru had high ambition to develop this program to standagainst the industrialised states and the basis of this pro-gram was to establish an Indian nuclear weapons capabil-ity as part of India’s regional superiority to other South-Asian states, most particularly Pakistan.[83]

Nehru also told Bhabha, and later it was told by Bhabhato Raja Rammanna that,

"We must have the capability. We shouldfirst prove ourselves and then talk of Gandhi,non-violence and a world without nuclearweapons.[83] "

Nehru was hailed by many for working to defuse globaltensions and the threat of nuclear weapons after theKorean war (1950–1953).[84] He commissioned the firststudy of the human effects of nuclear explosions, andcampaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he called“these frightful engines of destruction.” He also had prag-matic reasons for promoting de-nuclearisation, fearingthat a nuclear arms race would lead to over-militarisationthat would be unaffordable for developing countries suchas his own.[85]

Nehru ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politicianSheikh Abdullah in 1953, whom he had previously sup-ported but now suspected of harbouring separatist ambi-tions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him.In 1954 Nehru signed with China the Five Principles ofPeaceful Coexistence, known in India as the Panchsheel(from the Sanskrit words, panch: five, sheel: virtues),a set of principles to govern relations between the twostates. Their first formal codification in treaty form wasin an agreement between China and India in 1954. Theywere enunciated in the preamble to the “Agreement (withexchange of notes) on trade and intercourse between Ti-bet Region of China and India”, which was signed atPeking on 29 April 1954. Negotiations took place inDelhi from December 1953 to April 1954 between theDelegation of the PRC Government and the Delegationof the Indian Government on the relations between thetwo countries with respect to the disputed territories ofAksai Chin and South Tibet. The treaty was disregardedin the 1960s, but in the 1970s, the Five Principles againcame to be seen as important in Sino-Indian relations, andmore generally as norms of relations between states. Theybecame widely recognised and accepted throughout theregion during the premiership of Indira Gandhi and the3-year rule of the Janata Party (1977–1980).[86]

In 1956 Nehru had criticized the joint invasion of theSuez Canal by the British, French and Israelis. The roleof Nehru, both as Indian Prime Minister and a leader ofthe Non Aligned Movement was significant; he tried tobe even-handed between the two sides, while denouncingEden and co-sponsors of the invasion vigorously. Nehruhad a powerful ally in the US president Dwight Eisen-hower who, if relatively silent publicly, went to the extentof using America’s clout in the IMF to make Britain andFrance back down. The episode greatly raised the pres-tige of Nehru and India amongst the third world nations.During the Suez crisis, Nehru’s right-hand man, Menonattempted to persuade a recalcitrant Gamal Nasser tocompromise with theWest, and was instrumental in mov-ing Western powers towards an awareness that Nassermight prove willing to compromise.In 1957, Menon was instructed to deliver an unprece-dented eight-hour speech defending India’s stand onKashmir; to date, the speech is the longest ever deliv-ered in the United Nations Security Council, covering five

4.4. SINO-INDIAN WAR OF 1962 55

hours of the 762nd meeting on 23 January, and two hoursand forty-eight minutes on the 24th, reportedly conclud-ing with Menon’s collapse on the Security Council floor.During the filibuster, Nehru moved swiftly and success-fully to consolidate Indian power in Kashmir (then un-der great unrest). Menon’s passionate defence of Indiansovereignty in Kashmir enlarged his base of support in In-dia, and led to the Indian press temporarily dubbing himthe 'Hero of Kashmir'. Nehru was then at the peak of hispopularity in India; the only (minor) criticism came fromthe far-right.[87][88]

The USA had hoped to court Nehru after its interven-tion in favour of Nasser during the Suez crisis. However,ColdWar suspicions and the American distrust of Nehru-vian socialism cooled relations between India and the US,which suspected Nehru of tacitly supporting the SovietUnion. Nehru maintained good relations with Britaineven after the Suez Crisis. Nehru accepted the arbitra-tion of the UK and World Bank, signing the Indus WaterTreaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler Ayub Khan to resolvelong-standing disputes about sharing the resources of themajor rivers of the Punjab region.Although the Pancha Sila (Five Principles of PeacefulCoexistence) was the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian bor-der treaty, in later years, Nehru’s foreign policy sufferedthrough increasing Chinese assertiveness over border dis-putes and Nehru’s decision to grant political asylum tothe 14th Dalai Lama. After years of failed negotiations,Nehru authorised the Indian Army to invade Portuguesecontrolled Goa in 1961, and then he formally annexed itto India. It increased his popularity in India, but he wascriticised by the communist opposition in India for theuse of military force. The use of military force againstPortugal earned him goodwill amongst the right-wing andfar-right groups.

4.4 Sino-Indian War of 1962

From 1959, in a process that accelerated in 1961, Nehruadopted the “Forward Policy” of setting up military out-posts in disputed areas of the Sino-Indian border, in-cluding in 43 outposts in territory not previously con-trolled by India.[89] China attacked some of these out-posts, and thus the Sino-Indian War began, which In-dia lost, and China withdrew to pre-war lines in easternzone at Tawang but retained Aksai Chin which was withinBritish India and was handed over to India after inde-pendence. Later, Pakistan handed over some portion ofKashmir near Siachen controlled by Pakistan since 1948to China. The war exposed the unpreparedness of India’smilitary which could send only 14,000 troops to the warzone in opposition to themany times larger Chinese army,and Nehru was widely criticised for his government’s in-sufficient attention to defence. In response, Nehru sackedthe defence minister Krishna Menon and sought US mil-itary aid. Nehru’s improved relations with USA under

John F. Kennedy proved useful during the war, as in1962, President of Pakistan (then closely aligned with theAmericans) Ayub Khan was made to guarantee his neu-trality in regards to India, who was threatened by “com-munist aggression from Red China.”[90] The Indian rela-tionship with the Soviet Union, criticised by right-winggroups supporting free-market policies was also seem-ingly validated. Nehru would continue to maintain hiscommitment to the non-aligned movement despite callsfrom some to settle down on one permanent ally.The aftermath of the war saw sweeping changes in theIndian military to prepare it for similar conflicts in thefuture, and placed pressure on Nehru, who was seen asresponsible for failing to anticipate the Chinese attack onIndia. Under American advice (by American envoy JohnKenneth Galbraith who made and ran American policyon the war as all other top policy makers in USA wereabsorbed in coincident Cuban Missile Crisis) Nehru re-frained, not according to the best choices available, fromusing the Indian air force to beat back the Chinese ad-vances. The CIA later revealed that at that time theChinese had neither the fuel nor runways long enoughfor using their air force effectively in Tibet. Indians ingeneral became highly sceptical of China and its mili-tary. Many Indians view the war as a betrayal of In-dia’s attempts at establishing a long-standing peace withChina and started to question Nehru’s usage of the term“Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” (meaning “Indians and Chineseare brothers”). The war also put an end to Nehru’s earlierhopes that India and China would form a strong AsianAxis to counteract the increasing influence of the ColdWar bloc superpowers.[91]

The unpreparedness of the army was blamed on DefenceMinister Menon, who “resigned” his government post toallow for someone who might modernise India’s mili-tary further. India’s policy of weaponisation via indige-nous sources and self-sufficiency began in earnest un-der Nehru, completed by his daughter Indira Gandhi,who later led India to a crushing military victory overrival Pakistan in 1971. Toward the end of the war In-dia had increased her support for Tibetan refugees andrevolutionaries, some of them having settled in India, asthey were fighting the same common enemy in the re-gion. Nehru ordered the raising of an elite Indian-trained“Tibetan Armed Force” composed of Tibetan refugees,which served with distinction in future wars against Pak-istan in 1965 and 1971.[92]

During the conflict, Nehru wrote two desperate letters toUS President John F. Kennedy, requesting 12 squadronsof fighter jets and a modern radar system. These jetswere seen as necessary to beef up Indian air strengthso that air-to-air combat could be initiated safely fromthe Indian perspective (bombing troops was seen as un-wise for fear of Chinese retaliatory action). Nehru alsoasked that these aircraft be manned by American pilotsuntil Indian airmen were trained to replace them. Theserequests were rejected by the Kennedy Administration

56 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

(which was involved in the Cuban Missile Crisis duringmost of the Sino-Indian War), leading to a cool down inIndo-US relations. According to former Indian diplo-mat G Parthasarathy, “only after we got nothing fromthe US did arms supplies from the Soviet Union to In-dia commence”.[93] Per Time Magazine’s 1962 editorialon the war, however, this may not have been the case.The editorial states, 'When Washington finally turned itsattention to India, it honoured the ambassador’s pledge,loaded 60 US planes with $5,000,000 worth of automaticweapons, heavy mortars and land mines. Twelve hugeC-130 Hercules transports, complete with US crews andmaintenance teams, took off for New Delhi to fly Indiantroops and equipment to the battle zone. Britain weighedin with Bren and Sten guns, and airlifted 150 tons of armsto India. Canada prepared to ship six transport planes.Australia opened Indian credits for $1,800,000 worth ofmunitions’.[94]

Prime Minister Nehru talks with United Nations General Assem-bly President Romulo (October 1949).

4.5 Death

Nehru’s health began declining steadily after 1962, andhe spent months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963.Some historians attribute this dramatic decline to his sur-prise and chagrin over the Sino-Indian War, which heperceived as a betrayal of trust.[95] Upon his return fromDehra Dun on 26 May 1964 he was feeling quite com-fortable and went to bed at about 23:30 as usual, he had arestful night till about 06:30 soon after he returned frombathroom, Nehru complained of pain in the back. Hespoke to the doctors who attended on him for a brief whileand almost immediately Nehru collapsed. He remainedunconscious until he died. His death was announced toLok Sabha at 14:00 local time on 27 May 1964 (sameday); cause of death is believed to be heart attack (dis-secting aneurysm of the aorta).[96] Draped in the Indiannational Tri-colour flag the body of Jawaharlal Nehru wasplaced for public viewing. “Raghupati Raghava Rajaram”was chanted as the body was placed on the platform. On

28 May, Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindurites at the Shantivan on the banks of the Yamuna River,witnessed by many hundreds of thousands of mournerswho had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the crema-tion grounds.Nehru, the man and politician made such a powerful im-print on India that his death on 27 May 1964, left Indiawith no clear political heir to his leadership (although hisdaughter was widely expected to succeed him before sheturned it down in favour of Shastri). Indian newspapersrepeated Nehru’s own words of the time of Gandhi’s as-sassination: “The light has gone out of our lives and thereis darkness everywhere.”

