Taking the Streets with Concepts? Re-semantization and Radicalization of Political Language in the German PEGIDA-Movement

Associate Professor Andreas Önnerfors

History of Sciences and Ideas

Gothenburg university, SWE

andreas.onnerfors@gu.se

TIME Magazine 1 February 2016

Structure of paper

(1) Material and approaches

(2) PEGIDA: chronology and background

(3) Findings of empirical social studies, qualitative explanations

(4) Inside view 1: ”The salvation of the European spirit commences in Dresden”

(5) Inside view 2: Conservatism as resistance

(6) Inside view 3: Voices from the PEGIDA-galaxy

(7) Conclusions: Language and radicalization

(1) Material and approaches• Observations of field study November 2015

• Literature review of freshest German research in the area (Vorländer et. Al. 2015 & 2016; Benz 2015)

• Qualitative analysis of internal publications of PEGIDA-supporters:

– Special issue of Sezession: PEGIDA, March 2015

– Sebastian Henning: PEGIDA – Spaziergänge über den Horizont. Eine Chronik. Neustadt and der Orla: Arnshaugk, 2015

Approaches:

• conceptual history, changes of meaning in political concepts/words over time

Hypothesis in relation to radicalization:

The altered usage of language and concepts in political vocabulary marks a diversion from agreed consensus and thus prepares the ground for radicalization.

(2) PEGIDA: Chronology and background

PEGIDA – Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, ‘Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident’

• established in autumn 2014, facebook-initiative taking protest to the streets• within weeks growing to 25 000 participants in ‘evening walks’ in Dresden • split in February 2015 due to personal and ideological issues, decrease in participation• attempt to tap into political counter-jihadism, Geert Wilders in April 2015• representatives of German ‘nouvelle droit’ side with the movement• considerable move to the right by remaining supporters • radicalization of language during refugee crisis summer/autumn 2015• November 2015: launch of website einprozent.de attempting to coordinate ‘resistance’ against asylum politics in Germany (by February 2016, 22 000 supporters) • renewed momentum in the aftermath of the Cologne New Years events 2015/16

(3) Findings of empirical social studies, qualitative explanations 1/2

• Vorländer, Herold, Schäller, 2015 & 2016 (macrostudy, following PEGIDA into summer of 2015)

• core of ’Pegidistas’: belong to middle-class of Dresden and Saxony and its “fragile segments”, predominantly male, between 30 and 60, employed (or self-employed) with a relative high level of education (engineering and science degrees) and income• no party and no religious affiliation, leaning towards the German protest party Alternative für Deutschland • reasons given for protest (falling order): ”a general sense of distance between politicians and people”; “discontent with asylum politics” ; “discontent with media coverage”; “discontent with the political system of the German Federal Republic”; “discontent with migration and integration politics” ; “reservations against Islam”A new type of social movement: “right-wing populist movement of indignation”

(3) Findings of empirical social studies, qualitative explanations 2/2

• Benz, 2015, p. 775-6 (based upon status until March 2015)

THE LANGUAGE OF UNEASINESS:

• rejection of complex structures (as typical for modern society)

• rejection of supra-national political organisation (instead of traditional statehood)

• rejection of globalization

• rejection of modern developments in society (such as inter-culture, individuality and self-responsibility)

• strengthening of the ‘own’ by excluding the ‘foreign’

• law and order warranted by a strong state, acting according to traditional patterns, but at the same time (perhaps inconsistently) incorporating larger rights of direct participation

• societal homogeneity and adherence to traditional social norms

• demand for attention from the side of the ruling political class but simultaneously (and again inconsistently) a need to denounce rulers out of incompetence, permanent failure, corruption and treason

(4) Inside view 1: ”The salvation of the European spirit commences in Dresden”

• first hand account: November 2014 to September 2015• considerable ’Ostalgia’: momentum of 1989-movement, critique against/hate of Western Germany, pro-Russian stance • blatant Anti-Americanism• denigration of media as ’system media’ (”Systemmedien”), ’media liars’ (”Lügenpresse”)• elite critique: German people are exposed to a conspiracy of its own government, a ’war’ against the people, immigration constutites a ’mass rape’ of the European people • anti-EU: critique against ’Eurocracy’, 89-slogan of ’We are the people’ projected upon contemporary popular protests (in February 2016, PEGIDA attempted to launch itself Europe-wide under the banner ”Fortress Europe”)

(5) Inside view 2: Conservatism as resistance • Conservative publisher Götz Kubitschek and his publishing house Antaios sided PEGIDA in spring 2015• a need to strenghten the bonds and coordinate different initiatives according to the agenda of the German ’new right’• German political system must be torn down in order to resurrect • Resistance is a legitimate conservative position• platform einprozent.de launched in November 2015 in order to create momentum

(6) Inside view 3: Voices from the PEGIDA-galaxy

Qualitative interview with Peter (47, policeman) and Maria (43, student)

(7) Conclusions: Language and radicalization • Circulation of political terminology from yet undefined source(s) to banners, chants and

mottos of the PEGIDA-movement. More research needed: 1) connections between publishers like Antaios and other idea-instances to the movement, 2) impact of social media?

• Recycling of tropes from the -89 citizen movement for a new purpose in a new context

• Re-definition/appropriation of symbols (like ’Wirmer-flag’) – ‘resistance’ as the main trope

• Tone of confrontation, demagogic denunciation against media and elites increases between November 2014 – September 2015 (and thereafter)

• Expansion of linguistic limits of how problems are framed and which solutions are proposed (in February 2016 AfD proposed the use of gunfire against migrants at borders, a move from ‘cultural’ to ‘direct’ violence)

• Extreme solutions are normalized (media and politicians express formerly rejected positions)

• Societal discourse moves from agreed compromise to formerly radical positions

• Demonstrates that radicalization is a dynamic movement