4.6 On Caste system, and Castebased reservations

• In an interview with Edgar Snow, Nehru gave hisviews on the Hindu caste system:

I think it is thoroughly rotten andcorrupt to the core. It ought to be com-pletely abolished:It is medieval and un-democratic. I like nothing about it.[97]

• In describing his views on the caste system, Nehruhas written that the caste system is incompatiblewith modern democracy:

A caste ridden society is not prop-erly secular...In the context of societytoday, the caste system and much thatgoes with it are wholly incompatible,reactionary, restrictive, and barriers toprogress. There can be no equality instatus and opportunity within its frame-work, nor can there be political democ-racy, and much less, economic democ-racy. Between these two conceptionsconflict is inherent, and only one of themcan survive.[98]

• In 1954, Nehru wrote a circular to the presidentsof all the Pradesh Congress committees in which heexpressed the need to fight the growing caste baseddivisions in Indian society:

In particular, we must fight whole-heartedly against those narrow divisionswhich have grown up in our countryin the name of caste, which weakenthe unity, solidarity and progress of thecountry.[99]

• In a letter he had written to chief ministers of In-dia on June 27, 1961, Nehru had expressed his view

4.7. RELIGION 57

that backward communities should be empoweredthrough quality education, and not through castebased reservations. According to Nehru:

The recent meeting we held... toconsider national integration, laid downthat help should be given on economicconsiderations and not on caste... Theonly real way to help a backward groupis to give opportunities for good edu-cation...Everything else is provision ofsome kind of crutches...I want my coun-try to be a first class country in every-thing...But if we go in for reservationson communal and caste basis, we swampthe bright and able people and remainsecond-rate or third-rate....Let’s help thebackward groups by all means, but neverat the cost of efficiency. How are we go-ing to build our public sector or indeedany sector with second-rate people?[100]

4.7 Religion• Described as Hindu Agnostic,[101] Nehru thoughtthat religious taboos were preventing India fromgoing forward and adapting to modern conditions:“No country or people who are slaves to dogmaand dogmatic mentality can progress, and unhappilyour country and people have become extraordinarilydogmatic and little-minded.”[102]

The spectacle of what is called religion, orat any rate organised religion, in India and else-where, has filled me with horror and I havefrequently condemned it and wished to makea clean sweep of it. Almost always it seemedto stand for blind belief and reaction, dogmaand bigotry, superstition, exploitation and thepreservation of vested interests.

• In an interview with Edgar Snow, Nehru was askedto contrast his views about Hinduism with Gandhi’s,whereupon he smiled, noted that Gandhi was veryreligious, and went on to state that personally he pre-ferred to give priority to schools, books, and teach-ers over temples, idols, and the priesthood. He alsosaid that

The sooner people are given educa-tion and knowledge in place of quota-tions from the Gita the better off Indiawill be.[97]

• Nehru claimed that he had no belief in a personalGod, and was not interested in contemplating onthe subject of a future life. According to him, the

only religious feeling he had was a sense of awewhen reflecting on “the mysteries of the universe”.However, with respect to describing the mysterious,Nehru could only reply: “I do not know.”[98]

• In his autobiography, he analyzed Christianity, and[103] Islam,[104] and their impact on India. Hewantedto model India as a secular country; his secular poli-cies remain a subject of debate.[105][106]

• In a letter to Syed Mahmud on 12 September 1926,Nehru wrote:

I think what is required in India mostis a course of study of Bertrand Rus-sel’s books...Religion as practiced in In-dia...has not only broken our backs...butstifled and almost killed all originality ofthought and mind.[107]

4.7.1 Buddhism

• The one religious figure who seems to have inspiredNehru was the Buddha. In placards containingNehru’s writings which were displayed at an exhi-bition titled Lord Buddha through the eyes of Jawa-harlal Nehru at Nehru Memorial Museum and Li-brary, Nehru was found expressing admiration forthe Buddha and his teachings:

The story of Gautam Buddha has in-fluenced me from my childhood. Thatinfluence was two-fold. First, it in-fluenced me as a story and secondly,I liked the scientific attitude reflectedtherein, the scientific and ethical atti-tude...I thought of his message whichapart from its religious significance wasa message of tolerance, a messageagainst superstition, rituals and dogma.It was a message essentially in scientificspirit. The Buddha asked no man to be-lieve in anything except what could beproved by experiment and trial. All hewanted men to do was to seek the truthand not accept anything on the word ofanother even though it be of Buddhahimself. That seems to me the essenceof his message...The message that Bud-dha gave 2,500 years ago shed its lightnot only on India or Asia but the wholeworld. The question that inevitably sug-gests itself is, how far can the great mes-sage of the Buddha apply to the presentday world? Perhaps, it may, perhaps itmay not; but I do know that if we fol-low the principles enunciated by Bud-dha, wewill win peace and tranquility forthe world[108][109]

58 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

• In his Independence Day speech on August, 1956Nehru paid homage to the Buddha, and declaredthat he was proud that the soil on which he was bornwas the same soil that had produced the Buddha andother greats. He urged his countrymen to follow thepath shown by the Buddha and other greats of Indiawho had moulded the country.In November, 1956,Nehru said that the Buddha’s teachings can help re-solve conflicts and violence, and curb hatred.In Oc-tober 1960, in the United Nations General Assem-bly, Nehru proclaimed:

In ages long past a great son of India,the Buddha, said that the only real vic-tory was one in which all were equallyvictorious and there was defeat for noone. In the world today that is the onlypractical victory; any other way will leadto disaster.[108]

• Nehru made it a point to visit the Buddha’s SamadhiStatue at Anuradhapura whenever he visited SriLanka. He visited this place in 1931,1939, 1954,1957 and 1962.[108] In his book, The Discovery ofIndia, Nehru has written that the places associatedwith the Buddha—where he was born, where hewandered, where he attained enlightenment, wherehe gave his first sermon, where he died—were in ornear his native province, and he liked visiting theseplaces.[110] In his autobiography Toward Freedom,Nehru has clarified that although the personality ofthe Buddha has attracted him, this is not because ofreligious reasons and that dogmas in modern Bud-dhism are of no interest to him:

Buddha has always had a great ap-peal for me. It is difficult for me toanalyze this appeal, but it is not a re-ligious appeal, and I am not interestedin the dogmas that have grown up roundBuddhism. It is the personality that hasdrawn me. So also the personality ofChrist has attracted me greatly.[111]

• Nehru has received criticism for giving short shriftto Hindu superstitions while being more tolerant ofthe Buddhist variety, ostensibly because of interna-tional political implications. In 1949, Nehru partic-ipated in Buddhist ceremonies and received relics oftwo individuals, said to be disciples of the Buddha,from the British government. These relics, objectsof prayer and worship, were transferred by Nehruto a Buddhist monastery and they were ultimatelyplaced in the Sanchi Stupa.[98]

• It has been suggested that Nehru’s foreign policy, fo-cussing on conflict resolution, was shaped by his ad-miration for the Buddha.[108]

4.7.2 On Cow Protection

• In 1954, Congress leader Seth Govind Das movedan Indian Cattle Preservation Bill in the Lok Sabhapleading for a complete pan Indian ban on cowslaughter; Nehru responded by saying this was some-thing for the state governments to consider.WhenDas claimed that a vast majority of the party were infavor of his bill, Nehru—to the clamour of 'Shame,Shame!' of Hindu Mahasabha and Ram RajyaParishad MPs—said that: “I would rather resignthan accept this nonsensical demand.” [112][113] TheLok Sabha then went on to reject the bill by a voteof 95 to 12.[113]

• In 1958 Nehru, addressing students in Allahabad,said that he “saw no difference between the cowand the horse, both being equally useful and dearto human beings.” Pandit Sitaram Khemka, whohad contested the previous election against Nehru,took Nehru to court for this public statement. Ac-cording to Khemka, Nehru had injured his reli-gious feelings by this comparison since the cow issacred to Hindus and the comparison amounted toblasphemy. Khemka earlier wanted compensationof a hundred rupees, but later stated he would behappy with a payment of one rupee because “MrNehru claims he has not saved a pie.” The case wasdismissed.[114][115]

4.7.3 On Spiritualism in India

The Australian High Commissioner to India,WalterCrocker, who had personally interacted with Nehru onseveral occasions writes in his book Nehru:A Contempo-rary’s Estimate that in 1961 Nehru had been persuaded toinaugurate a conference on spiritual life at the premisesof the RamakrishnaMission in Calcutta. WhenNehru ar-rived at the establishment, and noticed how grand it was,he said the following words in his speech before walkingoff:

I have always avoided using the word spiri-tuality because of the existence of much bogusspirituality. India is a hungry nation. To talkof spirituality to hungry men does not meananything...It is no good running away from thedaily problems of life in the name of spiritual-ity. I am out of place in this gathering--I amsupposed to open this building and inauguratethe conference. I do so.[116]

4.8 Secular State

Nehru’s conception of a secular state was one which pro-tected all religions but did not favor one over another, and

4.10. NEHRU AND SCIENCE 59

did not declare one religion to be the official faith. He be-lieved that the secular state entailed “a separation of thestate from religion” and was an indispensable feature ofa modern democratic state. Comparing the secular statewith a theocratic state, Nehru commented :

Do we believe in a national state which in-cludes people of all religions and shades ofopinion and is essentially secular as a state,or do we believe in the religious, theocraticconception of a state which considers peopleof other faiths as something beyond the pale?That is an odd question to ask, for the idea ofa religious or theocratic state was given up bythe world some centuries ago and has no placein the mind of the modern man. And yet thequestion has to be put in India today, for manyof us have tried to jump back to a past age.[117]

• Through the efforts of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk andothers, Turkey had become a secular state in the1920s. In 1924, Turkey abolished the caliphate,in 1926 the sharia was replaced by western legalcodes, and in 1928 the mention of Islam beingthe national religion in the Turkish constitution wasremoved, and the requirement that the Presidentand the deputies in the Turkish assembly take theiroath of office on the Koran was changed to makingthem take an oath on their word of honour. Nehruhad noted these developments. In his 1933 book,Glimpses of World History, he refers to Turkey asan example of a secular state. In his later book,Discovery of India, Nehru mentions that the cre-ation of a secular state in Turkey by Mustafa Ke-mal Atatürk led to resentment among orthodox In-dian Muslims. However, Nehru goes on to say thatAtatürk’s secular policies had made him extremelypopular among the young generation of Indian Hin-dus and Muslims.[118]

4.9 Views on communalism

According to diplomat Y. D. Gundevia, Nehru dismissedconcerns that the electoral success of the CommunistParty of India (CPI) in the state of Kerala might extend tonational elections. Nehru thought there was no chance ofcommunists gaining control of the country, saying “Thedanger to India, mark you, is not communism. It is Hinduright-wing communalism”. He though that people werebeing deceived into equating Hindu nationalism with In-dian nationalism, when the two were in his opinion differ-ent ideologies.[119] According to historian Donald EugeneSmith, “Nehru once remarked that Hindu communalismwas the Indian version of fascism”.[120]

4.10 Nehru and Science

• Nehru is credited for coining the phrase scientifictemper in his book Discovery of India.[121]In Cam-bridge, Nehru had taken a Natural Science Triposdegree with his subjects being chemistry, geology,and botany. He had also done extensive reading ofphilosophers and scientists like Bertrand Russel, andJoseph Needham. After 1947, when he assumedpower, Nehru is credited for unleashing a 'scien-tific revolution' in India in a way which few formercolonial countries have experienced. He is creditedfor having established over thirty National Labora-tories in diverse areas of science and industry.Nehruhad remained President of the Council of Scien-tific and Industrial Research from 1947 till he died.He would attend annual meetings of the Indian Sci-ence Congress where he would give the key-note ad-dress. He had become a member of the Science andSocial Relations Committee of the Indian ScienceCongress in the early 1940s, and its General Presi-dent in 1947.[122]

• In 1947, the British Nobel Prize winning scientistP.M.S. Blackett, who had military experience, hadlunch with Nehru during an annual meeting of theIndian Science Congress during which they con-versed about Indian national security. Followingthis, Nehru requested Blackett to advise him on mil-itary requirements of India, and subsequently onproblems confronting India in civil science and ed-ucation; this resulted in Blackett visiting India onseveral occasions during which time he would of-ten stay in Nehru’s residence in New Delhi. Twentyyears later, after Nehru had passed away, Blackettwould deliver the first Jawaharlal Nehru MemorialLecture in New Delhi in which he would state:

Like so many others I fell under thespell of Nehru’s charm, his luminousintelligence and his total dedication toachieving world peace, to maintainingthe unity of India and to increase thewealth and prosperity of his country bythe application of modern science andtechnology.[123][124]

• In a 1967 interview, Blackett said that althoughNehru did a lot to popularize science, the Nehruregime on the whole could have performed better inmodernizing Indian agricultural and industrial sec-tors if Nehru had Ministers with the requisite mind-set needed for the job :

Nehru did an enormous amount toget non-scientists to understandwhat wasscientific. But his regime did not donearly as well in implementation. What

60 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

he lacked were hard-headed industrial-minded Ministers who could push onthe agricultural program, the industrialprogram.[125]

4.11 Personal life

Nehru with Edwina Mountbatten

Nehru married Kamala Kaul in 1916. Their only daugh-ter Indira was born a year later in 1917. Kamala gavebirth to a boy in November 1924, but he lived only for aweek. Kamala was 17 when she married Nehru; she diedat the age of 39 when Nehru was 46 years old.[126]

Nehru was alleged to have had a relationship with EdwinaMountbatten.[127] Edwina’s daughter Pamela acknowl-edged Nehru’s platonic relationship with Edwina.[128] Ac-cording to Pamela, Nehru’s relationship with Edwina wasspiritual and intellectual, but not physical:

She found in Panditji the companionshipand equality of spirit and intellect that shecraved...Neither had time to indulge in a phys-ical affair, and anyway the very public natureof their lives meant they were rarely alone.[129]

4.11.1 Nehru as a person

The American journalist Edgar Snow, who had met andinterviewed Nehru and also interacted with many con-temporary Indian political leaders in the 1930s, wrote aletter to his father in which he claimed that none of theIndian leaders he had met had impressed him with theexception of Nehru:

What particularly shocks me about them isno matter how cultured, educated and intelli-gent they are in mundane matters they cling tothe feeblest and most childish beliefs that arein contradiction to all they know, through sci-entific knowledge, to be the fact of life. The

one exception to this whom I have met is Jawa-harlal Nehru--president of the Indian NationalCongress.[130]

• The Chinese leader Zhou Enlai, who had met andinteracted with Nehru on several occasions, told adelegation from Sri Lanka that:

I have never met a more arrogantman than Nehru. I am sorry, but this istrue.[131]

• After Nehru’s death, it was found that he had writ-ten and placed on his desk the last lines fromRobert Frost’s poem Stopping byWoods on a SnowyEvening:

The woods are lovely, dark and deep/But I have promises to keep/ And milesto go before I sleep/ And miles to go be-fore I sleep [132]

• The Australian High Commissioner to India WalterCrocker, who had interacted personally with Nehruon several occasions, wrote in his book Nehru:AContemporary’s Estimate that:

Once when I took a scientist toNehru, a biologist and Nobel Prize-man, the latter made a careless statementabout some work.Nehru pounced on it,politely, and demolished it. This wastypical. Few errors in reasoning escapedhim. I have seen and heard a dozen ormore Prime Ministers at Nehru’s table:all but two or three were yokels besidehim...I recall a reception...at Constitu-tion House when some M.P.s fell likefamished boys on the tea, cakes, and ba-nanas, and...threw banana peel on thefloor. Nehru, seeing this, pointedly gotup, came along with a plate, and withoutsaying a word, shamed them by pickingup the mess himself.[133]

4.12 Legacy

As India’s first Prime minister and external affairs minis-ter, Jawaharlal Nehru played amajor role in shapingmod-ern India’s government and political culture along withsound foreign policy. He is praised for creating a systemproviding universal primary education,[134] reaching chil-dren in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru’s educa-tion policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions such as the All India Insti-tute of Medical Sciences,[135] Indian Institutes of Tech-nology,[136] and the Indian Institutes of Management.

4.12. LEGACY 61

Statue of Nehru at Park Street, Kolkata

In addition, Nehru’s stance as an unfailing nationalistled him to also implement policies which stressed com-monality among Indians while still appreciating regionaldiversities. This proved particularly important as post-Independence differences surfaced since British with-drawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leadersto no longer relate to one another as allies against a com-mon adversary. While differences of culture and, es-pecially, language threatened the unity of the new na-tion, Nehru established programs such as the NationalBook Trust and the National Literary Academy whichpromoted the translation of regional literatures betweenlanguages and also organised the transfer of materials be-tween regions. In pursuit of a single, unified India, Nehruwarned, “Integrate or perish.”[138]

Historian Ramachandra Guha writes, "[had] Nehru re-tired in 1958 he would be remembered as not just India’sbest prime minister, but as one of the great statesmen ofthe modern world.”[139] According to a Times of India ed-itorial, Nehru left behind a disputed legacy, being “eitheradored or reviled for India’s progress or lack of it.”[140]

Bust of Nehru at Aldwych, London

4.12.1 Nehru and Patel

Certain leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) havejuxtaposed Nehru and his Home Minister VallabhbhaiPatel; while doing so they have lauded Patel and belit-tled Nehru.[141] In what was described as 'a veiled attackon Nehru' by The Economic Times, Narendra Modi statedin a speech:

Every Indian still regrets that he (Patel) didnot become the first Prime Minister. Had hebeen the first PrimeMinister, the country’s des-tiny would have been different [142]

Responding to this, A.G. Noorani, relying on documen-tary evidence, has stated that Patel was described as being“frankly communal” by the British Viceroy Lord Wavell;as someone who “did not disguise his communal sym-pathies” by Sir Archibald Nye, the last British Gover-nor of Madras and the first British High Commissionerto India; and, after Gandhi’s assassination, in which Patelwas blamed for the security lapse, Jayaprakash Narayanhad declared that he wanted “a man who was free fromcommunalism to be in charge of the Home Department.”Noorani also refers to the opening of a swimming poolin Mumbai in November 1945 by Patel that was exclu-sively for use by Hindus—for which Jinnah had criticizedPatel. Referring to the public statements of certain BJPleaders, like Narendra Modi’s public statement--"I am aHindu nationalist”—Noorani argues that the lauding ofPatel, and concomitant criticism of Nehru, by these lead-

62 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

ers is because they have found a soulmate in Patel, be-cause Nehru remains a symbol of secularism and Indiannationalism, and because their ultimate objective is to re-place Indian nationalism, which has a secular character,with Hindu nationalism:

If this cabal of self-confessed Hindu na-tionalists, as distinct from Indian nationalist,has been consistently lauding Patel, it is be-cause it finds in him a soulmate. He is notpraised by himself; significantly he is alwayspitted against Nehru. That the praise for Pa-tel is invariably blended with a shrill denuncia-tion of Nehru reveals the true purpose: It is todiscard Indian nationalism in favour of Hindunationalism and what goes with Indian nation-alism, its secular credo. Nehru stood for bothand remains a symbol of these ideals.[141]

• Serious administrative and political differences hadarisen between Nehru and Patel soon after Indianindependence. Both wrote letters to Gandhi offer-ing their resignations. Soon after this, Gandhi wasassassinated. Both then exchanged warm letters anddecided to continue working together.[143]

• Politicking between Nehru and Patel took place overthe choice of India’s first President. Nehru’s choicewas C. Rajagopalachari; Patel preferred RajendraPrasad. Eventually, Patel succeeded in outmaneu-vering Nehru, and Prasad became the first Presidentof India.[141][144]

• While comparing Nehru and Patel, A.G. Nooraniwrites:

Nehru was cultured and refined. Pa-tel was coarse to a degree. Nehru had aworld view. Patel was ignorant of worldaffairs. Nehru was great despite his seri-ous flaws and grave failures. Patel wassmall and mean despite his admirablequalities.[141]

4.12.2 Commemoration

In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic statusin India and was widely admired across the world for hisidealism and statesmanship. His birthday, 14 Novemberis celebrated in India as Bal Divas ("Children’s Day") inrecognition of his lifelong passion and work for the wel-fare, education and development of children and youngpeople. Children across India remember him as ChachaNehru (Uncle Nehru). Nehru remains a popular sym-bol of the Congress Party which frequently celebrates hismemory. Congress leaders and activists often emulatehis style of clothing, especially the Gandhi cap and the"Nehru Jacket", and his mannerisms. Nehru’s ideals and

Nehru distributes sweets among children at Nongpoh, Meghalaya

Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp

policies continue to shape the Congress Party's manifestoand core political philosophy. An emotional attachmentto his legacy was instrumental in the rise of his daughterIndira to leadership of the Congress Party and the na-tional government.Nehru’s personal preference for the sherwani ensured thatit continues to be considered formal wear in North Indiatoday; aside from lending his name to a kind of cap, theNehru jacket is named in his honour due to his preferencefor that style.Numerous public institutions and memorials across Indiaare dedicated to Nehru’s memory. The Jawaharlal NehruUniversity in Delhi is among the most prestigious uni-versities in India. The Jawaharlal Nehru Port near thecity of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed to

4.16. REFERENCES 63

handle a huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru’s residencein Delhi is preserved as the Teen Murti House now hasNehru Memorial Museum and Library, and one of fiveNehru Planetariums that were set inMumbai, Delhi, Ban-galore, Allahabad and Pune. The complex also houses theoffices of the 'Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund', estab-lished in 1964 under the Chairmanship of Dr S. Radhakr-ishnan, then President of India. The foundation also givesaway the prestigious 'Jawaharlal NehruMemorial Fellow-ship', established in 1968.[145] The Nehru family homesat Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan are also preservedto commemorate Nehru and his family’s legacy.

4.12.3 In popular culture

Many documentaries about Nehru’s life have been pro-duced. He has also been portrayed in fictionalised films.The canonical performance is probably that of RoshanSeth, who played him three times: in Richard Attenbor-ough's 1982 film Gandhi, Shyam Benegal's 1988 televi-sion series Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru’s The Discov-ery of India, and in a 2007 TV film entitled The Last Daysof the Raj.[146] In Ketan Mehta's film Sardar, Nehru wasportrayed by Benjamin Gilani. Girish Karnad's histori-cal play, Tughlaq (1962) is an allegory about the Nehru-vian era. It was staged by Ebrahim Alkazi with NationalSchool of Drama Repertory at Purana Qila, Delhi inthe 1970s and later at the Festival of India, London in1982.[147][148]

4.13 Writings

Nehru was a prolific writer in English and wrote a num-ber of books, such as The Discovery of India, Glimpses ofWorld History, and his autobiography, Toward Freedom.He had written 30 letters to his daughter Indira Gandhi,when she was 10 years old and was in a boarding schoolin Mussoorie, teaching about natural history and the storyof civilisations. The collection of these letters was laterpublished as a book Letters from a Father to His Daugh-ter.[149]

4.14 Awards

In 1955 Nehru was awarded Bharat Ratna, India’s highestcivilian honour.[150]

4.15 See also

• List of political families

• Nehru jacket

• Scientific temper, a system of scientific thinking in-troduced by Nehru

• Tryst with destiny, the historic speech made byJawaharlal Nehru, considered in modern India to bea landmark oration about the Indian independencemovement.

4.16 References[1] “Nehru”. Random House Webster’s Unabridged Dictio-

nary.

[2] “Nation pays tribute to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru on his124th birth anniversary”. Retrieved 28 February 2015.

[3] Moraes & 2008 4.

[4] Zakaria, Rafiq A Study of Nehru, Times of India Press,1960, p. 22

[5] Moraes 2008.

[6] Bonnie G. Smith; The Oxford Encyclopedia of Womenin World History. Oxford University Press. 2008. ISBN978-0195148909. pg 406–407.

[7] Moraes 2008, p. 22.

[8] Om Prakash Misra; Economic Thought of Gandhi andNehru: A Comparative Analysis. M.D. Publications.1995. ISBN 978-8185880716. pg 49–65.

[9] Moraes 2008, p. 23.

[10] Bal Ram Nanda; The Nehrus. Oxford University Press.1962. ISBN 978-0195693430. pg 65.

[11] Moraes 2008, p. 36.

[12] Moraes 2008, p. 43.

[13] Moraes 2008, p. 47.

[14] Moraes 2008, p. 37.

[15] Ghose 1993, p. 25.

[16] Moraes 2008, p. 49.

[17] Moraes 2008, p. 50.

[18] In Jawaharlal Nehru’s autobiography, An Autobiography(1936) p. 33.

[19] Moraes 2008, p. 52.

[20] Moraes 2008, p. 53.

[21] Ghose 1993, p. 26.

[22] Nehru, JawaharlalGlimpses of world history: being furtherletters to his daughter (Lindsay Drummond Ltd., 1949), p.94

[23] Moraes 2008, p. 56.

[24] Moraes 2008, p. 55.

64 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

[25] “Jawaharlal Nehru – a chronological account”. Retrieved23 June 2012.

[26] Moraes 2008, p. 115.

[27] Moraes 2008, p. 77.

[28] Moraes 2008, p. 266.

[29] Copland, Ian (1997), The Princes of India in the Endgameof Empire, 1917–1947, Cambridge, England: CambridgeUniversity Press, ISBN 0-521-57179-0 p. 258.

[30] Lumby, E.W.R. (1954), The Transfer of Power in India,1945–1947, London: George Allen and Unwin p. 228

[31] Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life, pp. 171, ASIN:B0006EYQ0A

[32] “Declaration of independence”. Retrieved 14 August2012.

[33] Gandhi, Gopalkrishna. “The Great Dandi March —eighty years after”, The Hindu, 5 April 2010

[34] Fisher, Margaret W. (June 1967). “India’s JawaharlalNehru” p. 368.

[35] Johnson, Richard L. (2005). Gandhi’s ExperimentsWith Truth: Essential Writings By And About MahatmaGandhi, Lexington Books, ISBN 0739111426 p. 37

[36] Moraes 2008, p. 196.

[37] Moraes 2008, p. 234-238.

[38] “Forty-SecondAmendment to the Constitution”. Ministryof Law and Justice of India. 28 August 1976. Retrieved16 June 2012.

[39] Moraes 2008, p. 129.

[40] “3rd Five Year Plan (Chapter 1)". Government of India.Retrieved 16 June 2012.

[41] Science & culture, Volume 30. Indian Science News As-sociation. 1964.

[42] Nehru, Jawaharlal (8 August 2006). “Wikisource” (PHP).Retrieved 8 August 2006.

[43] Nehru’s address on Gandhi’s death. Retrieved 15 March2007.

[44] Janak Raj Jai (1996). 1947–1980. Regency Publications.pp. 45–47. ISBN 978-81-86030-23-3.

[45] Yasmin Khan (2011

[46] Thapar, Karan (17 August 2009). “Gandhi, Jinnah bothfailed: Jaswant”. ibnlive.in.com.

[47] “After Advani, Jaswant turns Jinnah admirer”. The Eco-nomic Times (India). 17 August 2009.

[48] “Walk The Talk with Jaswant Singh”. Retrieved 23 Au-gust 2009.

[49] Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira NehruGandhi. Houghton Mifflin Books. p. 250. ISBN 0-395-73097-X.

[50] Marlay, Ross; Clark D. Neher (1999). Patriots andTyrants: Ten Asian Leaders. Rowman & Littlefield. p.368. ISBN 0-8476-8442-3.

[51] Mathai (1978). Reminiscences of the Nehru Age.

[52] “Assassination Attempt on Nehru Made in Car”. Gettys-berg Times. 22 March 1955.

[53] “Rickshaw Boy Arrested for Nehru Attack”. SarasotaHerald Tribune. 14 March 1955.

[54] “Rickshaw Boy Arrested for Attempting to Kill Nehru”.The Victoria Advocate. 14 March 1955.

[55] “Knife Wielder Jumps on Car of Indian Premier”. TheTelegraph. 12 March 1955.

[56] “Nehru’s Assassination is Balked in Bombay”. The MiamiNews. 4 June 1956.

[57] “Police Say Nehru’s Assassination Plot is Thwarted”. Al-tus Times-Democrat. 4 June 1956.

[58] “Bombay Police Thwart Attempt on Nehru’s Life”. Ox-nard Press-Courier. 4 June 1956.

[59] “Bomb Explodes on Nehru’s Route”. Toledo Blade. 30September 1961.

[60] Mathai, M.O. (1979). My Days with Nehru. Vikas Pub-lishing House.

[61] Ghose 1993, p. 243.

[62] Kopstein 2005, p. 364.

[63] Walsh, Judith E. (2006). A Brief History of India. In-fobase Publishing. p. 190. ISBN 978-1438108254.

[64] Yokokawa, Nobuharu; Jayati Ghosh; Bob Rowthorn(2013). Industrialization of China and India: Their Im-pacts on the World Economy. Routledge. p. 213. ISBN978-1134093878.

[65] Grabowski, Richard; Sharmistha Self; Michael P. Shields(2007). Economic Development: A Regional, Institutional,And Historical Approach. M.E. Sharpe. p. 161. ISBN978-1134093878.

[66] Shand, R. Richard Tregurtha; K. P. Kalirajan; Ula-ganathan Sankar (2003). Economic Reform and the Lib-eralisation of the Indian Economy: Essays in Honour ofRichard T. Shand ; papers Presented at a Major Confer-ence on Second Generation Reforms in Chennai from 8– 10 December 1999. Edward Elgar Publishing. p. 39.ISBN 978-1781959435.

[67] Thakur, Anil Khumar; Debes Mukhopadhayay (2010).Economic Philosophy of Jawaharlal Nehru. Deep andDeep Publications. p. 14. ISBN 978-8184502725.

[68] Chandra, Bipan; Aditya Mukherjee; Mridula Mukherjee(2008). India Since Independence. Penguin Books India.p. 449. ISBN 978-0143104094.

[69] Kapila, Uma (2009). Indian Economic DevelopmentsSince 1947 (3Rd Ed.). Academic Foundation. p. 132.ISBN 978-8171887118.

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[70] Kapila, Uma (2009). Indian Economic DevelopmentsSince 1947 (3Rd Ed.). Academic Foundation. p. 66.ISBN 978-8171887118.

[71] Giersch, Herbert; Karl-Heinz Paqué; Holger Schmieding(1994). The Fading Miracle: Four Decades of MarketEconomy in Germany. Cambridge University Press. p.4. ISBN 978-0521358699.

[72] Kopstein 2005, p. 366.

[73] Parker, Randall E.; Robert M.Whaples (2013). The Rout-ledge Handbook of Major Events in Economic History.Routledge. p. 306. ISBN 978-0415677035.

[74] Farmer, B. H. (1993). An Introduction to South Asia.Routledge. p. 120. ISBN 0-415-05695-0.

[75] Som, Reba (February 1994). “Jawaharlal Nehru andthe Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol over Sub-stance?". Modern Asian Studies 28 (1): 165–194.doi:10.1017/S0026749X00011732. JSTOR 312925.

[76] Basu, Srimati (2005). She Comes to Take Her Rights: In-dian Women, Property, and Propriety. SUNY Press. p.3. ISBN 81-86706-49-6. The Hindu Code Bill was vi-sualised by Ambedkar and Nehru as the flagship of mod-ernisation and a radical revision of Hindu law...it is widelyregarded as dramatic benchmark legislation giving Hinduwomen equitable if not superior entitlements as legal sub-jects.

[77] Kulke, Hermann; Dietmar Rothermund (2004). A His-tory of India. Routledge. p. 328. ISBN 0-415-32919-1.One subject that particularly interested Nehru was the re-form of Hindu law, particularly with regard to the rightsof Hindu women...

[78] Forbes, Geraldine; Geraldine Hancock Forbes; GordonJohnson (1999). Women in Modern India. CambridgeUniversity Press. p. 115. ISBN 0-521-65377-0. It isour birthright to demand equitable adjustment of Hindulaw....

[79] Erckel, Sebastian (2011). India and the EuropeanUnion – Two Models of Integration, GRIN Verlag, ISBN365601048X, p. 128

[80] Robert Sherrod (19 January 1963). "Nehru:The GreatAwakening”. The Saturday Evening Post 236 (2): 60–67.

[81] Indian Express, 6 October 1949 at Pune at the time of ly-ing of the foundation stone of National Defence Academy.

[82] Mahatma Gandhi’s relevant quotes, “My non-violencedoes not admit of running away from danger and leav-ing dear ones unprotected. Between violence and cow-ardly flight, I can only prefer violence to cowardice. Non-violence is the summit of bravery.” “I do believe that,where there is only a choice between cowardice and vio-lence, I would advise violence.” “I would rather have Indiaresort to arms in order to defend her honour than that sheshould in a cowardly manner become or remain a helplesswitness to her own dishonour.” – All Men Are BrothersLife and Thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi as told in his ownwords. UNESCO. pp. 85–108.

[83] Sublet, Carrie. “Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha”. Nuclear-weaponarchive.org. Retrieved 8 August 2011.

[84] Bhatia, Vinod (1989). Jawaharlal Nehru, as Scholars ofSocialist Countries See Him. Panchsheel Publishers. p.131.

[85] Dua, B. D.; James Manor (1994). Nehru to the Nineties:The Changing Office of Prime Minister in India. C. Hurst& Co. Publishers. pp. 141, 261. ISBN 1-85065-180-9.

[86] The full text of this agreement (which entered into forceon 3 June 1954): “Treaties and international agreementsregistered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat of theUnited Nations” (PDF). United Nations Treaty Series 299.New York: United Nations. 1958. pp. 57–81. Retrieved14 August 2012.

[87] “A short history of long speeches”. BBC News. 25September 2009.

[88] Majid, Amir A. (2007). “Can Self Determination Solvethe Kashmir Dispute?" (PDF). Romanian Journal of Eu-ropean Affairs 7 (3): 38.

[89] Noorani, A.G. “Perseverance in peace process”, Frontline,29 August 2003.

[90] “Asia: Ending the Suspense”. Time. 17 September 1965.

[91] “China’s Decision for War with India in 1962 by JohnW. Garver” (PDF). Web.archive.org. 26 March 2009.Archived from the original (PDF) on 26March 2009. Re-trieved 14 August 2012.

[92] Gangdruk, Chushi. "Chushi Gangdruk: History",ChushiGangdruk.Org

[93] “Jawaharlal Nehru pleaded for US help against China in1962”. The Times of India. 16 November 2010.

[94] “India: Never Again the Same”. Time. 30 November1962.

[95] Asia Society (1988). ""Jawaharlal Nehru"". In Embree,Ainslie T. Encyclopedia of Asian History 3. New York:Charles Scribner’s Sons. pp. 98–100. ISBN 0-684-18899-6.

[96] BBC ON THIS DAY | 27 | 1964: Light goes out in Indiaas Nehru dies. BBC News. Retrieved 17 March 2011.

[97] Robert M. Farnsworth (1996). From Vagabond to Jour-nalist. p. 110.

[98] Donald Eugene Smith (1967). India as a Secular State.pp. 292, 310.

[99] Sardesai, Rajdeep (19 April 2008). “Aaj Ka Arjun”. Hin-dustan Times. Retrieved 3 July 2015.

[100] “Empower through education, not reservation: Nehru”.Economic Times. 11 April 2008. Retrieved 25 June 2015.

[101] Sarvepalii Gopal. Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Vol-ume 3; Volumes 1956-1964. p. 17.

[102] “Pandit Jawarharlal Nehru (1889–1964)". Human-ism.org.uk. Retrieved 14 August 2012.

66 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

[103] A. A. Parvathy (1994). Secularism and Hindutva, a Dis-cursive Study. p. 42.

[104] Mohammad Jamil Akhtar. Babri Masjid: a tale untold. p.359.

[105] Ram Puniyani (1999). Communal Threat to SecularDemocracy. p. 113.

[106] Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru, a Biography. p.210.

[107] Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru, a Biography.pp. 444–45.

[108] “How Buddha influenced Nehru”. Rediff. 21 December2006. Retrieved 3 July 2015.

[109] “A slice of history from the Buddha to Nehru”. TheHindu. 14 December 2006. Retrieved 3 July 2015.

[110] Jawaharlal Nehru (2010). The Discovery of India. p. 132.

[111] Jawaharlal Nehru (1936). Toward Freedom:The Autobi-ography of Jawaharlal Nehru. p. 198.

[112] “The day Nehru resigned”. Indian Express. 14 November2008. Retrieved 6 July 2015.

[113] Donald Eugene Smith (1967). India as a Secular State. p.486.

[114] Donald Eugene Smith (1967). India as a Secular State. p.489.

[115] “Nehru Sued;Disparaged Holy Cow”. Milwaukee Sentinel.3 January 1958. Retrieved 6 July 2015.

[116] Walter Crocker (1966). Nehru:A Contemporary’s Esti-mate. p. 143.

[117] Donald Eugene Smith (1967). India as a Secular State. p.155.

[118] Donald Eugene Smith (1967). India as a Secular State. p.54.

[119] Noorani, A. G. (13 December 2013). “Patel’scommunalism—a documented record”. Frontline. Re-trieved 25 June 2015.

[120] Smith, Donald Eugene (1967). India as a Secular State.Princeton University Press. p. 468.

[121] Bhargavai, Pushpa (17 January 2015). “Scientists withouta scientific temper”. The Hindu. Retrieved 10 July 2015.

[122] Anthony R. Michaelis (2001). India--Nehru’s ScientificRevolution in The Scientific Temper:An anthology of sto-ries on matters of science. p. 156.

[123] Bernard Lovell (1976). P.M.S. Blackett: A biographicalmemoir. pp. 96–7.

[124] Mary Jo Nye (2004). Blackett:Physics, War, and Politicsin the Twentieth Century. pp. 162–3.

[125] Robert Anderson (2014). Blackett in India in PatrickBlackett(ed. Peter Hore). p. 223.

[126] “From years 1916 to 1964...The man and the times”. TheWindsor Star. 27 May 1964. Retrieved 19 January 2013.

[127] “Nehru-Edwina were in love: Edwina’s daughter”. TheIndian Express. 15 July 2007. Retrieved 21 May 2010.

[128] “Love, longing & politics!". The Times of India. 21 April2010. Retrieved 2 September 2012.

[129] “Edwina, Nehru had a spiritual relationship: Daughter”.Deccan Herald. 1 December 2012. Retrieved 3 July 2015.

[130] Robert M. Farnsworth (1996). From Vagabond to Jour-nalist. p. 109.

[131] Dick Wilson (1984). Zhou en Lai: A Biography. p. 232.

[132] Ranbir Vohra (2001). The making of India: A HistoricalSurvey 2nd edition. p. 213.

[133] Walter Crocker (1966). Nehru:A Contemporary’s Esti-mate. pp. 137,19.

[134] Universal primary education first on the Prime Minster’sagenda. Pucl.org (1947-08-15). Retrieved on 2013-12-06.

[135] “Introduction”. AIIMS.

[136] “Institute History”., Indian Institute of Technology

[137] Jahanbegloo, Ramin Conversations with Isaiah Berlin(London 2000), ISBN 1842121642 pp. 201–2

[138] Harrison, Selig S. (July 1956). “The Challenge to In-dian Nationalism”. Foreign Affairs 34 (2): 620–636.doi:10.2307/20031191.

[139] Ramachandra Guha (26 September 2012). “ManmohanSingh at 80”. BBC.

[140] “A legacy that Nehru left behind”. Times of India. 27May 2005.

[141] Noorani, A.G. (13 December 2013). “Patel’scommunalism—a documented record”. Frontline.Retrieved 25 June 2015.

[142] “NarendraModimakes vieled attack on Jawaharlal Nehru,says Sardar Patel should have been first PM”. EconomicTimes. 29 October 2013. Retrieved 4 July 2015.

[143] “Matter of integrity: When Nehru & Patel competed oversacrifice”. Deccan Herald. 14 November 2009. Retrieved6 July 2015.

[144] “Politicking Began With India’s Very First President”.New York Times. 14 June 2012. Retrieved 5 July 2015.

[145] History Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, Official web-site.

[146] The Last Days of the Raj (2007) (TV). imdb.com

[147] AWARDS: The multi-faceted playwright Frontline, Vol.16, No. 3, 30 January – 12 February 1999.

[148] Sachindananda (2006). “Girish Karnad”. Authors speak.Sahitya Akademi. p. 58. ISBN 81-260-1945-X.

4.19. EXTERNAL LINKS 67

[149] Balakrishnan, Anima (4 August 2006). “The Hindu :Young World : From dad with love:". Chennai, India:The Hindu. Retrieved 31 October 2008.

[150] “PadmaAwards Directory (1954–2007)" (PDF).Ministryof Home affairs. Retrieved 26 November 2010.

4.17 Bibliography

• Frank Moraes (2008). Jawaharlal Nehru. JaicoPublishing House. ISBN 978-8179926956.

• Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru. AlliedPublishers. ISBN 978-8170233695.

• Jeffrey Kopstein (2005). Comparative Politics: In-terests, Identitites, and Institutions in a ChangingGlobal Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-1139446044.

• Donald Eugene Smith (1967). India As A SecularState. Princeton University Press.

4.18 Further reading

• A Tryst With Destiny historic speech made by Jawa-harlal Nehru on 14 August 1947

• Nehru: The Invention of India by Shashi Tharoor(November 2003) Arcade Books ISBN 1-55970-697-X

• Jawaharlal Nehru (Edited by S. Gopal and UmaIyengar) (July 2003) The Essential Writings of Jawa-harlal Nehru Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-565324-6

• Autobiography:Toward freedom, Oxford UniversityPress

• Jawaharlal Nehru: Life and work by M. ChalapathiRau, National Book Club (1 January 1966)

• Jawaharlal Nehru by M. Chalapathi Rau. [NewDelhi] Publications Division, Ministry of Informa-tion and Broadcasting, Govt. of India [1973]

• Letters from a father to his daughter by JawaharlalNehru, Children’s Book Trust

• Nehru: A Political Biography by Michael Brecher(1959). London:Oxford University Press.

• After Nehru, Who by Welles Hangen (1963). Lon-don: Rupert Hart-Davis.

• Nehru: The Years of Power by Geoffrey Tyson(1966). London: Pall Mall Press.

• Independence and After: A collection of the more im-portant speeches of Jawaharlal Nehru from Septem-ber 1946 to May 1949 (1949). Delhi: The Publica-tions Division, Government of India.

• Joseph Stanislaw and Daniel A. Yergin (1988).“Commanding Heights” (PDF). New York: Simon& Schuster, Inc.

• “The Challenge to Indian Nationalism.” by Selig S.Harrison Foreign Affairs vol. 34, no. 2 (1956): 620–636.

• “Nehru, Jawaharlal.” by Ainslie T. Embree, ed., andthe Asia Society. Encyclopedia of Asian History.Vol. 3. Charles Scribner’s Sons. NewYork. (1988):98–100.

• Nehru:A Contemporary’s Estimate by WalterCrocker with a Foreword by Arnold Toyn-bee(1966).New York: Oxford University Press.

4.19 External links• India Today’s profile of Nehru

• Nehru’s legacy to India

• Nehru on Communalism

• Jawaharlal Nehru materials in the South AsianAmerican Digital Archive (SAADA)

68 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

4.20 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

4.20.1 Text• Kalpana Chawla Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalpana_Chawla?oldid=671442042 Contributors: Eloquence, Mav, Zundark, The

Anome, Jwales, Rmhermen, SimonP, FvdP, Hephaestos, Infrogmation, Vera Cruz, Shyamal, (, Rossami, Jiang, WhisperToMe, Wik, Nick-shanks, SD6-Agent, Dimadick, KeithH, Fredrik, RedWolf, Anthony, Zaui, Seth Ilys, Dave6, Centrx, Axeman, Ævar Arnfjörð Bjarmason,Tom harrison, Orangemike, Rj, Theon~enwiki, Jdavidb, Rookkey, Andris, Ragib, Sesel, Kums, Metlin, LiDaobing, J3ff, FelineAvenger,Mpiff, Zerbey, ScottyBoy900Q, Pmanderson, McCart42, Mike Rosoft, D6, Atrian, Heegoop, Discospinster, Rich Farmbrough, Guanabot,Pmsyyz, Jat~enwiki, Bender235, Konstantin~enwiki, PPGMD, Tom, Gershwinrb, Guettarda, Smalljim, Alansohn, Hektor, Ricky81682,DreamGuy, Bbsrock, BDD, Zereshk, Dan East, Kitch, Ankur Banerjee, Woohookitty, Tabletop, Hbdragon88, Hssnyc, John KennethFisher, Kalmia, Rjwilmsi, Nightscream, Rogerd, Rillian, JoshW, Jmcc150, Bhadani, Ravidreams, FlaBot, SchuminWeb, Kayfox, Sports-Master, Gurch, Maltmomma, Jaraalbe, DVdm, YurikBot, Praneeth11, RussBot, Musicpvm, Juansmith, Kimchi.sg, Sentausa, RUL3R, PMPoon, Tony1, Gmosaki, Moreau36, IceCreamAntisocial, Martinwilke1980, Black Falcon, Gnusbiz, Rajeshroshan, Manjithkaini, Asnatuwiki, Little Savage, Whobot, Philip Stevens, SmackBot, Bjelleklang, Jagged 85, Thunderboltz, Mcmillen76, Eskimbot, Hmains, Bluebot,Kharker, Saint Midge, Basalisk, Sadads, Kailash Badu, Colonies Chris, WDGraham, Rrburke, KerathFreeman, Easwarno1, Badbilltucker,BostonMA, Dantadd, Gildir, Juneblender, Will Beback, Michael David, ArglebargleIV, Niels, Siva1979, Teiresias84, Park3r, Shyamsun-der, Coredesat, Gurm, RandomCritic, MaximvsDecimvs, Kukoo007, Hiroe, Pranith, StephenBuxton, Bharatveer, Courcelles, Cesarlima,Jpphoopha, HandsomeWeb, SkyWalker, KNM, CmdrObot, Hermitage17, Donaldd23, Smoove Z, AndrewHowse, Slazenger, Cydebot,Gogo Dodo, DumbBOT, Alaibot, Bayonetblaha, Lo2u, Thijs!bot, Epbr123, Uttamo, Anshuk, Mereda, Missvain, A3RO, Bethpage89, Ten-nisuser123, Mentifisto, BuffaloChip97, IndianGeneralist, Ntmg05, Falconleaf, Ekabhishek, Bakasuprman, NE2, Sanchom, KuwarOnline,OhanaUnited, Amitkinger, Demophon, Lossser, Magioladitis, Bongwarrior, VoABot II, T@nn, JamesBWatson, Visu1178, Neurogrrrl,MetsBot, Hkelkar, War wizard90, UnfriendlyFire, CommonsDelinker, Johnpacklambert, Tgeairn, VictoryClassWoman, Tdadamemd, Bot-Schafter, Jer10 95, AntiSpamBot, 97198, In Transit, DadaNeem, KylieTastic, Jamesontai, VolkovBot, Realman007, RingtailedFox, In-dubitably, Fundamental metric tensor, Seattle Skier, Indianescence, Tavix, Vipinhari, Loki~enwiki, Leenaprasad, Lova Falk, Falcon8765,!dea4u, Aec is away, AlleborgoBot, AHMartin, SieBot, Moonriddengirl, Jpu1000, Bentogoa, Flyer22, Kumioko (renamed), Diego Grez,Aumnamahashiva, Stfg, Wikiman ultimate, Denisarona, Sitush, Hifihitman, Martarius, MBK004, Cuprum17, ClueBot, GorillaWarfare,Badger Drink, The Thing That Should Not Be, Mineo3, Debangshu Mukherjee, Blanchardb, Ottawahitech, Solar-Wind, DragonBot,LeoFrank, Alexbot, John Nevard, Baljinderdhanjal, Straightpress, Radiosband, X24val, Versus22, Qwfp, XLinkBot, Avoided, Addbot,Willking1979, CanadianLinuxUser, Leszek Jańczuk, Glane23, Vjayaram phd, Jaydec, Jonny99, Shekhartagra, Tide rolls, Lightbot, Zor-robot, Legobot, Middayexpress, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Fraggle81, Shrikrishnabhardwaj, Gobbleswoggler, Bugnot, Backslash Forwardslash,AnomieBOT, Jim1138, JackieBot, Piano non troppo, AdjustShift, RandomAct, Jeff Muscato, Materialscientist, ArthurBot, Ilikephysics,Xqbot, EJohn59, Chrishatch1973, Tyrol5, Armbrust, Abce2, Сергей Корнилов, Shadowjams, RightCowLeftCoast, FrescoBot, Kasbee,AceFighter19, Fat&Happy, SpaceFlight89, Subodhk01, Full-date unlinking bot, Drummondear, Engology, SchreyP, Vrenator, Zvn, Fayedi-zard, Ansumang, Chandushri, DARTH SIDIOUS 2, RjwilmsiBot, Acsian88, Hajatvrc, WikitanvirBot, Immunize, Ibbn, Gowtham vmj,RenamedUser01302013, Sterrettc, K6ka, Tatiraju.rishabh, Solomonfromfinland, Kkm010, Vensatry, Akerans, H3llBot, Manjeet Pannu,Mdmday, Netha Hussain, Wayne Slam, Tolly4bolly, Jsayre64, Rcsprinter123, PHHarry, SBaker43, Sandnyit, Shemaroo, Vatsalmishra45,ChiZeroOne, Candygirl4lyf, Manytexts, ClueBot NG, Gareth Griffith-Jones, Areguni, Dru of Id, Widr, IrishStephen, Strike Eagle, Ni-tishdb2, Saurabh.agrawal92, DBigXray, Jeraphine Gryphon, BG19bot, Roberticus, MKar, MusikAnimal, KCSI International, Paras25dec,Ninney, Kaziaarzoo, Harsh862, Fylbecatulous, Sumanyukulkarni, DarafshBot, Mediran, Saifu77, JYBot, AutomaticStrikeout, Bright-StarSky, Dexbot, Winsethu, Amandhiman73, Hackforsecurity, , VIAFbot, Frosty, Malerooster, Prometheaz, Faizan, Epicgenius,Pseudonymous Rex, Hiteshahuja07, Evensteven, Kllwiki, Rajaramkadlag1299, Shekhutanwar, Ambika Raheja, Navjotsahi, JaconaFrere,7Sidz, Foreverc, Liam-dino, Rajina rajan, Richard Yin, Unonomous123, Sunilkhatriujn, TranquilHope, Goodday3000, Ayushg1214, Afrshp u t, SirLagsalott, Underscorre, Sudarsan66, AfroaxzZ, KasparBot, Jeraphine, Akashtcss, Anushree Baruah Prithiv, Cod4mw bhokal,Aparnamandhotra, Guiltdrakemegabulfi and Anonymous: 664

• K. Kamaraj Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._Kamaraj?oldid=671213578 Contributors: Paddu, Carlossuarez46, Academic Chal-lenger, Rrjanbiah, Rudolf 1922, Peruvianllama, Everyking, Utcursch, Formeruser-81, Vijaykumar~enwiki, Kate, Rich Farmbrough, Mur-tasa, Bender235, ESkog, Alren, Huntster, Szquirrel, Mahulkar, Dtv raj, Bijee~enwiki, Vadakkan, Redvers, Woohookitty, Brhaspati,Ganeshk, Toussaint, Mandarax, Rjwilmsi, Bhadani, Ravik, RCRC, Gurubrahma, Bgwhite, YurikBot, RussBot, Hornplease, Gaius Cor-nelius, Srini81, SivaKumar, Nader85021, Kannan84, Tachs, One, SmackBot, Mira, Gilliam, Ohnoitsjamie, Vignesh.ks, Chris the speller,Bluebot, Npnkumar, Shivap, Ismail ngr, SundarBot, LeoNomis, Will Beback, Nishkid64, Kingfish, Shyamsunder, IronGargoyle, Mets501,Clarityfiend, Joseph Solis in Australia, Gil Gamesh, CmdrObot, Anil1956, Cydebot, Ask27, Travelbird, Tempest UK, Edwardx, Mereda,Nick Number, The prophet wizard of the crayon cake, IndianGeneralist, HornStopPlease, Znkp, Ekabhishek, MER-C, Magioladitis,Waacstats, Sodabottle, Karthi s84, Wikiality123, Maheramsat, Dharmadhyaksha, Edward321, Kumarrajendran, Ravichandar84, Com-monsDelinker, Fconaway, Mariano Anto Bruno Mascarenhas, Pharaoh of the Wizards, Jeppiaar, Muthukonar, Rdhinakar, Thangasivam,STBotD, Logicwiki, 28bytes, WOSlinker, Karthickmad~enwiki, Rajivsundar, David Condrey, Michaeldsuarez, Moonriddengirl, Kalirajathangamani, Pandiyann, Lightmouse, Dunnob, Sitush, ImageRemovalBot, Elassint, VsBot, Carolinawiki, Ssriram mt, DragonBot, Indopug,XLinkBot, Roxy the dog, Jovianeye, Ahamed5zal, Tmuthuraj, Addbot, Ronhjones, Cityvalyu, CarTick, Luckas-bot, Yobot, AnomieBOT,Noq, Jenakarthik, Rainbow1981, Jim1138, Materialscientist, LilHelpa, Xqbot, Jayarathina, Johnwilliammiller, Nayvik, Ed8r, C0MRADE,MerlLinkBot, Calibergemini, Nikil44, Arunsha83, FrescoBot, DrilBot, SpacemanSpiff, Agnelwiki, Srithern, Arivupp, RjwilmsiBot, Johnof Reading, Avenue X at Cicero, K6ka, Kkm010, Vensatry, Samuel18maniraj, Keyan20, Karthikndr, Shailesh y1994, Donner60, Chuispas-tonBot, Socialservice, ClueBot NG, Rajaram Sarangapani, LogX, Korrawit, Snotbot, Widr, Helpful Pixie Bot, BG19bot, Jsbhogal, AlangarManickam, KARTYZZZ, Saba rathnam, Mariraja2007, Ramkeyan1970, Challengethelimits, Newbornarunkumar, Pratyya Ghosh, Eager-Toddler39, Goodbookkeeper, SantoshBot, Magentic Manifestations, Mogism, Rs vijayakumar, VIAFbot, Jochen Burghardt, Jbmarshal27,Jose Mathew C, Sivakrrish, Hemkumar03, Vishal Subramanyam Rajesh, Jaaron95, Nagendrakumar22, WAll49, Josephpaulp94, Kr1411,Narmadap30, KasparBot and Anonymous: 184

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70 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

GoneAwayNowAndRetired, Chris the speller, Master Jay, Jamie C, Pecher, Vikramsingh, Keegan, Ishango, CompREM, Ian13, Catch-pole, BrandonCsSanders, Tree Biting Conspiracy, Liamdaly620, Miquonranger03, WikiFlier, Silly rabbit, Apeloverage, Mike1, Timneu22,(boxed), Hibernian, Victorgrigas, KureCewlik81, JoeBlogsDord, ImpuMozhi, Dlohcierekim’s sock, Dustimagic, CMacMillan, Baronnet,Ned Scott, KC., Konstable, Bil1, A. 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4.20. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES 71

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Zaketo, Inanygivenhole, KhoikhoiPossum, Jackmcbarn, Notthebestusername, Yoonadue, Philofiler, RouLong,Bladesmulti, Bojo1498, Sachinjangra0, Ithinkicahn, Meteor sandwich yum, Atcovi, Seabuckthorn, Lakun.patra, Skr15081997, Bittenfig,Viratk, Pohnnyjham, Mahusha, Monkbot, Zumoarirodoka, Shane Cyrus, Indrajitdas, Vinícius94, Olef641, Ssven2, Ibirapuera, Ankur-joshi87, PatTheMoron, Kautilya3, Happyned, Mahajandeepakv, SourceOhWatch (SrotahaUvacha), Srinivasprabhu933, Sqizcm, Rimjhim-golf, Debtang1019, Conradjagan, Sumedh Tayade, Hemal.hansda25, KasparBot, A3X2, Roman Windfeller and Anonymous: 2067

• Jawaharlal Nehru Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru?oldid=671307232 Contributors: Mav, DanKeshet, Jagged,Arvindn, Deb, William Avery, SimonP, Isis~enwiki, Tedernst, Olivier, Edward, JakeVortex, Wapcaplet, Chinju, Cyde, Minesweeper, El-lywa, Ahoerstemeier, Stan Shebs, Snoyes, Cyan, Andres, Jiang, John K, Kaysov, Mxn, Lommer, Charles Matthews, Adam Bishop, Nohat,RickK, Dysprosia, Graculus, Imc, Morwen, Lord Emsworth, Fvw, Bcorr, Camerong, Adam Carr, Hjr, Jni, Robbot, Phil R, Xiaopo, Vic-toria Primus, Goethean, Chancemill, Lowellian, Sverdrup, Hemanshu, Timrollpickering, Rrjanbiah, Hadal, Ambarish, Sethoeph, Tom

72 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Radulovich, Everyking, Bkonrad, NeoJustin, Rpyle731, Revth, Ragib, Lucky 6.9, Utcursch, Pamri, Jossi, 1297, Mike Storm, Soman, Anir-van, Neutrality, Thyla, Arin chaudhuri, Hypotaxis, Mike Rosoft, D6, Jayjg, Venu62, DanielCD, JTN, Naryathegreat, Discospinster, Pak21,Lulu of the Lotus-Eaters, Ceo, Hbalaram2, LordGulliverofGalben, MisterSheik, Alren, IndianCow, Dhoom, Kwamikagami, Hayabusa fu-ture, Kross, Sietse Snel, RoyBoy, Bobo192, HPN, Viriditas, Cmdrjameson, Dungodung, Giraffedata, Freakphase, Kbir1, Maxl, Osbojos,Pearle, Alimustafakhan, Dmanning, Nsaa, Ocohen, Ogress, Eleland, SlaveToTheWage, Wiki-uk, Ricky81682, Panacea 11, Riana, Calton,Balster neb, Fritzpoll, Sligocki, DreamGuy, Patangay, Ceyockey, Ankuranky, Bastin, FeanorStar7, Ganeshk, TomTheHand, Kurzon, RobertK S, Jeff3000, Tabletop, Damicatz, Mangojuice, Toussaint, Boshtang, Prashanthns, JasonWJ, Raguks, Graham87, Kbdank71, NebY,Dpr, Rjwilmsi, Koavf, Nobs, Missmarple, Collins.mc, Chirags, Durin, Bhadani, DoubleBlue, MarnetteD, Sumanch, Tbone, YamamotoIchiro, Firebug, SNIyer12, RobertG, Ground Zero, Chanting Fox, RexNL, Sonitus, Terrx, 3finger, Compuneo, MissingLinks~enwiki, Gu-rubrahma, WouterBot, Chobot, DaGizza, Bgwhite, Digitalme, Cornellrockey, TexasAndroid, Kinneyboy90, Deeptrivia, RussBot, Petiatil,Hornplease, Hede2000, Sabhlok, GusF, Akamad, Economist123, Gaius Cornelius, Doctorbruno, Rsrikanth05, TheMandarin, Nawlin-Wiki, Shreshth91, UCaetano, Aeusoes1, Joshdboz, Grafen, Lodan, Mike Halterman, Thiseye, BirgitteSB, Benne, Mikeblas, Ezeu, Tony1,Samir, Davidsteinberg, Priyanath, Tachs, Maunus, Sahodaran, Wknight94, Niranjan61, Mr. Know-It-All, Ashonair, 21655, Zzuuzz, Thur-siya, Teiladnam, Theda, Closedmouth, Jwissick, Vino s, Nirav.maurya, Shyam, Willtron, Jaranda, Kungfuadam, Canadianism, PhilipStevens, Ergosteur, Eog1916, West Virginian, Luk, Pournami, Minnesota1, IslandHopper973, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, YellowMonkey,Imz, Saravask, Melchoir, Bigbluefish, Pgk, Midway, Piccadilly, Aivazovsky, BiT, Onebravemonkey, Cronium, Srnec, Magicalsaumy, Aksigreat, Ohnoitsjamie, Hmains, Amatulic, Chris the speller, Jamie C, Vikramsingh, MalafayaBot, WikiFlier, YLH, Roscelese, ImpuMozhi,TheLeopard, Nberger, Arsonal, Suppa chuppa, GoodDay, Rama’s Arrow, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, ISKapoor, Shivap, Neo139,OrphanBot, Avb, Ww2censor, Rrburke, Addshore, Whpq, Stevenmitchell, Krishnamohan, Aldaron, Si6ma, Valenciano, RandomP, Lpg-effen, Sundar1900, Sidha, Kotjze, Ohconfucius, Apalaria, Nishkid64, Rerere12, Mksword, Kuru, Lapaz, Gobonobo, Sir Nicholas deMimsy-Porpington, Shyamsunder, Yogesh Khandke, Sunilgiri, Korovioff, Beetstra, Noah Salzman, Doczilla, Ambuj.Saxena, Shivashree,Halaqah, Condem, AEMoreira042281, Peyre, Kvng, Dl2000, Hu12, Iridescent, Nameme, Jeev, Skapur, Bsskchaitanya, Llydawr, Tenorcnj,UncleDouggie, Bharatveer, Anger22, FairuseBot, Tawkerbot2, Filelakeshoe, Nobleeagle, Fdssdf, Manurastogi, JForget, Ven7782, Cm-drObot, Randhirreddy, Ssilk, Erik Kennedy, Hdroute-wikipedia@yahoo.com, THF, Ganfon, Kilternkafuffle, Shandris, Keithh, Chicheley,DonCalo, Gregbard, Lokprakash, Cydebot, Future Perfect at Sunrise, Chhajjusandeep, Ramitmahajan, Lugnuts, Sithvincent, Fifo, Tawker-bot4, Arvind Iyengar, Chrislk02, Biblbroks, Preetikapoor0, Aldis90, Epbr123, Mohsinwaheed, Gautamxl, Sdream93, Mereda, Anupam,Danianjan, Vertium, X201, Southernstar, RFerreira, J. 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4.20.2 Images• File:1989_CPA_6121.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/44/1989_CPA_6121.jpg License: Public domain

Contributors: Personal collection Original artist: Scanned and processed by Mariluna• File:1_chinatown_san_francisco_arch_gateway.JPG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b0/1_chinatown_

san_francisco_arch_gateway.JPG License: GFDL Contributors: chensiyuan Original artist: chensiyuan• File:Ambox_important.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Ambox_important.svg License: Public do-

main Contributors: Own work, based off of Image:Ambox scales.svg Original artist: Dsmurat (talk · contribs)• File:Bharat_Ratna.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f6/Bharat_Ratna.jpg License: Public domain Con-

tributors: Transferred from en.wikipedia; transferred to Commons by User:Hekerui using CommonsHelper. Original artist: Kumar Rajen-dran

• File:BlackFlagSymbol.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/BlackFlagSymbol.svg License: CC BY 3.0Contributors: Transferred from en.wikipedia to Commons. Original artist: The original uploader was Jsymmetry at English Wikipedia

• File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-61849-0001,_Indien,_Otto_Grotewohl_bei_Ministerpräsident_Nehru.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/76/Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-61849-0001%2C_Indien%2C_Otto_Grotewohl_bei_Ministerpr%C3%A4sident_Nehru.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 de Contributors: This image was provided to Wikimedia Commons by theGerman Federal Archive (Deutsches Bundesarchiv) as part of a cooperation project. The German Federal Archive guarantees an authenticrepresentation only using the originals (negative and/or positive), resp. the digitalization of the originals as provided by the Digital ImageArchive. Original artist: Heilig, Walter

• File:Bust_of_Mahatma_Gandhi,_Saughton_Park,_Edinburgh_(1997).jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/28/Bust_of_Mahatma_Gandhi%2C_Saughton_Park%2C_Edinburgh_%281997%29.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contribu-tors: Own work Original artist: Kim Traynor

• File:Carl_Spitzweg_021-detail.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/81/Carl_Spitzweg_021-detail.jpg Li-cense: Public domain Contributors: Diese Datei: File:Carl Spitzweg 021.jpgOriginal artist: Carl Spitzweg

• File:Carlos_Nehru.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/8b/Carlos_Nehru.jpg License: Public domain Con-tributors:

• http://www.trumanlibrary.org/photographs/search.php?access=selectbyname&nameid=1921 Original artist: SunKing at en.wikipedia• File:Chawla.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/Chawla.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http:

//science.ksc.nasa.gov/shuttle/missions/sts-107/images/captions/KSC-02PD-0053.html Original artist: NASA• File:Commons-logo.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License: ? Contributors: ? Original

artist: ?• File:Conscience_and_law.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d6/Conscience_and_law.jpg License: Public

domain Contributors: Image:Justitia auf Gericht 2006-02-05 (2).JPG Original artist: Johannes Otto Först (cropped by Marcel Douwe Dekker)

• File:Crew_of_STS-107,_official_photo.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/04/Crew_of_STS-107%2C_official_photo.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.spaceflight.nasa.gov/ Original artist: NASA

• File:Earth-moon.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5c/Earth-moon.jpg License: Public domain Contribu-tors: NASA [1] Original artist: Apollo 8 crewmember Bill Anders

• File:Edit-clear.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/f/f2/Edit-clear.svg License: Public domain Contributors: TheTango! Desktop Project. Original artist:The people from the Tango! project. And according to the meta-data in the file, specifically: “Andreas Nilsson, and Jakub Steiner (althoughminimally).”

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• File:Flag_of_the_Indian_National_Congress.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/45/Flag_of_the_Indian_National_Congress.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Image drawn by me, Nichalp using Inkscape. Original artist: Ownwork

• File:Folder_Hexagonal_Icon.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/48/Folder_Hexagonal_Icon.svg License: Cc-by-sa-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ?

74 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

• File:Gandhi_Boer_War.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2e/Gandhi_Boer_War.jpg License: Public do-main Contributors: http://web.mahatma.org.in/pictures/images/piccat0007/sa_1024_0015.jpg Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_Commons.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3a/Gandhi_Commons.jpg License: CC BY-SA 4.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Sergio Valle Duarte

• File:Gandhi_Graffiti_San_Francisco.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/90/Gandhi_Graffiti_San_Francisco.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Victorgrigas

• File:Gandhi_Jinnah_1944.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/46/Gandhi_Jinnah_1944.jpg License: Pub-lic domain Contributors: gandhiserve.org Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_Kheda_1918.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/11/Gandhi_Kheda_1918.jpg License: Pub-lic domain Contributors: Brown, Judith. Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1989, p. 116. Original artist:Unknown

• File:Gandhi_Memorial_Kanyakumari.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/Gandhi_Memorial_Kanyakumari.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Gandhi_Memorial_Kanyakumari.jpgOriginally uploaded 4:06, 1 January 2005 (UTC) by Tony Jones (talk) to en:Wikipedia (log). Original artist: Tony Jones

• File:Gandhi_South-Africa.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5d/Gandhi_South-Africa.jpg License:Public domain Contributors: http://www.resurgence.org/resurgence/pictures/Gandhi214.jpg Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_Tolstoy_Farm.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/75/Gandhi_Tolstoy_Farm.jpg License:Public domain Contributors: gandhiserve.org Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_Willingdon_caricature_1932.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/00/Gandhi_Willingdon_caricature_1932.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.dinodia.com/photos/MKG-33384.jpg Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_and_Indira_1924.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/24/Gandhi_and_Indira_1924.jpg Li-cense: Public domain Contributors: Scan by Yann from a picture given by Gujarat Vidyapith, Ahmedabad. Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_and_Kasturbhai_1902.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/79/Gandhi_and_Kasturbhai_1902.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.mahatma.org.in/books/images/io0002/pg0002_1.jpg Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_and_Nehru_1942.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/da/Gandhi_and_Nehru_1942.jpgLicense: Public domain Contributors: http://img27.fansshare.com/pic105/w/timeline-of-indian-history/1200/26947_timeline_of_indian_history.jpg Original artist: Credited to Dave Davis, Acme Newspictures Inc., correspondent [1]

• File:Gandhi_at_Darwen_with_women.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/50/Gandhi_at_Darwen_with_women.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://flickr.com/photo_zoom.gne?id=639764555&size=l Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_home.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/83/Gandhi_home.jpg License: CC BY-SA 2.0 Con-tributors: originally posted to Flickr as Ghandiji Ashram Original artist: Dave Morris

• File:Gandhi_spinning.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f3/Gandhi_spinning.jpg License: Public domainContributors: gandhiserve.org Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandhi_suit.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/Gandhi_suit.jpg License: Public domain Contrib-utors: gandhiserve.org Original artist: Unknown

• File:Gandi_bista_Novi_Beograd.JPG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a4/Gandi_bista_Novi_Beograd.JPG License: CC BY-SA 3.0 rs Contributors: Transferred from sr.wikipedia; transferred to Commons by User:BokicaK usingCommonsHelper. Original artist: Original uploader was Иван Ћурчић at sr.wikipedia

• File:Ghandi_Bhawan_at_Punjab_University.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/43/Gandhi_Bhawan_at_Punjab_University.jpg License: CC BY-SA 2.0 Contributors: Flickr Original artist: Shubh Singh

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• File:Hermann_Josef_Abs_-_mit_Adenauer_und_Nehru_1956.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/73/Hermann_Josef_Abs_-_mit_Adenauer_und_Nehru_1956.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Deutsche Bank AG, Kultur undGesellschaft Historisches Institut, Frankfurt am Main Original artist: Unknown

• File:Indira_Gandhi,_Jawaharlal_Nehru,_Rajiv_Gandhi_and_Sanjay_Gandhi.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/20/Indira_Gandhi%2C_Jawaharlal_Nehru%2C_Rajiv_Gandhi_and_Sanjay_Gandhi.jpg License: Public domainContributors: Anonymous Original artist: Royroydeb

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• File:Jawaharlal_Nehru_Khaki_Shorts.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1b/Jawaharlal_Nehru_Khaki_Shorts.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This file was derived from: Seva Dal.jpg: <a href='//commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Seva_Dal.jpg' class='image'><img alt='Seva Dal.jpg' src='https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3f/Seva_Dal.jpg/50px-Seva_Dal.jpg' width='50' height='31' srcset='https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3f/Seva_Dal.jpg/75px-Seva_Dal.jpg 1.5x, https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3f/Seva_Dal.jpg/100px-Seva_Dal.jpg 2x'data-file-width='733' data-file-height='459' /></a>Original artist: Seva_Dal.jpg: Linguisticgeek

• File:Jawaharlal_Nehru_Signature.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3e/Jawaharlal_Nehru_Signature.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work by uploader, traced in Adobe Illustrator from http://www.havelshouseofhistory.com/Nehru,%20Jawaharlal%20signature.jpg Original artist: Connormah, Jawaharlal Nehru

• File:Jawaharlal_Nehru_and_his_family_in_1918.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/64/Jawaharlal_Nehru_and_his_family_in_1918.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.searchkashmir.org/2010/05/rare-photographs-of-pandit-nehru.html Original artist: Vinayak Razdan scanned the picture

4.20. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES 75

• File:Jawaharlal_Nehru_as_a_young_child_with_his_parents.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0e/Jawaharlal_Nehru_as_a_young_child_with_his_parents.png License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.searchkashmir.org/2010/05/rare-photographs-of-pandit-nehru.html Original artist: Vinayak Razdan scanned the picture

• File:Jawaharlal_Nehru_statue_in_Aldwych_1.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9f/Jawaharlal_Nehru_statue_in_Aldwych_1.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?

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• File:Lord_Mountbatten_swears_in_Jawaharlal_Nehru_as_the_first_Prime_Minister_of_free_India_on_Aug_15,_1947.jpgSource: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d7/Lord_Mountbatten_swears_in_Jawaharlal_Nehru_as_the_first_Prime_Minister_of_free_India_on_Aug_15%2C_1947.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://photodivision.gov.in/waterMarkdetails.asp?id=777.jpg Original artist: photodivision.gov.in

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• File:Mohandas_K._Gandhi_signature.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a7/Mohandas_K._Gandhi_signature.svg License: Public domain Contributors: This file was derived from: Mahatma-Gandhi-Signature-Transparent.pngOriginal artist: Mahatma Gandhi

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76 CHAPTER 4. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

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